(SANITIZED)OPEN PUBLICATION ENTITLED, "MALAYAN PROBLEMS," BY TANG CHENG LOCK, 1947(SANITIZED)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00457R007500440005-3
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 202
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 29, 2013
• Sequence Number: 5
• Publication Date: June 2, 1951
• Content Type: REPORT

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MALAYAN PROBLEMS
From A Chinese Point of View
by
TAN CHENG LOCK, c.s.E., J.P.
Formerly member: Legislative and Executive Councils, S.S.,
With an Introduction by
DR. Wu LIEN-TEH, M.A., M.D. (Camb.), LL.D.
Edited by
C. Q. LEE.
Published by
TANNSCO,
173 - B, Cecil Street.
PRINTED BY
G. H. KIAT & Co., LTD.,
SINGAPORE
1947.
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TO THOSE MEMBERS OF THE VARIED
RACES. TO WHOM MALAYA IS THEIR
HOME AND THE OBJECT OF THEIR
UNDIVIDED LOYALTY AND WHO HAVE
FAITH IN AND ARE LOOKING FOR-
WARD TO A NEW MALAYA IN WHICH
ALL CAN LIVE IN PEACE HARMONY
AND HAPPINESS THIS BOOK IS
DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR.
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"My policy is to create conditions in which different
races can co-operate and which will reflect themselves
in the happiness and freedom of ' people." - Ernest
Bevin, British Foreign Secretary, Broadcast on the
achievements of the UNO., December 23rd. 1946.
.*
"Nothing is to be gained by cold-shouldering of the
non-Malay races; there is everything to be lost by it.
The most important political task in Malaya is to create
a real and valid sense of loyalty to Malaya among all
races." - John Eber, Secretary, Pan-Malayan Council of
Joint Action, Straits Times, August 8th. 1946.
"A Malay Renaissance, by raising the economic status of
over two million Malays, will not fail to. react upon, and
be of immense benefit to, the country as a whole."
-The Editor.
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Page
Foreword. By The Editor. .. iii
Introduction. By Dr. Wu Lien-teh, M.A., M.D. (Camb.),
1. Oversea Chinese Association, India, President's
speech, September 1943. .. .. .. 1
Letter from President of O.C.A., India to the
Secretary of State for the Colonies, November
1943. 4
Reply from the Secretary of State for the Colonies
to President O.C.A., India, February 1944. .. 8
II. Memorandum on the Future of Malaya, 1943. .. 14
III. The Quislings, November 1942 .. .. .. 43
IV. Memorandum of the Association of British Malaya,
1944. 50
V. Comments on the Memorandum of British Malaya,
1944. 54
VI. Memorial Relating to Malaya, 1945. .. .. 61
PART II-PRE-WAR.
1. Memorandum to Sir Samuel Wilson, 1932, with
extract from speech at Legislative Council
Meeting, 1926. 74
II. Memorandum on Malayan Educational Policy,
1934. 95
PART 111-POST-WAR.
1. Speech on the Occasion of the Visit of the
Governors of the Malayan Union and Singa-
pore, Sir Edward Gent and Sir Franklin
Gimson, Malacca August 1946. .. .. 113
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CONTENTS.-(Contd.)
II.
Speech on the Occasion of the Visit of the
Governor-General, the Rt. Hon. Mr. Malcolm
MacDonald, Malacca October 12th. 1946. ..
122
III.
Public Meetings under the Auspices of the Pan-
Malayan Council of. Joint Action.
Speech at Kuala Lumpur December 23rd. 1946.
132
Speech at Kuala Lumpur January 26th. 1947. ..
136
IV.
Under the Auspices of the Malacca People's
Constitutional Affairs Committee, Speech at
Mass Rally on the Malacca Padang, February
5th. 1947.
141
V.
Comments on the Constitutional Proposals for
Malaya, February 16th. 1947. .. ..
148
1.
Telegram from Malacca Residents to the Secretary
of State for the Colonies,-July 8th. 1946 and
reply from the Chief Secretary of the Malayan
Union; July 25th. 1946. .. .. ..
163
II.
Telegram to the Secretary of State for the
Colonies from the Council of Joint Action,
Singapore, December 16th. 1946. .. ..
165
III.
Telegram to the Secretary of State for the
Colonies from' the Pan ;Malayan Council of
Joint Action, Kuala Lumpur, December 22nd.
1946.
166
IV.
Manifesto of the Malacca People's Constitutional
Affairs Committee, January 1947. ..
..
168
V.
The Pan-Malayan Council of Joint Action.
John Eber. .. .. .. ..
By
..
171
VI.
The Chinese Menace. By The Editor. ..
..
175
VII.
Mr. Tan Cheng Lock's Speech at Public Meeting
at Farrer Park, Singapore, 30th. March 1947.
180
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Mr. Tan Cheng. Lock C.B.E. needs no' introduction except
perhaps to the younger generations who arrived at. the age of
discretion after the re-occupation.
? Starting public life from his home town of Malacca more
than thirty years ago in 1912, he was nominated as a member of and'
served with distinction and ability on the Straits Settlements
Legislative Council from 1923 to 1934 and on the Straits Settle-
ments Executive Council from 1933 to 1935. He was awarded the
Commandership of the Order of British Empire in 1933. Although.
a Government nominee his, voice was the voice of the people.
This is a critical juncture in the history of Malaya when the
country is at the parting of the ways. The Malayan Union-a
structure initiated' by the Labour Government? for, the gradual
political advancement of the country - may be shortly replaced
by the Malayan Federation plan sponsored by the Malay
privileged classes and reactionary interests. Unless drastic
? changes are introduced into the latter plan, the effect will be
to perpetuate the era of political ' tutelage from which Malays
and non-Malays alike have outgrown.' The domiciled races will
labour under a keen sense of injustice' and frustration which
augurs ill for their future co-operation in the development of
Malaya. '
Mr. Tan Cheng Lock's moderation, his sense of justice and
fairplay and his sane and well-balanced outlook are in pleasing
contrast to the mass of propaganda which is rousing the suspicion,
jealousy and fear of the Malay for members of other friendly
races. Although of necessity approaching problems from a
Chinese standpoint, he has never been a mere advocate of narrow
sectional interests. His criticisms and views are constructive and
directed towards the general welfare of Malaya, as a whole. It
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is his sincere conviction that the interests of the various com-
munities are co-related and that the Malay, the Indian, the
British, the Eurasian and the Chinese can live and work together
in peace, concord and amity.
This volume covers the author's activities as a public man
during three periods. I. During the war when, as Chairman
of the Oversea-Chinese Association in India, he submitted the
Memoranda on Malaya at the suggestion of a Colonial Office
Official ' of the late Conservative Government. II. Before the
war, his Memorandum, to Sir Samuel Wilson and his views on
education as Council member which are still, of current interest.
III. After the war, his support of the Malayan Union
culminating in his recent election as Chairman of the Pan-Malayan
Council of Joint Action. The occupation period-the period of
incubation of the Malayan Union-advisedly comes first. It is
felt the book will be useful to those who have hitherto neither
the time nor the inclination to study Malayan Affairs, but who
would ' now like to have a true perspective of the Malayan
background.
The Editor takes this opportunity of recording his
appreciation of and thanks to Mr. Tan Kok Tiong for his valuable
advice and general help including the reading of the proofs, to
Tannsco for the use of their office, telephone and other facilities
and Mr. Loh Ah Fong of G. H. Kiat & Co., Ltd., who in spite
of the amount of work he has to cope with as a printer, has
managed to place the book before the reading public within a short
period of his taking over the manuscripts. Acknowledgement is
also due to Dr. Wu Lien-teh for his kind introduction and to Mr.
John_ Eber for his illuminating account of the P.M.C.J.A., its
aims and principles.
No. 357, ONAN ROAD,
SINGAPORE, Loth. April, 2947.'
C. Q. LEE.
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Persons interested in the contemporary politics of Malaya
-will be grateful to Mr. C. Q. Lee for putting into book form
the principal speeches and writings of Mr. Tan Cheng Lock, C.B.E.,
who has been the indefatigable champion of the hitherto-silent
majority of the mixed population inhabiting this important corner
of the British Commonwealth.
Owing' to the unaccountable secrecy with which the
negotiations between representatives of the Malayan Union
Government and the nine Sultans ('the sacred twelve') were
conducted at Kuala Lumpur, the shock inflicted upon the general
public was all the greater because of the unexpected severity with
which non-Malay communities will be treated if the proposals as
at present embodied in the Blue Book on Constitutional Proposals
for Malaya are carried out.
It is indeed fortunate for all concerned that at this critical
period a leader of the distinction and experience of Mr. Tan
?Cheng Lock has been found ready and willing to come forth and
demand justice and (airplay for some 3% million Chinese and
Indians, who, more than any one else, have contributed to the
prosperity. and wealth of this great land called Malaya.
The impartial Malay reader will incidentally find the Chinese
:standpoint-which to a great extent is also the standpoint of the
other domiciled races-does not necessarily conflict with Malay
interests. The book should further deepen the feeling of
sympathy and understanding between Malay and non-Malay
races, which drew the Malay Nationalist Party and other public
bodies in Malaya together in defence of a common cause, and
also be conducive to their better co-operation for the advancement
and progress of their common land.
WU LIEN-TEH, M.A., M.D. (Carob.),
(Hongkong), Master of Public Health
(Johns Hopkins), etc.
President of the International
Plague Conference, Mukden, Manchuria (igii).
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PART I. - DURING THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION.
I.
THE OVERSEA-CHINESE ASSOCIATION, INDIA.
PRESIDENT'S SPEECH AT INAUGURAL MEETING,
BOMBAY, 24th SEPTEMBER, 1943.
Before proceeding with the business of the meeting I wish,
on behalf of the Sponsors of the proposed Oversea-Chinese
Association, to extend to you all a cordial welcome and to thank
you for your presence at this meeting convened for the purpose
of making a decision on the question of the formation of the
Association. Some of you have come from a great distance to
attend this meeting at the cost of much inconvenience and
considerable expense to yourselves.
As laid down in the formal Appeal made by the Sponsors,
for support for the project to establish the Association, its
principal objects, among others, are to protect and further the
important interests of ourselves as Oversea-Chinese and to consider
the many problems of post-war settlement affecting the Oversea-
Chinese in the Eastern Asia Territories now in enemy occupation.
In order to carry out these and the other objects as outlined
in the Sponsors' Appeal and to prepare for the time when many
important questions about our future will have to be settled one
way or the other, it is perfectly obvious that this is the appropriate
time to organise ourselves into a body.
Apart from the many difficult problems of reconstruction
that will inevitably face us in the post-war period, we shall
necessarily have to concern ourselves seriously and actively with
the vital question of, our political, economic and social future.
It is a truism that emancipation from oppressive conditions,,
whether in the political, economic or social sphere, can only be
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won by the concerted action and organised endeavour on the part
of the people concerned. Success in this respect cannot be
conferred upon them but must of necessity be achieved by their
own united efforts. There is no other way. Heaven helps those
who help themselves and in union lies strength.
So let us be up and doing to band ourselves into a strong and
solid body, actuated and cemented by a strong public spirit, so
that we may be enabled to work together in endeavouring to
achieve the worthy objectives we have set before ourselves.
Dr. Sun Yat-Sen has likened the Chinese people to a sheet
of loose sand, because we as a people have had too much personal
liberty without any unity, and he has prescribed as a remed? for
our weakness that we must break down individual liberty and
become pressed together into an unyielding body like the firm
.rock which is formed by the addition of cement to sand.
Under the twentieth century conditions and in .these days of
dynamic modern civilisation, the truth is brought home to.us with
ever increasing force that it is' not. enough for us to be capable
,of looking only after our selfish individual interests, important as
that is, and that it is imperatively necessary for our own survival
and self-preservation that everyone of us must perforce exert
himself with zeal to do his proper share of caring for and
safeguarding our collective interest as well, to perform which
function effectively we must unite ourselves and work together
in close and hearty co-operation and. with team spirit.
A strong public spirit and sense of the need for individual
sacrifice to protect and promote our public weal are the cement
to bind ourselves into a firm body to make it possible for us to
collaborate for our mutual benefit and for our collective salvation
and security, without which we, as separate individuals, however
capable, will be bound to be. lost to wander in . the wilderness of
a dark future!
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In view especially of the momentous days ahead of us,
when out of the throes and travail of the present cataclysmic global
convulsion there may be born a new and better world order, in
which we as a community would naturally like to find a fitting
and worthy place and be among its beneficiaries, we must pool
our strength and resources and stand united in striving to improve
and secure our future.
Before concluding I wish to direct your attention to the fact
that one of the objects of the Association as specified in the
Sponsors' Appeal is to study means of assisting the efforts of
the United Nations in regaining the Japanese-occupied territories
in Eastern Asia and of co-operating in the war efforts of China.
This fact the Association when formed must take the necessary
steps to bring to the notice of the competent British authorities
with a view to the bringing about of the closest co-operation
between them and the Association, which should help to secure
for the Association the recognition and goodwill of the British
Government and incidentally to dispel whatever misgivings that
may have arisen in certain quarters in Bombay and also give a
clear indication regarding the future policy and activities of the
Association.
You may, therefore, permit me earnestly to appeal to everyone
of you personally to do your best to make the Association, which
I hope it is your wish to launch into existence to-day, a real.
success and a powerful and efficient body capable of making a.
substantial contribution towards the solution of the problems that:
confront us now and in the future.
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LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE
ASSOCIATION TO THE SECRETARY
OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES, LONDON.,
TAN CHENG LOCK, C.B.E.,
16, MILLERS ROAD, BANGALORE,
1st November, 1943?
THE RT. HON. COLONEL OLIVER STANLEY,
His MAJESTY'S SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES,
COLONIAL OFFICE,
LONDON, S.W.I.,
ENGLAND.
Sir,
I have the honour to bring to your notice the existence of the
Oversea-Chinese Association, which was formed at a meeting of
prominent Chinese held at Bombay on the 24th September, 1943,
over which I presided and to acquaint you with its aims. -
As its President and on behalf of its Committee I wish to
offer to place its services and those of its members at the disposal
of His Majesty's Government.
Its principal objects are :-
(a)
(b)
To deal with the problems of Chinese evacuees.
To consider problems relating to war damage and
losses sustained by the Chinese in the Japanese-
occupied eastern territories and all other post-
occupational and post-war problems affecting the
Chinese therein.
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(c) To study means of assisting the efforts of the United
Nations in regaining these occupied territories and
of co-operating in the war efforts of China.
Though the scope of the Association includes other territories
besides Malaya and appears to relate to Chinese affairs particularly,
in practice the Association will have to consider post-war problems
affecting Malaya as a whole. 'So far most of our members are
Chinese from Malaya, and practically all Malayan Chinese of any
importance now living in India have joined the Association.
Our members from Malaya include (a) those born in Malaya
who have spent all their lives in the country and (b) those who
have spent most of their lives there. They are people who have
a big stake and important and extensive interests in Malaya, and
who have acquired intimate and valuable knowledge and experience
of the country, which may be useful towards helping the solution
of the many post-war problems affecting its future.
When questions should arise concerning our return to Malaya
and all other matters relating to its post-occupational and post-war
problems are considered, our Committee express the hope that this
Association may be given the opportunity of putting its views
before His Majesty's Government.
The question relating to reparation for war damage and
losses sustained in Malaya vitally affects our members and the
Chinese community of Malaya, and in this regard my Committee
trust the Chinese community will be, given adequate representation
and be fully consulted in all matters pertaining to the settlement
of this question and the solution of the problems arising out of
it. Until the reoccupation of Malaya my Committee express the
hope that His Majesty's Government will regard this Association
as representing the Chinese community of Malaya in this and
other respects.
5
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Members of the Association, especially when its membership
has be
i
d
h
f
ll
en
ncrease
to t
e
u
extent possible, may, with their
intimate knowledge of the territories concerned and their
inhabitants and their connections therewith, be in a position to.
assist the efforts of the United Nations in regaining Malaya and
the other Japanese-occupied territories.
With regard to the problems of Chinese evacuees, my-
Committee would be grateful if His Majesty's Government could
favourably consider the question of allocating a suitable proportion
of the Far Eastern Relief Fund, subscribed in London under the
patronage of the Lord Mayor, to be distributed by this Association
as. relief to the needy Chinese evacuees of British nationality in.
India, of whose conditions and circumstances we should have a
better knowledge than any other body and with whom we are-
in direct and constant contact.
It is also obvious that if this Association is entrusted with
that responsibility, it will considerably help to make it a success.
and thus enable it to achieve its objects. My Committee hope
that His Majesty's Government will give this matter their-
sympathetic consideration.
In this connection it may be recalled that the Chinese
community of Malaya during the 1914-i9i8 World War and
in this war made a hearty and very generous response on every
occasion when they were called upon to subscribe to all sorts of
War Funds and War Loans to help the war effort. Moreover,.
they have invariably subscribed liberally to any fund for the relief
of distress in any part of the world when appealed to do so.
In view of the enormous material and other interests the
Chinese possess in Malaya, my Committee would like to ask His
Majesty's Government on their behalf for representation on any-
committees that are being formed for its reconstruction and-
reoccupation.
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from Burma, China and the other territories.
My Committee wish to co-operate in every way with all those
concerned with the task of restoring normal conditions, economic,
domestic and otherwise, in Malaya on its reoccupation, and we
trust that His Majesty's Government will see their way to
recognise this Association as representing the Chinese community
of Malaya. This Association has also as its members Chinese
On our return to Malaya those of our members who are
Malayans will constitute themselves into a Malayan Chinese
Association devoted to the interests of the country.
I may explain that the membership of the Association has
been made to embrace all overseas Chinese in order to increase
its utility, especially in, the direction of assisting the efforts of
the United Nations to recover the Japanese-occupied territories.
In order to assist in the registration of particulars of war
damage. and loss sustained in Malaya and the other Eastern
Territories, so that records may be compiled now relating to.
possible claims, data are being collected by this Association from
its members. I would be obliged to know whether such data with
reference to Malaya and other British territories after collection
may be forwarded to the Colonial Office for inclusion in the
registers, which may be kept there for the purpose of recording
such particulars.
I enclose herewith a list of the officers and Committee members
of this Association for your information.
Herewith I also forward for your consideration a
Memorandum which I have written on the future of Malaya, which
may be of some little use to His Majesty's Government in dealing,
with the question of the future of the country.
I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
TAN CHENG LOCK.
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LETTER FROM THE COLONIAL OFFICE, LONDON,
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE ASSOCIATION.
55104/1/8/43
COLONIAL OFFICE,
DOWNING STREET, S.W.I.
16th February, 1944?
Sir,
I am directed by Colonel Oliver Stanley to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter of the 1st November, 1943, reporting the
formation of the Oversea-Chinese Association at Bombay on the
24th September last and to request you to inform the Committee
of the Association that he has read with interest the principal
objects of the Association set out in your letter.
