JPRS ID: 8728 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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23 OCT06ER i9T9 CFOUO i4lT9) i OF i
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- F~~R OFNIC'IAL l1SH. nN1.Y
JPRS L/8728
23 October 1979
= ~JSSR Re ort
p -
POLlTICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
CFOUO 14/79,
FBIS FOREIGN BRO~DCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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. JPRS L/8728 -
= 23 October 1979 _
, USSR REPORT
. . POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS -
(FOUO 1.4/79 )
CONTENTS PAGE
~ NATIONAL
Book an Present Political Systems Reviewed
(L. B. Volkov, et al.; OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI,
SERIYA. l, PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMU1vIZMA, No 4,
1979) ~
REG IONAL
Books on Kirgiz and Tatar SSRS Reviewed
(OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI, SERIYA l, PROBLEMY ~
rr~uc~voGO xor~nvszr~a, rro 1979 ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Equalizing the Standard of Living in Kirgiz, by
, A. N. Vinogradov
Book on Siberian Tatars Reviewed, Uy
A. F. Tsyrkun
_ Development of Armenia.n Dissident Movement Reviewed
(E. Oganesyan; POSEV, No 7, 1979) l~+
, -
. - a - [III - U5S12 - 35 FOUO)
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� ror, c~rrr.c rni. ust: c~rvt,Y
NAT ~ONAL
~
_ BOOK ON PRESE~IT POLITICAL SYSTEM5 REVIEWED
` Mosc~ow OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI, SERSYA 1, PR03LEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMIJNIZMA in
Rus;~ian No L~, 1979 pp ~ 20-126
- .
~ ~eview by L. B. Volkov of the book POLITICHESKI~ SISTEMY SQVFtEMENNOSTI
OCHERKI) by F. M. Bw~latskiy, G. N. Manoy, V. G. Kalenskiy, ei; al, USSR
Acacie~y of Sciences, Tzdatel~stvo gosudarstva i prava, Moscow, Nauka, 1978,
253 pages7
~Text] The monograph which was assembled by a collective of authors (edited
by Yrofessor F. M. Burlatskiy and Professor V. Ye. Ghirkin) is composed
of five chapters.
The brief introduction to the book tells how various political systems of
;;oday are studied in it in accordance with the existing types of societies
as systems of socialistic, capitalistic and developing nations. The book
has made an attempt ~~to more widely show the methodology of studying politi-
cal systems which reflect new potentials which arise under the conditions o.f
a scientific and technical revolution~~ (page 4).
The first and second chapters are devoted to the features of fundamental
ideas and methods of studying politicai systems. The authors study the
political system of any society as a complex formation which insures the
existence of a society as a single boc~y which is centrally controlled by a
political power. Up to the present tht funetioning and development of this
formstion, as a ru1e, is divided (state, law, administration and so on) with =
an emphasis on discussing the institutions and not analyzing interrelations
among all elements of a single integrated system of political relations.
There has been very little work done in stuc~ying the behavior of people in '
the system of these relations. The Marxist dialectic syst�emic analysis of
these relations intends to study the func~ions "as an element of the devel-
opment of the system~~ (page 6). It also s~~zpposes a consideration for the
specifics of a social system in comparison with a biological oz� cybernetic, -
, as well as specifics of a political system. It assumes the study of conflict _
as a unity and struggle of contradictiong and it intends to pick out the
main factors of change of political systems of economics and the social
structure of society.
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The study of the characteristic traits of a political system on the basis -
of the dialectic systemic approach, as the book indicates, allows one
clearly to delimi.t it from the economic and spiritual system having picked
out a number of its particular �eat~res:
1) A political system, as opposed to other systems, attains the greatest
' power in society;
2) This system is dete~mi.ned by the economic, social and cultural structures
of t,he society;
3) It possesses relative independ~nce and a high degree of activity which
is determined by the ~~presence of a power mechanism, capability and right
to be in charge of the resources for the entire society~~ (page 9);
4) It is concentrated on the tasks of governing, and although in the process
- of management other systems are also drawn in, ~~it becomes a manifestation
of its essence only for the political system~~ (page 9).
- Of particular importance for understanding what is presented in the work on
, the approach is the more precise definition of the idea of ~~function~~ which
- has been defined in Soviet and foreign literature in more than one way. De-
fining the latter as a characteristic of substance, which becomes manifested
in work, the authors list the basic functions of a political system:
1) Determining the goals and tasks of the society (developing programs for
its vital activity primarily in accordance with the interests of the ruling
or managi.ng classes);
2) Mobilization of resourcea in order to attain the established goals;
3) Integration of all elements of the society on the basis of the goals;
Distribution of wealth in the society ~~prim.arily in accordance with the
interests of the ruling and managing classes~~ (page 10).
With such an approach, the study of. politics as a whole and in its individual
aspects (social, economic, cultural areas and so on) becomras parti.cularly
significant.
As criteria for determining the ele~ents of political systems, the autonomy
of these elements and the presence of ~~specific tasks, roles, functions,
standards, traditions, ana stereotypes" were selected i.n the book (page 12), �
The political elements which were selected in accordance with the specified
~ crii;eria composed four groups: political structure (or political organiza-
tion); political and legal standards; political relations; political culture.
What concerns the interrelations of the political system and the social and
economic sphere, the authors analyze thn thesis of the classics of Marxism--
Leninism and indicate ~~the groundless attempt of certain bourgeois authors to
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~~u~t c>~~~~ ~c:in?, u~~~: ~~N~,Y
de~cribe the matter as though Marxism leads the entire process of political
d~velopment to a direct and i.mmediate dependenc;~ on production relations.
Along with the defined influence of economics, other various factors have
a tremendaus influence on all areas of social life, part;.cularly on such an
active part as the political process. These factors include class structure,
the national composition of the society, its ethics, sense of justice, ide-
ology, culture, political traditions, inte:rnational situation and others~~
(page 19). In particular, the spiritual culture comes forth as a most
i~portant factor of influence on the political relations and political
struggle and to a great extent determines the methods and means of functioning
political institutes and the goals themselves.
The central point of the theory of the political system is the idea of power
which is revealed as ~'a real capability to realize its will in social life,
_ and bind it, if necessary, to others; the political power as or,.e of the most
important m~nifestations of power is characterized by a real capability of
a given class, broup, individual to exercise his will which is expressed in
politics and law~' (page 26). The concept of political power is considerably
- broader than the idea of state power.
As r.egards the state as an institute of a political system, its way of
governing, political z~egime, ftmctions in a political organization of society,
as it is noted in the work, no light can be shed on these questions ~~without
considering political relations, the role of the parties, other social organ-
izat;ions, political traditions, idaology, mass consciousness and so on~~
(page 34). As a result of this, the ~~inadequacy of the treatment of the
state only as an apparatus of public power~~ (Ibid) became clear. In accord-
ance with the sociological idea o.f the state, its format also must be
studied sociologically, that is, as principles o.f state organization (polit-
ica~ structure), which express the true existing ties between the social
strticture and the institution of public power. From this standpoint the idea
. of demo~~racy is interpreted as ~~the main idea of the science of' government~~
(pa~;e 35)� Dem~~cracy is the ~~ideal form of government structure owing to
which it becomes a definite objective valuable item~~ (Ibid.). But apart from
sucYi ideal forms, there were always other types o.f political ruling struc-
~ures and representations of class interests under which even the majority
classes were removed from partici~ation in government m~nagement, were de-
prived of the possibility to influence State resolutions and to control the
government. It is possible t~ est~blish autocratic, olig~rchic or democratic
stru~t~zres of political pown= un~~er~ a monarchy and republic~n i'oz^ns of
guvernment. By itsal� a republic~n form of governmen~t is not identified
with de-no~~.racy and o.ften saraed 3s a mere covar for an oli~~rchi~ or indi-
vidual dict~t~rial ~~w�ar. On the other han3, a monarchy is also not always
iden~tified with autocracy and often is presented as quite a stable ~type of
bourgeois democracy. C~nsidsring these observations, the book studies the -
questions of correlating the forms of State, types of governmer~t and the
pol_t,ical regime.
