JPRS ID: 9091 LATIN AMERICA REPORT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000200050028-4
• Release Decision: RIF
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 72
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 28
• Content Type: REPORTS

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ROL , _ ~ ~ fl~~
15 FEBRURRY 1980 CFOUO 4180) 1 aF 1

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JPRS L/8926
15 February 19~0 _
USSR Re ort
~ _
~ POLIi'ICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS ~
CFOUO 4/80) �
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JPRS L/8926
15 February i980
USS R REPO RT
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOUO 4/80)
r
- CONTENTS ~ PAGE
NATIONAL
Fedoseyev Discusses Nationalities and Language Prob.lems
(P. N. Fedoseyev; VESTNIK AKADEMII NAUK SSSR, ~
No 12~ 1979) 1
Shakhnazarov Defends Socialist Democracy
(SOVETSKAYA DEMOKRATIYA V PERIOD RAZVITOGO
soTSIALIZMA~ 1979? 26 -
Shakhnazarozr's Book 'Socialist Pate of Marikind' Reviewed
(L. P. Gvozdev; OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR,
No 6~ 1979) 4g -
Book on National Relations in the USSR Reviewed
(A. F. Ts;y.rkun; OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI V SSSR,
No 6~ 1979) ....:"..........o 53
REC7IONAL
Geor. gian Pa,rt;~ ,Tournal Defends ' Proletarian Internat-ionalism'
(G. Bregadze; SAKI~RTVEGOS KONIY.TNISTI, Sep 79) 5B
Economic Problems, Prospects in Kazbegskiy Rayon
(H. KY~vadadze; SAKAFr'TVELOS KOMUNISTI, Sep 79)...... 61
Ilushetskiy Rayon Sheep Raising Problems, Prospects
(Sh. Badzhel~_dze; SAKARTVELOS KOMUNISTI, Sep 79)... 66
- a - [IZI - U5SR - 35 FOUO]
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NA`I'iONAI.
FEDOSF.YEV DISCUSSES NATIONALITIES AND LANGUAGE PROBLEMS
r
Moscow VESTNIK AKADEMII NAUK SSSR in Russian No 12,1979 pp 33-49
[Article by Vice-President of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Academician `
P. N. Fedoseyev: "Theoretical Problems of the Development and Growing
Together of the Socialist Naticns"]
_ [Text] The 1977 USSR Constitution consolidated in legislation the -
outstanding results of the implementation of the Leninist nationalities
policy of the CPSU and the successes in national-'state construction in
our country which have been achieved on this basis. The solution of
J the nationalities question in the USSR the elimination of the national
inequality of nations and the establishment of the friendship and
fraternal cooperation of the peoples of our country is of world
historical importance for the progress of all mankind. _
The importance and scope of the nationalities question can be judged _
from the following data. At the present time more than 2,000 nations and
_ peoples exist on our planet. Certain linguists believe (taking account
of all dialects and accents) that there are no less than 8,000 differ- -
ent languages in the world. Yet, there are only 150 states on earth. "
It is completely obvious that most (one c3r~ say, the vast majority) _
nations, peoples, and ethnic groups now live in m~.~lti-national states.
This bears witness to the fact that the nationalities question occupies
a very important place in the contemporary development of mankind.
In the bourgeois world, in the midst of the deepening general crisis of
capitalism, an important exacerbation of nationality relations is taking
place.
In recent decades we have become the witnesses of u~iprecedentedly'power-
ful explosions of racial and national conflicts in various parts oi the
cap.italist world. The racial clashes in South Africa, the growing ~
mo~ement against racism in the United States, the bloody battles in
Northern Ireland, the constant tensions between the Scotch and the English,
the national and ethnic conflicts in Canada and Belgium, and the lingering
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i v~~ vr i iv u.a~ u.~~. vLr~, ~
national and religious antagonisms in the Near East all of this
testifies to an increasing exacerbation of national and racial relations.
History has shown that the bourgeoisie has been incapable of solving
the nationalities question. The multi-national states and colonia~
- empires created by it have disintegrated.
- Reformist parties have also proven to be bankrupt in the solution of
this problem.
The English Laborites who for many years led the government did not -
move the country a single step forward in the solution of nationality
problems. The fall of the Laborite government and the defeat of the
Laborites in the last parliamentary elections wa~ to a considerable
extent the result of their inability to put forward and carry out any _
kind of satis.factory program on the nationalities question in whose
solution the country's progres~ive forces and disadvantaged nationali-
ties the Irish, the Scotch, and others are interested.
The anarchistic and terroristic acts to which extreme nationalist
groups are resorting in a number of countries cannot lead to a solution
of the nationalities question; they only exacerbate inter--national
tensions ~ahich are used by reactionary forces in their struggle against '
democratic transformations.
The workers of our country have every reason to be proud of the fact
- that national relations in the USSR are characterized, on the one hand,
by the comprehensive flourishing of each nation and, on the other, by
processes which are bringing them close together and involving them in ~
cooperation. All of this is a real confirmation of the~free and equal
development of all of the peoples of our country. Thanks to our
Leninist Nationalities Policy, all of the socialist nations of the _
Soviet Union have achieved enormous successes in economic, social, and
- spiritual development, including the development of their national
_ cultures and languages. The fraternal cooperation o� the socialist -
nations and nationalities of the USSR, and their contribution to the -
common national economic complex and scientific and technical potential
of our country and to the common treasure-house of Soviet culture also
ensures the continuous growth of the might and stability of our s~nQ7.e
- multi-national state the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. For "
- this reason, at the current stage of the development of national rela-
tions in our country the chief task is to harmoniously combine inter-
national and national interests.
The historic successes in resolving the nationalities question in the
USSR can rightly be placed in the same category as such magnificent
achi.evements as the destruction of the exploitation of man by man and
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thc establist~ment of the social unity of society on the basis of _
a union of the working class, the working peasantry, and the people's _
intelligentsia. It should be especially emphasized that the solution
of the nationalities question in our country became possible only as a
- result of the destruction of private ownership of the means of produ~-
tion and the elimination of exploiting classes. The establishment of
the friendship of peoples is a result af the formation and development
of public production, the growth of socialist ownership, and a streng-
thening of the union of all of the classes and social groups of Soviet
society. -
The leading role in the socialist transformation of the country, in
solving the nationalities question, and in establishing the social and
internationalist unity of society belongs to the working class. The
Marxist-Leninist Party of the working class the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union which has united the Soviet people under the standard -
of proletarian internationalism has become the ideological inspirer
and political leader of the workers of all nstions. Under its leader-
ship and ~oith the disinterested and comprehensive help of the Russian
- people all of the preti~iously oppressed nations and peoples of Tsarist '
Russia have eliminated during the years of Soviet power their previous
backwardness and have risen to the heights of contemporary civilization.
- The creation of a single multi-national state the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics has to an enormous extent accelerated the
development of the economy of the country as a whole and also the
leveling out of the levels of economic development of all of the
national republ.ics and oblasts. "The unification of the Soviet Republics
into the USSR," it is stated in the preamble to the 1977 Constition, "has
multiplied the stren;~h and possibilities of the peoples of our country
in the construction of socialism."
The fraternal friendship and mutual assistance and cooperation of the
peoples of the USSR in all of the fields of social life has endured the
test of time and has been t~:mpered and grown stronger in the struggle _
for the victory of Soviet power, in the constructive years of the first
five-year plans, in the harsh circumstances of the Great Patriotic War, -
and during the difficult times of the restoration of our war-torn
economy. And in our day also life provides a large number of very
vivid examples of the friendship and cooperation of the peoples of our
motheriand in the construction of communism.
The great Lenin saw the prospects for the coming together of nations _
under socialism very clearly and even spoke metaphorically about their -
merging, having in mind their voluntary unification in a single-multi- _
national socialist state. "The goal of socialism," he wrote, "is not
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only the destruction the fragmentation of maitkind into little states -
_ and of any kind of isolation on the part of r~ations, not only the coming ,
together of nations, but their meroing."1
. t,enin contrasted the voluntary unification a~.id coming together of
socialist nations to annexation the violent merging and violent ~
joining together of nations by imperialist states. Lenin emphasized
here that the complete liberation of all oppressed nations and their
right to self-d~termination had to be the necessary precondition for `
the voluntary and democratic coming together and merging of nations.
Basing himself upon the party's program position in the nationalities
question, Lenin wrote: "The proletarian party strives to create the
largest possible state, for this is advantageous for the workers; it
strives for the coming togethe~_and merging of nations, but it wishes to
- achieve this goal not by violence, but exclusively through a free and
fraternal alliance of the workers and toiling masses of all nations."2 _
- It is clear from all of Lenin's statements on the questions of national
and state construction that he understood by the voluntary merging of -
nations not the elimination of national differences, but a closer unity _
anc~ a fraternal alliance of socialist nations. He stated that national
differences will hold on for a very long time yet, even after the
' realization of the dictatorship of the pro~etariat on a world scale.
Lenin`s theory and policies in the nationalities question received a ~
further profound development and concretization in the decisions of the
Congresses of the CPSU and the Plenums of the CC, in the legislation
of the Soviet State, and in the statements of L. I. Brezhnev, especially
those connected with the celebrat:ion of historic dates the victory
of Great October and the =ormation of USSR and also wi.*h the prepara-
tions for and adoption of the new USSR Constitution. ?n accordance with .
' Lenin's nationalities policy, the Communist Party has developed and
implemented the principle of the economic development and siting of the
productive forces of the country, and also measures to improve national
and state construction. The fundamentzlly important conclusion regarding -
the emergence of a new historic community the Soviet people has -
been thoroughly validated. The experience connected with the development
of national cultures and the forma.tion of a single general Soviet
culture has been �theoretically gen~ralized. Lenin's ideas regarding
socialist patriotism and internationalism have been further developed. -
The most important theoretical problems of tiational relations, the
historic experience connected with resolving the nationalities question
in the USSR, and the process of the development and the coming together
of nations under socialism are constantly at the center of the attention
of all Soviet scientists, including the scientists of the union
republics. In recent years there has been an even greater interest in
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these problems on the part of all of the detachments of our social
Scientists.
In Moscow, and also in a number of capitals and large cities of the
union republics scientific theoretical conferences were successfully
_ held (especially in connection with the 60th anniversary of Great
October) at which many of the imporant problems of improving national
relations in a mature socialist society were examined. A result of the
- study of these problems was a publication of such basic collective
works as "Leninism and the Nationalities Question Under Present-Day
Conditioi~s" (Moscow), "National Relations in the USSR at the Current
- Stage" (Moscow), "The Triumph of Lenin's Ideas of Proletarian Inter-
nationalism" (Tashkent), "The Historical Experience of the CPSU in =
its Struggle to Strengthen Peace and the Friendship of Peoples" (Alma-Ata), -
"The Work of the Cummunist Organizations of the Trans-Caucasus in the
- Internationalist Education of Workers" (Tbilisi), "The International
and the National in Socialist Society" (Kiev), "Belorussia in the Union
of Soviet Russia" (Minsic), "The Fraternal Friendship of Peoples the
Great Gain of October" (Ashkhabad), "Great October and the Nationalities
Question" (Yerevan), "In the Single Family ~f Fraternal Peoples" (Baku),
"Problems of the Nationalities Policy of the CPSU Under Developed
_ Socialism" (Kishinev), "The Soviet Pe~ple the Builder of Communism"
(Frunze), "Inter-National Relations and the Interaction of the Cultures
of the Peoples of the USSR" ('Pallin), and many others.
It should be especially noted that all of our social scientists
historians, economists, sociologists, philosophers, jurists, ethnographers,
philologists, and psychologists are working intensively on a scienti-
fic solution of the~problems of national relations. The process of the -
creative integration of social scientists from all specialties and the -
increased number of overall studies has become a characteristic feature
- of recent times. The overall character of the work whi.ch has been
prepared by specia'lists from various fields of knowledge has made it
possible to have a more profound examination of the processes of the
relationships between the r.lass and the ethnic and the national and -
the international of this sphere of social life and to more clearly -
demonstrate the dialectics of the interaction of the various aspects
= of the ~ife and activities of the people of our multi-nationalist
state.