2. The Secretary of State notes with appreciation the offer
to place the services of the Association and its members
at the disposal of His Majesty's Government on matters
concerned with the liberation and rehabilitation of Malaya, and
I am to assure you that it is the hope and intention of the
authorities concerned to avail themselves of the assistance of those
persons from all communities in Malaya, who are ready and
gratified to co-operate in the task of rehabilitating the country.
Opportunities have already been offered to such persons to put
their names on record for the purpose, and in the meantime the
Secretary of State will always be ready to receive any suggestions
which the Association may wish to make on any aspect. of the
question.
3. The Secretary of State also notes the request in your
letter that the Chinese community of Malaya should be represented
on any committees formed for the reconstruction and reoccupation
of Malaya. I am to state the members of the Association can rest
assured that the Secretary of State fully appreciates the extent
of the Chinese community's interests in Malaya and the
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consideration to which those interests are entitled. It is his hope
that at a later stage it may be possible to establish some closer
liaison between Malayan residents now living overseas and those
responsible for the formulation of future policy, but, in the
meantime, he trusts that the suggestions in the immediately
preceding paragraph of this letter will provide members of the
Association with an opportunity of bringing their views to the
attention of His Majesty's Government.
4. As regards the suggestion that the Association might be
allocated a suitable proportion of the Far Eastern Relief Fund
for distribution among needy Chinese evacuees of British
Nationality, I am to explain.that His Majesty's Government is
in no way responsible for the administration of the Fund, but
that the Secretary of State is arranging for the request in your
letter to be brought to the attention of the Committee of the
Fund.
5. I am to confirm that if, the data of claims for war damage
.in Malaya collected by the Association and its members are
forwarded to this Department, they will be included in the record
maintained for that purpose. Claims in respect of war damage
in Burma should, however be forwarded to the Chief Secretary to
the Government of Burma, Simla, who is maintaining a similar
register.
6. Finally, I am to refer to the memorandum which you
had yourself written on the future of Malaya, and to inform you
that this has been read with very great interest, and 'that the views
expressed therein will be of great assistance to all concerned in
the consideration of future policy.
I am,
Sir,
Your obedient servant,
W. B. L. MONSON.
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MEMORANDUM ON THE FUTURE OF MALAYA.
Before proceeding to write the Memorandum proper the
writer would like to take this opportunity. to say that we, the
Malayans now temporarily resident in India and who are
representative of the bulk of the domiciled population of Malaya,
are extremely anxious about the future of Malaya after its
re-occupation, and respectfully to point out that we feel strongly
that it is only fair and proper that we, as part of its permanent
inhabitants who must necessarily live, toil and sweat, and die in
that territory, should be kept informed and consulted as to the
plans and proposals that may be made in London with reference
to our future and regarding measures of its economic, political
and social reconstruction and rehabilitation and be given an
opportunity to participate in the solution of the post-war problems
confronting Malaya and in the making of plans for our future.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND.
British Malaya is divided into (a) the Straits Settlements
(Penang, Singapore, Malacca and the Province Wellesley), (b)
the Federated Malay States (Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan
and Pahang), (c) the Unfederated Malay State of Johore and
(d) the other Unfederated Malay States (Kedah, Perlis, Kelantan
and Trengganu), (a) being a Crown Colony and (b), (c) and
(d) being under the rule of their respective Sultans subject to
their treaty obligation to follow the advice of their British
Residents or Advisers in all State matters except in regard to
Malay religion and custom.
The whole of British Malaya until its occupation by the
Japanese. on the 15th of February, 1942, was practically under
the full and effective control of the Governor and Commander-in-
Chief of the Straits Settlements and High Commissioner for the
Malay States,. who was assisted by a body of dominant British
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officials known as the Malayan Civil Service in the government of
the country.
The population of Malaya according to the latest official
estimates was in 1440 nearly five and a half millions comprised
of approximately (1) 2,400,000 Chinese, (2) 2,300,000 Malays
and other Malaysians, (3) 750,000 Indians and (4) other races
including the European Britishers, whilst its area is about fifty
thousand square miles. With the exception of the comparatively
undeveloped states specified under (d) above, the Chinese have
largely preponderated in most of the rest of Malaya particularly
in the urban areas. About three-quarters of a million of the
Chinese population should be locally-born and therefore British
or British Protected subjects by birth according. to British law.
The Malay kingdom of Malacca, which is regarded as, the
mother of Malaya.and the original home of the. Malays on the
Malayan mainland, is said to have been founded in A.D. 1377 by
the refugee prince of Singapura or the "Lion City (Singapore),
then a colony of the Sumatran Hindu Kingdom of' "Sri Vijaya, after
its destruction by the rival Javanese kingdom 'of Majapahit' with
which it was at war. From Malacca the Malays must have since
then spread out to the rest of the mainland, while their numbers
have been also continually increased in recent years by immigrants
from Sumatra, Java, the Celebes and the rest of the East Indies,
with the result that a very considerable proportion of the Malay
population are Malaysian, (non-Malay) immigrants from the
neighbouring territories and the descendants of recent immigrants
therefrom. The Malays themselves are therefore comparative
newcomers to Malaya, having dispossessed the still earlier
aboriginal inhabitants viz. the Sakais, Semangs and Jakoons, who
still exist in little settlements over some parts of the country.
A continuous stream of Chinese have emigrated from China
into the South Seas regions since after 399 A.D. when the famous
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Buddhist pilgrim, Fah Hsien, undertook his arduous journey on
foot across China and the desert of Gobi over the Hindu Kush
to India, where having accomplished his religious mission and
collected the sacred Buddhist literature he took ship at the
Hooghly to return by sea across the Indian Ocean, the Strait of
Sunda and the China Sea to China, where he arrived back after
an absence of 14 years.
In 1409 A.D. the celebrated Chinese Imperial Envoy,.Cherig
Ho (popularly known in the South Seas as Sam-Po-Kong), during
the reign of Yung-Lo of the Ming Dynasty, whilst making a tour
of the Chinese settlements in the South Seas at the head of an
expedition consisting of a large number of Chinese warships,
visited Malacca and the Chinese settlement there for the purpose
of formally conferring upon the Paramisura or Ruler of
Malacca, later to become a powerful Malay kingdom dominating
the Straits of Malacca, an honour from the Son of Heaven and
the protection of the mighty Celestial Empire. There has been
a continuous Chinese colony for the last five hundred years at
Malacca, and so for half a millenium the Chinese have dwelt
in Malaya and have shared with its other inhabitants the
vicissitudes of its fortunes. There should now be some ten
million Chinese living in the Japanese-occupied territories in East
Asia. (outside but bordering China), and Chinese soldiers and
civilians did some stout fighting in the defence of Malaya,
Burma and Hongkong against the Japanese invaders.
In'the opinion of Ian Morrison, the author of The Malayan
Postcript", the Chinese emerged from the two months of warfare
in Malaya in 1941 and 1942 with flying colours, when the Chinese
volunteers put up a good fight against the Japanese, thereby
subjecting the Chinese population to the terrible reprisals
immediately the Japanese armed forces assumed full control in
Singapore. Of the native sections of the population the Chinese
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put up the firmest front against the Japanese according to the
same authority, who was an eye-witness.
The family of the writer of this Memorandum have lived at
Malacca since Tan Hay, his male ancestor and the owner and
navigator of a Chinese junk hailing from Fukien Province, South
China, settled down there nearly two hundred years ago. His
.grandfather, Tan Choon Bock, was' a founder and the managing
director of the first line of steamships to open regular
communication between the ports of the Straits Settlements in
the sixties of the last century, besides being a pioneer tapioca and
gambier planter on a big scale. The writer himself took an active
part in the public life of Malaya as a representative of the Chinese
community for some twenty-five years of his life, having served
as a Municipal Commissioner at Malacca from 1912 to 1922,
and as a member of the Straits Settlements Legislative Council
from 1923 to 1934, and of the Governor's Executive Council
from 1933 to 1935, when he proceeded to Europe where he acted
as a Representative of the Colony at His Majesty's Coronation
in London in 1937. As a large proprietary rubber planter, owner
of considerable house property, Trustee of his grandfather's
Estate and a Director of some sixteen joint stock companies
including the Oversea-Chinese Banking Corporation Ltd., the
Malaka Pinda Rubber Estates Ltd., and other industrial and
rubber concerns in Malaya, he has important material interests in
that country, to which he is deeply attached as his homeland.
There is a reference about himself in (a) the London "Who's
Who", (b) the "Biographical Encyclopaedia of the World" of
New York, (c) Rom Landau's "Seven" and (d) R. Emerson's
"Malaysia".
Malacca was conquered by (a) the Portuguese in 1511, (b)
by the Dutch in 1641 during the Thirty Years' War in Europe
and (c) by the English during the Napoleonic Wars but not
.finally occupied by them until 1824, whilst Singapore became
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British in 1819, previous to which in 1786 the British East India
Company had acquired the island of Penang. Recently over a
brief period of six months from December 8th 1941, to the end
of May 1942 the Japanese overran and conquered the enormous
territories in Eastern Asia including Malaya as far as the border
of Burma with India.
The phenomenal prosperity of Malaya can be attributed to
its natural resources, to British administration and the introduction
of British and foreign capital and Western scientific inventions,
and lastly but not least to Chinese energy, enterprise and initiative.
Sir Frank Swettenham, the creator of the Federated Malay States,
however, put the Chinese next to nature as one of the bases of
the success of Malaya."
The Chinese community of Malaya, both Straits-born and
China-born, have throughout the history of the country been on
the whole remarkably peaceful, law-abiding, and industrious, and
have invariably adopted a loyal attitude towards the Government
of the land of their adoption. Their economic prosperity has
been achieved by sheer hard work, solid merit and great enterprise,
and , at the cost of untold hardships, sufferings and sacrifices. on
their part, especially in the pioneering days in the hinterland prior
to the advent of British rule, which has since conferred upon the
whole country the blessing of peace, order, security of life and
property and a wonderful material progress inherent in a stable,
efficient and beneficent government, whilst they have throughout
lived in perfect harmony with the other races inhabiting the
country.
The generality of the Chinese community in Malaya are
convinced from .actual experience that British colonial administra-
tion has decidedly been more satisfactory, than the -colonial
administration by other Powers, and Malaya will turn once more
to Britain especially if she will work out a new-type of relationship
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with her and put Malaya well on the road to real self-government
and freedom.
The Straits-born Chinese have been for generations staunchly
and traditionally loyal to the British Crown. To men like the
writer, it has been a matter of great grief that the local Govern-
ment has done little to encourage them to feel that Malaya was
their real home in spite of constant pleadings on the part of our
leading men. In recent years the Malayan authorities even turned
a deaf ear to all our appeals that we should. be enabled to
completely identify ourselves with the interests of Malaya, and
British Empire and Commonwealth.
We, Malayans of all races, both Asiatic and European, took
many decades of patient and arduous labour to build up the
magnificent edifice of the economic prosperity of Malaya, which
was utterly demolished in ten brief weeks by ruthless invasion,
chiefly as a result of a defective and 'inadequate system of
defence and of not associating the people of the country with its
government and with its defence on a basis proportionate to' the
requirements. This war has taught mankind many bitter but
vital lessons from which we should seek to profit" and and in the
memorable words of a wise British statesman, Earl Grey of
Fallodon, British Foreign Minister at the outbreak of 1914-1918
World War, we must "learn or perish"!
GOVERNMENT OF BRITISH MALAYA.
Malaya under the British had a purely autocratic form of
government, at the head of which was the Governor of the Straits
Settlements and High Commissioner for the Malay States, who,
assisted by a sta$ .of specially selected British. bureaucrats known
as the Malayan Civil Service, ruled the whole country: under the
general direction of the Colonial Office in London....
The.' general public had practically no 'voice a'nd-' no direct
representation in the government of ' the country except"'that: the
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British European Chambers. of Commerce at Singapore and
Penang had the legal right to elect their two respective members
on the Legislative Council of the Straits Settlements. The
Executive and Legislative Councils of the Straits Settlements,
the Federal (Legislative) Council in the Federated Malay States
and the State Councils in the Unfederated and Federated Malay
States, which were all dominated by official majorities, were in
reality merely advisory bodies, on which all the unofficial
representatives were nominated by the Government (with the two
above exceptions). They were therefore utterly impotent as
representative institutions and on the whole ineffectual for
deliberative purposes and in ' the matter of representing public
views, especially those of the Asiatic population. The local Head
of the Malayan Governments, that is the Governor of the Straits
Settlements and Commissioner for the Malay States, was com-
pletely under the . direction of the Colonial Office in London,
which, however, in practice usually .leaves alone a colonial
Governor in the exercise of his autocratic powers, and generally
speaking does not intervene in the government of a Colony or
Protectorate except on rare or special occasions, for instance, when
there should be a riot or disturbance of the public peace such
as occurred in Jamaica. in recent years. The Colonial Office in
London had no contact or direct relationship with the people and
public opinion in Malaya' to all intents and purposes. The
unofficial European British community in Malaya on the whole
did not take any real interest in the welfare of the country and its
people, except in so far as taxation affected their own pockets
and those of the firms 'and the vested interests which they
represented and their own immediate well-being was concerned.
Nor did the British public and Parliament in metropolitan
Britain evince any practical interest in the affairs of Malaya.
The net result of it all was that Malaya was virtually at the
mercy of and autocratically ruled by the Executive Head of the
Local Administration and the Malayan Civil Service, who with
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the support of the European British community sternly set their
face against any kind of constitutional or political progress in
Malaya. Their attitude in this respect was well typified by that
of the "Straits Times", the powerful newspaper organ of the
British community, which was traditionally absolutely dead against
any kind of political change or concession and consistently upheld
the policy of maintaining the status quo for ever in.Malaya. But
change for the better is essential in every sphere of human affairs
to ensure progress.
In the future administration of Malaya it is essential that there
should be established some workable form of direct liaison or
contact between the British Parliament and His Majesty's
Government in London on the one hand and on the other hand
the people of Malaya through their representative associations
and leading men, so that the British parliament and public and
the powers that be in London may have first-hand and accurate
knowledge of the real feelings and views of all classes of the
population at any time. The Government in Malaya. should
make it its fundamental policy and aim to foster amity and
harmony among the principal races, both Asiatic and European,
which make up its composite population, to all racial elements in
which equal rights, political, economic and otherwise should be.
accorded, so as to build up a Malayan community with Malayan
consciousness and inspired by Malayan patriotism living in a
free land within the British Empire and Commonwealth and to
preclude the possibility of what has happened, for instance, in
India, where deep, intense and universal racial hatred and distrust
seem to be patently prevalent to the detriment of all concerned.
The Government of a country, even of a Crown Colony or
Dependency, should be founded "on the basic democratic pre-
supposition that nobody can know what it is. like to obey laws
and live under a form of government except those who are
actually subject to the laws and those who actually suffer the
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government. It is only the wearer who knows where the shoe
pinches. So it follows that the wearer should choose his. shoe
and that he cannot afford to allow others to choose for him. The
subject should have a voice in making the laws and in choosing
the government under which he must live".
The people of Malaya should after the war be given a
measure of self-government of which they are capable of
exercising, and in the shortest possible time be granted by planned
and regular stages full responsible government under the Crown
and as a unit of the British Commonwealth and Empire in all
matters of internal and civil administration, and then march on
progressively towards full freedom.
Recently whilst publicly affirming that the administration of
British colonies must remain the sole responsibility of Great
Britain, His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies,
Colonel Oliver Stanley, and the Prime Minister, Mr. Winston
Churchill, declared almost simultaneously that the British
Government's ultimate aim is to see self-government established
in the various British colonies, and that their policy is to plan
for the fullest possible political, economic and social development
of the colonies within the British Empire and in close co-operation
with neighbouring friendly nations. Lord Hailey has suggested
that there should be instituted a Regional International Advisory
Council for the Pacific area consisting of colonial Powers and
other nations interested therein, which would have the definite
function of advising progress achieved both in political and social
matters and which would make periodical review of the progress
made towards self-government in the Pacific colonies.
Though Malaya was to all intents and purposes one political,
social and economic 'unit, yet there were seven separate civil
administrations with as many customs and other essential state
services in such a small compact area, which rendered the work
of government more difficult, more wasteful and more expensive,
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hampered internal trade, produced constant . friction, created
unnecessary trouble and led to all sorts of complications.
The whole of British Malaya should be united under one
government, if necessary, on a federal basis, i.e., if it should not
be found possible to adopt a completely centralised form of polity,
which would be preferable. It is a consummation devoutly to
be wished! The writer as a member of the Legislative Council
of the Straits Settlements made a strong plea in favour of a
United Malaya, which the post-war period should afford a golden
opportunity to bring about.
It may be noted here that, according to report, the Sultan of
each of the Malay States now serves in the capacity of an Adviser
to the Japanese Governor.
Constitutional reforms for Malaya have been badly needed
and long overdue. Malaya has been among the most backward
dependencies in the British Colonial Empire in the matter of
political progress, though vastly superior to most of the rest of
it in the economic sphere, while in intelligence, education, political
consciousness and public spirit,' Malayans certainly compare
favourably with the people of Burma, Ceylon and the West
Indies, who have for quite some time enjoyed much more
substantial political rights. Malaya, while being economically
more independent than those other parts of the Colonial Empire,
has been accorded less, political' rights, which anomaly should be
rectified by taking advantage of the favourable opportunity to do
so offered in the post-war period when change can be more easily
achieved.
In place of the former out-of-date and unsatisfactory regime
and as required by loth century conditions, a new post-war
constitution for Malaya should be framed, whereby such a measure
of self-government should be given to the people as they are capable
of exercising, and which should provide for (a) the establishment
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of a Legislative Assembly for a United or Federated Malaya with
a substantial elected unofficial majority, and (b) the election by
the Legislature, for the duration df its term from its outset, of
a Council of Ministers holding responsible administrative posts
in the Government and constituting, with the officials holding
office with respect to certain "reserved subjects", the Executive
Branch of the Government. It may also be provided that members
of the Legislative Assembly may be elected by Chambers of
Commerce and other representative associations existing among the
various communities as well as by popular vote.
In the early stages of self-government in Malaya the powers
of the Colonial Office in London should be restricted to the
exercise of the veto through the Governor in cases of emergency.
This reserve power of the Colonial Office should not be used
unless the safety of the country or public order demands it in
times of emergency. In normal or ordinary times the Governor
should be bound: by law to follow the advice of the majority of
his Council of Ministers and of the Legislative Assembly.
As soon as the war is over and Malaya recovered, His
Majesty's Government may proceed to " appoint a commission to
examine the whole question with a view to the formulation of a
complete constitutional scheme providing for a suitable measure
of self-government for Malaya after considering such detailed
proposals as the general public of Malaya may be invited to make.