In fu.rther studyi.ng the morphology of a political culture, the authors in-
clude in it types of the nolitical process, stereotypes of political
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beh~~vior, polit.ical rc~les, political traditions and othe.r ~~mearis of orga-
niz::ing pol.itical life (page !~3), as well as political at~titudes, accom-
plishment:, religious beliefs, political directions, po:;.iticsl values and
ide~~J_s, tY~�st is, fact~~rs which motivate political activity. In the book
cotn?nunicative ~nd significant functions of a political c~alture are picked � _
out; the first of which serves the political interaction of inembers of the
so~~iety, and the second is tied in with the title, nam5.ng an~~ evalw~ting
fea-tures in order to determine their place ~~in the overall context of a
social experience" (page ~.8). The authors put the question of political con-
sciousness and its relations with the activity of the groups and individusls -
_ intc~ the framewc~rks oi' the general study of a political culturE;. Political
_ con:~ciousness is �a fundamental link and a totally realistic paint in the
proc:ess of political rule~~ (page /~9) .
The fourth chapt,er is devote~3 to the fundamental features and i;endencies of
the development of a political system in a socialist society. Governing a
soc ~alist societ,y rel~.es on the political power and is realizec~ thro~agh a
specific social struci;ure--the political system of the society. In this way,
it has the characteristic of a social and political government.
Pol~_tical power and a political system are not idantical but are mutuslly
rel~.ted social phenomena. ~~There is no and cannot be a st~ble political
power without a corresponding political system~~ (page 9g). According to the
autYiors, a political system is the birth of power and its incaznation. In
the book the political. system of socialism is characterized as a flexible,
d.ynamic and efficient social mechanism. The political system af a socialist
society is not confined by only for.n,al and informr~l organizatians. It also
incl.udes rules, traditions and standards of s~cial and politic~zl life, on
which to a great exten.t itsstability depends. '~In the life of the society,
trsclitions of socialist democracy are important. They reflect Le;~in~s ideas
on t;he more and mo.ra broad and effective participation of the working masses
in managing the affa,irs of the society~~ (page 99). In the development of
a political syste~ of socialism, the political culttare of the wide spread
- working masses, which as the authors write, is expressed in a de,~ply con- -
scious, active ralation o.f the citizens towards politics is of no less
importance.
In characterizing the perspective future improvement of governing the society
and the development of democracy under socialism, the authors oppose con- -
, trasting governrnent and democracy. They undersco.re that further increasing
tYie social effectiveness of a political system must be accomplished on the
basis of combining two ~spects: professionalism and democracy. In connec-
tion with this, and particularly it is noted that under socialism the
scientific and technical revolution by no means weakens the de~ocractic basis
of the power struct~~re. Under the conditions of a socialist society, the
scientific and techr.ical revolution promotes raising the level of education
in the construction and function of all li~-~.ks of the power stru.cture without
excepti~~n and it promotes '~the complete and effective blending of science,
politics and democracy~~ (page 112).
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Tne fourth chapter is devoted to some of the aspects of ~.;he fe~,.tures of a
- political system of modern capitalism. At the base of the political organi-
zation of a bourgeois society is the political power strizcture of monopoly,
ms thn chr~pter indic~tes. It dominstes in the political org~nization within
the �ramework of which there is a struggle of claaaes, pr.irtios, organiza-
tions and so on. The basic link of this structure is tho govez~nm~nt which
is characterized by a tendency to strengthen bureaucracy, rulinb power and
by reducing the real amount of power of the parliamentary institutions. At
the same time, in the political system of a capitalist society the struct~are
of political parties plays an important role. As.the book indicates, the
_ inc~~ease in the role of the political parties is caused by both attempting
to ~~dapt the general elpction'right to the tasks of the ?nonopo~y and by the
attenpt, with the help of the parties, to manipulate the people, and finally,
by ~ittempts to lead the activity of the masses into the areas necessary for
the monopolies and contrast them, with the help of a party system, to the
Fro.r~t of communis~ and working parties.
In t;tie fifth chapter the question of the political systems of developing
nat~_ons is treated. The authors give the general featurss of i;he systems
ind::cated: the revolutionary character of their emergence; thc~ combination
and interlacing into fi,he political systems of the old and the i~iew, of tra-
dit~ional elemsn~;s, institutions which reflect the influence of capitalism,
- and elements determined by the influence of the system of socialism (for
exaraple, government planning); the unclear expression ~~one class character
of a political power~~; the particular feature of the role of the government
connected with the development of a state structure of the economy and the
task of solving the problem of the scientific and technical revolution, as
well as with the fact that in a political system the ariqy usually plays an
_ important role and the parties are given a secondary place.
Howe�Jer this e~ernal, and in many ways formal commun~ty of characters, is
less important than the featlares connected with one or some other path of
devslopment which is chosen by the countries--with an orie:~~tation towards
c~pitalism or with an orientation towards socialism. From this point of view,
the fzatures of the political systems of individual developing nations are
detailed in the work.
COPYRIGHT: INION AN SSR
871
~ : 1800 �
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RrGIONAL '
- ~
BOOhS ON KIRGIZ AND TATAR SSRS REVIEWED ~
Equalizing the Standard of Living in Kirgiz
Mosc:ow OB5HCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI, SERIYA 1, PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA in '
~ Russian No l~, 1A79 pp 100-106
fRe~riew by A. N. Vinogradov of the book REGIONAL'~r1YYE PROBLEMY VYRAVNIVANIYA -
URCti'NEY ZHTZNI GORODSKOGO I SEL?SKOGO NASELENIYA by A. M. Moldc,kulov, ~
Kyrgyzstan, Fr.unze, 197$, 105 pages]
_ ~ext7 The book consists of a preface and five chapters.
The first chapter is "The Objective Necessity and Practical Means of Equali-
zing the Urban and Rural Population�s Standard of Living Under Socialism.~~
The idea of ~~standard of living~~ is a broad social and economic classifica-
tion which is influenced by the ki.nds of property used as a means of pro-
- duction, the type and class essence of the economics and social relations,
culture and so on. The Marxist-Leninist concept of raising the standard of
living not only means providing the people with an adequate amount of
material wealth, but also satisfyi.ng their social, spiritual and moral nee~s.