_ However, we must not be satisfied with the results which have been
achieved. The Central Committee of the CPSU and Leonid il'ich Brezhnev
personally are calling the attention of the party and the people to the
_ fact that :it is necessary to constantly keep all of the processes and
tendencies of the development of national relations in view, to study . ~
~
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1'Vl\ VL'1'1V1tiL UJL' V1YL1
them carefully, to draw the necessary practical conclusions in time,
improve the economic and political forms of the fraternal cooperation
of the peoples of our country, and to ensure all the necessary condi-
tions for the further development and coming together of the socialist -
nations.
The initial basis for the study of the processes of the development of -
national relations obviously has to be a deeper study of the problems
connected with the emergence of the new historical conm?unity the
5oviet people.
~ The Soviet people is a new historically~ developed social and inter-
national community of people whose basis is made up of the indestructible
alliance of the working class, peasantry and intelligentsia with the
leading role of the working class and 4he juridical and actual equality
and fraternal friendship and cooperation of a11 of the nations and
peoples of our country. ~
Recently there have appeared in certain works definite vaguenesses and
= idle talk in the interpretation of this problem which, of course, have
to be dispelled. For example, opinions to the effect that the Soviet
people is allegedly some kind of ~ew single nation have arisen and '
received a certain currency. With this kind of incorrect interpretation
of the problem one can come to the conclusion that the emergence of the -
_ new historical community the Soviet people is leading to the
absorption by this community of present-day socialist nations and to
their disappearance. In fact, however, the appearance of the new
~ historical community does not lead to the destruction of the existing
nations, but has become a model for the organic unification of people
of different nationalities while maintaining the socialist nations and
peoples themselves and their~independence, language, and culture.
MorE~ver, the Soviet people as a new historical community is a most
effective and fruitful form for the further development and flourishing
~ of the material and spiritual forces for every nation and people.
In his report on the draft the USSR Constitution at the Extraordinary
- Seventh Session of the USSR Supreme Soviet, 9th Convocation, L. I.
Rrezhnev resolutely rejected the concept of a"single Soviet nation."
"The social and political unity of the Soviet people," he emphasized,
"does not at all mean the diappearance of national differences."3 Ori
the basis of the successes of communist construction in our country, a
steady coming together and mutual enrichment of the spiritual life of `
the socialist nations is taking place. However, the party warns us about _
the impermissibility of artifically forcing this objective process.
; The tendencies which have appeared in certain places toward a definite
' national and cultural apartness and an artifical detainment of the ~
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processes of the iaternati~nalization of social life are a peculiar
reaction to the hasty and incorrect judgments on this issue.
Of course, both of these extremes can represent a definite danger for
- our social development if we do not oppose to them the active working
� out and extensive propagandization of the Marxist-Leninist understanding
of the problems of national relations under developed socialism.
The chief direction of research in the field of national relations can
briefly be formulated as follows: What are the prospectives in the
further develapment of the nations and peoples of the USSR as a
result of the progressive internationalization of all of the aspects
- of social life, and what are the ways and means of strengthening the
friendship and cooperation of peoples during the process of the
gradual development of so,^.ialism into communism?
Our pr.ogram and policy in the field of national relations consists of
continuing to follow the path of a further coming together of nations
and peoples while at rhe same time not diminishing and not erasing their
national and cultural independence and creating the most faverable
conciitions for the unprecedented flourishing of each of them. This
- is the nature of the dialectic treatment of the problem of national
_ relations at the stage of a developed socialist society which is
building communism. Marxist-Leninist science proceeds from the idea
that in communist society there will be no classes and special social
- groups and that all traces of class differences will disappear, but
that nations and national differences will remain for a long time
under communism also. _
The processes of the comprehensive development of socialist nations ar~ _
- speeded up even more in a mature socialist society. They are based
on the steady growth of the economy's scientific and technical poten-
- tials of each soviet republic in the general development of the
economic and scientific and technical coznplex of the entire Soviet
- Union. Such superstructure phenomena as national socialist statehood _
and culture also have an important influence on the successful deve-
lopment of thE nations and peoples of our country. The native language
plays a considerable role in this proces~. -
Simultaneously with the flou~ishing of nations and peoples in a developed
socialist society, international processes are strengthened tY~e
processes of the consistent coming together and compreher~sive coopera- _
tion of all of the Soviet peoples and of the strengthening of their ~
indestructible fraternal friendship. The conditions and means of
a~celerating these processes have been the single material and technial
base of socialism, a single all-union state, a single Soviet culture
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r~ux ur~r~l~~L u5r, UNLY
~ which is socialist in its content, national in its form, and inter- -
national in its essence, and the wide dissemination of the language
of inter-national communication.
The development and coming together of nations are not separate,
parallel, and interconnected processes which express the single inter-
national essence of socialist society. The conditions for the
- national development and coming together of nations develop and can -
- successfully develop only when they are in organic interaction. For
this reason, it is very important that at the stage of a mature
socialist society which is building communism there should be no stop -
to the further development of all of the potentialities of nations and
that international processes do not lag behind the processes of
national development. In other words, national and international
processes have to develop in an optimal combination. And this requires
a deep study of economic, socio-political, and cultural conditions of �
the development of nations and of their progressive coming together.
- It has to be admitted that manv of the economic aspects of the
development of the national republics and oblasts have not yet been -
sufficiently ill~iminated and theoretically understood. It is also
necessary to have a deeper analysis of the social aspectsof the develop-
- ment of the Soviet people as a new historical community, particularly,
the conditions for the progressive eradication of differences between _
the basic social groups of our society and for the establishment for -
its complete social homogeneity. Studies of the socio-psychological
and everyday moral aspects of national and international development are -
especially lacking with us.
The construction of the material and technial base of communism repre-
sents a strengthening and comprehensive development of our general
state national economic complex, which is an important factor in the
further strengthening of the friendship and coop eration of all of our
socialist nations and peoples.
At the stage of mature socialism the task of equalizing the economic -
- development levels of th e Soviet republics has already been basically _
accomplished. Each of thEm is now capable of making their own impor- -
~ tant contribution to the development of the common economic or.ganism ~
of the USSR. In our scientific studies it is necessary to reveal more
fully what role was play ed in the process by the rational siting of the -
country's productive forces which took account of the needs of our
socialist state as a who le and of the task of developing the economies
of previously backward outlying districts. By conducting a scientific
stu~iy of our natural resources on a broad front our socialist state
devE:loped the i.ntensive construction of industrial complexes in Central
Asia and Kazkhstan, the Trans-Caucasus, in Siberia ~and the Far East,
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- and in the Volga region and the Urals in order to rapidly develop
these regions whose populations were to a large extent previously
a o~~pr~ssed nations,
Despite the appreciable progress in the study of this problem (including
_ in the union republics), our scientists still have to do qu~te a bit
in this direction. In particular, little work has as yet been done on
inter-republic and inter-oblast economic cooperation and integration,
- especially on the problems of the management of large economic com-
pleaes. The same can be said about the development of a system of -
methods of determining and comparing the levels of the economic and
cultural development of our republics.
- The study and correct interpretation of the processe.s of the equaliza- =
tion of the levels of the socio-economic, political, and spiritual -
~ development of our nations and peoples are especially important. Some--
times this problem is interpreted in an over-simplified manner as a -
question of the equality of republics and of the peoples who populate
them with regar~. to various indi.vidual indicators. However, it
cai?n.ot ~ut be considered that the ausolute equality of nations and
peoples with regard to all indicators cannot exist. For each of them :
is chara~terized by different conditions of life and different features
of economic development, particularly, as a result ~f climatic charac-
_ teristics an3 the availability of natural resources, distances from `
in~dustrial and cultural centers, and sn forth. But this does not
exclude, but ab5olutely presupnoses the overall development of the
economies of each of the republics, for all o� tne branches of their _
_ economies ~re component parts of our all-union national economic
complex.
In this connection, the question arises of the relationship between a _
- republic's or a people`s own sources of economic development and th~se
sources which are provided by the entire country and by other fraternal
peoples. Only with the joint planned use of the natural resources of
the entire country, with regard to the needs of the Soviet Union as a
whole, and also of the national republics and oblasts which are a part
of this, can the tasks of the progressive development of all of Soviet
s~~ciety and of all of the nations and peoples of the USSR be success-� -
fully accomplished. A study of the economic bases of the unity and coming -
together of the socialist nations is onP of the important tasks of
Soviet social science.
One of the theoretical problems which requires further cr~ative work is
the movement of o~ir society toward full social homogeniety and the -
strengthening of the unity of Soviet sociPty and of the international
_ fraternity of the peoples of the Soviet Union. -
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The creation of a socialist economic system fundamentally changed the
character of the relationships between people, put an end forever to
- the antagonisms which are inherent in an exploiting society, and
ensured the formation of the s;ocio-class community of toilers, a
_ fellowship of creators and builders, whose vanguard social force has
- been and continues to be the working class. It is on this basis that
there occurred in our country for the first time in history an organic
unification of nations and peoples into a single fraternal famil,y of -
people.
The equalization of the social structures of the Soviet republics, 9
especially the rapid growth of the working class in those of them -
where in the past the proportion of workers in the basic mass of -
population were much smaller r_han in the central areas of the country, _
may be regarded as a qualitative new factor of developed socialism.
_ A substantial increase in the proportion of indigenous workers within
the working class of the republics has become a noteworthy tendency of
- our development.
- The equalization of the social structure of Soviet society is also
characterized by the growth ot qualified cadres in the republics.
Whereas in the past certain republics did not have their own national
production and scientific and technical intelligentsia, now they
_ possess numerous cadres of engineers and technicians, agronomists and
doctors, and scientists and specialists in a11 fields of the economy.
Thus, under developed socialism in the USSR a steady coming together of
all of the socialist nations and peoples is taking place on the basis
of the equalization of their class structure and a growing social homo- .
geniety, and on the basis of a deepening of the content and expansion
of the social base for the triumph of the principles of proletarian
- internationalism.
The Soviet practice of national-state construction is of world historii:al
significance.
The formation of the USSR as a single multi-national union state ba~ed
- on the principle of socialist federation has become an exaraple of the
- voluntary unification of th.e workers of all nations and peoples in
their joint struggle for their common interests and communist ideals.
The implementation of the great Leninist principles of proletarian
- internationalism has unifed all of the nations and peoples of our country
into an indissoluable union of free and equal peoples.
_ The new USSR Constitution and the Constitutions of the union republics
have consolidated the profoundly democratic bases of the national--state
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orga~~i�r.riCLon oC our country. The prl.ncll~le of: soclali~cl Tedrr~li:;m Iy
given especial emphasis in Article 70 of the USSR Constitution. In his .
report at the Extraordinary Seventh Session of the USSR Supreme Soviet
on the Draft of the USSR Constitution L. I. Brezhnev spoke about the
essential erroneousness of proposals by certain comrades to limit the
sovereignty of the union republics. Artlice 76 of the USSR Constitution
says: "The Union Republic is a sovereign socialist state which has -
been united with other Soviet repubZics in the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics," and in Article 81 it is written: "The sovereign rights of
` the union republics are protected by the USSR." In addition the 1977 -
USSR Constitution has given official statu~ to such new rights for
the union republics as their right to participate in the decisions of .
all-union bodies on questions which have been placed under the jurisdic-
_ tion of the USSR and their right to legislative initiative in the USSR
Supreme Soviet. -
~ All of this requires further work on the important socio~economic and
legal problems of the current stage of our national-state construction.
Our moral and psychological climate is an important factor in the
development of the Soviet people as a new historical community,
In this connection, constant attention has to be given to a study of ~
how national relations are reflected in the consciousness of the
Soviet people as a whole and in the individual socialist nations and -
peoples, and also in the consciousness and daily moral life of every -
Soviet person. The organic combination of the national and the inter-
national in social and individual consciousness should ~ concr~tely -
hP brought to light here.
The national characateristics of each nation and each people manifest
- themselves~today above all in their cultures and languages, in their
national consciousness and national psychology, and in their everyday
life, traditions, and customs. And it would be incorrect to believe
- that the coming together of nations is leading to the erasing of all
- of these distinctive characteristics. It can be said that the Soviet
_ people has never before possessed such great possibilities for the
_ progressive development of national factors, for their renewal and
enrichment. The task is not to somehow limit the role of these factors,
but to understand these processes in a genuinely deep way and to have
a clear idea of where they may lead and of how they can be influenced
in the interest of the development of our entire society. "
Take, for example, the question of historical traditions. Never before
have people possessed such a high level of knowledge about the histor;~
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of the development of their own and other peoples. However, in the
history of any people there are quite a few not only positive, but also -
negative examples from the life ;3nd relationships of nations (including
ex.amples of their past tensions, discord, and clashes). An historian
- has to show a high level of princi~,le and genuinely Leninist partiynost' -
in order to objectively and without bias illuminate historical events
and thereby help to educate patriots and internationalists.