The rights of representation in. the Legislative Assembly and
Government of Malaya, if it be apportioned as between the
various communities making up the Malayan population on, the
basis of their respective numbers, which is an equitable principle,
should be in the following ratio :-3 to the Malay community : ,3
to the Chinese community : i to the other communities. The.
ratio Of' 3': 3 : i suggested above, which is largely based on
population figures of the various . communities, does -not. even
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concede to the Chinese community that measure ' of representation
and share in the government of the country in strict proportion
to their numbers, their economic importance and the amount of
public revenue 'contributed by them. In the past the bulk of
the public revenue in Malaya was produced by' the Chinese
community, which, it may be presumed, will continue to .be so in
the future. It may be added that the present constitution of
the Legislative Council of the Straits Settlements provides for
the nomination of three Chinese, one Malay, one Indian and one
Eurasian unofficial members as representatives of their respective
communities thereon. In the Executive Council of the Straits
Settlements for the last ten years the sole Asiatic unofficial
member was a Chinese.
The principle would have to be maintained that only those
born in'Malaya or who are British subjects by birth or who have
:acquired British nationality or Malayan citizenship by naturalisa-
tion can hold seats in the Legislature or the highest posts in the
Government and exercise the franchise. . . .
THE CHINESE COMMUNITY.
It has been suggested in some quarters that the existence of
the Chinese community in Malaya, particularly' its China-born
.section, creates a difficult and complex problem. If so the writer
would like to proposea practical solution.
Whilst the Malaya-born Chinese have of late years been
considerably perturbed by the policy of Sir Cecil Clementi towards
the Chinese and have consequently become anxious about their
future, political and` otherwise in Malaya, the China-born Chinese
have never taken a practical interest in the politics of Malaya,
though naturally they have always been interested in the political
and other happenings in China. As far as Malaya is concerned
the China-born Chinese have all along 'confined themselves to their,
economic activities and to the improvement of-their social welfare.
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They have consistently avoided taking any active part in Malayan
politics, and in. this. respect have adopted a piroper and correct
attitude in their position as aliens. Like the Straits-born Chinese
'they, have maintained the friendliest relationship with the Ways
and the others.
The Chinese onimunists may have given some trouble to the
police in Malaya;' biit Communism exists everywhere in the world
and appears to: be ' a , world-wide international organisation.
Nevertheless when Singapore was in desperate straits at the
time , of the, Japanese invasion of Malaya, . it was the Chinese
communists and Chinese volunteers, largely recruited from the
ranks of the China-born Chinese community, who made an
immediate and widespread response to the call of the Governor
to assist in the defence of Singapore and for men for service. in
the front line; and who fought heroically by the side of the British
in what they must have known to be a hopeless attempt to stem
the advancing tide of Japanese invasion. The Chinese volunteers
fought with desperate fury, anad. either perished or were shot by
the Japanese (when they set about clearing up "seditious elements
in Singapore immediately after 'their occupation of the whole
island), or. if alive, may be still fighting the, Japanese as guerillas
in the mountains and jungles of Malaya. If the Chinese had
been trained and armed by the British in good time and numbers,
the chances are that they would have given even a better account
of themselves and played a very important part in the defence of
Malaya.
If properly and fairly treated by the British in the future,
as has been done . to a good extent in the past, the China-born
Chinese will not only be the economic necessity to Malaya that
they have proved 'to be in the past, but also will form a most
loyal and valuable element in the Malayan population, willing
and able., to take a vital part in the defence of Malaya under
British leadership should an occasion arise in the future.
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With
regard to t
Malaya the writer wo
consideration of His M
Malaysia or the M
than 4,000 miles from E
miles from North to S
m m
miles in area, and with
the unfilled spaces of
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The Chinese are by tradition and nature very faithful and
loyal . and a. most grateful people. This is the testimony, of
sinologues, missionaries and other foreigners, such as Professor H.
Giles and the American bishop, J. W. Bashford, who had lived
long among Chinese and knew them intimately.
The writer has every confidence that if the China-born
Chinese are given a fair deal in Malaya they will, like the
Straits-born Chinese, regard themselves in course of time as
Malayans first and Chinese secondly as long as they make Malaya
their home-a safe and logical conclusion to come to on the basis
of the actual past record of the Chinese community in Malaya.
The best way of treating the Chinese is to trust them and to
give an opportunity to those of them, who have resided in Malaya,
especially if they have done so with their families, fora sufficiently
long period and have become domiciled in the country, to acquire
the right of Malayan citizenship by naturalisation, so as to enable
them to identify themselves completely with the interests of the
land of their adoption. That is the best and, wisest course to
adopt by way of solving the so-called Chinese problem in Malaya
in the humble opinion of the writer. The writer when living in
Switzerland was informed that he could have obtained Swiss
nationality after five years' residence in the country.
CHINESE IMMIGRATION.
he question of Chinese immigration into
uld like to express his views for the
ajesty's Government.
alay Archipelago, which extends for more
ast to West with a=breadth of about 1,300
outh, is approximately one million square
the exception of Java constitutes some of
the globe, into which the Chinese from
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the overcrowded South Eastern Maritime Provinces of China
have immigrated for the last over one thousand years, and which
has served as a natural region to provide room for the overflow
of the population from the neighbouring provinces of China and
India in the same way as the people of Europe have overflowed into
North America during the last two centuries. The entire
Archipelago with its one million square miles and fertile soil
seems capable of sustaining a population of five hundred to six.
hundred millions of people. Throughout the length and breadth
of Malaysia the Chinese has made his way economically without
interfering with the lives of its other inhabitants and. without.
doing them any harm. If the Chinese, one of the greatest
colonising powers of the world and who are excluded from entering
every other empty space in the six continents of the earth, are
told that in future they are also prohibited to migrate into
Malaysia, they will naturally feel aggrieved and think that they
have a just cause for complaint against this dog-in-the-manger
policy, which will not make for international amity and may
conceivably create a difficult international problem and situation.
Further one feels justified in anticipating that what has
happened in the past and circumstances in the future may induce
the two great Anglo-Saxon nations, viz. the United States of
America and Great Britain, together with China, as the three
leading Powers and vitally interested parties, to form as part of
a world organisation for security, the central core of a Confedera-
tion of the countries in East Asia and the Pacific Basin for the
purpose of promoting their economic collaboration and common
prosperity as well as for the protection and defence and to act as
the Guardians of Peace of these regions, especially as the Pacific
Ocean bids fair in the future to constitute the centre of gravity
of human civilisation and destiny and the great theatre of human
events for all centuries to come.
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The United States House of Representatives has just passed
a Bill repealing the Chinese Exclusion Act, admitting on a quota
basis 105 Chinese to the ' United States annually and granting
them the right of citizenship. This American action is a political
gesture full of significance.
Eighty per cent. of Malaya still consists of undeveloped
jungles, so that there is plenty of room for the Malays, Chinese,
Indians, Europeans and others to make their livelihood therein.
For the past several hundreds of years the three Asiatic
communities have lived in peace and harmony in Malaya, and
there is no valid reason why they should not do so in future
unless artificial difficulties are created to disturb that harmonious
relationship between them.
The complete stoppage or rigorous restriction of Chinese
immigration into Malaya, for instance,' may seriously affect the
country economically, especially during the post-war period, when
labour will be essential to rehabilitate the whole country,. which
may be found to be devastated by war or in a much despoiled,.
neglected and damaged condition in consequence of the war. For
instance, to reclaim and recondition the three and one third
million odd acres of rubber lands alone, which may be found to
be overgrown densely with the obnoxious and deep-rooted "lalang"
grass and jungle trees, will necessitate the employment of many,,
many tens of thousands of sturdy, industrious Chinese coolies. It.
is a most exhausting and fatiguing kind of work to be done with.
the labourers fully exposed to the hot tropical sun whilst
eradicating the tenacious "lalang", for which the Tamils, Malays
and even Javanese are not suitable. As rubber production is.
reported to be restricted in Malaya under Japanese control, it is.
highly probable that the rubber areas there are badly neglected.
For the restoration of the tin-mining industry Chinese labour
will also be indispensable. Subsequently plentiful labour will
always be needed to keep to the country going and further develop.
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it not only agriculturally but also industrially and in other
important directions. China offers an unlimited supply of the
best, the most industrious and reliable, and the most efficient class
of labour for the purpose, whilst the Chinese, unlike the Javanese
and the Indians, are willing to come in any quantity to fulfil the
vital economic needs of Malaya.
During the whole course of Malayan history the Chinese
have never been known to do any harm in any way to the Malays
and the other inhabitants of the country. On ' the contrary they
have done much good to them by helping the development of the
'country. But for Chinese energy in opening up the country
economically one doubts whether there would be as many as 2i4
millions of prosperous Malays and Malaysians in the land to-clay.
The Malays have absolutely no cause for complaint against the
Chinese except that they are not so prosperous as the Chinese
through no fault of the latter. In the future there is no reason
why the Malays cannot collaborate with the Chinese. in business
to mutual advantage- and thus also to develop their commercial
instinct's and raise their economic status. Will the Malays do so?
Whilst agreeing that Chinese immigration into Malaya may
be regulated, as it has been done in the past ten years, in
accordance with the economic needs of the country and other
circumstances, the writer thinks that it would be unwise and
detrimental to Malaya to stop it altogether or even to restrict it
solely for political reasons.
It is the firm conviction of the writer that the ideal to be
:aimed at by every community in Malaya is that they should learn
to regard themselves as Malayans First irrespective of their race.
This should make not only for inter-racial unity and harmony
such as has so conspicuously characterised, for instance,
Switzerland, but would also contribute to the unity, strength and
stability of the Malayan State, which would thereby be enabled
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to raise itself to the rank of a worthy and important partner in
the great British Commonwealth of Nations.
ADMINISTRATIVE SPHERE.
In the administrative sphere the right of admission of His
Majesty's Asiatic subjects into the Malayan Civil Service proper
should be restored, and the position in relation thereto should
revert to that obtaining prior to 1910, when Sir John Anderson,
the then Governor, introduced the colour bar, whereby since then
only British subjects of pure European descent on both sides
are eligible to sit for the competitive Civil Service Examinations
in London, through which members of the Malayan Civil Service
have been recruited. In this way the door of the Malayan Civil
Service has been effectively closed to. the Asiatic and non-European
subjects of His Majesty contrary to the letter and spirit of Queen
Victoria's famous Proclamation on the subject. Thanks to Sir
Cecil Clementi there was instituted in 1933 or thereabouts the
Straits Settlements Civil Service opening certain of the lower
appointments in the higher services of the Government to the
locally-born Asiatic British subjects. This was of course a
concession, though of a very limited nature, made as a result of
persistent public agitation led by the writer of this Memorandum..
The colour bar in the Malayan Civil Service and racial
discrimination in any shape or form in the other Government
services and throughout the whole country should be completely
abolished and eradicated, so that all those services should be
open to all Malaya-born Asiatics as well as to Europeans on
equal terms with the latter and the "cancer of the modern world"'
may be removed from the Malayan body politic.
EDUCATION.
Free elementary education in English up to, say, the Fourth.
Standard and in Chinese as well as in Malay should be furnished
by the, Government, with public assistance throughout the' country:
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The teaching of Chinese as a language subject should be made
available to all Chinese students in English secondary schools.
The China-born Chinese community of Malaya organised
almost entirely out of their own resources and maintained
financially schools all over the country providing Chinese education
for more than fifty thousand Chinese students (i.e., equal to the
total number of scholars enrolled in all the English schools in
Malaya supported by the Government), with hardly any financial
assistance from the Government. All these schools should have
been run at public expense as far as possible or adequately
subsidised by the Government, who should also exercise some
measure of control over these Chinese schools and their curriculum.
The Chinese must necessarily receive instruction through the
medium of their native tongue as they can best develop themselves
along the lines of their own culture and tradition, in which they
can take deep root. The Chinese community, in addition to
paying the major part of the taxation of the country, including
the education rate, bore practically the whole burden of the cost
of the education in Chinese of their own boys and girls, while
the Malays and others were given their education in Malay and
English at the expense of the Government.
Whilst the writer entirely agrees with Colonel Oliver Stanley's
dictum that we want to see good Africans, good West Indians,
good Malayans, not imitation Englishmen" (a doctrine which the
writer himself preached at meetings of - the Straits Settlements
Legislative Council), it should at the same time be pointed out
that the question of education in Malaya is not quite a simple
?one. In a British dependency like Malaya, English education has
a definite economic and other important values, and the
Straits-born Chinese, for instance, have for the last two generations
received their education primarily in English, which, if supple.
mented with a good Chinese education, would have made them
good British subjects, good Malayans and good Chinese. A good
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English education for obvious and important reasons appears to
be necessary in a British colony and dependency.
Hitherto in Malaya the overwhelming number of boys when
they finished off their English education had no other occupation
open to them except to become clerks, which calling besides being
of the "blind-alley" itype was fast getting overcrowded, thus
leading to considerable unemployment and distress among the
middle-class people in Malaya. Therefore by way of relieving
unemployment and creating more and better avenues of employ-
ment, technical education of all kinds and grades should be
provided at convenient or populous centres up and down the
-country.
Trade schools to provide vocational training, which were
recently started in Singapore and Penang, were a great success,
and a number of them sufficient to meet the increasing demand
for it should be opened throughout the country.
The only agricultural school in the country at Serdang, near
Kuala Lumpur, Selangor, had not enough accommodation to
meet the great-demand for agricultural education, which is highly
important in a country largely devoted to agriculture. The
Serdang school should not only be enlarged to provide more
accommodation, but there should also be room for more
agricultural schools to be established at convenient places in the
country. Moreover, rubber planting .and agriculture generally
speaking tend to become more and more scientific in character,
and it is highly necessary to give those who should choose to
engage in rubber planting, a thorough and scientific training, which
should not only be of benefit to them but also to the rubber plant-
ing industry. Malaya with its three and one third million acres of
planted rubber should be capable of absorbing in employment
all the graduates, who will have passed out of 'its agricultural
schools.
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Technical education is a supreme necessity in this modern
age of applied science and technology and the machine. The
purpose of education should be to equip a person to earn a living
and function efficiently as well as to impart knowledge enabling
us to choose the right ends of life and appreciate what is good,
true and beautiful.
In addition to a university, which should be founded in
Singapore, to embody the then existing Medical College and
- Raffles College and new colleges to be opened and designed to
give instruction in other of the more important branches of
learning, and which should be capable of conferring degrees in
various faculties, a proper technical college and similar institutions
should be established in the country with the specific object of
giving instruction in the various types of the higher technical
and professional education. At the time it was not possible for
a student to take up, for instance, engineering and law at any
of the centres of learning in Malaya, and these needs should
be met.
SOCIAL SERVICES.
Existing social services should be developed and new ones
continually introduced to improve the conditions of life, especially
those of the poorer classes, and the lot of the common man must
be improved and his living standard raised with his purchasing
.power increased. What the common man wants is "a chance to
do honest work, receive good pay, live in a decent house, eat
good food, enjoy education and cultural facilities and be freed
from the harrowing worries of unemployment, sickness and old
age". Measures must be taken and means must be devised to
bring about these desired results.
The housing condition of the poor and working people in
Singapore and other big centres of population in ' Malaya was
deplorable and highly unsatisfactory, and this problem should be
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earnestly tackled in order to bring about a really substantial
improvement in the housing accommodation of the poor by a
gigantic programme of constructing suitable . blocks of. new
tenement houses by the municipal authorities acting in co-operation
with the Government.
Homes for decrepits and the destitutes should be established
throughout the whole country by the Government instead of
allowing these unfortunate people to perish miserably or to become
beggars, which in Malaya was a crime under the law with the
result that all beggars were sent to prison. The institution of
these Homes .is an absolute necessity, and the'. writer of this
Memorandum sat on a Committee which reported on the subject
but whose recommendations were not carried out by the
Government.
Free hospitals, clinics and dispensaries should be established
throughout the country in the big towns and other populous areas
for the benefit of the poor classes. Some of these clinics should
specialise in the treatment of tuberculosis (which takes a heavy
toll of life in Malaya) and in the discovery of the early cases
which are curable. Tuberculosis sanatoria providing for the
modern surgical therapy of the disease should be started, on
Cameron Highlands, so that rich and poor alike may avail
themselves of the most up-to-date methods of dealing with this
scourge under the best of conditions. Venereal disease, which plays
havoc with the lives of the people, should also be systematically
combated and on an adequate scale. On rubber estates, tin mines
and the big factories a system of compulsory medical service
should be instituted for the benefit of the labourers and workers
therein. The health standard of the whole population should be
raised and the mortality rate reduced and all effective measures
taken with these objects in view.
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THE ECONOMIC ASPECT.
While it is necessary that the Malays, (who are more
backward than the other races), should be protected against
unfair competition and exploitation, especially in relation to their
tenure of lands for agricultural purposes and in their home
villages, and should be assisted by the Government in every way
to accelerate their economic and educational advancement and
progress in other respects, the interests and rights, of the other
races should not thereby be effected to their detriment and in
such a way as to hamper their development and advancement.
The principle of "live and let live" and justice should be extended
to all racial elements and all classes in the Malayan population
in tall respects.
The small agriculturists, vegetable gardeners, mining and
rubber and estate other plantation labourers as well as people of the
working classes and of small means of the Chinese and the other
races should be allowed and encouraged by the Government to take
up land on simple and easy terms (as was formerly the case in the
Straits Settlements and other parts of Malaya over thirty years ago),
on which they may settle down with their families and grow food-
stuffs and fruits and other crops and also develop other industries
including pig-rearing, which was so flourishing at one time at
Malacca and elsewhere in Malaya, thereby. helping to build up
a large and permanent labour population in the country, which
has been dependent so much on outside labour, and contributing
to the subsistence production of Malaya, which has had to import
huge quantities of foodstuffs of all sorts from abroad.
The Chinese, who are extraordinarily fine rice cultivators,
capable of extracting from the soil two or more crops in a year,
may be permitted and encouraged to own and work paddy-fields
for the purpose of rice cultivation as in former days. This
would immensely increase the rice production of the country, which
has had to import from abroad one-half to two-thirds of its rice
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consumption, which must be a highly unsatisfactory state of affairs,
especially in war time.
The Government might reserve certain specified areas on an
adequate scale to be allotted as small holdings to Chinese and
Indians of the labouring classes in various parts of the country
on similar lines as lands have been allotted to the Malays.
Chinese and other non-Malay people were formerly permitted to
hold land under "mukim extracts".
Malaya has been too much dependent on tin and rubber and
a few other crops, and requires a much greater diversity in
production. Therefore the extensive growing of a variety of
suitable economic products and the development of local handi-
crafts and other industries are needed to broaden the basis of
economic life, for all which purposes not only Malays but also
the hardworking Chinese and the other races can be profitably
and successfully employed. For instance, recently the small
Chinese agriculturists in Malaya embarked on tobacco cultivation
on an appreciable scale and made a great success of it, thus
augmenting the productivity of the country.