The further strengthening of the material ar_d technical base for agriculture
and the gradual merging of the two forms of property for px~oduction resources _
_ into a single co~maon property promote carry'ing out the tasks of equalizing -
the urban and rural standard of living at the stage of mature socialism. On _
~the whole in the USSR the level of real incomes for kolkhoz workers ir~ rela-
tion to the ruxal income of workers and employees increased from 75 percent
in 1965 to 85 in 1976 per family member (page 11), Moreover, the introduc-
tion of guaranteed labor wage on the ko].l~hozes, a single aystem of pension -
and social insurance, more rapid rates of inareasing real incomes for kolkhcz
workers, the capability for workers, employees, kolkhoL workers to equally
use social funds for consumption was signi~icant.
The differences in the standards of living between rural and urban popula-
tior.is are greater in those areas where the proportion of rural population is
relatively high, the prevalence here of cooperative and kolkhoz property
determ~~es certain differences in comparison with the ci�ties on the level of
produ~;tion development as well as in the distribution of newly created ~
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products. In K:irgiz over 60 percent of the population lives in rural areas
(the total for the USSR is 39 percent). The rate o.f gro~~rth for the urban
popt~lation due ~l,o the migration from the rural areay is i~ot si~nificRnt ti11d
the absolute munber of' those working on agriculture farm;:s as opposed to other -
repL~blics is not decreasing but increasing.
The second chapter is ~~The Problem of Equalizing the Level of Earnings for
the Population.~~ Increasing salaries for the rural population is promoted
by i;he inclusio~ of those working ~.t home and on subsidiary farms into social
_ production, improving the distribution of industrial branches with considera-
tiori given to the sex and age composition of labor resources, the approach
of enterprises to the source of labor power and so on. The employment of
labc>r resources in Kirgiz in agriculture is higher than in other republics
of C~entral Asia, but somewhat lower than the Union averr~ge lev~el. The pro-
portion of those uneraployed in public production and studying in rural ai�eas
is somewhat greater than in the cities of the republic (in recent years it
has even increased in individual cases). This is explained by the greater
proportion of children in kolkhoz workers'families (high rat~ of growth for
the rural population continues i.n the future also) and the low mobilizati~n
of the rural population. Although the absolute number and the proportion of
young people who are leaving their native village has a tendency to be
increasing, the working class of Kirgiz continues to inerease because of ttie
migi~ation of the urban population from other areas of the country. It is
the author~s opinion that the rese~xcners who feel that the reason for the
low mobility of the rural population is having man~r children and being unpre-
parEd for work in industrial bi�anches is incorrect., The rural popuJ_ation of
Central Asia, primarily the young people, basically~ has a complete or not
com~lete secondary education, which easily allows them to transfer to work
in industrial branches. However, such a transfer in a certain way is held .
back by the fact that in the city housing and other conditions are not
readily available.
e
In Kirgiz the niunber of workers and employees living in rural areas increased
by 16 percent for 1971-1976 (to a certain extent this is connected with the
reorganization of the kolkhozes and sovkhoz~s), and the proportion of kolkhoz
workers in the overall num'oer in the rural population decreased from 1~6.1
percent in 1971 to /~3.6 percent i.n 1975. In 1976 l~9,000 kolkhoz workers a
living in rural areas, were constantly busy in indus~ry, transportation and
in Fnterprises of the interkolkhoz associations. However,for 1960-1g75 the
proportion of those working in industry located in rural areas decreased -
from 15 percent to 13.1 percent with an absolute increase in their number
(page 15-16).
For 1970-1975 ir.. Kirgiz the salary in the families of workers and employees -
incrsased by 16 percent, and ~or the families of kolkhoz workerss the earnings
fron~ the kolkhozes increased by 2l~ percent. The portion of wages on the
kolkhozes in the combined income of the kolkhoz workers increa~ed from 39�5
percent in 1953 to l~7.3 percent in 1975, while the incom~ received in state
and cooperative organizations (including pension, grants, benefits), increased
'from U tc~ 23.5 percent. In 1975 the income from subsidiary farms, which were
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having the tendHncy of decreasing, compr3_sed 27.5 percen~ of th~ combined
inccme in kolkhoz workers~families, and in the families of workers and em-
ployees it was '7.~3 percen~t (page 2~-26) . The difference;; in the wages for
- kol~:hoz workers and tre workers ar~d employees in the repi~blic are leas than
in t:,he nation as a whole. -
In Kirgiz, as in al1 of the USSR, solving the problem of equalizing the
income level of rural and uxban populations supposes the approach of the
salary of kolkhoz workers to the level of sovkhoz workers~ wages, and sub-
~ sequently having it reach the level of industrial workers~ salary. This
primarily requires an increase in the productivity of labor in agriculture
- on ~he basis of growth in the power available and funds available, and the
improvement in the structure of fixed capital. F'or 1970-1976 in the
reptiblic~s industry,the productivity of l~bor increased by 31 percent, and
in agriculture--by 8 percent. This is partially connected with the defi-
ciezices in the deliveries of industrial products to the r.ountryside. Thus,
accurding to the data of the interbranch balance sheet, the deliveries of
industrial goods to agrictuture sites in the countr,y for 1966-1972 increased
by a factor of 2.7, and in Kirgiz--by a factor of 1,~ (p~,ge 3~). The classi-
fication of workers greatly influences the salary level. For 1965-1975 the
J number of inechanical experts in the republic incr~ased by 35.9 percent, with
an ~_ncrease of 7.9 percent of those working in agriculture. At the same
timo, the propoi-tion c~i classified personn~l in agriculture, particularly
amor~g women, wa~ insi~nnificant.
The social consumptiori funds play an impoztant ~ole in equalizing the per
capita income. On the whole in the country, the proportion of public funds
, in the combined income for wor.kers as well as kolkhoz workers has a tendency
to increase and grow closer. The voltune of public f~ands depends upon the
growth and distribution of the national income. In Kirgiz the increase in
the national income for 1970-1975 comprised 27.8 percent with a 12.5 percent
_ growth in the population. During 1965-~975 the payments and services from
the public funds increased by a factor of 2.g (from 357.5 to 99$.9 million
rubles). According to the data of the budget surveys of the Kirgiz SSR
Central Statistical Administration, the proportion of social consumption
funds in the combined income of industrial workers'families of the republic
for 1976 amounted to 10.9 percent, and in k-~lkhoz workers~ fami.lies it was
13.5 percent. These figures were one-half and two-thirds as much as the
corresp~nding All-iTnion figures. Expenditures from pub'lic funds for social
and cultural measures were five-elevenths as mucY. as for the USSR as a whole,
whiah is explairied by an inadequate developm~nt ^f the area of services in _
the republic (page l~3) .
The author feel5 that to agree with the proposals of individual economists
to ~:stablish the level of expenditures for social and cultural measures for
the union renublics ir~ such a way that it depends on the extent; of the
nat~_onal income created by them ~~not only weakens the economic; integration
betweer_ Lulion republics, but can also damage it~~ (page 45). Under such an
appro=~ch, the republic spe~ializing in the production of raw m~terials will
try ~t,u develor a more profitable industrial processing branch (for example,
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in k~ringing out cotton and fiber, the proceeds are less than in producing
fin~.shed fabric), which would lead to an inadequate utilization of the
republics~ capacitiea, which are based on the raw materials of o~her areas.