Our current generations receive k.nowledge about the historical past of ~
- their peoples primarily during the period of their school education.
- A large number of teaching aides and monographs have been published, -
quite a few novels, stories, plays and poems have been written, and a -
_ large number of movie and television films have been made on the histo-ry
of peoples. But it would be naive to believe that all of these materials
contained only positive knowledge and emotions. It cannot but be
remembered, for example, that in the recent past individual works
presented a one-sided idea of the time of Peter ~he Great as an era of
- the flourishing ~f the Russian state and society. Facts which testi-
fied to the very cruel land-ow.ner oppression and autocratic despotism
of that time were completely ignored here. On the basis of certain
publications one could develop the impression that, for example, there
was no more happier time in the hi_story of the Ukrainian people than
_ the Zaporozhskaya Sech', no haFpier time in the history of the Kazakh
people than the time of its nomadic life, and no happier time in the
past of the peoples of the Tr.ans-Caucasus than the reign of a certain
Tsar or Tsaress. In certain works the personalities of bloody conquerors
like Timur and Nadir-Shakh were prettified. Matters hav~a gone so far
that cErtain historians, in their endeavor to flatter the national pride
of their peoples, have put the origin of one or another nation in the =
_ period of primitive tribal society, forgetting that nations developed -
much later with the development of stable economic relations and of
_ an economic community during the era of the birth and development of
capitalism. _
As is known, Marxist-Leninists are in no way opposed to the preservation -
and development of national characteristics and traditions. But, firstly, ,
they resolutely struggle against certain negative features of this
national distinctiveness, against what may negatively influence the social
progress of a people and weaken its fraternal relations with other
peoples. Secondly, communists are in favor of national development only
- on an international basis.
It is from the positions of internationalism that we resolutely reiect
both national nihilism and national isolation. We are for the full
= development of national life and, at the same time, for the comprehensive
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and full development of international values. The growth of these
values and their increased role in the life of peoples does not. at all
mean that national development is sacrificed to international 3evelop- -
_ ment, as our ideological opponents assert. The fact is that the
genuinely international does not contradict but, on the contrary,
enriches the national life of peoples and, moreover, the concept of
national itself does not remain unchanged, but is constantly changing
and is being enriched.
The problems of the cultural development of nations and of the further
- progress of all of Soviet culture merit especially great attention in
research work.
A large amount of work has been performed in the central and republic
scientific institutions to generalize the experience of the cultural
revolution in the Soviet Union and basic works have been published on
the history and theory of Soviet culture~ on the special characteristics
of national cultural construction in our country, and on the achievements -
in the spirituai life of the socialist nations and peoples of our
country. At the center of attention of researchers here has been over-
all work on the mutual influence and mutual enrichment of national
cultures at the contemporary stage one of the important aspects in
the further coming together of the socialist nations.
The contribution of each nation and people to our common Soviet culture
durin g the process of the equalization of their cultural levels is
steadily growing. In all of the republics of the USSR arti~tic works
are now being created which are deeply national in form and at the same
time Soviet, socialist, and internationalist in content. They become
the possession of our entire society.
The flourishing of the literatures and art of the peoples of the USSR
convincingly proves that the national cultures of all nations and
peoples develop especially successfully in the common channel of
international socialist culture by absorbing everything valuable from
the spiritual heritage of past centuries and of world civilization.
tn this report "On the SOth Anniversary of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics" L. I. Brezhnev observed: "Toiiay we can already say with
- every right that our culture is socialist in content and in the main
_ direction of its development, diverse in its national forms and inter-
nationalist in its spirit and character."4
- Soviet culture which is continuously being enriched and is organically
fused with the ideology of the international fraternity of all of the ~
peoples of our country is a great possession of socialism and one of -
the leading channels for the further growing together an.d the achieve-
ment of the complete unity of the socialist nations.
~3
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~ The preparation and publication of the six-volume "History of Soviet
- Multi-National Literature" which throws light on many very important
aspects of the development and coming together of the socialist nations
_ is an example of the fruitful joint creative scholarship of the
scholars of the fraternal republics of our country in working on these
themes.
_ It is not possible to completely understar.d many complex contemporary
cultural processes, including in the field of literature, without a
profound analysis, generalization, and consideration of the processes
which occurred in the past. We know what an enormous influence the
historical cultural relations of the peoples of our country have
exercised on the spiritual life and education of the masses. Russian
classical literature played an outstanding role in the struggle against
nationalistic prejudices and for strengthening the mutual understanding
and cultural communication of the peoples of Russia. The great
Russian poet Pushkin spoke perspicaciously "about future times when
peoples, having forgotten discord, will unite into a great family!"
The new multi-volume work on the history of the literatures of the
- peoples of our country during the pre-October period whose preparation
has been begun by the Institute of World Literature of the USSR
Academy of Sciences jointly with literary scholars of all the fraternal
republics will be of considerable value in revealing the progressive
traditions of the past. The creation of this work will be a new
inter-national contribution by them to our domestic culture.
Our multi-national Soviet culture is in complete accord with the -
= social norms and requir~ments of our society. Its social unity does
not lead to a leveling of the national cultures of the peoples ~f the
USSR, for it truly serves the interests o� the workers of all of the
nationalities which populate our great homeland. -
The Institute of Ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences has
performed the study "The Optimization of the Social and Cultural
Conditions for the Development and Coming Together of the Soviet
Nations" (on the basis of the example of the Georgian, Moldavian,
Uzbek, and Estonian SSRs and certain autonomous republics and oblasts
of the RSFSR). The materials which have been obtained eloquently tes-
tify to the fact that the Soviet nations in our day, despite all their
national differences, have acquired many common features, that simi-
larities have arisen in a number of basic social and cultural elements,
and that the level of such basic culr..ural indicaturs as education and
profession is equalling out (this can be seen especially clearly with
the younger generation).
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The data of concrete (primarily ethno-sociological) studies s~ows -
that the essential differences which once existed between people of =
~ diffe=ent nationalities (both in town and in country) with regard to =
the level and intensity of their acquisition of various types of -
spiritual culture have now almost completely disappeared. In other
words, all types of culture are not only being spread among the nations
_ and peoples with equal intensity, but are completely being taken up
by them. -
The chief thing is that people of different nationalities have a -
common warld view and they are united by a common goal the construc-
tion of a communist society and also by the internationalist _
principles of Marxism-Leninism which are more and more penetrating
the social consciousness and psychology of people.
And in this respect a large role is p].ayed by the system of education
and of ideological educational work in our country. The unity of
syllabi in educational institutions of the country (first of all, for
history and literature in the secondary school; for Marxism-Leninism,
political economy, philosophy, and the theory of scientific communism
in the vuzes) and of the materials which are disseminated by the _
mass information media actively influences the formation oL- a single
~ materialist world view in people of all of the nationalities which -
populate our country and helps to gradually push out the traditional
ideas which wpre characteristic of the world view of people of diff-
" erent nationalities in the past (religion, everyday prejudices, and
so forth).
, Of course, every nation and people has its own special national con-
_ sciousness and national pride in the values which have been created
by it and in its contribution to the common treasure-house of world
civilization (especially to the construction of socialism and commu-
nism). However, there can be no question about the fact that during
the course of the joint accomplishment of the ~ommon tremendous tasks
of the establishment of a new historical community of people the -
Soviet people the peoples who are a part of this develop a common
internationalist consciousness whose basis is socialist ideology which `
~ is both an alloy of the common features in the national consciousness
of each nation and people and their common international value.
The international consciousness of the peoples of the USSR has now -
. reached a quite high level. However, to date we, unfortunately, have
not yet made a sufficiently deep study of its nature and role in. the
development of our society and of its relationship to the national
consciousness of nations and peoples. This includes as yet insuffi-
cient work on clarifying the relationship between national consciousness, -
~5
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national psycho'~ogy, and national character and social consciousness,
social psychology, and Soviet character.
- In emphasizing the present necessity for a.~tivating schol~rly work
in study~.ng the problems of national consciousness, national psycho-
- logy, aad national charaeter one must also consider the faci *_hat it
is precisely in this field that the basic reasor.s for the preservation
of certain nationalistic prejudices and bias are now rooted.
c~ study of the spiritual life of nations is important IiOt only from
a theoretical point of view; it is essential first of all to ensure -
the harmonious development of all forms of social consciousness on -
_ an internationalist basis and to prevent the possibility of the ~
appearance of negative tendencies.
- The process of the interaction and interpenetration of'national
cultures, of their mutual enrichment, and of the development of a -
common Soviet culture as an international culture of all of the -
socialist nations is of great scientific and practi.cal interest.
But Soviet culture is not a non-national and single-language culture,
but a multi-national and multi-language culture; it is embodied and
disseminated in all of the languages of the peoples of the USSR.
The existence in our country of a large number of languages creates
~ertain difficulties for communications between people, but at the
same time it is a favorable soil for the growth of the spiritual wealth
of Soviet society and a mighty source for the many-faceted and.multi-
colored display of multi-national socialist culture. The development -
of their national languages has been a very important condition and
the basis of the outstanding achievements of all of the peoples of
the USSR in the political administrative, economic, cultural, and other
spheres of life. At the same time, the dissemination of the language
of inter-national com~nunication is becoming increasingly important.
As a result of objective historical conditions, the Russian language
has become this language.
In a struggle against the colonizer policies o� the Russian autocracy
, and the hypocrisy of bourgeois liberals in the nationalities question
Lenin and the Bolshevik Party defended the complete freedom and com-
plete equality of languages. Lenin regarded the abolition of a ma.ndatory
- state language as a program demand of the party.5 ;
The bourgeois liberals justified the necessity for maintaining a privi-
leged position for the Russian language as the state language by the
_ fact that it "is great and mighty" and for this reason all of the
inhabitants of Russia must know it. Objecting to the liberals, Lenin
_ ~6
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_ wro~.e: "All of this is correct, gentlemen liberaZs we reply to
� them. We know better than you that the language of Turgenev, Tolstoy,
Dobrolyubov, and Chernyshevskiy is great and mighty. We want more
than you for the closest possible communication and fraternal unity
to be established between the oppressed classes of absolutely all of
the nations which inhabit Russia. And we, of course, are in favor _
of every inhabitant of Russia having the opportunity of learning the
great Russian language. There is only one thing we do not want: the
element of coercion."6
Lenin explained that the institution af a state language signifies _
coercinn, and this does not attach people of other nationalities to
it, but repels them from it. He wrote that it was essential to under-
stand psychology which is especially important in the nationalities
question. The slightest coercion in the language question "...will
- defile, dirty, and nullify the indisputible progressive significance...
of a single language."~
The October Socialist Revolution put an end to the language inequality
in which the Russian language was a privileged state language and _
_ was forcibly imposed upon other nationalities. Since that time the
Russian language has not enjoyed any privileges and has not been
invested with any special legal right.
The study and use of the P,ussian language by people of other nationalities
is taking place on the basis of their free and voluntary decisions.
_ The dissemination of the Russian language is a result of the fact that
it is a language which is used by the majority of the population of
the country and which services the common needs of the economic and
political life of the peoples of the entire country and serves the
scientific and technical and cultural development of all of the nations
and peoples of the USSR. People of different nationalities live and
- work in a11 of the union and autonomous republics, all of the oblasts,
and cities, and villages of our country. The language of inter-national
communications has developed for them in*_o a necessary condition for
joint producti~n, so~:ial activity, and everyday life.
A consistent observance of Leninist principles in the realization of
our nationalities, including language, policies has become the basis
for a general intensification of the linguistic life of the peoples of
the USSR under the conditions of ma.ture socialism. The principle of
the equality of languages and peoples has been elevated to the rank of
a constitutional law. It is reflected in Articles 34, 36, 45, and 159
of the 1977 Constitution. The realization of the legal rights of the
peoples of the USSR is ensured by the policy of the comprehensive deve-
- lopment and coming together of all nations and peoples, and also "...by
the possiblity of using one's native language and the languages of the
other peoples of the USSR" (Article 36).