Malaya is much more dependent upon rubber than upon tin..
Every time there was a serious and prolonged slump in the
demand for rubber with its price falling below the cost of
production, there would result acute distress amongst the people,.
which would threaten to bring about a veritable collapse of the
economic life of the whole country, as happened in the great crisis.
of 1931, when rubber was selling at i j'2d. per lb. and the
irreducible cost of production was 2d. per lb. Relief only came
then through the introduction of an international scheme of
compulsory restriction of production with the consent and
collaboration of the big consumer interests of the United States
of America, who realised that without this measure of control
extensive rubber areas in the producing countries would have
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reverted to jungles and gone out of cultivation to the detriment
of both producers and_ consumers.
The Y resident of the Goodrich Company has recently
prophesied a world rubber demand after the war of at least
two million tons yearly--almost twice the world's record pre-war
consumption.
Referring to certain moves to place a tariff on natural rubber
to protect the United States synthetic industry, President
Roosevelt said that he hoped that, when be was out of the White
House, such legislation would be vetoed. Synthetic rubber is a
quite different product from natural rubber and used for different
purposes, whilst its cost should be five to six times that of,
plantation rubber.
However, if things should go wrong with,: the plantation
rubber industry after the war, it is to be hoped that His Majesty's
Government will do all it can to arrange for the continuation of
the International Plan for the regulation of rubber production
in vogue in the East in December 194r. This'course would.be
essential to prevent the financial collapse of Malaya, which would
be disastrous in view of the imperative necessity to meet the huge
cost of its post-war economic rehabilitation.
A study should be made. of the question of establishing in
Malaya after the war of manufacturing industries of the type
that can draw their raw materials from local sources and be
assured of a local market, such as that of rubber tyres and goods.
The manufacture of fertilisers which must be used on rubber
estates and of cement for use in the country would be highly
desirable and profitable.
The industrialisation of Malaya must be given a start, if
the country wishes to be ultimately a self-governing and a
self-sufficient unit.
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The Government should help to organise the formation
amongst the Malays as well as the Chinese and other races of
co-operative societies and stores, and thrift, lean. and other benefit
societies, which should have a big scope for the poor and small
people of all communities in Malaya, and over which Government
should exercise some sort of supervisory control to ensure that
they would be run on right lines and in an honest manner.
Workmen's Compensation Law was enacted in the early part
of the last decade in Malaya, where a law was also recently passed
legalizing trade unionism. The practical application of the just
principle of the liability of employers for payment of compensation
to workmen killed or injured in the course of their employment
and the organization of trade unions 'for the protection and
promotion of the common interests of the manual workers should.
be revived and further developed in practice after the war in.
Malaya.
Labour leaders experienced in -the running of trade unions.
in Europe should be imported into Malaya to instruct the
labourers in the principles and practice of the movement, in order
that the labourers may effectively unite for the protection of their-
rights and interests. Minimum standards of wages in every big;
industry like rubber planting, tin mining, and tin smelting and.
in the big factories should be fixed with the approval of the
Government and revised from time to time as circumstances dictate..
There should be set up in Malaya after the war a Labour
Advisory Board, consisting of the representatives of the Govern-
ment, including the officer in charge of the Labour Department
and of representatives of employers and workpeople in equal
numbers to deal with such questions as wage rates, cost of living,
unemployment, relief works, recruitment and employment of
women and children.
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In this regard. John Stuart Mill has uttered a warning in
these words :-"if the institution of private property necessarily
carried with it as a consequence that the produce of labour should
be apportioned, as we now see it, almost in an inverse ratio to the
labour-the largest portions to those who have, never worked at
all, the next largest to those whose work is almost nominal, and
so in a descending scale, the remuneration dwindling as the work
grows harder and more disagreeable, until the most fatiguing and
exhausting bodily labour cannot count with certainty on being
ble to earn even the necessities of life; if this or communism
were the alternative, all the difficulties, great and small, of
communism would be as dust in the balance". Even in the East
this warning should be taken to heart and justice should be done
to the working classes.
OPIUM SMOKING.
Throughout the history of Malaya during perhaps the last
one hundred years or more a very substantial portion of its
revenue was derived from the opium consumed by the Chinese.
population of the country. The pernicious habit of opium
smoking should be completely done away with, and more' drastic
steps should be taken to eradicate the evil, which has. caused a
marked deterioration in the character and physique of the Chinese
who indulge in it, especially the working classes. The Chinese
immigrants usually took to the habit of opium smoking after
their arrival in Malaya, partly because of lack of other forms
of recreation after a hard day's work. Facilities for sports and
games and other wholesome forms of amusement and recreation
should be afforded to the Chinese both in the urban and rural
areas where they are found in big numbers.
DEATH DUTIES.
Ostensibly as a war measure a scale of death duties of
precisely the same high level as enforced in England ascending
to a maximum rate of sixty per cent. (maximum rate reduced
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to forty per cent. as a result of representations made by those
affected, but rates for estates valued at several million dollars
and under left unchanged) on the value of the estate of a deceased
person payable in hard cash, was levied in Malaya since 1940.
There was no scale of death duties enforced in Malaya more than
sixty or seventy years ago. When it was first introduced the
maximum rate was seven per cent., which was subsequently
increased to twelve per cent. In 1931 it was raised to twenty per
cent., which the writer believes is the maximum rate charged at
the present time as death duty, in the neighbouring colony of
Ceylon, which has the same population as Malaya. In India
practically no death duty is imposed even in war time.
The new scale of death duties charged was confiscatory in
its actual effects in a small country like Malaya, which unlike
England is not a manufacturing country, but in which the bulk
of the wealth of the people consisted of rubber and other
agricultural and mining lands and house property, which had
such a limited market that when a big lot of such property was
sold at one time for the purpose of procuring the cash to meet
the 'death duty, values thereof would immediately depreciate
considerably with the result that the sale of the whole property
of a deceased person would usually realise not more than thirty to
forty per cent. of its proper value. In 1917 or thereabouts a rich
Chinese, named Lee Kiah Soon, in Johore died with his estate
valued by the Government for the purpose of assessing death
,duty payable thereon at about Straits dollars 1%2 millions, which
was liable under the then scale of - estate duties to pay the
maximum rate of twelve per cent. of its 'value. When the whole
estate of the deceased, on the trustees making default to pay
up after a period of grace extendng over a few years, was finally
sold up by the Government to enforce payment of the death duty
at only ` twelve per cent., the proceeds of sale (of his whole
property) were just about enough to meet the. payment due to
the Government on this account. In consequence the beneficiaries
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under the will of the deceased person received hardly any of the:
legacies and bequests devised therein to them. Instances like
this could easily have been multiplied. If a rate of 12% of death.
duty utterly ruined the estate of a Chinese millionaire, who at-
the time of his death owned no money whatsoever to other people
and whose estate was therefore unencumbered with any debt, it-
is inevitable that the scale of death duties ranging up to 4o%
in a small country like Malaya with its restricted property market
and other limitations must be most devastating and disastrous to
the estates of deceased persons worth more than $5oo,000 or
$i,ooo,ooo. The Government may tax but should not ruin
people, as this new scale of death duties is bound to do in respect
of the richer estates. It was a piece of class legislation aimed
at the Chinese most probably. Further it was a short-sighted.
policy on the part of the Government to inflict upon the country
a scale of taxation which was utterly beyond the capacity of the
country to bear, and which must necessarily result in the ruination
of the rich estates, thereby causing a flight of capital from the
country and inducing people to squander their money instead of
saving it and accumulating wealth. It was verily a policy of
killing the goose that lays the golden eggs. This ruinous and
confiscatory new scale of death'duties was decidedly unjustifiable
and unnecessary even as a war measure. After the war it is to
be trusted..that the Government will restore the former scale
providing for a maximum rate of 207, which was already so,
high that"it was not quite within the ability of the country to
bear it at times.
The payment of death duties did not concern the European
community in Malaya, all of whom retired to their homeland.
to die.
THE FUTURE. .
The question that recurs to the mind of the man in the
street in Asia to-day is whether after the war there will be a
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genuine change of heart on the part of the Western Powers and
the rest of mankind, which will be instrumental in bringing about
a better ordering of the world as a whole based on the conception
of international co-operation, and of justice, freedom and equality
for all humanity, when not only Germany and Japan should
have been crushed to the dust but the death-blow should also
be dealt to the forces of oppression, intolerance, insecurity and
injustice which have impeded the forward march of civilization",
as a result of the inescapable lessons taught by the present world
war; or whether there will be merely a restoration of the status
quo of 1939 and 1941 with no change for the better effected in
reality and substance, when the world will relapse to the age of
Machiavellianism, characterized by international immorality and
national selfishness, and of insane racialism, mechanised barbarism
and the reign of brute force.
If unfortunately for mankind the latter state of affairs should
prevail, we fear that there may be in the course of the next
twenty-five or fifty years another world war in comparison with
which the present conflict will prove only a skirmish.
The ideal destiny of man should be towards equality and
unity throughout the earth", for the consummation of, a world
state and the era,
When each shall find his own in every other's good,
And all men join in- a common brotherhood".
Apropos of this point Confucius 2,500 years ago expressed
what amounts to Chinese ethical, social and political philosophy
in a nutshell in, these words :-
(a) "Search into the nature of things, extend the boundaries.
of knowledge, make the purpose sincere, regulate the
mind, cultivate personal virtue, rule the family, govern
the State, pacify mankind".
(b) "Within the four seas all are brethren".
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If this ideal should be impossible of achievement, and there
must be regular and perpetual cycles of progress and decay
accompanied by ever recurring wars of annihilation in human
history, then the future outlook for mankind is indeed black.
Idealism is as necessary in human life as realism.
So far as East Asia in which we live is concerned, we feel
that in order to prevent a repetition of what happened before
the war, which made it possible for wicked, cunning and militaristic
Nippon to seize a great Empire so quickly as never before
occurred in history, there should be a radical change from the
state of affairs then prevailing, which has been responsible for
the chain of events culminating in the military disasters which
overwhelmed us in 1942.
The French, for instance, agreed to allow Japan to use their
territories in Indo-China as a base of operations, which enabled
the . Japanese troops. to sail from Saigon, land at Singora in'
Thailand and march victoriously down the west coast of the
Malayan mainland to- take Singapore from 'the back-door on
February the 15th 1942, and subsequently to seize the whole of
the golden Indies, the richest Archipelago in the world. Will the
French be allowed after the war to reoccupy Indo-China as part
of the French Empire? If so, will France unaided be able to
defend Indo-China against aggression in the future better than
they have done in the past?
Still less will tiny and far-away Holland be able to ensure
from attack the 8oo,ooo square miles of the golden Indies
extending for some thousands of miles across the South Pacific
Ocean, if these vast territories are returned to her after the war.
What will be the position of Thailand, whose people have
been definitely pro-Japanese even since or before 1931?
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In all the Pacific colonies of the Western Powers, with the
possible exception of the Philippine Islands, their inhabitants were
not trained and equipped for the defence of their countries on a
national scale, so that they were quite helpless to defend themselves
against the Japanese invaders.
The world is so inter-dependent that what happens in one
part of it will affect the rest of it including Malaya.
Perhaps the best solution of the problem thus presented
would be to institute, as part of a world organisation to maintain
peace and security, an International Council of East Asia, on
which Britain, the United States of America, China and the
other powers with vital interests in this region should be
represented, whose primary functions would be to supervise or
co-operate in the administration of the Pacific colonies, and
assume the duty and responsibility obligatory on the part of
each and all of the parties concerned to materially participate
in their defence, and to organise their inhabitants on a national
scale to take part in preparing for the defence of their respective
territories when attacked.
This will pave the way for the closest international co-operation
in administering the colonial dependencies in the Pacific in
accordance with general principles internationally agreed, and in
making available for distribution to the whole world on an
equitable basis the basic raw materials produced therein, which
in turn will win the goodwill of other countries for the Colonial
Powers and thus make for the stability of world peace, and
which will also ensure that proper trusteeship, for the inhabitants
of the colonies will be exercised and the fulfilment of promises
made, until the time arrives when they will be in a position to
stand on their own legs.
Just as important as international co-operation to preserve
world peace, is concerted international action to prevent inflation,
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unemployment and world economic depression, as occurred after
the last War and which brought about universal distress, and
to wage war against poverty throughout the globe.
In particular the world looks to British and American
leadership to bring about the realisation of the basic principles
of the Atlantic Charter, which should be applied to all humanity,.
and above all to help to ensure freedom from want throughout
the earth by organising a universal war against poverty, ill-health
and hunger among the masses of the people of this planet,. success
in which supreme task would have to be achieved, if necessary,
by a reformed and planned economic system.
Dated 1st November, 1943.
.x6, MILLERS ROAD,
BANGALORE, South India.
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MEMORANDUM ON THE "QUISLING" RESOLUTION
PASSED BY THE MALAYAN ASSOCIATION,
BOMBAY, ON 16th NOVEMBER, 1942.
At a general meeting of members of the Malayan Association,
Bombay, on the 16th November, 1942, the following Resolution
was unanimously passed:-
"That representations be made at once by this Association
to the Imperial Government requesting the Imperial
Government to declare forthwith and publicly that
immediately upon the re-occupation of Malaya all
"quislings" or persons who have assisted the Japanese
either in the Civil Government of the Country or
otherwise will, together with their families, be forthwith
.banished forever from Malaya. Provided always that
continuing to carry on a pre-existing employment shall
not necessarily be considered as assisting the Japanese."
The mover of the Resolution contended that it is our duty
to pass this Resolution, because when we return to Malaya we
wish to see the place rid of `quislings'." He explained that the
Resolution amounted to a simple act of justice, and it was useless
for people now in Malaya to plead that they were acting under
.coercion. "There is no necessity for people in Malaya to
co-operate with the enemy, and the only reason one can deduce
for their doing so is that the person would hope to gain something
for his own benefit but, against the interests of the Allied Nations."
He suggested that once it was known in Malaya that the Imperial
Government would adopt the policy outlined in this proposal
there would no doubt be less willingness to help the Japanese.
The writer of this Memorandum wrote a letter dated 5th
December 1942, to the Hon. Secretary of the Association to the
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effect that the Resolution put forward and passed at the General
Meeting held on the 16th November, 1942, on the subject of the
so-called "quislings" in Malaya, should be subject to confirmation
at the next General Meeting, in view of the fact that members,
who were not present at the meeting on the 16th November, 1942,
had no opportunity to vote or give their views on the Resolution,
and that in the meantime members may be requested to express
their views on:the subject.
On February 1st. 1943, the writer addressed the following
letter to the Honorary Secretary of the Association :- "
"SIR,
General Meeting on 16th November, 1942-
Resolution re Quislings.
I am strongly opposed to the Resolution above referred to,
which I consider unjust, unwise , and impracticable on these
grounds.
At the outset I would like to know what is the precise
definition of the term "quislings", and if it is properly applicable
to the subject and dependent peoples under which category the
inhabitants of Malaya come?
Soon after the abandonment of Penang without any fighting
to the Japanese in the early stages of the invasion of Malaya
commencing on the 8th of December 1941, by its Military
and Civil Authorities, Mr. L. D. Gammans, a member
of Parliament, requested the British Government at a meeting of
the House of Commons to threaten to punish for treason on the
recovery of Malaya. all persons, domiciled in Penang, said then
to be serving in high official capacities under the Japanese in the
settlement, and the Minister, concerned did not reply and treated
his question with silence, which was significant.
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We all remember that practically only Europeans were
evacuated from Penang at the time, whilst Asiatics were left
behind to be entirely at the mercy of the looters. and Japanese
invaders. This racial discrimination thus practised then aroused
resentment even amongst some of the British community in
Singapore. The Secretary of State for the Colonies in refusing
to give an answer to Mr. Gammans in the House of Commons
must have thought of this act of gross injustice done to His
Majesty's Asiatic subjects and the other Asiatic inhabitants of
Penang, who were discriminated against by its Authorities, when
they also attempted to escape from the Island with the European
community then evacuated therefrom. The Japanese would not
only have taunted the people of Penang with "British fair play"
towards them for propaganda purposes and in the pursuit of
their policy of systematic hostility and hatred of the white man,
but also would have put any and all of them into a concentration
camp to be tortured or made them face a firing squad m the
typical, ruthless, Nipponese fashion, if such people should have
showed any disinclination to assist or co-operate with them in
any way. The people of. Penang, who must also have been sorely
embittered because of their treatment by the Penang Authorities
at the time of the evacuation, had no alternative on earth but to
submit to Japanese rule under which they had come through no
fault whatsoever of their own.
We can be quite sure that the Japanese Military ' Authorities
in all the occupied territories in the Colonial Empires of the
European Powers have compelled every person therein to swear
or acknowledge allegiance to their `divine' Emperor, to invariably
bow his-head low when passing a Japanese sentry, to learn Japanese
and generally to collaborate with them in every way whether he
likes it or not. Japanese military rule in the occupied territories
would automatically become a reign of terror if the people should
dare to disobey them and make trouble.
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It is our bounden duty to consider all these factors when
we deal with any question affecting our people in Malaya and in
the other conquered territories.
But for the fact that I and my family had already had
passports issued to us-we having returned from Europe in July
1939, and but for the help I received from the Shipping Controller
(a Mr. Hendley,) my family and I would never have been able
to leave Malaya at all owing to the obstruction placed in our way
by the Immigration Department in Singapore then ruled by a
Malayan Civil Service official named Fleming. At the time I
left Singapore on the 8th January 1942, I and my friends were
convinced that only the dumb, deaf and blind could not have
foreseen that it was much more probable that Singapore would
fall than not. So it would serve-no useful purpose for those not
needed for its defence to remain in Singapore if they had the
means of quitting it, especially to save their womenfolk from the
horrors of war and Japanese atrocities. -
Thousands of Chinese and other Asiatics must have been
placed in a similar situation to that of myself and were not
permitted to leave Singapore with their womenfolk even at their
own expense at the time when not only they could have been
of no use to its defence but would actually hamper it, and when
the Government must have known that, the chances were that
Singapore would fall.
Imagine the feelings of all these and other inhabitants of
Malaya, who were let down or thought they were left in the lurch
or deceived in such manner and circumstances as to make them
terribly embittered, when they should be told that we, who have
had the good fortune to escape from Japanese rule and atrocities,
have resolved to ask the British Government that immediately
upon the reoccupation of Malaya all of them together with their
families are to be banished forever from the country simply
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because in order to have to eat, to get shelter and' to live they
have had in the face of overwhelming force majeure to submit
to the rule of the ruthless conqueror and `assist the Japanese
either in the Civil Government of the country or otherwise', or
to suffer death, hunger, or spoliation under circumstances
absolutely beyond their control and in which they had no other
alternative. Is this a `simple act of justice'? It is most
inconsistent and indefensible for the Resolution to exclude those
`continuing to carry on a pre-existing employment', for why
because of a lucky accident should they also not show the same
heroism as the rest of the population and defy the all-powerful
conqueror in order to suffer death, torture, hunger or confiscation
of their property and rights.