~~Therefore, it is more proper if economic unity insures both the soli-
dar~ty of division and exchange. Only in this manner can the level of the
uti~~_ization of social cons~ption funds in various areas be equalized~~
~Pa~,e 46) �
Chapter Three is ~~Probl.ems of Equalizing Consumption.~~ In Kirgiz the mone-
tary income of the people for 1976 increased in com~arison with.1g60 by a
fact;or of 3.7. The real per capita income of the people for 1g65-1976 in-
creased by 65.3 percent, while the sale of foodstuffs increaseC, by 61~.3 per-
cent (page 49). The proportion of the money spent for food in the workers~
families decreased from 1~9.4 percent in 1965 to 36.7 percent, i.n the kolkhoz
_ wor~:ers ~ famili~,s it c~ecreased fr~m 50 to l~3.6 percont. In 1975 the average
anntial consumption in the republ.ic compared to the average All-Union figure
was: for meat--67 pex^cent, dairy products--56 percent, sugar---75 percent
and so on (page 50-5~). These differences are partially determined by na-
tiorial trad~tior~s and in part by the sex and age composi~tion of' the popula-
tior~. ~~At the same time, in supplying the republic~s populace with food by
caloricity in individual types of foodstuffs, cons~amption by r~tional stand-
ard~ is not attained~~ (page 51
In comparison with fa~nilies of workers and employees, the families of kolkhoz
workers conslune 35.~ percent less meat products, 2g.3 percent lesa dairy
proclucts, and 25 percent less eggs; however,they consume 13.7 percent more
baked goods and 39.1 percent more fru.it. In 1976 the workers and employees
consumed 60 percent of the meat intended for sale through State and Coopera-
tive trade, 18 percent on the market and 19 percent from subsidiary farms.
Kolkhoz workers bought 47 percent of the meat from subsidiary farms, 19 per-
cent was purchased in State trade, 6 percent on kolkhozes and 25 percent in
kolkhoz markets. Almost the same correlation of sources of conswnption pay-
ment is true for other type~ of agricultural foodstuffs (page 54-55).
The constunption of all types of non-foodatutfs in the republic has a tendency ~
to increase and almost exists on the Union level. In 1975 the amount of
expenditures for the purchase of social amenities in the families of kolkhoz -
workers was 34 percent less than in the families of industrial workers (page
60). One of the reasons for such a situation is the inadequate development
of trade in non-foodstuffs in agricultural areas. The proportion of expendi-
tures among kolkhoz workers for the purchase of non-foodstuffs among indi-
viduals in the overall expenditures of the family for these goods was 13 pe~-
cent in 1975 (for urban dwellers it was less than half as much), and it
decreased during the Ninth Five-Year Plan by 3 percent (page 61).
The fourth chapter is ~~Problems of Equalizing the Services Rendered to the
Popu?ace.~~ In 1976 the expenditures for education in Kirgiz were greater
by a fact~r of aimost 8 than in 1950; however, in calculating the per pupil _
and student expenditures, they have not yet reached the All-Union level.
In 1y~~5 a4�2 percent cf those finishing eight grades continued their educa-
tion in secandary school.
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t~oii orr~ ~c;rnl, i~5~~: ~~rai.,Y -
Altr.ough during 1 ti39.- I~~'7C) tne ritunber o.f people having an incamplote higher,
incampls~e secoi�idary and second~ry educt~tiori increased iti the cities of
Kir~;iz by a fac~tor of "I E,; in the rural areas it increased by a factor of 22.
The nwnber of persons having a higher education in the countryside wae one--
third as much as that and the nuuiber of persoris wi~;h unfiniahed higher,
secondary and. incomplete szcondary educa~tion was l~.3.6 percen~t leas than in
the city (page 67; . Such a diffe.rcrice is pr3lnarily explairied by the inade-
quscy of' secondary schools in the i~uxal. areas.
~ In the 1977/78 ac~deiaic year ~Lhere were 3/ second~ry vocational and technical -
schc~ois in the republic wY~re 22,300 persons studied. In 17 of them, located
in t,he rural areas, working personnel were ~rained in 50 specialized fields
( pa~;e 71) ~
In the republic oF trie t,otal riwnbEr of stucleiits, the proportion oF warkers~
children increased from 2h.'1 percent in t~he 196~/69 academic yE;ar to 32.9
per~;ent in the 1976~7& acadeulic year; for ~hose of kollchoz workers--from 20.5
percent to 25.5 percerit with t~ ciecrea~e in the proportion of employees~
chi.ldren f.rom 52.~ percerit to L,.1 .6 percent (page 72) .
For 1970--1~75 the number of' doctors provided for the rural population in-
creased by more than a factor of 2, although it is significantly lower than
in Lhe city. Differences in providing doctors and beds are equalized to a
cer-tain extent by the fact that a J.arge portion of the rural poptLation (for
1971~--27.2 percent) is cared fcr in urban hospitals (page 77-78). The elim3.-
_ natian of sparsely populated areas promotes an improvement in medical ser-
vic~~s .
~
There are n~? particul.ar differences between the cities and the countryside
ii~ providing living space. In recent years in the rural areas, the rate of
construction was greate.r than in the city. However, in the rtual area
individual construction is prevalenf. which has a negative influence on the
budget of rural inhabitan~~s.
The volume of social ser~ri.ces pex~ capita in Kirgiz is steadily approaching
the All-Uni~~n level. For 1960-1976 the n~ber of enterprises for social
services in the republic increased by a factor of 2.5, in the rural area--
by a factor 3, and the vulume of services rendered rose accordingly by a
factor of 7.l~ and 2.3.~. However in the coun~ryside it was still ten--
nineteenths as mucYi (page 93). The proportion of kolkhoz workers' expenses
by individuals was fairly high f'or repair work (in 1975 from 26 to 32 per-
cent of the overal7. volume of corresponding expenditures), although they did
not have a tendenc;y to decrease (page 9~, Table).
In Ch ~pter Five ~~Some Problems of the Econoinic; Development of Kirgiz and
Their Influence on the Improvement of the Well-Being of the Po~,~ulation" the
autnor notes tha-L Ly the measure of the development o� specialization, and
the i:icrease it1 mutt;al dependence between regiuns when satisfying the needs
of tha population oYten is carried out at the expense of other republics and
areas, the significar_ce of' the further improvement of inter- and inner--
repuolicar_ ecanomic ties increases.
- cor~YP,lrE:z~: i~ro~~ ~N sssr~
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Book on Siberian Tatars Reviewed
Mosc�ow OBSHCHES'1~'VENNYYE NAUKI, SERIYA 1, PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA in
Rus;;ian No 4, 1 y79, pp 116-119
~Review by A. F. Tsyrkun of the book SOVREMENNYYE ETNICHESKI~ PROTSESSY
SREDI SIBIRSKIKH TATAR by N. 1_. Tomilov, Iomsk, Izdatel~stvo Tomskogo
- Universiteta, 1978, 208 pages~
~ext~ The modern Siberian Tatars are the ethnic heirs of the ancient Turkic
heat;hen population of Western Siberia of which a considerable portion be-
lon~;ed to the Siberian ~atar khanate before the arrival of the Russians.
The main area of this settling--the region from Tyumen~ and Tobol~sk to
Tomsk ar~d Kemerovo--is not solid: the Tobol~sk-Irtyshsk, Barabinsk and
Tom;k Tatars arQ the fundamental ethnic groups of the Siberian Tatars who -
are territorially divided by the surrounding Russian settlements. The total
- number of people in 1887 was 75,200; in 1926 it was 11$,300; in 1959 it was
11~7,~00; and in ~970 it was 191,200 persons.