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At. tli~~ stc~};c of c;evelopc~d ~ocialiam tind ~s a result af Lhe 1"urthcr
internationalization of all of the aspecrs of social life, the language
of inter-national communication is becoming an important condition for
the further coming together and cooperation of the peoples of the Soviet
Union in the fruitful development and mutual enrichment of national
cultures and languages and the comprehensive assimilation and multi-
_ plication of the achievements of modern civilization.
The All-Union Sci?ntific Theoretical Conference on the Probl~ms of
Improving the Study of the Russian Language which took place in Tashkent
at the end of May 1979 convincingly demonstrated the necessity for a
further organic combination of the development and use by all peoples
of their native languages, the enrichment of their social functions and,
at the same time, a wide dissemination of the Russian language as
the means of inter-national communica~ion.
In the greetings by L. I, Brezhnev to the participants of the conference
a profound substantiation was given of Leninist nationalities policy
in language construction and of the role of national languages and of
the language of inter-national communication. In particular, it empha-
sizes: "Under developed socialism, when the economy of our country
- has turned into a single national economic complex and a~ew historical -
community the Soviet people has arisen, there is an objective
increase in the importance of the role of the Russian language as the
language of inter-national communication in the construction of
- communism and the education of the new man. The fluent mastery, in -
addition to one`s native language, of the Russian language which has
been voluntarily accepted as a common historical possession by all
Soviet people promotes the further strengthening of the political,
economic, and spiritual unity of the Soviet people."g
The work of the canference took place under the motto of "The Russian
- Language The Language of the Friendship and Cooperation of Peoples."
Of course, the Russian language performs this inter-national function -
not by virtue of any special qualities it possesses, but as the -
language of the i.nter-national communication. In the report of the
Candidate Member of the Politburo of the CC CPSU Sh. R. Rashidov, and
in the subsequent reports and speeches at the conference there was a
_ thorough examination of basic theoretical problems and of practical
measures to improve language construction and to improve the teaching
in the national schools of both the native and the Russian languages. _
- The conference discussed and adopted recommendations which set forth
a harmonious system for the teaching of the Russian language beginning
with childhood and at all later stages of education and self-education. '
The dissemination of the language of inter-national communicati~n in
the fields connected wi.th scientific and technological progress is of
especially great importance.
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In our day science and technology has an international character.
Scientific and technological progress is a powerful factor in the
development of r~ations and the internationalization of all aspects
of life. 3'he exchange of achiF~vements between the scientific insti-
tutions of all of our republics is a necessary condition for the
growth of the general scientific potential of our country. Without
this scientific exchange we would not be able to successfully accom-
plish the tasks of increasing the scientific and technical potential
of our republics and of fully achieving the organic unification of the
achievements of the scientific and technological revolution with the
advantages of developed socialism.
The fact that a substantial number of works of a general scientific
character are still being published in the republics on].y in the
national languages cannot be acknowledged as normal. As a result,
these works are accessible only to a limited circle of r~aders.
All of this testifies to the necessity for the wide use of the language
of inter-national communication in disseminating the scientific
achievements of the union republics, particularly of ou.r republic
academies. For this reason, in addition to the publication of scien-
tific works in the national languages, it would be advisable to have
a parallel publication of all works which are of general scientific
importance in the Russian language.
One of the very great achievements of socialism and of socialist cul-
ture is the very successful development of national languages and the
expansion of their social functions through which it has become
possible to describe the most complicated scientific concepts and -
theories in them. At the same time, the necessity for exchanging
scientific achievements in the language of inter-national communication
is becoming increasingly important. It should be considered that nc,t .
only the most important studies of Soviet scientists are published in
the Russian language, but also translations of the most important works
published in other countries. Foreign periodicals and books in the
natural and social sciences are also abstracted in the Russian language.
Marxist-Leninists proceed with the idea that with the present high level
of the development of national culture, especially national languages,
in which they perform the widest social functions there is no danger
at all the publication of scientific works or the teaching of special
subjects in the Russian language in the higher educational institutions -
of the national republics can to any extent lead to an infringement of
- the rights of national languages or have a negative effect upon the
development of national cultures. -
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The question of the further development of research on the problems of
the functioning and study of the Russian languag,e in the national
republics has been repeatedly discussed at ;neetings of the Presidium of
the USSR Academy of Sciences and also at meetings of the Council for
the Coordination of the Scientific W,ork of the Republic Acs.demies. In
particular, the Institute of the Russian Language of the USSR Academy _
_ of Sciences was charged with developing with the participation of
the philological centers of the academies of sciences of the union -
republics a long-term program of scientific research and of practical
measures on the topic of "The Russian Language as a Means of Inter- -
National Communication."
A most important condition for the successful functioning of a language
of inter-national communication and far the dissemination of the -
Russian language in the union and autonomous republics is a consistent
application of the principle of bilingualism. As is known, bilingualism -
has received wide recognition not only in our country, but in many
countries of the world. However, in socialist society equal dual
language possession as one of the forms of bilingualism, is built on
a fundamentally different basis than in the capitalist countries.
Bilingualism creates a linguistic environment in which there occurs
a further development and enrichment of the national language along
with an increasing need to master the Russian language as a means of
inter-national communication.
It is important to continue to explain consistently and well-directedly
that with bilingualism, national-Russian dual language possession, there
in no way takes place an�infringement of national interests, but on -
the contrary, a favorable linguistic situation arises which leads to -
the harmonious combination of the inter-national and the national in
the cultures of peoples.
Equal dual language possession, as one of the most important principles
of language construc~.ion in the USSR, requires further development and
a broad application at the various levels of public education, especially
in the national schools and vuzes. Psychology and pedagogical practice
- have proven the invalidity of the opinion that the study of a second
language in childhood hinders the assimilation of the native language.
In facc, the consistent use of bilingualism in the national schools
anci the teaching of the Russian language leads to the creation of the -
kind of natural atmosphere of living communication which ensures
especially favorable conditions both for the deveYopment and enrichment
of the native language and for the rapid mastery of the skills of
spoken Russian. Ali of this eliminates many hindrances to a subsequent
study of the language of inter-national communications in the vuzes of
the national republics. '
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In the next few years scientists must also give more attention to
- theoretical work on and ~~he study in the schools of the language of
_ the indigenous population of the union and autonomous republics. The
development of national language~ is not only an indicator of their
- equality; what is most important is that it is easier and faster in
one's native language to assimilate knowledge and cultural values.
The languages of all of the nations and geoples of the USSR play a
very important role in the successful development of culture, in.
public education and in the training of national cadres for the union
and autonomous republics and the autonomous oblasts and districts of
the country.
It is known that a national language is in the real sense of the word
~he creation of a people and the basic form for the expression of
national culture. However,.the erroneous idea that the study and dissemi-
nation of the Russian language as a means of inter-national communica-
tion allegedly leads to a certain extent to pushing out the national
language and to infringing on national culture can create definite
difficulties. In fact, however, the principle of bilingualism and the
= study and dissemination (along with the native one) of a language of
- inter-national communication serves common social goals the goals
~ of the further comiug together of nations and of the cultural development
- and the flourishing of each nation. For this reason, an explanation of
the principle of bilingualism as being progressive from the social
and cultural-historical points of view is one of the important tasks
- of scientific institutions. It is important to emphasize that national-
Russian bilingualism is being disseminated in our country on the basis
of the principle of the equality of all of the languages of the country
a principle which has been elevated to the rank of constitutional
law.
The goal and task of the language policy of the CPSU and the Soviet
state is to provide maximally favorable conditions both for the
development of national languages and for the dissemination of the
Russian language and the forn~ation on this basis of a national-Russian
bilingualism. A correct understanding of the role of bilingualism and
the role of the Russian language in our multi-national state is one of
the basic factors in the fruitful dissemination, study, and teaching of
- a language of inter-national communication.
The linguistic wealth of the peoples of the USSR, as the most vivid
indicator of Che development of their national cultures, more convin-
- cingly than anything else refutes the invention of anti-Soviet people
about the extinguishing of the national independence of the peoples of
the USSR and their unification. It is not superfluous to recall that
only after the victory of Great October 50 peoples of the USSR acquired
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_ th eir own writing and developed higl?ty developed literary ].anguages.
Tn our day tcach:[nfi Ln the country's educational institutiona is con- -
ducted :in 52 languages. -
_ Cultural and lan~uage constructian in the USSR is an achievement of
world historical importance.
Nations as historically developed communities serve and will serve for
a long time yet as one of the forms of social progress. The essence
of the ma.tter is for the development of ~zations to be combined with
the accomplishment of the common tasks of our socialist state and with
the struggle to attain the highest goal of the Soviet people the
construction of a communist society.
In the organizatio~~1 of research on nationality problems, more than in
ariy other field, i:t is necessary to have the coordination of the
efforts of all of our social scientists who are working in the scientific
institutions of the USSR Academy of Sciences and the academies of
- sciences of the union republics, in the academic branches, in the
' autonomous republics, and in the country`s high~r educational institu- ~
_ tions. Great hopes are being placed upon the Scientific Council on
Nationality Problems of the USSR Academy of Sciences. A study of
- these problems presupposes the use both of union data, summary
materials for the entire Soviet Union, and of republic sources which
characterize the results and processes of the national development of
each of the peoples of our country. A deep study of all of the aspects
of this complex problem requires the enlistment, in addition to
scientists from our central scientific institutions, of specialists in
various fields of knowledge from the national iepublics.
Only in this way is it possible to overcome, on the one hand, the abstract
and very schematic approach to the problem which frequently shows up in -
works published by the central scientific institutions, and, on th~ `
other, tendencies toward an excessive localization of research topics
which sometimes leads to a one-sided treatment of a number of questions,
which is characteristic for certain works by republic scientists. It
is necessary to state, unfortunately, that certain works devoted to a -
study of the history and also of the level of the material and cultural
development of individual republics sometimes do not take sufficient
account of the contribution of the eritire country, of the multi-national
Soviet people, to the progress of an iiidividual nation or people.
Frequently Che achievements of one or another union or autonomous
republic are isolated from the overall progress of the entire Soviet state. ;
It is also hardly possible to regard as correct the fact that statistical
handbooks on the development of the republics do not mention and, evan
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more, do not sufficiently reveal the enormous and constantly growing
contribution which is being made by the entire country to the national
- development of a specific republic.
A mandatory consideration of the indisputable fact that in the life
and national development of each people a decisive role is played by
the achievements of our entire country and of the entire fraternal
family of its nations and peoples has to become one of the central
principles of research work.
= The dialectics of history is such that the comprehensive flourishing
of the socialist nations on the basis of the realization of the
principles of Lenin's nationalities policy leads not to their isolation
from one another, but to their further coming together. We can
proudly note that today not only the Soviet Union as a whole, but each
of its component union republics represents a multi-national family of
workers of the most diverse nationalities who are united by the common
ideas of Marxism-Leninism and by single goals in the construction of
the bright edifice of communism. Tfiis is one of the life-giving sources
of the strength of socialist society.
The mutual respect and mutual trust of people of different nationalities -
who associate with one another in production and in everyday life, the
frater~al mutual assistance of the members of multi-national labor
collectives, and genuine inter-nationalism in human relations are
inseparable features of the socialist way of 1ife.
Lenin's principles of proletarian internationalism and of the indestruc-
tible friendship and fraternal cooperation of the workers of different
_ nations are embodied in the development of the entire world socialist
commonwealth. New and historically unprecedented close relaCions in
the fields of economics and politics which are based on common class
interests and goals and on complete equality, fraternal mutual assis-
tance, and cooperation have been estahlished between the socialist
countries. The principles of the USSR's relations with the socialist -
countries are fixed in the Basic Law of the Soviet State: "The USSR
as a component part of the world's socialist system and of the socialist
- commonwealth develops and strengthens friendship and cooperation and
comradely mutual assistance with the socialist countries on the basis
= of the principle of socialist internationalism and actively participates
in economic integration and in the international socialist division of
labor" (Article 30).
A study and generalization of the historical experience and achievements -
- of the world socialist commonwealth in the creation of a new type of
international relations ~s one of the very important tasks of the social
- scientists of a socialist country. For this reason it is natural that
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the problems of socialist internationalism and of the development of
the socialist nations occupy~a prominent place in the plans for
international scientific cooperation.