To carry out the principle underlying the Resolution to its
logical conclusion any kind of collaboration with the Japanese
even when arising out of the necessity to maintain one's life,
economic or otherwise, or to sustain the life, whether economic
or in other respects, of the community in Malaya under irresistible
compulsion, should be punished with everlasting and wholesale
banishment. In this way it is conceivable that half, if not all,
of the population of Malaya, including the Sultan with their
families, would have to be banished forever; for every one there
must be compelled somehow to work in order to live and thereby
assist the Japanese whether directly or indirectly in the governance
of the country. It is utterly impossible for them to escape from
Japanese rule and domination except by revolt or passive resistance,
for which they are not organised and which they. have no means
to achieve with any chance of. success, even if they thought they
were morally bound thus to resist the Japanese.
When the right time arrives for them to resist the Japanese
with some hope of success (unless the Japanese propaganda in
the meantime should result in making them loyal subjects of the
Mikado at heart, which is most doubtful especially in the case
. _( 47 )
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of the Chinese, who naturally detest the Japanese), the inhabitants
of Malaya if helped and organised would in all probability do
so. But this Resolution, if the British Government should
`forthwith and publicly' declare its contents, might possibly deter
them from wishing to resist the Japanese even at the right
moment, as many of ' them might have been compelled to `assist
the Japanese either in the Civil Government of the country or
otherwise', and thus would incur liability on the recovery of
Malaya to be banished under the terms of the Resolution, though
at heart they should hate the Japanese and wish their downfall.
Apply the principle underlying the Resolution to, and put
it into practice, in . occupied China and other occupied Eastern
Asia territories, covering an area of two or more million square
.miles with hundreds of millions of inhabitants and also in occupied
continental Europe on their recovery, and you can easily visualise
the widespread chaos, devastation and injustice that would
inevitably result, involving. in unmerited misery untold millions
of people, who would have every right and justification to plead
that they were acting under `coercion' of the most formidable and
irresistible 'nature. For instance, all of the seven odd millions
of workers with their. families of the conquered European
nationalities now forced to labour in the German war industry
in Germany would have to be banished forever from their home
countries after the war. Surely this cannot by any stretch of the
imagination be designated `a simple act of justice'. On the
contrary I would rather call it an act of monstrous injustice! I
can multiply numerous instances of this nature, but I will not
waste time and words unnecessarily.
The conquered peoples of Europe, who at least are sure of
their political freedom, if the United Nations should win, have
infinitely stronger reasons for resisting their conquerors when
there is absolutely no hope of success, than the miserable
inhabitants of Malaya and of the rest of Malaysia, who, except
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the Filipinos, have not been even promised that they will ever get
their political freedom whichever side should win, though
personally I believe that our people in Malaya know that they
will on the whole be better off in the event of the Allied victory,
for they must realize by this time the true meaning of Japanese
rule and their co-prosperity New Order.
I would ask the members of the Association in this
connection to
"Remember this, gentle folk, before you speak or act
The point of view is important as the fact".
Further there is a grim old saying that necessity knows no
law, and it is from this. standpoint also that we should endeavour
to judge the position and action of our unfortunate and suffering
brethren in Malaya now unhappily living under the tyrannical
and militaristic rule of Nippon, against whose might they are
absolutely helpless and powerless, through no choice of their own
and much against their will.
I would like this -letter to be read out at the next general
meeting when the subject comes to be re-considered, and if this
Resolution should still stand I wish to be completely dissociated
from it, even if it be modified, and that this fact should be
recorded in the minutes with 'my reasons for opposing the
Resolution.
16, MILLERS ROAD,
BANGALORE, South India.
3oth April, 1943-,
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MEMORANDUM OF THE ASSOCIATION OF
BRITISH MALAYA, LONDON.
Below is a Memorandum on the reconstruction of Malaya
which was drawn up by the Committee of the Association of
British Malaya for submission to the Colonial Office.
RECONQUEST PERIOD.
(a) Suggest political expediency requires reconquest by
forces predominantly British in composition.
(b) In order to destroy the military prestige of Japan in
the eyes of the people of Malaya, it seems desirable
that Malayan Regiments and Volunteers should form
part of any Army of Occupation in Japan.
RESETTLEMENT (TEMPORARY).
(a) Scheme for the appointment of a "shadow" government,
with Governor and nucleus staff, should be prepared
without delay in anticipation of reoccupation, as soon
as reoccupation appears to be within measurable
distance. (Say, a Governor, 2 executive officers, a
legal adviser and a financial officer).
(b) Emphasize the paramount importance of proper
psychological return of the British, e.g., the right
Governor, the correct declaration of future policy,
including broadcasting- etc., no financial pettiness, etc.
(c) The new constitutional position to be settled as soon
as possible, so as to reduce the period of military
control to a minimum. The temporary military
administration should be British.
(d) It is assumed that the Rubber and Tin Associations are
devising schemes for the immediate production of their
respective commodities, and that relief measures for food,
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clothing, medical supplies, etc. are now in process of
organisation by the Government for the community as
a whole.
RESETTLEMENT (PERMANENT).
Two principles are urged (a) The Malayan mainland should be constituted into one
political and economic entity.
(b) The domiciled inhabitants of Malaya must assume a
greatly increased share in the government and
administration of the country.
A. CROWN COLONY.
Malacca and Province Wellesley to become part of the
Malay States, the islands of Singapore and Penang to remain the
Crown Colony. Local government of the islands to be
administered as enlarged municipalities, with extended powers,
analogous, perhaps, to the administrative powers of our English
County Boroughs-e.g. police, education, public health, etc.
Legislative Council to be retained. Pan-Malayan matters to be
decided by conventions between Federal Council and Legislative
Council, with powers reserved to the Secretary of. State in case
of disagreement. Examples of Pan-Malayan matters are customs,
currency, post and telegraphs, wireless and' broadcasting, immigra-
tion, air communications, defence, etc.
Extension of representative nature of Legislative Council,
Federal Council and Municipal Councils on principle of
nomination by responsible bodies rather than on ballot-box
principle.
High Commissioner of the. Federation to be Governor and
Commander-in-Chief of the Crown Colony, with principal
residence in Kuala Lumpur.
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B. MALAY STATES.
(a) Federation of nine States on mainland with one Federal
Council with powers constituted under a new Treaty..
(b) An upper Chamber composed of Sultans to be created.
This Chamber would have no power over money bills
and would have limited power to refer back certain
matters of ordinary legislation. It would have complete
control over Mohammedan religion and customs and
Mohammedan inheritance on the mainland.
(c) The old State Councils to be retained, but to be
strictly limited in their powers; to be financed from
Federal revenue and to have no purely State sources of
revenue.
C. POLITICAL STATUS OF MALAYANS.
It is essential to face the fact that many non-Malays-
especially Chinese and Indians=have acquired what is virtually
a Malayan domicile and will expect to enjoy political rights and
their fair share in the administration. At the same time the
interests of the Malays must continue to be safeguarded.
It seems essential that the anomaly of the British "Protected
Person" in Malaya must be abolished, and it must be assumed
that all persons possessing or acquiring Malayan domicile, as
heretofore suggested, shall automatically acquire British nationality.
Political rights (e.g. membership of Federal Council and
Municipalities and general evolution towards self-government)
shall be restricted to persons of British nationality by birth or
naturalization, who have acquired a Malayan domicile for a
period of not less than seven years and who have renounced
allegiance to any foreign power.
The same restrictions regarding nationality and domicile shall
not apply to government and municipal appointments to the
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administrative and technical services, but it shall be understood
that a reasonable balance of numbers shall be kept between the
different races who possess British nationality, and that the special
interests of the indigenous Malay population shall be safeguarded.
D. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT.
(a) Economic Advisory Council with permanent secretariat
to be set up under control of Federal and Legislative
Councils, and to work in close liaison with any Colonial
- (b)
(c)
(d)
Economic Board in London.
Principle of Malay Reservation
possibly extended.
to be retained and
Immigration to be controlled.
Large-scale agricultural, industrial and mining develop-
ment to be under licence and as part of agreed economic
policy and approved development plan.
Encouragement of home-produced food and policy of
small-scale subsistence production. Land suitable for
rice and other food production to be reserved solely for
such purposes.
(e)
EDUCATION.
It is considered that every effort must be made to develop
a sense of. Pan-Malayan citizenship on the part of all domiciled
races, and for that reason a radical change in educational policy
seems necessary.
Primary education to be universal and compulsory for all
races. Medium of Education to be English and Malay. Danger
to be avoided' of top-heavy cultural and educational system..
Increased bias towards technical and agricultural education.
F. SOCIAL SERVICES.
Appointment of fact-finding Committee of Enquiry to,
investigate desirability and financial practicability of extension of
social services, including urban housing.
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COMMENTS ON THE ASSOCIATION OF BRITISH
MALAYA'S. MEMORANDUM ON THE
RECONSTRUCTION OF MALAYA.
RESETTLEMENT.
In view of the possibility that the cunning enemy by means of
propaganda and the work he has done in Malaya may have
somehow succeeded in deceiving its people and thus commended
himself and his purposes to them, His Majesty's Government
should be ready to return to Malaya with a well-defined policy-
a policy that will take into consideration the needs, aspirations
and feelings of the people who live there.
It is perfectly obvious that the political and economic union
of Malaya, which is a small compact area of some 52,000 square
miles, is ultimately inevitable and that the post-war period offers
a golden opportunity to bring about its consummation.
The non-Malay domiciled inhabitants of Malaya feel that
they have won as good a title to be regarded as the sons of the
soil as have the Malays and the domiciled Malaysians who
together form less than 50% of the whole population, and that
they should be accorded an equal and adequate share in the
government and administration of the country.
Either the whole of British Malaya, inclusive of the Islands
of Singapore and Penang, should constitute a complete union as a
unitary state under a centralized form of government, which
would be, preferable, or it may be federally united. Whether
under a unitary or a federal system embracing the whole of
Malaya, Singapore and Penang could, if absolute necessity should
dictate such a course, be administered as autonomous municipalities,
whilst forming an integral part of the Malayan Union.
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To relegate the historic and ancient settlement. of Malacca,
the premier state and mother of Malaya, and the Province
Wellesley to the. status of being appendages of the native states
would be a violation of the rights and sentiments and an outrage
upon the sense of justice of their inhabitants. The Malay States
are a lower form of government than the direct rule obtaining
in the Colony of the Straits Settlements, which ought therefore
to be preserved intact unless merged as a whole in a colonial
superstate or Federation with the mainland. What would the
people of Singapore and Penang say if these two islands were to
be returned to Johore and Kedah to which they originally
belonged?
The nine Malay States and the Straits Settlements should
become the components of a United or Federated Malaya as one
political and economic unit with a central legislature functioning
for the whole at Singapore or Kuala Lumpur.
People can learn to do things new to them, as the Indians,
Burmese, Ceylonese and West Indians, with whom Malayans
should compare favourably in intelligence and other respects,
have learnt to exercise their franchise. The introduction of the
elective principle in the Legislative Assembly and local representa-
tive bodies of a united Malaya would encourage its people to
concern themselves for their share of the collective interest and
thus help to diffuse public spirit among the governed; and if
carried out on the basis of a mixed electorate of Malayan citizens of
the various races to be created for the purpose (the Municipal
Commissioners of Singapore were elected in this manner some 45
years ago) it would also help to promote intercommunal co-opera-
tion and friendship.
The food of feeling is action. Let a person have nothing to
do for his country and he will not care for it."
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Therefore both the principle of nomination or election by
responsible bodies and the ballot-box principle should be practised
in the selection of members of the legislative and local
representative bodies in the Malaya of the future.
THE MALAY STATES.
It is an incontestable fact that the administration of the
Malay States was carried on by their respective Residents and
Advisers whether with or without the advice of the Malay Rulers,
and the maintenance of the legal fiction of the autocratic power
and independent sovereignty of the Malay-Rulers does not seem
to be compatible with the development of self-government, which
is the declared policy of His Majesty's Government. The Sultans
should be transformed into constitutional monarchs in name as
well as in fact and serve in the capacity of Advisers to the
Government with substantial pensions provided for them to,
enable them to live in a manner commensurate with their high
dignity.
The principle of indirect rule, which when made applicable to
Malaya basically means the administration of its government
through the instrumentality of the Sultans and Malay machinery,.
institutions and customs, being impracticable in the country
unless its population is wholly or predominantly Malay, the virtual
role of the Malay Rulers as Advisers to the Government should
be regularized and legally formulated.
If the Malayan legislature is to be bicameral, the Upper
Chamber with limited powers, which may serve as an appropriate
corrective to moderate democratic ascendancy, should be composed
not only of the Sultans but also of the "Elder Statesmen" and
other public men of personal merit and long experience, who may
be. elected by the Lower Chamber from among those who are
not its own members.
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Above all, a complete scheme of constitutional reforms for
Malaya should be formulated granting its people such a measure
of responsible government under the Crown in all matters of
internal and civil administration as they are capable of exercising.
The Metternichian motto, "Govern and change nothing"
would be an impossible and unwise policy to follow in the post-war
twentieth century. The British Commonwealth and Empire is
universally recognized as embodying a living principle and the
concept of change for the betterment and progress of its peoples,
the participation by all of whom of a common freedom Js the
sole bond that must preserve the unity of the Empire. The
capacity to use freedom, the achievement of which is the beginning
of responsibility, is learned; you are not born with it.
POLITICAL STATUS OF MALAYANS.
While the protection of the interests of the Malays should
be continued mainly because of their comparative backwardness,
it should be done in a manner consistent with the recognition of
the rights and the welfare, and not to the disadvantage, of the
other communities, which will create racial disharmony. All.
communities and classes of the population should be treated alike
and on an equal footing, though the Malays should be helped in.
every way to rise to the level of the other communities in all
spheres of activities.
Malayan birth should be recognised as conferring Malayan.
citizenship, i.e. British nationality, on any person of whatever race
born in any part of British Malaya. In Dutch East Indies the
native rulers are themselves Dutch subjects and the native states,
are Dutch territories, so that it follows that all those born within'
the confines of the Dutch Empire owe direct allegiance to the
Dutch Crown.
While it is necessary to confine political rights to persons
of British nationality by birth or naturalization, the period for-
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acquiring a Malayan domicile should be five years (a rule
obtaining in important and enlightened countries), which qualifi-
,cation should make it eligible for a person, who is prepared to
renounce allegiance to any foreign power, to obtain naturalization.
As regards government and municipal appointments and
those in the administrative and technical services the principle of
equal treatment as between domiciled Malayans of all races in
the land of their birth should be adopted. Further the colour
bar in the Malayan Civil Service and the other government
services should be abolished, and the position restored to what
it was prior to 19io and in accordance with Queen Victoria's
famous Proclamation of 1858 in which it was laid down that "so
far as may be Our subjects of whatever race or creed be freely
and impartially admitted to offices in Our service, the duties of
which they may be qualified by their education,
integrity duly to discharge."
ability
and
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT.
Regarding Malay Reservations it should be ascertained as to
what is their precise extent at present and whether more 'land has
been already reserved for this purpose than necessary. In this con-
nection it may be borne in mind that it is essential that in future a
permanent local labour population of races other than Malay
should be built up, so that Malaya may not be so dependent on
outside sources for its labour supply. For this purpose Chinese
and Indian labourers and small holders should be allowed and
encouraged to settle down with their, families in special Reserva-
tions to produce food crops and contribute to the subsistence
production of the country.
Immigration ought to
accordance with the economic
be regulated and controlled
needs of the country.
One is not quite clear as to the significance and scope of
the proposal that large-scale agricultural, industrial and mining
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development should be under licence, which may create undesirable
bureaucratic control over, the economic activities of the people in
general and lead to such abuses as favouritism, racial and class
discrimination and even corruption, whilst putting unnecessary
difficulties and obstacles in the way of business enterprise and
initiative on the part of people, who have no influence or are not
persona grata in Government circles. Any policy that may tend
to develop any kind or form of semi-monopolistic capitalism
concentrating the control of big business in the hands of a very
few groups belonging to the dominant class or race, with all its
evils and dangers, should be deprecated and scrupulously avoided
in the general interest of the population.
EDUCATION.
The Government should assume a greater responsibility than
they have done in the. past ' for the education of Chinese and
Indians in their vernacular languages, if they are to be given an
opportunity of developing themselves "along the lines of their
own culture and tradition."
The aim of education should be to provide a person with
the means of earning a livelihood and train him to function
efficiently as well as to impart knowledge enabling him to
appreciate the ultimate values of truth, goodness and beauty and
live the good life.
To accord equal treatment and equal rights, political,
economic and otherwise, to the different communities and all
classes of the population is the surest and most effective way of
promoting a sense of Pan-Malayan citizenship and encourage
sentiments of homogeneity among the domiciled races of Malaya.
A comprehensive plan of educational reconstruction for
Malaya should be prepared (a) to provide universal compulsory.
primary education for. all races through the medium of their-
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respective native tongues, (b) to provide secondary education, (c)
to provide vocational, technical and agricultural instruction and
training and (d) to establish a university for higher and
professional education.
SOCIAL SERVICES.
The lot of the common man should be improved and the
amelioration of the conditions of the vast mass of the inhabitants
of Malaya should be brought about by the appropriation annually
of a substantial and increasing proportion of the country's revenue
to finance and extend the social services, including the provision
of sufficient housing, homes for decrepits and destitutes, hospitals,
clinics and dispensaries for the free treatment of the poor, the
raising of the health standard and reduction of the mortality
rate and a beginning made to ensure freedom from want, to
mitigate the extent and intensity of which with its concomitant
physical and moral degradation among the masses of the people
is one of the fundamental objectives of world statesmanship.
TAN CHENG LOCK.
16, MILLERS ROAD,
BANGALORE.
4th June, .1944-
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MEMORIAL RELATING TO- MALAYA SUBMITTED
TO HIS MAJESTY'S SECRETARY OF STATE
FOR THE COLONIES, LONDON.
We, Malayans, from different parts 'of the country now
temporarily residing in India and awaiting the hour of Malaya's
.liberation to return to what we regard as our homeland to assist
in its rehabilitation, wish to express our views and feelings
regarding its future and its post-war economic and political
re-construction for the consideration of His Majesty's Secretary
of State for the Colonies. -
2. We experience deep feelings of anxiety and uneasiness
as to what is to be the future of Malaya and its inhabitants owing
to the absence of any pronouncement by His Majesty's Govern-
ment of their intentions and future policy regarding the country,
in the formulation of which none of the leaders or representatives
of its permanent inhabitants, now available, have yet been
consulted as far as our knowledge goes.
POLITICAL OBJECTIVES.