Before the revolution the ethnic processes among Siberian Tatai�s develaped
in several directions: the consolidation of the Turkic heathen population
of the cent,ral portion of Western Siberia~ into large territorial and ethnic
groups, the par~ial consolidation of the~e groups into a broader ethnic
comiaunity of Siberian Tatars, their approach to the newly arrived Volga and
Ura1 area Tat~rs, as well as to the surrounding Russian populat,ion. Before
the revolution the Siberian Tatars did not make up a single etnnic group and
were only a very weakly integrated ethnic community. The mass relocation to
Siberia by Russian and later also by Volga and Tatar inhabitants led to the _
weakening of inter-group ties of the original Tatars and to their coming
closer to the newly arrived inhabitants. The author disputes the opinion
th~:�t there was a consolidation of Siberian Tatars occurring among the Volga _
area inhabitants within the framework of the form.ation of a Tatar bourgeois
- nation. Kazan~ had more of a religious and enlightened role than one of an
economic center.
During the first ten years of Soviet power, certain tendencies for the con-
solidation of Siberian Tatars into a single ethnic community were preserved--
the dialects grew more si_mi.lar, differences in cultural and living str~ndards
among the groups of Siberian Tatars were reduced, local ethnic entities were
forced out, and the name ~~Siberian Tatars" itself was spreading. But their
wide territorial scattering and the intensified process of the etilni.cs of
tt,e inhabitants and increased similarity between ethnic groups (particularly
with the Volga Tatars and Russian) ~~did not lead to the consolidation of
internal ties...and prr~ctically eliminated the significance of the processes -
of internal ~onsolidation for Siberian Tatars for the present and ftizture~~
(page 151) .
The author writes that it~ is incorrect to consider that the Siuerian Tatara
have 7ow consolidated with the Tatar nation and now comprise part of it.
The ~;nity of their ethnic origin (their ancient Tatar community), literary
lang-aage and the ethr.ic entity (~~Tatars~~ ) are not a ~ all decisive indicators .
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rort orrzcrAi. ~JSf, o[vi,Y
The abaence of the to~;al of tho indicators of an ethnic comruunity which is
- the only one for all Siberian and Volga area Tatars, thus far does not
allow thom to be ccmpletoly identified and uni.te~l ini;o one nation. At the
same time, the developing processes of consolid~tion for Siberian Tatara
' with Volga area and Uz�al area reached a level wh.ere the dialects of Siberian
TatFirs entered into the system of thP modern Tatar langu~ge. A definite
lay~r af common phenomena manifests itself ~;z the t~adit:ional d.nd everyday
liv`~ng cultux'e. In the Siberian Tatars' consciousness the idea of their -
kindred to the Volga area and Ural area Tatars and so on ia growing stronger.
As a result ~'at the p.resent tiune Siberian Tatars are completely included in-
to ~;he Tatar ethnic community on the ethno-linguis~ic level, aX~parently, as
its particular regional ethnic community and the,y are part of all the USSR
Tatars'~ (page 103),
In i;he last decade the process of drawing together Siberian Ta~Lars with the
suxrounding Russian inhabit�ants is developing faster. 'Phis process is mani-
festin~ itself through bilingual Tatars, the adaptation o� many Russian and
- All--Union cultux�al aspects, and through an increase in mixed mn.rriages and
partial assimilation of individual Russian groups. This direction of ethnic
processes is growing stronger and becoming primary.
At the present time, from 7/~.95 percent to 61~./*1~, percent of the people have
a command of the Tatar language, f`rom 61.5 percent to 77.2g percent of the
Siberian Tatars have a comma,nd of the Russian langurage; that i.s, bilinguali9m
, is ti~ide spread. At trie same time, in 1970 ~g.2 percent of the Siberian
Tatars (including 9y..o percent of the rural inhabitants) considered their
native language to be Tatar, which indicates that for a long time it will
play an important role.
In t~he cit~es the processes of growing closer and blending on an inter-
ethnic level are considerably more intense. Here the local Tatars which
make up the majority blend in with Volga area Tatar groups. The process of
drawing closer among the city Tatars and Russians which leads ~Lo the break--
down of endogamy and to the assi.milation of sections of the Tat;ars by the
Russians which is natural and progressive is developing with greater inten-
sity than in rural areas.
The territorial factar significantly influenced the development of ethnic
processes among Siberian Tatars. Their widespread settling and relativPly
- few nlunbers are not favorable for internal consolidation. In the future the
ethno-cultuxal processes among them will continue separa~tely in individual
ethnic groups.
The definite process of a comprehensive internationalization, consolidating
inhabited areas with a mixed na~Lional composition, increasing the role of
the new generation in the life of the Siberian Tatars, particu7_arly the
Siberian Tatar vi1]_ages, the disappearance of vestiges in relation to women
in the `['atar ciz'.r,les~ raising the cultural and educational level of the
Tatar~ from various social and professional groups, and the eradication of
relig;_ous superstitions are the main factors insuring the intensive approach
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of Siberian Tatars to the other peoples of the USSR and primarily to the
Russians. ~~This process is gart of a general ethno-political integration
_ which is developing ae a result of the interaction of nationalities and
nations in our country~' (page 151~-155) . This process is most clearly re-
flected in the area of cultuxe and everyday life of the ;iberian Tatars.
Whi~.e during tha first '~ecades of Soviet power, the influence o~ everyday
lif~: and spiritual cu].ture of the Volga area Tatars played an important role
- in the process of tra.nsforming the cultural and everyday living aspect of
the Siberian Tatars, recently the influence of Russians on the entire country-
wide aspects of culture and everyday life prevails.
At the same time individual traditional elements in the famili~s and social
customs and rites, national ideas and religious beliefs, and the folklore
of t;he Siberian Tatar~ are being preserved. In the area of everyday family
l~fe as well as in the spiritual culture of Siberian Tatars, traditional
_ ch~i�acteristics preserve the more firm positions than in the m~.terial culture,
although there is also present here a tendency towards weakening the ethnic
specificity.
~ On the whole, 5iberian Tatars ~~apparently...among other fundamental ethnic
formations of Western Siberia are more strongly included, at the present
timE:, by the processes of ethnic integration with other groups" (page 157).
COPYRIGHT: INION AN SSR
- 8714
CSO; 1800
~
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rvn vrrl~ltw uJG UIVLY
REG.IONAI,
DEV~LOPMENT OF ARMENIAN DISSIDENT MOVII~IENT REVIEWID
Fra~kfurt/Main POSEV in Russian No 7, 1g79 pp 28-32
[Ar-ticle by E. Oganesyan: "Armenian Dissidence"]
[Text] The Munich Institute for Armenian Problems has published in Armenian
a book eiititled "Voices from the Motherland" in which the author, Levon
Mkr~tchyan, has rollec~~ed and analyzed materials on Armenian dissidence over _
tYie last 15 yea.rs. I have prepared the present article for the Russian
rea~3er on the basis of this book and from the stories of' dissidents who have
immigrated from the USSR.
Dissidence is called dissidence as this form of thinking differs from the
forms which are acceptable and to the liking of the authorities. The history
of ~issidence begins simultaneously with the history of power and authority
in Soviet society. And Soviet dissidence arose along with Soviet power and,
in r.unning through the Gulag Archipelago and sometimes in bypassing it, has
come down to our times.