A combat sector in the work of our;social scientists has been and
- continues to be a struggle against bourgeois and revisionist falsifi-
~ cations of the historical experience in solving the nationalities
= question in the USSR and in the system of the world socialist common- _
wealth, and a principled criticism of various nationalistic and racist
coneptions.
In his day Lenin repeatedly reminded Marxists that the bourgeois and
petty bourgeois parties try with all their strength to disunite the
workers of different nationalities, to instill in them distrust for '
- one another, and to upset the international alliance and fraternity of
the workers of the world. However, he was confident of the fact that
through patient, persistent, and stubborn work our party would succeed
in time in stopping the intrigues of bourgeois nationalists, dispelling
nationalistic prejudices of all types, and demonstrating to the
workers of the entire world an example of a genuinely srrong alliance
of workers and peasants from various nationalities in the struggle
against the oppression of the exploiting classes and for the construc-
_ tion of a iiew state and neta society.
The CPSU has successfully accomplished this great historical task and ,
- has d~monstrated an outstanding example of the realization of the -
principles of proletarian internationalism in the liberation struggle -
- and in the construction of a new society and in strengthening the
world socialist commonwealth and the international solidarity oF
communists, and also of al.l of the workers of the different countries
and peoples.
The consistent realization of Lenin's nationalities policy, the educa-
tion of the workers in the spirit of proletarian nationalism, and rhe
unmasking of the reactionary ideology of bourgeois nationalism, racism,
and cosmopolitanism is regarded by the CPSU as its program task and as
an immutable obligation of all party organizations.
The decree of the CC CPSU and USSR Council of Ministers "On a Further
Impr~vement of Ideolo;ical and Political Educational Work" speaks of
the urgent necessity for developing in all Soviet people a feeling of _
pride in their socialist fatherland, of the indestructible fraternal
friendship of the peoples of the USSR, respect for the national dignity
- and national culture of each people, and intolerance towards any '
manifestations of nationalism. All of this will undoubtedly promote a
further strengthening of the unity and solidarity of our great Soviet
people.
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k'OOTNOTES
1. V. I. Lenin, "Complete Works," Vol. 27, p. 256.
2. Ibid., Vol. 31, p. 167.
3. L. I. Brezhnev, "On the USSR Constitution," Moscow, 1977, p. 39.
_ 4. L. I. Brezhnev, "Following Lenin's Course. Speeches and Articles," _
_ Vol. 4, Moscow, 1975, pp. 59--60.
5. V. I. Lenin, op. cit., Vol, 24, pp. 294~295; Vol. 25~ p. 146; Vol. 31, .
p. 440; Val. 32, pp. 142, 154.
6. Ibid., Vol. 24, pp. 294~295.
7. Ibid., Vol. 48, p. 234. ~
8. PRAVDA 23 May 1979. , _
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Nauka", "Vestnik Akademii nauk SSSR", 1979
2959 -
- CSO: 1800
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NATIONAL
- SHAKHNAZAROV DEFENDS SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY
Moscow SOVETSKAYA DEMOKRATIYA V PERIOD RAZVITOGO SOTSIALIZMA in Russian 1979
signed to press 3 May 79 pp 163-196
[Chapter 6 of book: "Professionalism and Democratism in Management";
Izdatel'stvo "Mysl")
[Text] Democracy and "Technocracy" _
As a rule, bourgeois and social democratic sociologists link socialism with
technocracy. Many of them allude here to the i.dea of the founders of -
Marxism-Leninism that the state and political power under communism will
~ die away and that the place of the management of people will be taken by
_ the management of things. Bourgeois propaganda has need of the "techno-
_ cratizatio~" of socialism not, of course, to acknowledge the important role
of specialists in the management of the socialist society. ~The concept of .
technocracy ~s applied to socialism is employed chiefly as proof of the
formation of a"new ruling class."
How do matters stand in reality?
K. Marx and F. Engels saw as the most important distinguishing feature of
the coming socialist society the fact that it would be organized on a s~i-
entific foundation and that it would open broad prospe~ts for the introduc-
tYon of science in all spheres of human activity. V. I. Lenin repeatedly
pointed to the gigantic role of science in the building of socialism and
communism. He came out with the idea of extensively using of bourgeois
_ specialists and said, addressing scientists: come to us for it is precisely
we who have assumed the labor of transforming the country and uplifting
_ the people from darkness to light.
The concerns of Soviet power were expressed by a populous scientific and
technical intelligentsia devoted to the ideas of communism and inseparably
- connected with the working class and kolkhoz peasantry. Millions of highly
skilled specialists are managi.ng industrial and agricultural enterprises,
organizing consumer services and working in the system of puhlic education,
the health service and in all fields of state administration.
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But neither in theory nor in practice has scientific commun~sm linked it-
self with ~ stat~ system where im power has belonged to specialists as an
independent political force. All documents of the CPSU and the Marxist-
Leninist pa~ties of other socialist countries invariably emphasize that
until total communism has been built, the leadership of society by the work- _
' ing class ar~d its revolutionary party is easential.
Where could room be found here for a"dictatorship of specialists" or a -
regime of technocracy, one wonders.
And it is not only a matter of theory, moreover. Bourgeois ideologists
assert that the practice of socialism far fram corresponds to the theory and
that the latter is ret8ined merely as a verbal screen in the face ~ the
real histor~.cal process, which has allegedly not proceeded as predicted by
the founders of scientific communism. They repeat the version of the "social
elite" or "new class"1 which has taken shape in the USSR and other socialist
_ countries. -
Ma.rxist-Leninist parties resolutely repudiate this slander against socialism.
To be convinced of its groundlessness it is sufficient to formulate the ques-
tion thus: the formation of a new ruling class should have entailed the
- replacement or, at least, a qualitative metamorphasis of the forms of owner-
ship and production and other relations. Nothing of the kind has occurred
either in the Soviet Union or in other countries of the socialist community;
production relations have developed everywhere from the same original found-
ation laid by the socialist revolution.
Further. Such a fundamental change in the nature of political power as the
formation of a new ruling class should have entailed a renunciation of the
. goals of the revolution. But the communist and workers parties are striving
consistently and unswervingly for the realization of goals based on Marxist-
Leninist theory and recorded in their program documents.
_ Finally, a principal feature of a ruling elite is its more or less stable
comgosition. However, it is kn.ctr_. ~i:~*_ l~a3a:: cadres in the socialist coun-
- tries are co~nstantly being replaced. A natural process of an increase in
the competence of ma.nagerial personitel in accordance with the requirements
_ of the new stage of social development is underway; tngether"witt~ an improve-
ment in managerial concepts there is a change in the type of worker. -
It is important to emphasize that management is by no means a kind of perma-
nent privilege of this section of society or the other. The social milieu
of specialists supplying personnel for the managerial apparatus is reinforced
from all classes and social groups.
But probably the most interesting piece of evidencP against the "new ruling
class" thesis is the acknowledgment of Z. Brzezinski and S. Huntington that,
in contrast to American practices, in the past decade the overwhelming
majority of high political leaders in the Soviet Union has come from worker
or peasant families.
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Over 80 percent of union republic Communist Party central committee, kraykom '
and obkvm secretaries and council of ministers and krayispolkom and oblis-
polkom chairmen and approximately 70 percent of USSR ministers and state ,
committee chairmen began their activity as workers and peasants. Of the
directors of the country's biggest industrial enterprises, more than one-
half were formerly workers. The situation is approximately the same in
other soci~iist countries also. Thus in Hungary almost 300,OOQ former
workers have become leaders in various spheres of public life.l
_ In speaking of an "elite," bourgeois sociologists most often cite instances
of bureaucratism and violation of the standards and principles of socialist
state administration. However, it is well known that from the first days
- of Soviet power V. I. Lenin and tihe~Bol'sheviks proclaimed an active struggle
against the most tenacious and dangerous of the legacies of capitalism--
bureaucratism.
The CPSU is waging a resolute struggle against bureaucratic tendencies,
against which the managerial apparatus is not entirely insured even under
socialism.3 The CPSU Central Committee Report to the 25th party congress :
said: "The majority of workers of the state apparatus are skilled, con- -
scientious and attentive people. Their work deserves a high evaluation and ~
respect. But it has to be admitted that there are still soulless offi-
cials, devotees of red tape and boors. Their behavior is giving rise to ~
- Soviet citizens' justified anger. Relying on the support of the public,
the party is struggling and will continue to struggle resolutely for an
elevation of work standards for the admi.nistrative apparatus."4
Active propaganda of the democratic methods of managenent, for example, is
contributing to the surmounting of bureaucratism. Precisely, as a result -
of the inculcation of respect for competent and highly skilled managerial
work, it is possible to create the necessary social atmosphere for a
successful struggle against all manifestations of bureaucratism.
Managerial functions are growing increasingly complex all the time and are _
demanding increasingly extensive and diverse training, high skills and de-
Pinite talent. Socialist society has a vital'interest in insuring that cur-
rent managerial questions be decided with the broadest participation of
scientists and skilled specialists. And this does not in the least threaten
a dictatorship of an intellectual elite, a"scientocracy," for manag~ment
in th~.s society loses the command function and is exercised under general
control. And the question of the fate of management and m~anagers in the
future is settled by Marxism-Leninism with regard for two principal ideas.
The first is that everyone, to a man, must participate in management. The
second is that in communist society the state will die away and the need '
for the management of people will disappear together with it. ~
"Capitalist culture," V. I. Lenin wrote in the work "Gosudarstvo i revolyut-
siya" [The State and Revolution], /"has created/ [This and subsequent words
in slantlines in italics.] large-scale production, factories, railroads, a
postal system, telephones and so forth, and /on this basis/ the vast _
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- majority of functions of the old 'state power' have been so simplified and
may be redu~ced to such very simple operations as registering, recording
- and checking that these functions will become perfectly intelligi:ble to all
- literate people, that these functions may be exercised perfectly well for the
- customary 'worker's wages' and that any auspicion oE anything privileged and
'authoritative' may (and must) be removed from these functions."5
And further: "We are organizing large-scale production, proceeding from
what has already been created by capitalism; we /ourselves/, the workers,
relying on our work experience and creating the strictest, iron discipline
supported by the state power of the armed workers, will reduce state offi-
cials to the role of simple executants of our assignments and responsible,
replaceable and modestly paid 'supervisors and accountants' (with technicians
_ of all grades, types and levels, of course)--this is /our/, proletarian tasic,
this is where we can and must /begin/ in accomplishing the proletarian
revolution. This beginning, on the basis of large-scale production, will
of itself lead to the gradual 'dying away' of all officialdom 'and to the '
gradual creation of an order, nat a so-called order resembling hired slavery,
but an order wherein the increasingly simplified functions of supervision
and accounting will be performed by all in turn, will then become a habit
and, finally, will lose validity as /special/ functions of a particular
stratum of people."6
What is the essence of Lenin's idea? First, zhat managerial functions in
communist society will not be connected with any privileges. Second, that
all will perform the functions of supervision and accounting in turn. In
another part of the above work V. I. Lenin expressed the same idea thus:
"...an immediate transition to the point where /all/ perform the functions
of control and sur.veillance, where /all/ become 'bureaucrata'~ for a time _
and where, for this reason, /no one/ may become a'bureaucrat'."8 Thus
for V. I. Lenin it was constantly a question~~f supervision, accounting and
surveillance. And this is perfectly natural because in a work devoted to
service of trhe state and designed to comprehensively substantiate and de- ~
velop the idea o� K. Marx and F. Engels concerning the dying away of the
state under communism V. I. Lenin draws attention to what is to secure the
maintenance of the discipline of social labor when there will be neither
capitalist, supervising official nor gendarme. And he replies: conscious
self-discipline.
, It is not a question here of the functions of the organization of the econ-
omy, education and so forth, which are becoming increasingly complex and
need trained specialists.
From our viewpoint, the possibility of retaining prote�a~~nal manageri;al =
personnel under coumiunism is perfectly permissib~:e insofar as it is by no
- means a question of political professionalism, which will inevitably die
away, but scientific professionalism.