3. Recent political happenings and developments in Jamaica,
Ceylon, Burma and India taken in conjunction with (a) one, of
the latest pronouncements of Mr. Winston Churchill, viz., "Our
responsibility to the Colonies is to lead them forward to self-
governing institutions, advance the application of science and the
building up of local industries, to improve conditions of labour
and of housing, to spread education, to stamp out disease, and
to sustain health, vigour and happiness," and (b) the solemn
declaration regarding the non-self-governing, territories of the
world embodied in the United Nations' Charter adopted at the
recent San Francisco Conference, viz.,. To develop Self-Govern-
ment, to take due account of the political aspirations of the
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peoples, and to assist them in the progressive development of
their free political institutions, according to the particular circum-
stances of each territory and its peoples, and their varying stages
of advancements," have, paradoxically, encouraged hopes in us
that these basic objectives will be pursued and consummated, as
far as practicable within a definite time limit, by His Majesty's
Government in relation to the Malaya of the future, and at the
same time intensified our fears that Malaya, as in the past, may
be relegated to the position of the Cinderella of the British
Colonial Empire.
4. If unfortunately powerful reactionary or ultraconservative
influences should be brought to bear to induce His Majesty's
Government to believe that Malaya should be treated in a
radically different manner from those territories above-named with
a view to the maintenance of the statue quo ante 1942 in
substantial form indefinitely, then we are of the considered opinion
that there would arise among large sections of the people of
Malaya a sense of frustration and discontent, which would be
the inevitable consequence of the general upheaval brought
about among mankind by the war, which has profoundly
transformed the world and compelled humanity to ponder again,
and which whilst setting the final seal upon one era of human
history characteristic of the nineteenth century has heralded
the dawn of a new age and world order based, let us,
hope, on a new conception , of freedom for the whole world,
international co-operation and justice, born out of the travail of
mankind imposed by the universal conflict.
5. In Malaya, in particular, such a state of discontent
among its people would be liable to revive 'feelings of bitterness
and resentment generated by their experiences, hardships and
sufferings with all the lessons taught by them during the
Japanese invasion of the country and its subsequent occupation
by them. While there is no doubt that the peoples left behind
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in Malaya will be glad to have the British back, it is equally
certain that they will be extremely bitter at the failure to protect
them from the Japanese who, we may be sure, will have also
further stimulated anti-British sentiments during their occupation
of the country. The only way in which to counteract this
bitterness and resentment and instead to capitalise on the goodwill
stored up against the day of liberation is to return to Malaya
with a bold, generous and imaginative policy. In the seething
post-war melting pot that will be political Asia such a policy will
pay more, dividends than one based on caution and distrust.
6. On the other hand.should the established policy of His
.Majesty's Government be one of equity and impartiality "to ensure
a square deal to the different communities" in Malaya, and to
return thereto on its re-occupation with a generous scheme for its
political, economic and social reconstruction, such an act of
statesmanship would not only confer on its inhabitants a sense
of satisfaction for the injury inflicted upon them during the war
and be greeted as a tangible recognition of their traditional loyalty
in the past, but would also vastly strengthen the ties which bind
them to Great Britain;' and Malaya with its population of
industrious, enterprising , and intelligent people, superior in
important respects to those of any other Crown Colony, could
be made an outstanding example to the others of what a contented
and loyal member of the British Commonwealth and Empire
ought to be.
7. It should be within the province and competence of the
future Government of Malaya to maintain and foster the
inter-racial harmony and friendship existing amongst the mixed
communities making up its population and to promote and
encourage their active co-operation by all means, especially by a
policy of equal treatment, impartiality and justice, to all of them
alike without discrimination, thereby helping to' create a true
Malayan spirit and consciousness amongst all its people to the
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complete elimination of any racial or communal feeling and to
bring about a spirit of unity in their attachment to the British
Commonwealth and Empire. The principle should be established
by the Government that attack in any. form on one section of
the population should- be considered as one against the whole-
a policy which has been successfully carried out in Soviet Russia,
the population of which comprises some 189 of the most diverse
and one-time hostile peoples and races.
8. If a policy of "divide and rule" were attempted in
Malaya, and Malays, for instance, were encouraged to dislike
Chinese through preference given to the one community at the
expense of the other, or vice versa, an attempt of this nature
would, as experience has proved elsewhere, not only be sterile but
also bring about such a state of affairs as would prepare the
breeding ground and sow the seeds for the eventual growth of
an anti-British sentiment in both communities to the detriment
of the whole country.
9. We are strongly of the opinion that the only safe,
sound and wise policy for the future Government of ? Malaya
should be to rally to, its support those true Malayans, who
passionately love the country as their homeland and those who
intend to settle there, and who are united by the legitimate
aspiration to achieve by proper and constitutional means the ideal
and basic objective of Self-Government for a united Malaya
within the British Commonwealth and Empire, in which, the
individuals of all communities are accorded equal rights and
responsibilities, politically and economically, including a balanced
representation of the various communities- in. the Government to
ensure that no one community will be in a position to dominate
or outvote all the others put together.
zo. The old paternal rule is up to a point good, but to revert
to it is essentially a sterile policy; it affords no scope for change
and growth; while the connection between the Straits Settlements
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and the Malay States is so intimate that it would be extremely
difficult to set up self-government in the one but not in the other.
Further the Colony, being less than one-thirtieth of the total area
of the whole country, comprises a very tiny portion of British
Malaya. In consequence self-government in the Straits Settle-
ments but not in the rest of Malaya will not make any appreciable
difference to the political status and constitutional advance of the*
country and its inhabitants as a whole. Hence- the imperative.
necessity of a united Malaya in a political sense. Economically
and geographically the country is a unit, and it can only be
administered with a maximum of efficiency as a single unit.
DELEGATION TO LONDON.
II. We beg respectfully to' suggest for the considerati.o'n
of His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies the
advisability that His Majesty's Government before completing
the drawing up of the "blue print" for the future of Malaya
might invite a few of the representative domiciled Malayans now
in India and elsewhere outside Malaya to go to London for the
purpose of consulting with them and obtaining their standpoint
and views regarding problems and.. plans and proposals in connection
with the political, economic and social reconstruction' and.
rehabilitation of Malaya.
12. Colonel Oliver Stanley has said that the first duty
of a Colonial Secretary is to make himself personally acquainted
with the King's subjects in the Colonial Empire." A visit by
prominent Malayans .to London will not only bring them into,
personal contact with His Majesty's Government and the Colonial
Office, but will also give them an opportunity personally to express
their views and assist in the discussions for the solution of
Malayan problems, which they are fitted by their experience and
intimate knowledge of Malaya and its people to do and in which
they are vitally interested.
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DECLARATION OF, POLICY.
13. His Majesty's Government on the re-occupation of
Malaya will be confronted with immense problems, some of which
are of an unprecedented nature, and in the resolution of which
the views of the representatives of the people should be sought
and given due consideration and weight. We may now be
permitted to make reference to some of these problems.
14. It is of the utmost importance that before or soon after
re-occupation the declaration of a 'clear-cut policy and the
intentions of His Majesty's Government that will take into
-account the needs, feelings and aspirations of the people should be
made relating to the political future of the country and the task of
its re-construction and rehabilitation, which will also serve as a
.guide to the Civil Affairs Commission in their work of ' restoring
law and order and setting in motion the country's economy.
Such, a declaration of policy would include pledges that His
Majesty's Government will (a) within a specified time after the
war carry out the political unification of Malaya, (b) appoint a
Royal Commission to examine the question of formulating a
complete constitutional scheme providing for a suitable measure
of responsible government under the Crown in all matters of
internal and civil administration, and (c) ensure equality of
treatment and opportunity to the different communities in Malaya
in all respects.
15. Such Civil Affairs Officials should he properly selected
and tested for their suitability and competence to perform their
respective functions, and in the higher ranks ought to be men
possessed of vision, vigour, understanding and sympathy with the
people, and capable of co-operating with them and their leaders
in the execution of their onerous mission.
POST-WAR RELIEF.
i6. The question of providing adequate funds for the
economic rehabilitation work in Malaya including the repair and
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restoration to good working conditions of property in private
ownership damaged or destroyed as a direct or indirect consequence
of the war is a matter of supreme importance to the welfare of
the country and its inhabitants.
17. A cognate question is the subject of compensation out
of public funds for losses sustained by owners of private property
and damage done thereto on account of the war.
i8. As the interests of the domiciled Malayans, who have
escaped and are outside Malaya at present are representative of
and identical with those of the permanent population left behind
in the country, who have a big stake in it, we are deeply concerned
to know how these vital questions are to be dealt with by His
Majesty's Government and whether sufficient funds can be
raised and made available for the purpose of paying the compensa-
tion and giving the requisite financial aid and granting loans to
the citizens of Malaya to rebuild, reconstruct or restore their
businesses, houses and buildings, rubber estates and other
agricultural lands, tin and other mines and other forms of
property, movable and immovable, which may have been lost,.
abandoned, ruined or destroyed by direct or indirect enemy
action or as a result of the war and enemy occupation.
i9. What is the policy and what are the principles and
methods that will determine the granting of such financial aid
and loans and the payment of compensation to those members.
of the Malayan public who can justify their claims thereto? We
wish to express the hope that in the formulation and execution.
of any scheme for the provision of financial assistance and loans
for the benefit of the war victims and payment of compensation
for war damage, the principle of justice and fair play and of
impartiality and non-discrimination as between racial groups;.
sections or classes of the population will be strictly observed and
scrupulously applied.
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20. In this connection it may be recalled that at a meeting
of the House of Commons on the 4th October 1944 the Colonial
Secretary, Colonel Oliver Stanley, when questioned what steps he
was taking at international meetings to consider the future of
rubber, to protect the interests of the producer, and the organiza-
tions necessary to prepare, ship and distribute the product; and
whether he would ensure that the Shareholders' Associations and
agency firms obtained no advantage over the real producers,
including the high proportion of Chinese producers, so that the
purchasing power for the export of goods from Britain to the
rubber producing countries might not be seriously affected by
adopting a policy which failed to protect the producer, replied
that the questioner could rest assured that at the meetings of
the Rubber Study Group, all these considerations would be borne
in mind by the official members of the United Kingdom
delegation.
21. The domiciled population of Malaya, both Asiatic and
European, who have all their assets and resources exclusively
concentrated in the country, have suffered most from the war, so
that they will be in a helpless position to finance reconstruction
without Government. aid, whereas the sterling companies and
vested interests entrenched in London or elsewhere outside Malaya
do enjoy a considerable advantage in their 'possession of strong
financial reserves and other assets kept abroad. It would therefore
be reasonable to suggest that the claims of the domiciled people
should receive. priority of consideration and special treatment by
the Government.
22. The problem of preventing the undue exploitation
of the prostrated economic condition of property owners of the
country upon re-occupation on the part of outside capitalists by
acquiring their rubber estates, lands and -other properties at
ruinously cheap prices may, for instance, be considered by
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Government in shaping their policy of granting financial
assistance.
23. We are also naturally interested in the question of
providing the stricken civilians of Malaya on re-occupation with
immediate relief, such as supplies of rice, clothing and other
consumer goods and housing. We presume plans to tackle this
problem in adequate measure are ready for prompt operation on
re-occupation. In regard to housing, indigenous lumber and
timber may be utilised to construct dwelling houses to fulfil
immediate and urgent needs, whilst saw-mills should be made
to operate at once.
24. In the matter of subsistence production- steps should be
immediately taken to increase and encourage the cultivation of
rice, sweet potatoes, maize, tapioca, yams, etc., and. the raising
of live stock, such as pigs, poultry and goats, while the fishing
industry must be restored to full capacity.
25. The restoration of essential public utility services and
of the vital industries of rubber and tin to re-animate Malaya's
economy is urgent and imperative, for which purpose labour,
rubber estate supplies and tin-mining requisites must be made.
immediately available, schemes for the provision of which may
give prior consideration to the needs of the local population, who
should be enabled to regain their means of livelihood in the
,quickest possible time.
MALAYAN CITIZENSHIP.
26. The question of Malayan citizenship is a matter of great
concern to us. The status of the Chinese and other non-Malays
born in the Malay States is highly unsatisfactory. In the new
Constitution, which we trust will be formulated for Malaya, we
hope Malayan citizenship will be R created and defined
It has
.
been a long-standing grievance ' of the non-Malays born in the
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Malay States that they have no proper political status, though
those born in the Colony are British subjects.
27. If Malaya is to become ultimately one country and one
nation, the people born within its confines should have a common.
citizenship. This problem has sooner or later to be faced, and
we would urge upon His Majesty's Government the necessity of
establishing a common citizenship for all those born on Malayan
soil, who are virtually British subjects. Inter-related with this
problem is the vexatious question of the double nationality of
Malaya-born Chinese, which has been used in the past as a
weapon and a taunt with which to attack them when they asked
for their rights as Malayan citizens. Surely the. Malaya-born.
Chinese are not' responsible for the existence of their double
nationality, which is not such an uncommon thing in the world.
Innumerable- people born in Europe and belonging to various
.European nationalities, who have emigrated to and settled down
in the. United States of America and other territories and their
descendants must have had double nationality. The way the
difficulty is overcome in America may provide us with some:
guidance as to how to find a satisfactory method. of settling the
Malayan problem, in which Malaya-born Chinese would be only
too willing to co-operate should they be invited to do so. We
trust that His Majesty's Government will focus attention on this,
question and come to an understanding with the Chinese .
.Government and be determined to settle it on right lines, in.
which they can be assured of the hearty support of those who,
desire to make the country their permanent home. '
RACIAL COMPOSITION IN MALAYA.
28. As the racial composition and the immigrant origin of
a large proportion of the population of Malaya has been used as
an argument against its constitutional progress, we would like:
to state certain facts, which have a bearing on the subject.
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29. The peoples of the North American continent, Australia
and South Africa have been mostly made up of immigrants from
Europe and their descendants, and yet nothing has been allowed
to interfere with their rapid and phenomenal progress, politically,
economically and socially during the last one or two centuries.
30. Prior to the iothof January, 1874, the-date of the Pang-
kor Engagement, which introduced the period of British intervention.
on the Malayan mainland, according to Sir Frank Swettenham
in his recent book Footprints in Malatya, (a) the Malay Peninsula
was a vast jungle without roads; the whole territory was very
sparsely inhabited and practically the only law known or
administered was that of force; (b) the Malay race was dying
out; (c) Johore had very few Malays and was mainly populated
by Chinese working for their wealthy compatriots in Singapore;
its development so far had been done, under the directidn and
with the money of the wealthy Chinese residents of Singapore;.
(d) Selangor was very thinly populated, especially as regards.
Malays; and of these few Malays only a proportion were natives
of Selangor, the remainder being strangers from Sumatra and
the Dutch Indies; (e) Pahang was a mass of undeveloped jungle,
and very sparsely inhabited; and (f) the rich tin-mining district
of Perak, called Larut, with Taiping as its principal town, was
peopled almost entirely by two factions of Chinese miners.
31. When the vital and indispensable need of the country
was population, Chinese immigrants, who in considerable numbers
had been pioneers in developing the tin-mining industry in Perak,
Selangor and elsewhere in the Peninsula since 185o, before the
time of British intervention in 1874, were encouraged to settle
down in the hinterland, where they were practically its sole workers
and revenue producers, the taxation of whose industry provided
all the money available for its development.
32. Ever since then Chinese immigrants have been legally
admitted into the Malayan mainland to take a major part in its.
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economic development, for which purpose they have proved to
be essential with the result that at the time of the Japanese
invasion in 1941 the Chinese community was the most numerous
section of the population of Malaya, which as estimated in
December 1940 was approximately 5%z millions comprising :-
Malays (indigenous and immigrant) .. .. 41%
Chinese (Malaya-born and immigrant) 43%
Indians (Malaya-born and immigrant) 14%
Others 2%
33. According to, (a) the 1931 census 31% of the
Chinese in Malaya had been born in that country, the corresponding
Indian figure being 21%, and (b) the estimate of Sir George
Maxwell, former Chief. Secretary, F.M.S., not more than half
of the present Malay population of Malaya consists of indigenous
Malays, the remaining- half being more recent immigrants from
the Dutch Indies and their descendants. Even the indigenous
Malays are comparative newcomers to Malaya, their ancestors
having immigrated from Sumatra, while according to Sir Richard
Windstedt the civilised Malays are descendants of the Proto-
Malays (whose original home was in Yunnan Province, South-West
China) mixed with modern Indian, Chinese and Arab blood, and
on the authority of the author, Margaret Landon, the connection
with Bangkok, and before that with the old capital Ayuthia, of.
Kelantan, Trengganu, Kedah and Perlis, which had been
principalities in the old feudal Siam, and which passed from
Thai sovereignty to British protection only in 1909, ante-dated
the arrival of Europeans in the Peninsula, even the Portuguese by
centuries. The Malays of those four Malay States, where their
numbers range from 65% to 90% of the respective populations,
may have a strong admixture of Siamese blood in their veins.
34. The remarks about the Chinese community of Malaya
apply generally to its Indian community except that the latter
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are less in number and economic importance as compared with
the Chinese.
35? The whole population of Malaya with the exception of
the aboriginal Jakuns, Semangs and Sakais are more or less of
immigrant origin.
36. Further a polity based on the exclusive or preferential
rights of the Malays with the entire business of the country in
the hands of: the Malayans, whose energy, labour, capital and
enterprise are its mainstay, is an impracticable proposition.
37. If the Government should enforce a policy aiming at
the removal of sectional barriers and the treatment of the different
communities on the footing of equal rights and opportunities and
duties and responsibilities and on the principle that no single
community should be placed in a position to dominate the others,
all obstacles in the way of its constitutional progress and develop-
ment towards self-government should vanish, as has been amply
demonstrated in the case of other territories with mixed
communities and races.
CONCLUSION.
38. In conclusion in the task that lies before His Majesty's
Government of finding solutions for the problems and in their
efforts to overcome the difficulties indicated above and others that
may arise in connection with the re-construction of Malaya, we
respectfully venture to offer our services and co-operation, in doing
which we are actuated by a sense of love and patriotic attachment
.to Malaya, and the ambition to help its progress towards the
attainment of a status of an equal, worthy and proud partner
in the British Commonwealth and Empire, in the defence of
which her sons should be made to feel that they have a real
stake, such as would compel their willingness and readiness to.
submit to the supreme sacrifice.
1945?
Bombay, India.
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MEMORANDUM TO SIR SAMUEL WILSON,
DECEMBER 1932.
DISCRIMINATION AGAINST NON-MALAYS.
In a speech delivered in May 1930 at Malacca on the occasion
of the first official visit of Sir Cecil Clementi to the Settlement
as Governor of the Colony, His Excellency expressed the hope
that the Chinese community of Malaya would interest themselves
actively in the question of rice cultivation, in which their own
people in their own country had shown such singular aptitude.
He added that if the Chinese would take the matter up they would
make a success of it.