If the dissident movement is viewed a.s a manifestation of different minded-
ness, that is the dissemination of ideas not approved by the au+..horities,
~ then this manifestation has occurred through three channels: Samizdat,
Tamizdat and open protests. All three fortns for the manifestation of dis-
sidence in Armenia began 15-17 years ago. At that time, in 1962, during
the period of the flourishing of national self-awareness, the book of Magda
- Ney:nan "Armyarie" wa~ revised, reprinted, photographed and distributed.
This book provided an authentic history of Armenia and was written with
great sympa+hy for the Armenian people. At the same time the residents of
Yerevan found in their post boxes leaflets with nationalistic appeals and
Samizda.t newspapers such as "Paros" ("Beacon") and "Yerkunk" ("Ventures").
And in 1.965, a large demonstration was held in Yerevan involving virtually
all the population of the Armenian capital. The demonstration was so im- _
pressive that the police did not dare to prPVent it, and the a.uthorities
did not dare to order the police to do this. Moreover, during the evening
government meeting in the capital's opera house, when t11e demonstrators
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broke in, the members of the ~overnment fled, leaving th~~ pc~pie to the
- charge of the Catholicos of all the Armenians (the head ~f the Armenian
Church, editors), and in the name of God he began to calm the excited
Komsomol members. =
~ In truth, the demonstration was timed for the 50th anniv~~rsary of the
~enocide of the Armenians in Turkey, arid formally did not have a,n anti-
Soviet nature, but in the process of the demonstration, ~I'urkey moved into
the background. On Lenin Square the demonstrators demanded that the monu-
ment to Lenin be removed, in shouting: "Why should a monument to this
person stand in Armenia which he sold out to Turkey and Azerbaijan?" _
Al1 these events which occurred in Armenia 15 years ago ~1ere ve~ry storrr~y,
but they were not supported in the West and for this reason they were easily -
suppressed. They were not supported for two reasons. In the first place,
bec~.use these fi.rst Armenian dissidents did not have contact with those
who would send on such information to the West. These ties appeared much ~
late~r, when the dissid.ents themselves were in prison and there became ac-
quainted with tY~e Jewish and Russian dissidents~ Secondly, because Armenian
dissidence of tnose times had a purely local national nature a,nd did not fit
inta the overall struggle for "our and your freedor.:," "for the rights of
man," and for democracy. I~ was strictly Armenian and in this quality was
of interest neither to the West, to the Russians, to the Jews, or even to -
the overseas Armenians who, in investing all of their sparse farces into
the anti-Tux�kish struggle, could not invest anything in the struggle on the
Soviet front.
At present, wr.en Armenian dissidence, due to contacts with the human rights
movement, has adopted forms which are more acceptable for the West and certain
circles, it has become better known and has come to have greater support.
But still ~he beginning to this movement was made by people the names of
whom are known to few and who�unstintingly fought under conditions of com-
plete isolation from the outside world. And we may begin the history of
Armenian dissidence with them.
On 26 November 1961, in Warsaw, the Polish catholic newspaper KIERUNKI pub-
lished an article by the Polish art historian Bogdan Genbarski entitled
"A Letter to My Old Tu.rkish Friend," in which the author with g;reat sympathy -
referred to the Armenians and proposed forms for solving the Armenian problem.
In January .1962, this same journal published an article by anot;her Polish -
author Genrich BatowSki, and this was written in reply to the Genbarski
article and had a clearly anti-Armenian nature. The author felt that the
Armenian problem had already been settled by Soviet power. And then, in
June of the same year, the same magazine published an article by the his-
torian from Soviet Armenia, Nikos Karapetyan entitled "No, You are Mistaken,
Genrich Batowski!" Then this article was reprinted by many foreign news-
_ papers. Soon thereafter its au~hor was deprived of all scientific titles
as well as his positions. For what rea~on? The justification was simple:
"Karapetyan on the questions of the higtory of the Armenian people has shown
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~ F(1R OFFT.CTAI. USF, ~NI,Y
a nationalistic approach instead of a class approach." ~tVatura:~ly, we can-
not give Karapetyan's article which was very extensive. We would merely
poi.nt out ~that the deviation from the class approach was in the fact that
the aui;hor sharply criticized Lenin's poli~y in the Caucssus, beginning
wi~tti the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and ending with the "great friendship of ,
Lenin--Ataturk." In order to show how sharp his criticism was, we have
merely to give one excerpt from his article:
"The boundaxy which was established for Armenia in 1921, on the one hand,
meant the confiscation of the right to a sovereign existence fi�om the
Armf:nian people, and on the other, meant the justification and support for
the policy of genocide."
And this was about Lenin!
The next document which I would like to mention is the letter of 2,500
ArmE~nians from the Na~orno-Ka,rabakhskaya Autonomous Oblast sent; to Khrushchev.
In i;his letter, the inhabitants of Karabakh, in describing the intolerable
Arme~nian-Azerbaijani relations, asked Khrushchev to include the Karabakhskaya
Oblast as part af Soviet Armenia as this oblast was 80 percent populated by
Arme,nians and historically had.always belonged to Armenia. Thc~ letter also
poirited out that a declaration to transfer l{arabakh and Nakhichevan' to
Armenia had been signed in 1920 and had been proclaimed at a ceremony of
the Baku Soviet. But under the treaty with Turkey, Nakhichevan' was turned
over to Azerbaijan, and in 1923, Karabakh was.
After this letter, persecution began in Karabakh. Virtually all the leaders
of the oblast were removed from their posts, arrests followed, but what was
even worse, Armenian and Azerbaijani relations deteriorated further. The
"friendship of Soviet peoples" devolved into drawn daggers.
Subsequently events in Armenia developed in the following manner. After the
large demonstration in Yerevan in April 1965, the secretary of the Komsomol
Cent.ral Committee Kamshalov, at a mecting of the youth organizations in
Moscow; stated that the events in Yerevan were related to the riationalistic
tend.encies of the Armenian youth and that these tendencies had been in-
spired in the youth by a handful of the intelligentsia which w~.s contami-
nated by anti-Soviet views and wanted to separate Armenia from Russia.
And then, on the eve of the 24th Congress of the Armenian Communist Party,
at one of the meetings of the party aktiv of the city of Yereva.n, the poetess
Sil'va Kaputikyan gave a report in wh~ch she criticized the statements of
the secreta,ry of the Iiomsomol Central Committee Kamshalov on the Armenian
events. Her speech was completely devoted to the national problems and its
main thought was that the events in Armenia had been related to an increase
in the national self-awareness of the people, and not to the propaganda of
a ha.ndful of intellectuals. She emphasized that the party shottl.d not com-
plain of the youth and not persecute it, but rather understand it and en-
deavor to satisfy its aspirations. She concluded her speech with the follow-
ing bold st~,tement:
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"('u:~~rc~~l~~:;~ Lhc n;il.iou;~.l i Ly yucr;.l,iori :i.~ a carn~,l~cr~i.t.c~d oue:. lli..~~,ot�y kric~w:;
nc~i~,~ c~x;.un~~1c;, whrn vr~,�ious ~overnments, without bein~; .tiLile Lo :,o:lvc~ tlic
� nr~.l;i~inr~iil.y ~rcblc~rn:;, ~~~r~i:,h~rd. The a.lrnost '~0-y~~~,r ~~xi:;te~ic~~ r~f' t,lic U~~;;li
li:~:; ;,li~,wii LIuiL I,tu~ l~ciiini:,t, ntli.ion;~.~l.ii.:,y ~~o.Licy h~~r 1,~~~~ii u:;c~l'ul ici c�r~~n,l..iti~; -
r1 ma.I.L in~~Lioti~.l st~,te, t~ut at the sa.me i;ime many nt~.tional ques ~.iona arc
still iiot resolved. Por this reason I feel that the central bodies of our -
part,y shoulci be more soundly concerned with the national problems."