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It is obvious that under communism management will be neither a more nor
less honorable occupation than any other and a regular branch of scientific
learning with its applied sphere. -
The following idea of the organization~of managerial work in the future is
perfectly logical: "The principle of the masses' universal participation in
_ management under communism will not signify an anarchical replacement of
occupations and types of activity and the asystemic enlistment of citizens in
public administration, for this would contradict the principles of highly
organized production. Whence ensue two fundamental conclusions. First, _
the citizens' participation in the activity of this public organ of admin-
istrati_on or other will proceed from their capabilities, interests and
knowledge. Second, the universality of the enlistment of the masses in -
management will not exclude the presence of certain persons engaged, together -
with other work, in exer~ising the functions of technical administration--
planning, accounting, distribution of labor resources and so forth.... It
is a question of highly experienced specialists capable of insuring the daily
performance of duties in the organization of social production."9
It is rightly emphasized here that the highly organized communist society ~
- will be unable to reconcile itseif to an anarchistic replacement of occupa-
tions, including (and, perhaps, even particularly) with respect to a sphere
- of activity of such exceptional importance for its development as manage-
ment,l0
However, future communist society will itself manage matters on this score
in the optimum manner. It is not in the traditions of Marxist thought to
speculate about the details of its organization, and if we attempt to put
_ forward certain essential principles, it is only to have an opportunity -
of making a reverse projection into the present and of rechecking the trends
which have made themselves known in present-day reality. This trend amounts -
to the fact that the optimum performance of the managing-organizing function
in socialist and, subsequently, evidently, communist society demands the
participation of specialists of various branches of learning and increasingly
high skills and, furthermore, with experience of managerial work, that is,
, those specializing for a second time.
Whence arise at least two problems. The first concerning the methods of the
participation of the bro~d popular masses in management in connection with
the complication of its functions. The second concerning the conditions
insuring the high competence of managers.
Democratic Control--A Form of the Masses' Participation in Management
Putting forward the task of the development of socialist democracy, V. I.
Lenin wrote: "We demand that /instruction/ in st~.te administration be
undertaken by conscious workers and soldiers and that it begin immediate-
lt...."11 The implementation of Lenin's instructians is the prerequisite
of the masses' participation in management (given certain material condi- ,
tions). It is impossible to participate in decisions on affairs of state '
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without having a clear idea of the arrangement and functj.oning of the state
mechanism and the contents of the constitution and the basic areas of the
law and without knowing the principles of the contemporary science of
management.
fn [.he initial. period following the socialist revolution ob~ective condi-
tions existed preventing the masses' conscious participation in the affairs
of state. "...We have not yet," V. I. Lenin said, "reached the point where
the working people's masses may participate in management--besides the
law, there is a further cultural level which can be subordinated to no law.
This low cultural level is making for the fact that the soviets, being, in
accordance with their program, organs of administration /via the working -
people,/ are in fact organs of administration /for the working people/ via
the advanced stratum of the proletariat...."12
This state of affairs was ove~come as a result of the cultural revolution and
the unfolding of a most extensive system of public education. Universal
literacy, an all-emhracing system of political education organized by the
party and Komsomol organs and the teaching of social science in the school
and social science and political economy in the secondary specialized aca-
demic institutions and political economy, Marxist-Leninist philosophy and
the theory of scientific communism in the WZ's--all this is insuring the -
high level of the working people's political competence.
But management is growing constantly more complex and demanding increasingly
great professionalism. The question, consequently, amounts to a search for
the most effective methods of further extending the working people's par-
ticipation in management. They key to its solution is contained, in ~ur
~ view, in the following idea of V. I. Lenin: "The more resolutely we must
now stand up for ruthlessly firm authority and for the dictatorship of
individual persons /for certain processes of work/ and in certain features
of /purely executive/ functions, the more diverse must be the forms and
_ methods of control from below in order to paralyze any suspicion of the
possibility of the perversion of Soviet power and to repeatedly and con-
- stantly root out the weed of bureaucratism."13
He points here, first, to the variety of forms and methods of control. In-
deed, different forms of the masses' par.ticipati~n can and should correspond
to different managerial functions. When we speak of the participation in _
management of all citizens of the socialist state, this by no means signi-
fies that everyone must participate in management at once or everyone al-
ways. It is important only that each basic element of the managerial process
_ be under the control of the working people and that each citizen be enlisted
in participation in this form of control or the other. ,
Second, the quoted statement of V. I. Lenin contains the exceptionally im-
portant directive concerning the impermissibility of interference in certain
managerial processes requiring one-man management and sole responsibility.
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I
L vl~ vrr 11~1HL UJC. V1VL7.
We shall attempt in this connection to examine the process of management
from the viewpoint of the stages thereof (sections, sectors) at which mass
control is necessary and permissible and of what its most adequate forms
might be. '
1. Collection of informati~on. Being well informed, a knowledge of the
facts and a clear idea of the true state of affairs have always been and
remain today an initial condition and a kind of prerequisite both for suc-
- cessful management and for the realization of its democratic principles.
This task has been made extraordinarily more complex as a result of the gi-
gantic increase in the flow of information. But the possibilities of con-
trol on the part of the broadest masses are also increasing thanks to the
development of data-processing equipment and techniques. Informat~on which
has been processed and sorted and selected according to the degree of its
importance may be brought to the attention of the entire readership and
audience.
2. Evaluation of information. The evaluation of information in all its
interconnections and with regard for the multitude of secondary facts is an
extraordinarily complex business which requires specialized and in-depth ~
_ knowledge of the subject and the use of ancillary technical fac.ilities (for -
- comparing this aspect or the other of new information with some data collected
earlier, for example).
3. Formulation of the problem. This is an important stage of the managerial
process on which the success of the entire undertaking largely depends. The
, precise and clear formulation of the problem is a prerequisite of its most
rational solution. I'~ is natural that the management organs themselves are
interested in obtaining the assistance of the public and eliciting whether
the necessary importance is really being attached to this problem or the
other. It is precisely the formulation of the problem, which is inevitably
accompanied by a reference to source data and contains their evaluation,
which makes it possible to set up oblique control over t~e foregoing stage
of the managerial cycle, that is, the evaluation of information, and make
the necessary amendments thereto.
Whence it is not difficult to draw the conclusion of the possibility and
- desirability of the use at the stage of the formulation of the problem of
the most diverse ~neans--from discussion at sessions of so~iets of people's
deputies and in standing and interim commissions to the organization of a
. debate in the press. �
4. Preparation of the draft decision. A stage which should be entrusted
_ entirely to manager-specialists with the sole condition: make it incumbent
upon them to heed the observations and proposals expressed during the form-
ulation of the problem (in the press, at conferences and so forth).
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S. Adoption ~f the decision. From the viewpoint of the science of manage-
ment, the adoption of a decision is the most important stage of the manager- -
_ ial cycle. But preciaely by virtue of ita exceptional importance the deci-
sion-making stage ia the most precisely regulated. Together.with the con- _
- stitutian there is a multitude of apecial lawe or decreea, atatutes, di-
rectives and other legislative instrumente which indicate with precision
(for different authorities and categoriea of officials) who has the right to
make a decision, how it ahould be made official, what ita force in time and
space is, to whom should be given preference in inatances where deciaiona
clash and are in contradiction and so forth. Precise and strict obaervance
of the laws of the socialist state and ~ther legislative rules regulating
decision-making ia the first and most important cond~tion of the fact of
this stage of the managerial process being under control.
The most diverse forms of the masses' participation in management exist at
- enterprises in the USSR, as in other socialist countries. However., it would
be advisable, in our view, to carry out a sociological study for an evaluation _
of their effectiveness and submit proposals on their improvement in accord-
ance with the requirements of our times anct on the creation of a well-balanced
and streamlined system of democratic institutions in production. There are
_ appreciable reserves here for the working people's direct participation in -
management and at a most crucial stage, moreover--that of the adoption of
decisions on which the position of the labor collective and, consequently
(to a greater or lesser extent), all its members also depends.
_ 6. Organization. This stage sees the accomplishment of a multitude of tasks
which are reflected in a highly material manner in the results of the mana-
gerial cycle, and, consequently, the working people's control also could
play its positive part here. But it is also necessary to take account of
certain negative consequences here. First, the insertian of the discussion
element can delay the organizati,on of pperations and introduce right froffi
the start a lack of confidence in the actions of the managers. Second, in -
~ striving for the implementation of its reco~endations the public would
- thereby remove responsibility from the officials and deprive itself of the
moral right to demand statements of account and mete out punishment for
- shortcamings.l4
7. Current control. As distinct from control in the broad sense, it is a
question in this instance of control as a definite stage of management.
From the viewpoint of cybernetics, this could be called the feedback stage:
- the controlling organ verifies on the basis of this how precisely the set
- parameters and criteria of the path toward the goal are being observed.15
Current control is exercised both by the concerns of the managerial organ
itself and special local and central organizations whose activity embodies
a most important function of the socialist state--that of accounting and
control--the people's control organs. -
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8. Regulation. Like organization, this stage of the managerial process is
most in need oF a system which relies on one-man management and sole re-
sponsibility (af ter a note has been made of the material of current control
and the essential conclusions have been drawn therefrom, of course).
But if interference in the process of regulation is undesirable, it is ab-
solutely obligatory, in our view, to notify the public of the very fact of
this regulation. If the appropriate managerial organs do not notify the pub-
lic of the measures adopted for the realization of observations and proposals
and, in the broad sense, for the adjustment, amendment and improvement of
matters, this serves as legitimate grounds for a second check and, where
necessary,.for proceedings to be instituted against the culprits.
9-10. Verification of fulfillment and the evaluation of results. Although
- the two final stages in the managerial process are intrinsically different, -
they may be amalgamated if it is a question of democratic control.
The collective, which has participated in the practical realization of a
given _.managerial target, has a most direct interest in participating in
the summing up and evaluation of the results, primarily because this deter- ~
- mines the extent of the financial and moral encouragement (or, on the other
hand, the penalty) for the applied labor. In addition, not only the collec-
tive but also the whole of society may obtain information as to what sec-
- tion of the forward plan has been covered, whether it will be possible to
keep to the planned rate of development and what the most typical short-
comings are from the viewpoint of the organization and quality of tha"work
that has been done.
Thus the extent and forms of the working people's participation in manage-
ment cannot be identical for all stages of the managerial process. The
greatest possibilities for participation in management and for effective
control and the greatest need for this control arise at the following stages
of the managerial cycle: formulation of the problem, adoption of the deci-
sion, control and the evaluation of the results. -
The following instructions of Lenin provide the fundamental methodological
basis for the solution of the problem of the combination of the specializa-
tion of managerial work with the expansion of the working people's parti-
cipation in management: "The democratic prin~~ple of organization--in that
highest form in which the soviets' realize ~ proposals and demands of the
masses' active participation not only in discussion of general rules, de-
crees and laws and not only in the supervision of their fulfillment but
_ also directly in their fulfillment--means that each representative of the
mass and each citizen must be given such conditions that he may participate
in discussion of the laws of the state, in the elections of its representa-
tives and in the implementation of state laws. But it by no means follows
from this that the least chaos or least disorder may be permitted as re-
gards ~~ho is responsible in each individual instance for definite execu-
tive functions, for the implementation of definite instructions and for
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the management of a definite procesa of general labor for a certain interval
of time. The masa muat have the right to elect for iteelf respone~ble lead-
ers. The masa muat have the right to replace them and the mass must have
the right to know and check every leaet etep of their activity. The mase
muat have the ri.ght to promote all working members of the maee without ex-
Geption to aupervisory functions. But thie does not signify ~n the least
that the procese of collective labor may remain without defiaite leaderahip,
without the preciae deCermination of the reaponsibility of the leader and
without the strictest order created by the leader'8 unity of will."16
_ Thus the increasing complexity of management does not pose obatacles to the
constant growth of the broad popular masaea' participation in management.
The scientific-technical revolution never has been nor will be an enemy of
democracy, on the contrary, it is the ally of the sovereignty of thp people
for it makes it possible to satisfy people's material and spiritual require-
ments increasingly fully and to secure the conditions for the comprehensive
development of the personality.
, The complication of the management process and the emergence and develop-
ment of a special managerial science are incapable of undermining the demo-
cratic principles which have been made the foundation of the socialist sys-
tem. They merely give rise to the need to commission the powerful reserves
of democratism contained in the communist mode of production: not only mak-
ing more extensive use and perfecting the existing forms of the masses'
participation in management but also revealing new ones.