In July, 1930, His Excellency appointed a Committee to.
consider "what are the best steps to be taken in order to encourage
rice cultivation in Malaya." It was in the course of his participa-
tion in the labours of, this Committee that the writer of this
Memorandum, who served on it, learned for the first time to his
astonishment that the high British officials of the Malayan Civil
Service who were his colleagues on the committee were vehemently
and vigorously opposed to the idea of the Chinese and the other
non-Malays (of whom there have been rice planting colonies for
several generations' in various parts of Malaya) being given land
by the Government for the purpose of rice growing.
It was also then he first came to know that the proprietors
of Chop Chin Leong and Co. of Penang, who are Straits-born
Chinese and British subjects, found it impossible to acquire land
to plant padi by modern mechanical methods in Kedah, so that
they were compelled to go outside Malaya to Southern Siam to,
carry out their original and enterprising scheme. He was further
made to understand that it may become the aim of the Govern-
ment and the State Councils in the Malay States to include in.
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the Malay Reservations all areas of potential padi land estimated
to be from 600,000 to one million acres in this country. This
policy will exclude even the Malayan-born Chinese from the right
of acquiring land on which to,grow rice, while foreign Malaysians
from Sumatra, Java and other parts of the Dutch East Indies are
granted this privilege. I should like to refer Sir Samuel Wilson
to the Report of the Rice Cultivation Committee of 1931 and to
the writer's rider added to it.
PREFERENCE FOR MALAYS.
The recent establishment of the closed clerical Service for
Malays in the Federated Malay States, from which the non-
Malays are excluded, and the general preference given to Malays
in the matter, of employment in the Government Service in this
.country furnishes further proof of the policy aiming at conferring
an undue advantage on the Malays to the disadvantage of the
Chinese and other non-Malays.
I should like to emphasise here that we are very sympathetic
with the Malays and consider it the duty of the Government to
assist them where they are badly handicapped in their competition
with the other races. Let Government help them in every way
-so long as the interests of the non-Malays are not seriously and
prejudicially affected thereby and when and where necessary
similar assistance and treatment will be extended to the other
races.
Free education is given only in the Malay vernacular, while
Government contributes hardly anything and will no longer give
.any assistance towards the maintenance of the Chinese vernacular
Schools, which in the Colony alone are attended by some 20,000
locally-born Chinese pupils, to which number they have been re-
duced from 24,000 in 1930 in consequence of the slump.
In most of the Government English and trade schools and
in the School of Agriculture preference is shown to, Malay boys,
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especially in the award of Government Scholarships and free
places.
DECENTRALISATION.
According to the Sri Menanti Scheme of decentralisation the
four States of the Federation are to be placed on very much the
same constitutional basis as the present Unfederated States, and
a small representation will be given on each of their State Councils
to the Europeans, Chinese and. Indians, who will be decidedly and
effectually out-numbered and overwhelmed by the British Resident
and the Malay Sultan and his Chiefs who will constitute the bulk
of the Council.
One naturally fears that the scheme will tend to produce,
develop and perfect in the Federated Malay States a purely auto-
cratic. form of Government based mainly on the taxation of the
non-Malay people, whose energy, labour, capital and enterprise
are the mainstay of these States without their adequate and
effective representation therein as is largely the case in the Un-
federated Malay States. A powerful State Council dominated by
the Malays and a pro-Malay British Resident may, for instance,
shape the land, educational and other policies of the State, should
it have control over them, to the detriment of the non-Malay
inhabitants therein.
As shown in the British Malaya 1931 census report the
Chinese and Indians combined form:-
71.5 per cent of the population of Straits Settlements.
63.7 per cent of the population of Federated Malay
States.
51.5 per cent of the population of Johore.
53.2 per cent of the population of British Malaya.
Moreover the males, who are the workers, preponderate in the
Chinese and, Indian population of Malaya.
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MANY IMMIGRANT MALAYS.
It may be pointed out here that after all a very large per-
centage of the Malays of the' peninsula are either immigrants
themselves or descendants of immigrants from Sumatra, Borneo,
Java and the Celebes. In Johore, for instance, the native Malays
are actually outnumbered by the other Malaysians, that is im-
migrants from the Dutch East Indies or their descendants.
The refusal to alienate land to the Chinese and other non-
Malays who are subjects of the country for the purpose of rice
cultivation, the establishment of services in the Government for
the employment of Malays to the exclusion of the locally-born
Chinese, Indians and other non-Malays, the provision of educa-
tional facilities for the Malays denied to the others, that aspect
of the Decentralisation scheme designed to develop a more auto-
cratic form of administration in each of the Malay States under
the overwhelming control of -the British Resident and the Malays,
and other measures giving preferential treatment to the Malays
at the expense of the other Asiatic races are indications of the trend
of Government policy, which have made the Chinese (and I be-
lieve the other non-Malays), 'who have permanently settled down
in this country as their home, feel grave misgivings and appre-
hension as to the security of their interests and future prospects
and of those of their children in Malaya.
POLICY ? OF DISCRIMINATION.
Such a policy of preference for one race and discrimination
against another (a) will for the first time in the history of Malaya
create a distinct breach in the relationship between the Malays
and the other non-Malay races inhabiting this Peninsula parti-
cularly the Chinese and Indians, which will inevitably in course
of time widen into open antagonism between them, and (b) will
tend to set up a sort of caste system dividing Malayan society into
three principle sections based on race with the British, w1 o natural-
ly as the ruling class constitute the dominant group, as the
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Brahmins of the land, the Malays as the next superior and twice-
born caste, and the Chinese and the others as the lowest in caste
rank i.e. as the Sudras or Pariahs.
It is strongly suspected. in some quarters that the Machiavel-
lian maxim of divide et impera is at the basis of the apparently
pro-Malay policy of the local Government, which really aims at
driving in a wedge between the Malay and the Chinese and other
non-Malay communities and keeping them at logger-heads so as
to prevent them from uniting to work towards the accomplishment
,of their common political and administrative aspirations in a
changing Asia. But the Malays are bound in time to realise the
wisdom of the biblical injunction that every city or house divided
against itself shall not stand.
By alienating the sympathies of the Malayan-born Chinese
through its so-called strong. pro-Malay policy and by the recent
enactment of the law known as the Aliens Ordinance to institute
an unnecessarily harsh form of control directed primarily against
the 1,250,000 Chinese resident in Malaya, the local Government
affords some justification of the belief that it intends to execute
in future an anti-Chinese policy, probably with a political objective,
founded on fear and distrust, which the Chinese on the whole as
a community have done nothing and have given absolutely no
cause to merit, and which should not be a fitting return to them
for what they have done to make Malaya what it is to-day and
for their consistently good behaviour and continuous devotion to
the British Government and the interests of this country during
the last ibo years since the British occupation.
LOYAL BRITISH CHINESE.
The Straits-born Chinese, who have formed a continuous
Colony in this country for more than 500 years and have been
staunch British Subjects and traditionally loyal to the British
Crown, and their brethren the locally-born Chinese of the Malay
States, who are equally loyal and faithful to the Government and
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to the interests of Malaya, have made and
as their permanent home.
regard this country
One authority says: It is undeniable, however, on any
theory, that the tie of kinship between dwellers in a new country
and an old must diminish in intensity and in political importance
with every passing generation."
The number of Malayan-born Chinese enumerated at the
1931 census was 534,000 and was more than doubled since 1921.
By the effluxion of time many of them have lost all touch with
China and have been strengthening and consolidating their attach-
ment to this country. If accorded fair, equitable. and equal
treatment and made to feel that this country is their home the
Malayan-born Chinese, as experience has proved in the case of
the Straits-born Chinese of Malacca, Singapore and. Penang, will
become true Sons of the Soil, identify themselves completely and
absolutely with the interests of this country and the Empire and
give undivided allegiance to it. If their loyalty is doubted and
they are distrusted and made to feel they are regarded as semi-
aliens and not wanted, they will lose hope in this country and in
their despair will naturally turn their eyes to China. They will
then incur the charge (already used as a weapon against them)
of bearing a dual allegiance, which will not only do infinite dam-
age and injury to their interests and welfare here but will certainly
not be to the good of Malaya as a whole.
In this connection the British Government should negotiate a
treaty with the Chinese Government whereunder the latter shall
acknowledge the status of Malayan-born Chinese as British or
British Protected Subjects except in the case of those of them who
by statutory declaration should renounce their British nationality.
The material interests .of the Malayan-born Chinese are centred in
this country, and it would be highly desirable and conducive to
the good of Malaya that they should be attached to. it by
sentiment and patriotism as well.
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Their status should not be such that they may be looked
upon as semi-foreigners both in Malaya and China and run the
risk of being degraded to the position of the miserable and non-
descript type of man described in the following lines :-
"Breathes there the man with soul so dead,
Who never to himself has said,
This is my own, my native land?"
In my humble opinion the Government should have a fixed
and constructive policy to win over the Straits and other Malayan-
born Chinese, who are subjects of the country, and foster and
strengthen -their spirit of patriotism and natural love for the
country of their birth and adoption.
Their position should not be allowed to drift so that they
will be like a flock of sheep neglected and abandoned by. the
shepherd with the result that they would wander aimlessly and
be liable to be led astray in wrong directions to their detriment
and to the loss of this country.
A MALAYAN COMMUNITY.
The Government should aim at building a Malayan Com-
munity with a Malayan consciousness closely united with the
British Empire and getting the best that the British Empire has
to give," to achieve which its policy ought to be Malaya for
Malayans and not for one section of it only.
This is a young country, a land of great potential wealth
and full of magnificent promise. If all sections of its cosmo-
politan population will unite and work together in a true spirit
of amity and co-operation and with a single-minded devotion to
its good and prosperity as a whole its future greatness is assured.
Our ultimate political goal, though it still lies in the distant
future, should be a united self-governing British Malaya with a
Central Government and Federal Parliament for the whole of it,
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functioning at a convenient capital with as much autonomy in
purely local affairs as possible for each of its constituent parts,
in which every section of its locally-born domiciled population
should be allowed equally and fully to participate.
EDUCATIONAL POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT.
Free Speech A Declared Aim.
Sir Arthur Young, a former Governor of this Colony, in
his budget speech in the Legislative Council on October 14th
1918 made the following pronouncement of the educational policy
of the Government:-"It is the aim of the Government to afford
facilities for the free education of all children in English up to
the fourth standard."
On July 1st 1926 a new scale of increased school fees was
introduced for all standards in the English Schools commencing
from the primary classes upwards. In accordance with the new
educational policy of the Government announced in Legislative
Council paper No. 93 of 1932, (a) School fees payable for both
elementary and secondary English education are to be further
raised after 1933, (b) secondary education will ultimately be
made self-supporting and (c) new applications from Chinese and
Tamil Vernacular Schools for financial assistance from Govern-
ment will not as a rule be entertained in future.
The raising of school fees charged for elementary English
education (up to the fourthstandard), which as promised by Sir
Arthur Young 14 years ago should be made free, is a distinctly
retrograde step, while the increase in secondary education fees
(i.e. above standard sixth) from $6.oo to $9.00 per pupil per
month-to be effected in the immediate future with a view ulti-
mately to making the parents of school children bear its whole
cost-will make it too expensive for most parents to afford to
pay for it, and will-in spite of a small extension of the scholar-
ship system contemplated in Council paper No. 93 of 1932-
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not make it available to every poor child from an elementary
school who shows himself or herself capable of profiting by it.
No elementary school child deserving secondary eduction should
miss it by reason of his or her poverty.
MORE INEFFICIENT SCHOOLS.
It can be safely inferred that the policy of the Government
to restrict English education in the above manner will result in
more of the poorly conducted private English schools being started
to meet the irrepressible demand for English education, and
Government will have very little control over them.
Government contends that it is idle to educate youths up
to Cambridge ? School Certificate standard mainly at the public
cost if there is no prospect of employment for them." By de-
priving such youths of the opportunity of obtaining a secondary
education it will make many of them more unemployable. The
only right policy is to open a sufficient number of trade schools
and technical classes and schools so that more boys may be enabled
to take up vocational training on leaving the elementary or the
secondary school and be absorbed in' suitable and profitable em-
ployment after their school career is completed.
When the new Trade School in Penang was opened in June,
1932, one-third of its 35 students were boys with either junior
or School Certificates. This indicates that boys with secondary
education do not despise a vocational training in a Trade School
and that a local Cambridge Certificate does not unfit a boy to
work with his.hands. Even one whose lot in life is to perform
manual work has a perfect right to the inestimable advantage
of a good education.
ENGLISH EDUCATION.
Education should be the means of imparting soberness of
thought and strength of character to the youths of the country,
and equip them with a suitable training to render them able to
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earn their livelihood. Education should also, be the preparation
of the individual for the community. An English education is
the best preparation for him in a British Colony for it is best
calculated to give him the British outlook and bias. From point
of view public instruction should be the first object of Govern-
ment, and education ought to be within the means of all citizens
and be made available to the meanest subject.
Those Malayan-born Chinese who, though educated, are
unable to find work in the towns should be encouraged and
assisted by the Government to take some agricultural pursuit as
a means of subsistence.
While the' pupils in all the English Schools in the Colony
supervised and supported by the Government total 26,000, there
are some 28,000 boys, and girls in the Chinese Vernacular and in
the unaided private English schools in the Colony to whose main-
tenance Government contributes nothing or hardly anything.
Government has some responsibility for the education of these
28,000 local born children at least with a view, to making them
good and loyal citizens of Malaya in future.
The official memorandum on educational policy tabled at a
recent meeting of the Legislative Council is intended to apply the
axe of economy in the field of education by increasing school fees
and is essentially of a negative character and devoid of any
constructive merit. A commission of inquiry presided over by an
educationist of high repute from Great Britain should, be appoint-
ed by Government.to go fully and thoroughly into the whole
.question of education in Malaya with a view to , the formulation
of a wise and liberal educational policy designed to benefit
equally all classes of the population.
REFORM OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL.
Domination by Officials.
The Legislative Council of the Straits Settlements since the
change in its constitution and its' consequent enlargement in
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January 1923, has consisted of 14 official members and 13 un-
official members, of whom seven are Europeans, one is a Eurasian
and five are Asiatics. All the unofficial members are nominated
by the Governor with the exception of the two European members
who are respectively elected by the Singapore and Penang Cham-
bers of Commerce.
The two Chambers have not only had the elective franchise
conferred upon them since 1923, but their representatives as
elected members are accorded precedence over all the . nominated
members, and one or the other of them only is invested with the
privilege of becoming the senior member of the Council.
The outstanding, feature of the constitution of the Council
is that it is still dominated by an official majority, so that its
status is that of a purely advisory body. The proceedings of the
Council though very orderly are as a rule formal, dull and brief,
and are characterised by an absence of real debate. Tt does not
and cannot function as an efficient public debating and delibera-
tive assembly for legislation or other measures as long as the
official majority and the present unmodified system of nomination
of its unofficial members prevail. The official majority gives the
unofficials a sense of their impotence and the futility of opposition,
while being only nominated members they must find it difficult
to keep in constant and close touch with the views of certain
sections of the population. The general public, having no voice
in the appointment of its members, take little interest in the pro-
ceedings of the Council and cannot have great confidence in them.
RESTRAINT OF NOMINATED MEN.
Further, the members who owe their seats, to the Government
naturally feel a certain sense of obligation to the Governor, who
has also the power of renominating them at the end of their
term of office. This circumstance does not tend to make for real
independence of spirit and vigorous criticism of Government
action on their part. There is an unwritten law that a nominated
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member cannot serve more than a certain limited number of con-
secutive terms. Another defect of the system is that a nominated
member who should unsparingly criticise and oppose Government
measures and policy, as he constientously believes it to be his duty
to do, may not be reappointed by the Government and so lose
his seat on the Council when his term of office has expired, the
effect of which will be to rob the Council of its most experienced
and courageous members.
Even outside the Council the unofficials have little to do as
unofficial advisers to the Government, for their advice is seldom
sought perhaps because Government can now avail itself of the
advice of the unofficial members of the Executive Council,
of whom there are now three. Two of them have invariably
been Europeans since 1923, when the constitution of this Council
was altered to add thereto two unofficial members. Recently a
third unofficial member in the person of a Malay gentleman has
been appointed to the Executive Council.
. In order that the inhabitants of the Colony may have a real
and- increasing share in the deliberations and decisions of the
Government, the constitutions of both the Legislative and Execu-
tive Councils should be so amended as to ensure effective and
active co-operation of representative members of the general public
with the Government.
A SAFEGUARD FOR THE GOVERNOR.
In the first place it is absolutely essential that the official
majority in the Legislative Council should be abandoned; provided
that as a safeguard the constitution confers ,on the Governor what
is known as the power of certification which will enable him to
force measures through the Council, which in his opinion affect
the. safety or tranquillity of the Colony or are of paramount im-
portance to public interest. The Governor must of course report
to His Majesty's Secretary of State every case in which he shall
exercise such power of certification.
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The elective principle has already been introduced in the
selection of the two members representing the Singapore and
Penang European Chambers of Commerce. That these two
members by virtue of their being elected representatives auto-
matically become senior members of the Council strongly argues
that Government fully appreciate the higher value of elected
members, who are genuine and 'therefore superior articles in
contra-distinction to the nominated members, who lacking a direct
mandate from the public or any public body are comparatively
speaking inferior goods. So far only the two Chambers have a
right to the genuine article, and the Government can readily
realise that the general public also should set a higher value to,
and ask for the genuine, real and true article.
BRITISH SUBJECTS WITHOUT CITIZENSHIP.
Fifty per cent. of the population of this Colony are British
subjects consisting of the Malays, Indians, Eurasians and Straits-
born Chinese, who have made this country their home; where they
have permanent interests, and to which they should also be at-
tached by sentiment and patriotism. Although we have been
under British rule for over a century, we have not yet been per-
mitted to exercise the franchise in any shape or form.
On the other hand the corresponding position in other
British Colonies seems to be entirely different. In Burma several
millions of natives have been enfranchised. Jamaica, three-
quarters of whose population are pure negroes, elects 14 Out of
30 members of its Legislative Council, while Ceylon enjoys the
right of voting at public election for 146 out of the 157 members
of its State Council which concerns itself with administration as
well as with legislation.
The state of society and the degree of economic and educa-
tional progress in this country bear favourable comparison with
those obtaining in Ceylon and the other dependencies. But if
Government is not prepared in this matter to go as far all at once
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as those other Colonies, it might at least take a step forward in
the right direction by making a modest beginning thereto.
THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL.
The Executive Council is -a very important part of the
Government of the Colony and is in some respects more important
than the Legislative Council. Its members are the real advisers
of the Governor, with whom in the execution of the powers and
authorities granted to him by the Crown he has in all cases to
consult. It is a real grievance of the Chinese that they have
absolutely no representation on the higher Council, though in the
Seventies of the last century the late Mr. Hoo Kay (Whampoa)
C.M.G. served as an extraordinary unofficial member on it..