Although the speech oF Sil'va Kaputikyan was published in many i'oreign news-
papers, she wa.s not subjected to serious persecution. Of course, she fell
out of favor, and temporarily she was not permitted to travel abroad, but
still her fate was not what usually happened in similar instances. And ~t
present she again is traveling abroad and is writing little articles whic:~
please tne authorities.
At i;he sa.me time, in the Samizdat, there appeared a letter from the CPSU
member Ye. G. Ovar~esyan sent to the CPSU Central Committee. The letter was
pub~ished in POSEV (28 October 1966), and I will not take it u?~ in detail.
I wc~uld merel,y point out that it dealt with the anti-Armenian uiews of
ceri;ain consultants of PRAVDA who, as the author wrote, depicted lies and
injtistice as truth. In partieular, a certain Ikenitskiy was s}larply criti-
cize:d as on the pages of PFtAVDA he had voiced anti-Armenian views. Durin~
the sa.me period in Armenia manuscripts were circulated which sharply criti-
cized tlie entire Leninist nationality policy in the Transcaucasus. And
the:~e works were written on a high scientific level and with a profound his-
tor~_cal and political analysis of events. This showed that the authors of
the manuscripts were prominent historians and literary figures of the re-
publ.ic. Their riames tirere known to everyone, but no one said them out loud.
GenE:rally, the dissidence of this period, that is, 1.96~+-1968, could be de-
scri.bed a.s universal dissidence, dissidence that was national ~,nd in official-
age terms, solid. Those who "dissented" were leading scientists, writers,
artists, and even certain members of the departments of the Central Committee
of the Armenian Communist Party. This all-encompassing nationalism appeared
everywhere. Thus, the rule was introduced in the Academy of Sciences that
for receiving an academic degree in any area of science, it was essential to
pass examinations in Armenia. And children were not registered at the
Civil Registry if their parents had given them non-Armenian names such as
Nikolay or Eduard. The musical collectives began to perform forgotten
Medieval Armenian music (basically church music). The youth began to ~et
married in churches. Many books appeared out of the historic past of
Armenia. In the theaters plays were given on historical subjects. Armenian
coins appeared at home. We were hissed at when we spoke in Russian at meet-
ings. Parents began to send their children to Armenian schools.
All of this could not help but alarm Moscow. Initially the fir�st secretary
of the Central Committee, Zarubyan, was removed, and then, for the first
time in a11 the history of Soviet power, a Russian secretary of the Central
Committee anc3 minister of the KGB [State Security Co;nmittee] appeared in
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l~rrnen i~.. nna since the dissidence derived from i;he "solid" strata., it wr~s
i�e_Latively easy to stop it: some were intimidated, some were persuaded,
- others were punished, some escaped abroad, and others shut up. But then
the baton of dissidence was picked up by the youth from the "solid ones"
and Lhey followed their own youthfu]. path which knew r.either fear nor caution.
Initially the youth followed the national path set by th~ elders. But soon
~thereafter contacts with the dissidents of other republics gave a more inter-
national cast to its movement. Recently a member of the Group for Assist-
ing in the FLlfillment of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR, Lyudmila
Alekseyeva, ~resently living in the United States, told how the "Chronicle
of Current ~vents" treated the national and dissident movement in Armenia.
Her story relates to the last stage of dissidence in Armenia and is a con-
tinuation of my tale. She stated that the first news on Armenia in the
"Ch~-onicle of Current Events" appeared in May 1970 and it was received not
i'rom ~rmenia but rather from a Mordovian camp where ther~ were six Arm~nians
at Camp Point No 3. ~~ubsequently, in the 16th issue of "Chron~cle" infor-
mat~.on was published on the political trials in Yerevan a,t whic:h 12 partici-
pani;s of the national movement in Armenia were convicted.
The first Yerevan trial was held in February 196g, the second just a year
late~r, in February 1970, but the "Chronicle" announced them in October 1970,
that is, with a great delay. And this was because there were no direct
coni;acts between the editors of the "Chronicle" and Armenia. lnformation
on 1lrmenia was received only through the political camps.
The oldest of the persons convicted in Yerevan in 1969 was Babayan, a pa,rtici-
_ pant of the Patriotic War who at the noment of the trial was 5~+. The young-
est was a 30-year-old design engineer named Gyunashyan. The defendants were
accused of setting up an anti-Soviet organization which disseminated leaf-
lets with appeals to create an independent Armenia and of preparing a
jour.nal VO IMYA RODINY [In the Name of the Motherland] totaling 3~+3 copies.
In ~~ebruary 1970, five 20-year-old participants of the Armenian natior..al
movement were convicted in Yerevan. Three of them--Ayrikyan, Asatryan and
Khac:hatryan, were students, and two of them--Navasardyan and Ba,rse~o~r--were
wor}cers. The defendants were charged with organizing an illeg~~l group in
196'T tYi~ purpose of wtiich w�as to study the history of Armenia, the strug~le
i'or the purity of the Arm~nian language and for the unification of Armenia,
the western por~Lion of which is presently in Turkey, and Karab~,kh in
A zer�bai j an .
AftE>r these trials for 3 years the "Chronicle" did not receive information
about Armenia. Only in 1973 was word received on a series of political
tri~ils which occurred in Armenia in 1973-197~+�
From December 1973 through November ~974, nine cases were tried in Armeni~.
at which 18 persons were coridemned for periods from 6 months to 10 years.
These were cases involving members of the National United Party of Armenia
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- which }~ad as ii;s a.im the holding of a referendum on the qucst:ion of.' seces-
. si~ii of' Az~menia from i:he USSR. (At one time this party was su~~ported by
the NTS [the anti-Soviet organization].) The founder an~i leadE~r of the
p~~r~;y, PZruyr� Ayrikyari, previously had already served ,y~ar:; :i.n i;he Mor-
dov i~.n c:~nps. lZeleased in March 1973, 11 months 1a~:en c~ was rearrested
~~.n~l rentenced to 7 ye~rs in the camps and 3 Years of exi.le. l~~~r. il:ya,n re-
rused a lawyer and in his speech of defense stated that a.s before lie slia.red
the ~oals and the program of his party. In his final speech, Paruyr
Ayr:ikyan sai~:
"I know that as long ~.s there is no independent Armenia my place is in a
prison cell. Only the very weak fear words and reply to a word with a
fist. Your attitude toward me shows the weakness of your ideology. This
is not my last word. Long live a free and independent Armenia!"
The Ayrikyan trial became known in Moscow and Tat'yana Khodorovich and
Yuriy Orlov arrived in Yerevan for the trial.