Another important problem, which has been mentioned above, is also being suc-
cessfully solved on this basis: how to insure a constant increase in the
competence of the managerial apparatus and the most efficient and democratic
selection of leact~r cadres.
Democratic Methods of the Selection and Placement of Leader Cadres.
As has already been mentioned, at the dawn of the revolution V. I. Lenin
demanded that an immediate start be made on instructing the working people
_ in the business of state administration. This expressed the urgent task of
that time on which the fate of the socialist revolution directly depended.
It was a question of whether the Bol'sheviks would hold nn to state power
or, having held out against the interventionists and White Guards, would,
shivering under the onslaught of hunger, devastation and epidemics, yield -
its positions to a petit bourgeois element with its age-o1d anarchism and
lack of discipline and organization. -
With malicious irony bourgeois propaganda mocked the idea of admitting
"every cook" to the administration of the state. Flagrantly distorting the
meaning of Lenin's slogan, it tried to persuade people that it was a question -
of a cook who had been torn away from the stove who was holding the rudder
of the state. Meanwhile the socialist revolution had put forward a task
which was truly majestic in scale: instructing the broadest popular masses
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in the principles of management and enlisting them in active participation
in political life and selecting from their midst the most talented people
capable, following the appropriate training, of providing the country with
a high scientific standard of leadership.
The enormous attention which V. I. Lenin and the Communist Party devoted to
the formulation of consistently scientific principles of the structure of
the apparatus of the socialist state and the forms, methods and manner of
controlling different processes of social development, the persistence with
which the leader of the revolution called for study of the Taylor system and
all other innovations of bourgeois scientists in the field of the scientific
organization of labor and the concern which he displayed for the creation of -
research establishments and the publication of management handbooks-~--all this -
bore rruit.
The fact that the Soviet science of management was formed not only and not -
so much as a response to the requirements of conventional managerial prac- ,
*_ice is particularly important. For it was a question of a completely new
economic and political system. For this reason from the very start "it took
shape as a militant, party-based science created on a Marxist methodological
basis."17
A central place in the science of management was rightly occupied by the
question of the training, selection and placement of cadres, primarily man-
agement personnel--people who plan the development of the national economy,
- organize the work of different areas of state administration and head the -
enterprises and establishments and their subdivisions in industry, agri-
culture, culture andthe services sphere. "The 'owner' naw is the wo~ker-
peasant state," V. I. Lenin emphasized, "and it must organize extensively,
in planned fashion, systematically /and openly/ the business of selecting
the best workers for economic building and administrators and organizers of
the special and the general and of a local and all-state scale."18
This was an unusually acute question since the revolution was to raise Rus-
sia from the depths of backwardness to the pinnacles of progress, and the
number of trained specialists on which it could rely was infinitesimal in -
the full meaning of the word. And it was a completely different type of
worker which was needed: not simply a skill~d specialists willing to do
that with which he was entrusted for a goodly.remuneration but a person
captivated by the ideas of communism, an enthusiast, an organizer of the
_ masses capable of giving of himself to the u~n?~st, a seeker and an innovator.
To the party vanguard which, together with V. I. Lenin, created the new state-
hood and to the representatives of the scientific-technical intelligentsia _
who came to serve t.i~~:great cause of the country's socialist transformation
it was necessary to add hundreds of ~housands of such specialists. The party
spared no forces and no resources for the accomplishment of this task, and -
it was accomplished as a result of the cultural revolution.
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The problem of skilled pereonnel today is entirely different from the prob-
Iriu In rhe firt~t ycnre c~f Soviet ~~wer. Our coun[ry hae ~ multiml.llian-
_ atrong army of skilled specialiets in all apheres of activity. Theae are
representatives of the generations which have grown up under Soviet power,
who have been raised in the spirit of the Marxist-Leninist world outlook
and who are devoted to the cause of communism. In other words, there are
tremendous opportunities for selecting people most wort~y of exercising
- managerial functions. "Currently," L. I. Brezhnev said in the CPSU Central
Co~ittee Report to the 23d party congress, "we have truly inexhaustible
opportunities for insuring that the party and state organs and economic and -
public organizations be headed by skillful organizers who are proPoundly
~ conversant with matters and who enjoy authority among the communists and
ncinparty people. The interests of the cause demand the bolder promotion of
young, energetic workers. We must also remember here the need for the cor-
rect combination of old and young cadres."19 -
What "techniques" should be applied in order to realize most fully ifi~~prac-
tice the principles of the party's cadre policy?
In our country there are hundreds of thousands of industrial enterprises, -
construction sites, sovkhozes and kolkhozes and establishments of the ~aost "
- varied production specialization--from administrative main administrations -
to theaters and hospitals. Within these enterprises and establishments
there are shops, departments, sectors and other independent areas of activity.
- And the popular interests demand that all these areas be headed by cultured,
energetic and enterprising people with a sound knowledge of their work.
In other words, the main task of the work with cadres is to insure tha~ the
most capable people be promoted eo management positions.
In recent years the press has raised increasingly of ten and persistently the
- question of the need for the purposeful training of commanders of pro~uction
and managerial apparatus workers. Proposals are being put forward for the
organization of special academic instituzions to train managers and the in-
troduction in WZ programs of the science of leadership, which could help
yesterday's students who are joining the labor collectives as organizer-
specialists to find the key to people, promote the establis'nment of healthy
relations among the workers and win authority. The correct placement of ~
cadres begins with their training, which, in turn, should be undertaken dur-
ing the instruction of the specialist, and, even more, at the very start of
his practical activity.
Ttiis approach is also advisable in the respect that it makes it possible to -
more boldly and confidently promote to management positiQns young people
- with a~arge store of energy and physical forces.
The definite requirements currently being made of management can only be
of significance on condition that society possess ob3 ective criteria making
it possible to determine the presence of the corresponding attributes with -
a great degree of reliability. The results of previous activity are
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undoubtedly tt~e best and mosC reliable of them. The characteris~ics oF the
collective--party, trade union and Komsomol organizations--must be taken into
_ consideration here. Finally, psychologiczl tests ma~.ing it possible to �
determine such qualities as powers of observation, memory, selectivity of
thinking and the ability to distinguish periodicity, collate facts, analyze,
combine and so forth could also be useful. A variety of logica3 tasks whi~+h
help reveal the worker's capabilities in this specialized sphere or the other -
could be employed together with the tests.
The following conclusions may be drawn in this connection. Specialized
knowledge is needed for the scic~ntific organization of the entire work on
training and promoting personnel. There is no less signiticance in the
training of specialists for work with the personnel who could render the
party and state organs skilled assistance in the training, selection and
placement of people.
Methods of the selection and placement of managerial workers which have been
_ proven in practice exist in the socialist society. At the same time the
experunental verification of vario~s improvements, with regard for the spe-
cific features of this category of managerial work or the other, of course, ~
_ is underway. Thus in recent years there has been a considerable expansion
of the rircle of position filled on a competitive basis.
Experience shows that the procedure of the ap}~ointment of otricials by re-
sponsible state autharities is the most expedient form of the placement~of
leader cadres in the administrative and economic apparatus. This procedure
correspond to the requirements of the managerial process and the principl,es
of one-man management and sole responsibility, on whose strict observance
success depends to a decisive extent. At the same time it does not prevent
the development of democracic initiative since the party organizations,
which accumulate the sentiment of the labor collectives, have an opportunity
of activeiy influencing all personnel appointments and controlling the
actions of the administration of the enterprises and establishments. .
The fundamental basis for promation to ~management positions is clearly set -
forth in Lenin's demand concerning the approach to workers: "a) from the
viewpoint of conscientiousness b) from a political standpo~int c) know~edge
of the work d) the capabilities of an administrator.... ~
- The party has viewed and continues to view the correct training and place-
ment of cadres as a pr:tncipal field of irs activity. A special section of
the CPSU Central Committee Report to the 25th party congress was devoted to -
questions of cadre policy. "It is essential," L. I. Brezhnev pointed out,
"that we continue to improve this entire work. It is evidently worth pon-
- dering how to raise the training of leading party cadres, particularly for
th~ ideological front, to a new, higher level and how to effect a constant
upgrading of the ideologica~-theoretical and prefessional level of the
comrades currently employed in leading party work. The activity of the -
central party academic institutions must be further improved. It is neces- .
sary here both to rP~all the experience of the past and give thought to
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new, contempo~aryforms of the training af cadres wiCh high skills. The main
_ thing is to insure that the party poasess an even broader reserve of ex-
' perienced, theoretically mature comrades."21
Democrucy, Management and the Ideologi.cal Struggle
The problems of management and democracy are the ob~ect of acuCe ideologic~l
antagonism. Attempting to debase socialiam and prevQnt the spread of ita
magnetic influence, bourgeois theoreticians assert that such pti~nomena as
technocratism, bureaucratism, elitism and the excessive concentration and
abuse of power are rooted in the nature of the socialist system. They spe-
- culate here on this violation of democratic principle or the other in the
process of the socialist d~velopment of individual countries and completely -
ignore the essential differences between the early and higher stages of
the new social system.
Particular urgency in this connection is attached to the question of the ob-
jective prerequisites of democracy in management. Insofar as public owaer-
_ ship of the means of production, which constitutes the foundation of social-
ism, presupposes the concentration of economic might in the hands ot the
state, to that extent, bourgeois ideologists argue, the concentration of
- absolute political power and the establishment oi an individual or group
dictatos~~iipis inevitable. This dictatorship may be benign or harsh, en-
- lightened or obtuse, but it is inevitable because, they say, the society's
economic system lacks the~~prerequisites for democratic practices. Such
- prerequisites exist, in their opinion, under competitive capitalism, which
represents "a system of economic freedom and an essential condition of pol~-
tical freedom." The bourgeois theoretician M. Friedman supplements this
assertion with the conclusion that "a society which is social�ist cannot -
simultaneously be demacratic in the sense of a guarantee of personal liber-
- ty. ~~22
- Such arguments appear to correspond to the requirements of a scientific
methodology of an analysis of social phenomena, and, indeed, the nature of _
_ the political institutions is deduced not of itself and nat even from this
- ideology or the other but from the economic system and the society's ma- -
terial living conditions. But the point is that what we have here is only -
a semblance of a scientific approach and an attempt to utilize Marxist
methodology to refute Marxist theory.
Bourgeois theoreticians attempting to dalentify democracy with capitalism
(ard only with capitalism, moreover) primarily take as their basis, as the =
- Canadian Marxist S. [Rayerson] has observed, "an increasingly unreal model
of capitalism."23 It is known that capitalism long since passed from the
stage of free competition to the final, monopoly, stage of its development.
Although this does not rule out competitive struggle, it is precisely the
concentration of the resources of production and the centralization of
capital and the domination of powerful f inancial and industria]. concerns
= which determine the nature of the economic system of modern bourgeois society.
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And iF it is only competition which is capable of serving as the foundation
for democratic practices, then bourgeois theoreticians ought et least to
acknowledge that state-monopoly capitalism is by no m~ans conducive to these.
Irrespective of how consistent or inconsistent bourgeois theoreticians are, -
the point of departure for their arguments about democracy is an equals
sign between it and competitive capitalism. To what extent does this
correspond to reality? -
_ It is indisputable that the establishment of the capitalist mode~of produc-
tion opened the possibility of and engendered the need for ttte democratization
of society's entire political life. As is known, the basis economic condi- -
- tion of capitalism's existence is the availability in the labor market of -
free manpower sold and purchased as a commodity. For such a deal to be made
without hindrance what is needed is, first, the freedom of each individual
to dispose of himself at his own discretion and, second, the formal equal-
_ ity of all before the law. The proclamation of these two principles was a
most important result of the bourgeois revolution: it signified an end to
the serf-owning system of the exploitation~di the peasants and the feudalism
which was based on its group-hierarchical system:.~ ~
But if the capitalist system cannot exist without formal equality and the
Free buying and selling of manpower, it does not require anything more. The
capitalist economv functions successfully given the presence of these two
conditions and irrespective of the form of government and whether or not
there exists universal suffrage, freedom of the press, trial by jury, a
government answerable to parliament and so forth. All these democratic
institutions may exert an opposite influence on the economy, spurring it
on in some instances and hindering it in others.~4 But they are not a
condition of its existence.