`i'he members of the National United Party of Armenia continued their struggle
also in the poli~ical camps. In February 1976, Ashot Navasardyan refused
to ~o to work demanding that in. Armenia a referendum be held under UN cuper~-
vision for legalizing the National United Party of Armenia. In addition
he demanded that the Armenian political prisoners be moved to camps on
Armenian territory. ~
In zhe autumrL of 1.976, Paruyr Ayrikyan was moved for 3 months ~o Yerevan.
Ash~~t Nava.sardyan was brought here from near Perm'. Both were promised re-
duc~d sentences if they rejected their party. Ayrikyan outright refused
- tllis and wa,s returned to the camp. Navasardyan signed a paper of denunci-
ation and gained his freedom. Azat Arshakyan was released from the camp at
tlie same price. The others continued to serve their sentences.
In the political camps, th~ participants of the Armenian national movement
bec~,me acquainted with and friends of the political prisoners of other
nationalities. Paruyr Ayrikyan, along with the editor of the ma~azine
VECHE [Assembly], Vladimir Osipov, and the editor of the UKRAINSKTY VESTNIK
[Ukrainian Herald], Vyacheslav Chernovol, drew up a Statute of Political
Prisoners in the USSR. In addition to an improvement in the quality of
food, housing and the abolishment of humiliating punishment, they demanded
that the political prisoners be kept on the territory of their national
republics, the elimination of forced labor, and so forth. And when the
Ilrmenians demanded the legalization of their party, this demand was supported
by the political prisoners of other nationalities, having stated that they
would go on a hunger strike.
IIowever t}ie National United Party oi' Armenia did not establish ties with
the human rights movement. The Armenian Group for Assisting in the Fu].fill-
ment of the Helsinki Agreements appeared independently of the national party.
It was foiinded by the economist Eduard Arutyunyan, the deacon Robert Nazar�yan
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r~cl~l t;tic student ol' thc polytechnical institute Samvel Usyr~n. 1.,~~.ter the
gr~uF~ included the workers Ambartsum Khachatryan and Shagen Arutyunyan,
~ both members of the national movement. The Armenian Helsinki Group an-
nounced a declaration which proclaimed its aims and provided sever~.l an-
nouncements on the violation of rights of Armenian residents. One of the
announcem.ents was addressed to the Belgrad Conference, and con-L-ained facts
on ~;he suppression of the national Armenian culture, discrimination ap;ain~t
the llrmenian language, and so forth.
In I)ecember 1977, two members of the Armenian Helsinki Group, Robert
Naz~~ryan and Shagen Arutyunyan, were arrested. Nazaryan was accused of
anti-Soviet~agitation and propaganda, and sentenced to 5 years in the
ca.mps and 2 years of exile, while Arutyunyan was condemnzd und~r an accu-
sat~.on of "malicious Yiooliganism."
Seertin~ly, these activities of the youth which were followed bti� persecution,
_ the political trials in Moscow, and al1 the political tension ~ahich rei~ned
- in ~l.he nation ar~d which had begun to be reminiscent of 1937 should have
fin~tilly eradicated dissidence among the "solid ones." But evidently this
is riot the case.
In September 19f7, one of the foreign newspapers published a letter by a.
wel7_-known Armenian writer, a member of the CPSU, and member o~' the board
of the USSR Writers Union, Sero Khanzadyan, in which the authoi� again raised
the question of trarisferring the Nagorno-Karabakhskaya Oblast to Armenia.
Alon~ with this letter which was direc+ed to Brezhnev, the newspaper pub-
lisYied a commentary on it by an unknown author (from the s~tyl~ and profound
knowled~e it is obvious that the author is a prominent persona]_ity).
From these two documents it follows that at present a true slaughter of the
ArmEnian intelligentsi.a is occurring in Karabakh. ~lccording to unsubstan-
tiat,ed da.ta, the murder of the Azerbaijani minister of internal affairs and
his deputy (see POSEV, No 8, 1978--editor) was related precisely to these
events. In direct affirmation of this story would be the fact that the
announced name of the murderer--Muradov--could be Muradyan, since this name
is widely found both among the Armenians and among the Azerbaijani. Only
Lhe first name of the murderer could disclose the secret of his nationa.lity,
~ but precisely his first name is carefully concealed. Moreover, Shchusha,
the prison chief' of which was the murderer, is located in Karabakh. However,
re~a.rdless of the correctness of this story, the fact remains the fact that
ArmFnian--Azerbaijani relations are strained to a maximum.
Thus, along with the so-called human rights movement, within Armenia,n dissi-
dence there continue to mature purely national ideas which at some time
can burst forth and, if they receive the appropriate support, can become
very dange.rous for the Soviet leadership.
At present there is a certain decline in Armenia of active resistance to
the regime. This decline, as was related by persons who have recently left
Armenia, is related to two factors.
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! `('he I'irst and probably the main reason is the execution of Stenan 7a~ikyan
and hi:, two com~~ades, Saven. Bagdasaryan and Akop Stepany~.n. I1; i; noi: that
~ tlii:, execution has ini;imidated the dissidents. Simply the not com~letely
~ comprehensible and unexamined action by Zatikyan somewhat troubled the
i Armc>nian dissidents and introduced confusion in their ranks. _
i =
! . I3ut possibly the bomb was destined for another uninhabited place and by =
~ accident exploded in the subway while being carried. Possibly Zatikyan and -
~ his comrades were not involved in this at all (a number of witnesses saw
! therl at the time of the explosion in Armenia). This is all far from clear,
I the authorities have carefully concealed all the circumstances of this case,
and for this reason I as yet am unablE to make any estimate of this event.
i However, the innocent victims in the Moscow subway could not help but cast -
~ a shadow on the other dissidents, and this could not in some way psycho-
J.ogically help but impede their activity.
i
I
~ The second factor for the decline is related to events in Lebanon where
~ 260�000 Armenians live or around 10
' , percent of the nation's population.
~ Lebanon is called -the second Armenia, because there the Armenians, as no-
whe~�e else in the world, have been able to organize a na~tional life. For a
long time the Armenians succeeded in maintaining neutrality in the Lebanese
~ conflict, but at the beginning of this year they were subjected to attack
~ by Palestini.an detachments and this ended with high losses on both sides.
' The public of the USSR and Armenia did not respond to this in any way as
Armenians were being killed by the allies of the USSR and with Soviet weapons.
; But when the Armenians were attacked by the Lebanese Christian:;, demanding
j from them participatic~n in the conflict on their side, the Armenian intelli-
gPnt,sia in the USSR imr~ediately raised a protest against this. In the
i given instance the very Armenian government acted as the expressor of
' ArmEnian interests, arid this in a certain sense impeded the ardor of the
i nati.onally thinking youth, particularly as Moscow supported this protest.
~ In such a.n instance it is somewhat inconvenient to act against the govern-
ment, .
i
I Thi~;, incidentally, was the case with the first actions which, as I said,
~ were related to the demands of condemning the genocide of the Armenians.
~ The ~overnment built a monument to the victims of the genocide, the press
; officially condemned this genocide, and these actions immediately ceased
( having a dissident nature.
;
~ `i'hus, in Armenia at present there is a certain decline in the dissident
rnovement as here it has not so much a human rights nature as a national
~ character, that is, it is a question not so much of defending the rights
' of individual citizens as it is defending the national rights of all the
I Armenian people.
i -
~ And the defense of these rights is much more complicated.
! COPYRIGHT: Possev-Verlag, 1979
10272
~ Cso: So~+4/176~+ ~D
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