The absolute value of competitive capitalism as a foundation of democracy ,
is determined by formal equality and the freedom to buy and se11 manpower.
These principles derive directly from the economic system of capitalist ~
' society and stand, as it were, at the intersection of economics and poli-
tics. Al1 other democratic principles and institutions, the sum of which
it is customary for bourgeois democ:racy to name, are not immanent in capit-
alism and are the result of the working people's class struggle for their
rights (and to a certain extent, as mentioned above, also the result of =
the struggle for power between different strata of the ruling class).
_ The formation of monopolies and their undivided sway in the economy in -
practice reduce to nothing the chances of other strata of the bourgeoisie
in the struggle for power. Defending and protecting the fundamental con-
~ ditions of the entire class of the bourgeoisie as before--private ownership
and the system of the exploitation of labor--the state becomes an instru- -
ment of political domination and of the protection of the specific inter- ,
ests no longer of the entire class but only of its monopolist ruling clique. _
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Ruining the small businessmen and materially infringing the interests o� the
miAdle bourgeoisie, pursuing a policy of militarism and forcing the nation
to wage war now and again in the name of its profits, the monopoly bour- -
_ geoisie counterpoaes itself to all other strata of the population. An
opportunity 3s opened for the creation of a unified antimonop~ly fronC
headed by the proletariat.
This threat constantly hanging over the monopolies, which becomes incxeasingly
~ real as the organizational unity of the working class strengthens, stirs the
monopolies to reaction. Of course, it would be an oversimplification to pre-
sent matters such that the monopolies always and everywhere strive for the
establishment of reactionary political regimes. On the contrary, they would
prefer to dominate under the canopy of bourgeois democracy for they under-
stand full taell that reaction inevitably limits their own possibilities
also. For a terrorist dictatorship represents nothing other than an extreme
- form of power of a class (or a stratum of it), whic~ ilas its own iron logic
and demands the utmost discipline and a readiness to accept certain sacri-
fices of the ruling class itself. Hitler was the servant of th~ Thyssens
and Kirdorfs and had to wait for a certain length of time in waiting rooms
until he was issued a ticket. But having become Reichskanzler, he began _
to command these gentlemen also. If any of them just stepped out of line, _
Hitler did not shun the most extreme measures, to which his reprisals
against the rebellious generals are suff iciently clear testimony. Fascism
is a guarantee of the preservation and prosperity of the monopolies and the
monopolist ruling clique as a whole which stands behind them, but by no means
a guarantee of the personal security or, even less, of the independence of
individual members of this group.
Insofar as the monopolies succeed in preserving their domination with the
aid of the mechanism of political parties, generous bribery, advances toward
the intermediate strata and other proven means of the bourgeois-democratic
system, to that extent they are prepared to preaerve and welcome democratic _
institutions. But where and when a political crisis brews, the nightst?,ok
is drawn and attempts are made to introduce emergency laws. The success
or failure of these attempts is determi.ned by the correlation of forces,
but, whatever the case, here also the monopolies d3splay an aspiration toward ~
reaction.
We must also ta.ke into consideraGton the political struggle which is con-
tinuously being waged within the ruling stratum itself. This is on the one
hand a struggle of different viewpoints customary for any class and any
social group on what means can best secure common interests and, on the
other, a struggle for predominant influence in the state. This is again
determined by economic reasons--the direction of the activity of this mono-
poly group or the other. Naturally, the trend toward reaction is expr.essed -
most consistently and fervently by ihe monopolies which have specialized in -
- arms production and colonial plunder.
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- r~ux ur~r~tc;ia~. U5~ UNLY
What organizational form is assumed, as a rule, by the political regime as
soon as the most aggressive and reactionary circles of imperialism succeed
in gaining the upper hand over the working people's democratic resistance?
The answer to this question requires no parCicular deliberation; it has al-
rcady l~een provided by historical practice. Fverywhere where reaction
triumphs, if only temporarily, it adopts the f~r~~ of individual dictatorship.
This was the case in fascist Germany, Italy and Portugal. Thus is it in a
number of Latin American countries and certain other contemporary bourgeois
states.
The explanation for this is to be found pri.marily in the very nature of the
reactionary political regime. Any extreme form of power, as already said,
demands the strictest organization and discipl.ine on the part of the ruling
class brought to the limit of one man couunand and centralism. The natural -
_ culmination of the machinery of rule is the individual leader, who holds the
keys to all the screws of the state mechanism and stands above the law in-
sofar as he himself formulates the regime's goals and the means of achiev-
ing them.
However, it is not simply a matter of the inner logic of the reactionary
political regime itself. The monopolies' aspiration to reaction cannot be
realized by means of the simple abolition of democratic institutions: it
would yield for its instigators absolutely nothing and, on the contrary,
- would be a signal for the cohesion of all democratic forces and for their
resolute actions in defense of their rights. So is it that the principal -
task of reactionary political regimes is to artifically extend the social
. base of the domination of the monopolist ruling clique.
Such an artificial extension can only be achieved by means of appealing
to the nationalist senziments of the petit bourgeois mass and only under the
flag of national and social revival. In order to "capture" the petit bour-
geois element and direct its energy into the desired channel and convert it
into a prop of the regime a leader is needed. An exalted personality from
the same milieu which it has to mobilize is best suited for this purpose--
a storekeeper, sausage maker or simply one of the Lumpenproletariat. Thus
emerge the Hitlers, Rockwells and Poujades,25 who promise the small business-
man, who is crushed by indigence, prosperity and lead him away from his na- ~
turalally--tlie~ proletariat--and reconcile hi~n with his natural enemy--
the monopolies--and set him against the communists, socialists, democrats,
foreigners and so forth.
Thus the tendency toward absolute rule is deeply rooted in the very nature of
capitalist society, particularly in state-monopoly capitalism. It is an
inevitable product of socioeconomic conditions wherein an exploiter minor-
ity ,(which diminishes�even more in�the era of imperialism) dominates the
majority of society, and on each occasion that danger threatens this domin-
~tion, it aspires to establish extreme forms of totalitarian dictatorship.
Buonapartism was such a form for the period of free competition,26 fascism
- for the era of monopoly capital.
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There incontestably enaures from this conclusion another, no leas important,
concluaion: following capitalism`s att~inment of maturity and the crystal-
_ lization of this eyatem's economic and political forms, the contraction of
the soci~l bu~e of the bourgeois etate and, consequently, the gradual de-
generacy of bourgeois democracy are inevitable. Within the framework of the
economic and political omnipotenc~ of the monopolies the democratic ineti-
tutions of themselves cease to play the part of guarantees against totali- _
tarianism: their capacity for playing such a part dependa entirely on the
degree of vrganization of the working people and on their readinesa to offer
resiatance to reaction.
In add3tion, these institutions are utilized ihcreasingly frequently and -
- readily by reactionarq circles both to conceal their domination and also for
a transition to extreme forms of totalitarian dictatorship. The deceived
majority of the nation gave the Nazis a ma~ority in the Reichstag and the
right to form a government.
Communists have never renounced the use of democratic institutions merely
on the grounds that the bourgeaisie has been able to adapt them to its domin- _
ation. Universal suffrage, the system of representation, executive organs
. of authority accountable to the elective organs, the judges' subordination
to the law, the principle of inviolability of the person a~ll' these and
many ozher democratic institutions are employed extensively in the political
system of socialism and will increasingly effectively serve the tasks of
_ building the communist society.
Socialism is also creating entirely new forms of democracy and unprecedented
democratic institutions. It is broadening the very concept of democracy:
under socialism it is not confined merely to the political sphere but ex-
,t~nds tQ all spheres of the life of society, including the economy and cpl-
_ ture and the entire system of the management of society.
A most important feature distinguishing the socialist state from any state
- of exploiter formations is that the sole form adequate for it is socialist
democracy. Democratism is rooted in the very nature of the new social sys-~
tem, and the arena of its manifestation enjoys an extraordinary extension, -
beginning with the very sources of the origin of socialism. Onl'y the social-
ist revolution enlists in conscious historical creativity not only individual
strata or classes but also the mass of working people and the exploited.
While openirig a broad field of activity for the politically active section
_ of the people it at the same time awa'.ens the bulk thereof and accustoms
it to the discussion and solution of public affairs. -
- Any revolution imparts to a society a powerful democratic charge. But only
a socialist revolution is capable of guaranteeing tlie~further development
and expansion of democratism. Primarily because it did not culminate in
but only began with the winning of political power, after which follows a
period of the fundamental transformation of capitalist society into a so- -
cialist and co~unist society. The great goal engenders great energy. Each
upward step toward the pinnacle of social justice and of the surmounting
of the obstacles on this path calls forth new stimuli to the political
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rvn ~rrit,tt~t.. U~~ U1VLY
- activeness and creative independence of the popular masses. Such a part was
played by the struggle for the country's socialist industrialization and the
- collectivization of agriculture, the accomplishment of the tasks of the cul-
tural revolution, the defense of socialist gains in the 1941-1945 Great -
- Patriotic War and the building ot the developed socialist society.
The insistent need for the development of democratism is being engendered
by the new material living conditions and the system of production relations
of s~cialism and its class structure. As is known, public ownership of the
means of production, which in practice rules out the possibility of man`s
- exploitation of man, constitutes the economic foundation of socialism. In
whatever sector of production people may be employed and w~atever the nature
of their activity, they labor not as capitalists but for themselves and all
of society. The liberation of labor from exploitation based on private owner-
ship represents a basic condition of the freedom of the individual.
But it is more than this. Public ownership also signifies public management -
of property. Exercising the pl3nned leadership of socialist production,
accounting and control over the measure of labor and the measure of con-
- sumption, the state operates in behalf, at the instructions and in the in-
_ terests of the collective owner of the means of production--the entire peo-
ple. Thus the public system of the organization and management of the economy _
is not a precondition of a restriction of democracy, as ideologists of _
the bourgeoisie assert, but, on the contrary, a principal condition of the -
genuine sovereignty of the people.
And one further aspect of the question. Democratisin is not only a most
important goal of the new society but also a universal means of achieving
all its goals with the use of whose advantages the entire system of manage-
ment is being constructed. Socialism's socioeconomic system does not simply
engender the conditions for the democratization of all gublic life; it in-
sistently demands such democratization.
Socialism cannot linger over the creation of its own democratic system cor-
responding to the new conditions and contributing to the accelerated develop-
ment of social relations. But nor is it in a position to accomplish this
task immediately. Socialist democracy is not born in ready-made form but
goes through various stages of improvement. The formation and development
of socialist democracy is an objective process. :
A fundamental feature distinguishing the political system of socialism from
that of capitalism is thafi the former develops in a line of ascent. The
new system's democratic institutions are suffused with increasingly real
content as its socioeconomic relations acquire maturity. ~
However, before reaching a certain maturity, socialism, like any other
phenomenon, has to experience a maturation stage. The founders of Marxism-
Leninism repeatedly warned against Utopian calculations of the socialist
revolution immediately solving all problems confronting society. V. I.
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- Lenin wrote: ".../only/ with socialism does there begin a swift, real, truly
mass ongoing advance, with the participation of the /majority/ of the popu-
lation and, later, of the entire population, in all spheres of public and
private life."27
Socialist democracy has already graphically proven its superiority to all
other forms of society's political arrangement. "We now know," L. I.
Brezhnev emphasized in the CPSU Central Committee Report to the 25th party
congress, "not only from theory but also from many years of practice tha~t as -
= genuine democracy is impossible without socialism, so socialism is impos-
sible without the constant development of democracy."28
A most majo~ landmark on this path was the adoption of the new USSR Consti-
tution--the Basic Law of the world's first socialist state of all the peo-
ple. L. I. Brezhnev observed in the report at the CPSU Central Committee
Ma.y (1977) Plenum that the USSR Constitution on the one hand collates the
entire constitutional experience of Soviet history and, on the other, en- -
- r.iches this experience with new content corresponding to the requirements of -
the modern era and that //"...the principal direction of that which is new
in the draft is the extension and deepening of socialist democracy"//29
[words in double slantlines in bold face].
If the further progress of democracy--the broadening of the working people's
participation in the settlement of state and public affairs, equal relations
and the rights and freedoms of the individual--is the first task of the de-
velopment of the political system of socialism, another task is an improve-
ment in the state mechanism and optimization,.~ the entire managerial