As far as the Straits-born Chinese community, now number-
ing 250,000 in the Colony, is concerned the proposal is that the
Straits Chinese British Association in each of the three Settlements
be given the privilege of electing its own representative on the
Legislative Council in addition to the three Chinese members
nominated by Government as at present, so that there will- be 6
Chinese representatives thereon.
With proportionate increase in the representation of the
Malay, Indian and Eurasian communities the Legislative Council
will be so enlarged as to provide for an unofficial majority.
This proposal will give the Council a distinct unofficial
majority which is indispensable in order to make it an efficient
deliberative assembly and public debating chamber for legislative
and other measures affecting the public welfare.
With regard.to the Executive Council on which the European
and Malay Communities have representatives, Chinese interests
which are important should also be represented by a Chinese.-
The Secretary for Chinese Aff airs, a British official and Govern-
ment expert adviser on Chinese matters on the Executive Council,
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cannot be expected to look at all Chinese problems with Chinese
eyes. He will in fact look at the interest of the Chinese largely
from the official standpoint and will often see it with .very different
eyes from those of the persons whom it directly concerns.
The Chinese at present are entirely without any representa-
tion on the Executive Council and it will be to the advantage of
the Government to have a Chinese member. therein to take part
in -its deliberations, speak from the purely Chinese standpoint and
getierally assist the Council especially when questions affecting
the Chinese community come up for its consideration and decision.
EXTRACT FROM MR. TAN CHENG LOCK'S SPEECH
AT THE MEETING OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL
HELD ON 1st NOVEMBER, 1926.
Lastly, Sir, I intend to make some remarks on the present
constitution of this Council. Thanks to the liberal and sagacious
statesmanship and initiative of His Excellency, 'a Select Committee
was appointed soon after his arrival in this Colony to consider
the question of reforming this Council. As a result of the re-
commendations of that Committee, this Council was enlarged to
its present size by the addition of five nominated Asiatic and
Eurasian members about four years ago, and at the same time
.,the Singapore and Penang Chambers of Commerce were given
the absolute right to elect their members on this Council. But
against the decision of that Committee the Government has still
retained the Official majority whose shadow, in the words of the
Committee, still hangs over the proceedings of this Legislature.
My proposal, Sir, put in concrete form, boils down to this:
that there should be added to this Council three elected members,
who must necessarily be British subjects but different in race from
one another, and who are to be chosen by mixed electorates of
qualified voters amongst the Europeans, Eurasians, Straits-born
Chinese, Indians and Malays of the three Settlements. Owing
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to the complete absence of mutual antipathies among the races
here, who have always lived together in perfect peace, harmony
and friendship, the idea of mixed electorates should be a feasible
one. Another distinctive feature of my scheme is that the three
elected members must not be of the same race, but they must
belong to any three of the races domiciled here.
My proposal will give this Council an Unofficial majority,
which, I think, is essential-in the words of the Select Committee
-to make it "an efficient deliberative assembly and public debating
Chamber for legislative measures"; a stage which it has not yet
attained through its mere enlargement without the possession of
an Unofficial majority. If one believes in the doctrine that in
all human affairs conflicting influences are required to keep one
another alive and efficient even for their own proper uses, a real
active party of opposition to the Government in power must be
conducive to good administration. As the Council is at present
constituted the sense of the futility and of the impotence of
opposition tends to discourage opposition. To ensure effective
and beneficial opposition to the Government, I think an Unofficial
majority is indispensable, and if adequate safeguards are pro-
vided, the serious work of Government cannot be hampered by
unreasonable opposition.
Another matter, Sir, for the favourable consideration of
Government is the inclusion on the Executive Council of at least
one Asiatic gentleman. With an Unofficial majority in the
Legislative Council, the institution of public elections for the
appointment of some, at least, ' of its members, and adequate re-
presentation on the Executive Council, a new era of keener interest
in public affairs and greater participation in common efforts for
the general good will dawn for the people of this country.
Sir, this is a young country,. but a land possessed of great
potential wealth and full of magnificent promise, and if its people
will unite and work together in a true spirit of eo-operation and.
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with a single-minded devotion to its good and prosperity, its
future greatness is assured. Our ultimate political goal should
be a united self-governing British Malaya with a Federal Govern-
ment and Parliament for the whole of it, functioning at a con-
venient centre, say, at Kuala Lumpur, and with as much autonomy
in purely local affairs as possible for each of its constituent parts.
I think it is high time that we commence to take action toward
forging the surest and strongest link of that United Malaya by
fostering and creating a true Malayan spirit and consciousness
amongst its people. to the complete. elimination of the racial or
communal feeling. In the words of a former member of this
Council, we should aim at building up a Malayan community
with a Malayan consciousness closely united with the British
Empire and getting the best that the British Empire has to give."
ADMISSION TO MALAYAN CIVIL SERVICE.
Legitimate and Natural Desire.
The Colonial Office regulation that only British subjects of
pure European descent on both sides are eligible to sit for the
competitive examinations annually held in London for the re-
cruitment of the Malayan Civil Service was introduced after
1910. Prior to that year British subjects of whatever race or creed
were admitted to the Cadet Service in Malaya after they had
qualified themselves for such admission.
Since 1912 there has been continual agitation in this Colony
to get what is considered the Colour ' Bar in the Civil Service
removed. It is a legitimate and natural aspiration of the people
of this country to take part in its administration.
The question was in 1912 taken up in the Imperial Parliament
by Mr. MacCullum Scott; and Mr. Harcourt, the then Secretary
of State for the. Colonies, in replying to him stated that the
regulation was passed because the Chinese and Malays objected
to non-Europeans of mixed blood being put in authority over
them. Mr. Harcourt, however, further said:-"I should be ready
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to consider the question of British-born Chinese or Malays being
admitted to the Cadet Service if there were any chance of such
candidates being successful in the competitive examinations' and
if there were a local demand for the concession, which at present
does not exist."
But when such a local demand did exist in 1924 Sir Laurence
Guillemard,. the then Governor, said at a meeting of the Legisla-
tive Council held on November 3rd. of that year that as far. as
the Malay States were concerned he was not prepared to propose
any alteration in the conditions of admission into the Malayan
Civil Service, nor would he agree that the changed conditions of
entry might be limited in application to the Colony only on the
ground that it would practically amount to splitting again into
two parts a Civil Service common to the whole of Malaya.
So it will be seen that every time the Government was
approached with the same request it advanced an entirely different
reason and a new argument to justify its refusal to accede to the
request.
COMMITTEE APPOINTED.
Before Sir .Cecil Clementi proceeded on leave in 1930, a
deputation consisting of the six Asiatic and Eurasian unofficial
members of the Legislative Council waited upon.His Excellency
to plead with him 'for the. admission of the locally-born British
subjects into the Malayan Civil Service, so that he might take the
opportunity of consulting the Colonial Office on his arrival in.
England on this question.
As a result probably of these representations His Excellency
on his return to Malaya from leave appointed a committee,
which has now prepared a draft preliminary scheme under which
it is proposed that certain posts, at present normally reserved for
members of the Malayan Civil Service, will in due course be
thrown open to locally-born non-European British subjects posses-
sing suitable qualifications.
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This scheme has by now, I believe, been sent to the Secretary
of State for his. consideration. We are of course very grateful
to His Excellency for what he has done in this matter. Even
if the Secretary of State should give his sanction to the scheme
the doors to the Malayan Civil Service proper will still be closed
to the locally-born British subjects, and the existence of the
Colour Bar in the Service will continue to give cause for general
,dissatisfaction.
The communities here are markedly advancing in education
and in respect of qualifications for full citizenship, and Imperial
policy as applied in other parts of the Empire should be applied
in this country.
There are in the country Asiatics whose families have lived
here for several generations, who regard this country definitely
as their home and know no other, whose stake in the country is
enormous, whose whole fortunes are bound up with those of
British Malaya and who, have times without number given sub-
-stantial and tangible proofs of their loyalty to the Empire and
.their allegiance to the King.
If the Imperial Government will be pleased to make the con-
~cession of opening widely the doors of the Malayan Civil Service
to all His Majesty's locally-born subjects irrespective of colour
and race, it will 'win their gratitude and promote contentment
and foster loyalty in this important outpost of His Majesty's
Empire.
i. The responsible leaders of the domiciled Chinese and
-other non-Malay communities are extremely apprehensive of the
menace to their interests and welfare and those of their children
that will result from the so-called strong pro-Malay policy of
the local Government. It will create inter-racial disharmony in
this country and is not in accordance with the principles of
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impartiality and equal treatment for all, on which British Colonial
administration is based and which have made the British Empire
the amazing success it is to-day.
2. The Government's educational policy, besides being
characterised by - the same pro-Malay tendency, deliberately aims
at the restriction of English education, will do harm to the
cause of education in this country and diminish the opportunities
for the children of poor parents to secure a secondary education.
3. A reform of the Legislative Council will not only increase
its. efficiency, but will also tend in the direction. of giving the
people here some of the elementary rights and privileges of free
and civilised society and of- teaching them at the same time the
duties and responsibilities of citizenship, thereby leading them
along the path of progress.
4. The Chinese community being an important and the
most numerous section of the Colony's population, the appoint-
ment of a Chinese to be a member of the Executive Council will
benefit both that community and Government.
5. The withdrawal of the Colour Bar against the admission
of locally-born British subjects to the Malayan Civil Service will
not only be an act of simple justice in that it will restore a birth-
right formerly theirs and redress a long standing grievance, but
will also earn the eternal gratitude and strengthen the devotion
and loyalty of British subjects to the ' Crown.
The Hon. Mr. 'Wee Swee Teow has given me authority
to say that he is in entire agreement with the views expressed
above on the five subjects.
The above is a presentation of our grievances, which call for
redress, and on this point Milton says. That no grievance ever
should arise. in the commonwealth, that let no man in this world
expect, but when complaints are freely heard, deeply considered
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and speedily reformed, then is the utmost bounds of civil liberty
attained, that wise men look for."
PRESS COMMENTS.
THE " MALAYA TRIBUNE," DECEMBER 28TH, 1932.
The Permanent Under-Secretary of State cannot but have
appreciated its complete candour and the seriousness of the issues
raised.
I. Discrimination against non-Malays:-As Mr. Cheng Lock
points out, the Chinese have always liked the Malays and been
very friendly with them, but current developments are likely to
impair the amicable relations hitherto obtaining. The services
of the Chinese to Malaya and their numerical importance are
clearly brought out in the memorandum. The Malays themselves
may in the long run have cause ' to regret any "coddling." It is
legitimately pointed out that great numbers of the Malays are
immigrants or the descendants of immigrants just as are so many
Chinese and Indians.
2. Educational Policy:-We go every bit of the way with
Mr. Cheng Lock under this heading.
3. Reform of the Legislative Council:-We have fought
for this for years, and mean to go on fighting for it. The ad.
ministration of this Colony is an absurd and insulting anachronism.
The cause of Council Reform hardly needs argument.
4. Chinese Representation on the Executive Council:-The
Chinese claim to representation on the Executive Council was
recognised over half-a-century 'ago.
5. Admission of locally-born British Subjects to the Malayan
Civil Service:-This aspiration in so plainly just and commend-
able that it must soon be conceded. British subjects look to
the Colonial Office for an elementary act of justice.
Truly a noteworthy achievement that aptly crowns a long
and energetic career of devoted public service.
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EDUCATIONAL POLICY IN MALAYA. ENGLISH THE
BASIC LANGUAGE. COMMON BOND OF UNION OF
ALL RACES. , LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL SPEECHES
AND PRESS COMMENTS.
The subject of Educational Policy was fully debated in the
speeches on the adjournment at the meeting of the Legislative
Council held at Malacca on February 12th, 1934.
The HoN. MR. TAN CHENG LOCK, C.B.E., said:-
Sir,-I may be permitted to take this opportunity of exten-
ding a hearty welcome to Your Excellency and Members of
Council from the other Settlements on their visit to Malacca.
The idea of Your Excellency in holding a session occasionally
in Malacca is to enable honourable friends to get information
firsthand and to understand the needs of Malacca.
I will now, Sir, make some reference to the subject of
education, the problem in connection with which has occupied the
forefront of public discussion in this country since Council Paper
No. 93 of 1932 containing a Memorandum on Government policy
regarding education and school fees, was laid before this Council
at its meeting held on 19th. October 1932.
Your Excellency and the late Acting Colonial Secretary, Mr.
A. S. Haynes, also made explanatory statements on the educational
policy of the Government respectively at the meetings of this
House held on October 25th. and December 4th. 1933. In so
far as the primary aim. of the Government in framing its. educa-
tional policy is to "Malayanize the children of the permanent
population, i.e. to make them true citizens of Malaya," to quote
Your Excellency and to unite all races in Malaya (who have
adopted Malaya as their country and who have no other country);
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in a common bond of sympathy, goodwill and Malayan patrio-
tism," in the words of Mr. Haynes, and in so far as the under-
lying principle of that policy "aims at producing a law-abiding,
thrifty and industrious population," as Your Excellency has put
it, the Government has the warm and whole-hearted support and
sympathy of every. right-minded person and of everybody who
loves this country as his homeland and has its true welfare at
heart.
In so much as the ideal of Malayanization of the Govern-
ment is to aid and encourage the progressive development of a
United Malaya and the spontaneous evolution in the permanent
population of all ' races in this peninsula of a truly Malayan con-
sciousness, outlook and patriotism, so that the policy of preference
for any particular race may, in the effluxion of time be consigned
to the limbo of oblivion, we cannot but entertain feelings of
supreme gratification and of infinite and everlasting gratitude
and unbounded admiration towards the Government for endea-
vouring to bring about a consummation so devoutly to be wished.
But I hope and presume that the term "Malayanization" does not
at all imply that the Government has the least intention in view,
however remote, ultimately to attempt the mixing ethnologically
of the various races living in Malaya, so that the product of this
race - mixture will be a homogeneous amalgamation of the com-
ponent races in whom the Malay characteristics will predominate,
or to make non-Malays adopt the Malay language as their own
and assimilate the so-called Malay civilisation and culture. If
there is any suspicion that such an attempt is going to be made,
it, would be most energetically resisted by the non-Malays as some-
thing most obnoxious and baneful to their well-being and would
be foredoomed to failure.
If, on the other hand, by Malayanization Government desires
to foster and create a truly Malayan spirit and consciousness and
a unity of outlook among the various racial elements composing
the permanent population of this country, who, while enjoying
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a common citizenship, will preserve their racial individuality, as
has taken place among the Portuguese, the Chinese and the In-
dians of Malacca, then the Government will confer an inestimable,
boon on. this country and its people.
If such a truly Malayan community is to be built up, it is
necessary that a link or links should be forged to bind its diverse
racial units together in some form of brotherhood based on the
love of Malaya as their mother country and as an integral part of
the British Empire.
As Your Excellency has said, a common language should be
one of the most effective bonds between the permanent inhabitants`
of this country belonging to various racial groups.
Speaking as a British subject and a citizen of this British
Colony, I think English should be the best common basic language
to serve as a bond between the different sections of our permanent
population, because Malay, the language of the people of this
country, is totally inadequate and unsuitable for the purpose,
especially in so far as the locally born non-Malays are concerned,.
and locally born non-Malays slightly outnumber the Malays in the
Colony.
It is true that colloquial Malay has been the common medium.
of intercourse not only in the Malay Peninsula but also in the
whole of the Malay Archipelago for several centuries past. It is.
an extremely simple language which makes it serve as.an easy
lingua franca. But a lingua franca is not much of a bond, and
even Malay as a lingua franca cannot go far beyond its proper
and limited function of serving as a mere means of communica-
tion between the various nationalities resident in Malaya and the
East Indies. I agree that it is desirable that all people who live
ih Malaya, whether they are locally born or foreigners, should
have a knowledge of colloquial Malay as an alternative means
of inter-racial communication. But it is absolutely unnecessary
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to go to a Malay school to gain a good working knowledge of
spoken Malay, which every locally born Chinese, Indian, Eurasian
and European invariably acquires without ever attending a Malay
school. It is a patent fact that anyone of whatever race, who is
born or who belongs to the second or third generation of a locally
born non-Malay family in Malaya, must inevitably pick up and
get to know enough colloquial Malay to enable him with a little
practice to speak it well, without his having to study at a Malay
school. I do not think it correct to say that Malay, as spoken
by the Straits-born Chinese, is very much different from the
,speech of the Malays or even of educated Malays. Both the
"Baba" or Straits-born Chinese and the Malay use practically and
substantially the same version of the language, so that the one
can converse with the other with perfect understanding and ease.
Written Malay or the language of literature is somewhat
different from colloquial Malay. In speech sentences are usually
very much shorter than in the written language, which is expressed
in an involved style and is more difficult to follow and. under-
stand. The Malay language also contains a large number of
words from foreign sources such as Arabic, Sanskrit and
loan'
Persian rarely used in the speech of even educated Malays.
While it is imperative that a Malay must be instructed in his
written language for religious reasons and in order that he may
conform to his indigenous ethos and become acquainted with his
native culture and literature, it would be sheer and cruel waste
,of precious time for a Chinese or an Indian boy to spend three
or four years in a Malay school to study literary Malay, which
can be of no conceivable use to him in after life.
At a meeting of this Council held on June 25th. 1923, in
.answer to my remarks that the Government believes that a
Straits born Chinese child must first learn Malay or a dialect of
Chinese, whichever is his home language, for, say three years
before he can enter an English school," the honorary Dr. R. 0.
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Winstedt, who had just succeeded Mr. E. C. H. Wolff as Director
of Education, said:-
"But there has never been. any proposal and there has
certainly never been any idea, of compelling or persuading
Straits-born Chinese to waste-I entirely agree with the
honorary member on the other side of the House-to waste
three or four years in learning a dialect which is foreign to
them or in studying Mandarin or in studying "Baba" Malay.
The wellknown loyalty of the Straits-born Chinese ' and their
aspirations and eagerness for everything British would make
such a proceeding not only nonsensical but tyrannical. The
fact that so many of them speak English in their own homes,
apart from all other considerations, points obviously to Eng-
lish as the vehicle of their preliminary training. I trust that
the honorary member on the other side of the House will
accept my assurance on that matter. - I have already had an
interview with Mr. Song Ong Siang and the Straits-born
Chinese Association and I have assured them that there will
be no compulsion for Straits-born Chinese to learn anything
but English, and that there was no intention to rob them
of any facility for learning English. If other races are being,
asked or persuaded to start education in their own language,
it is not with the idea of handicapping them, but with the
idea of helping them towards a sounder English education.
when they are fit to go on to an English school."
That, Sir, is the considered opinion on the subject of educa-
ting Straits Chinese in Malay in the elementary stages of a
distinguished Malayan administrator with over 31 years' experience
and knowledge of Malaya and its people, who is perhaps
the highest living authority at present in this country on the
Malay language and the Malay people. He certainly thinks it
would not only be a misuse of time for a Straits Chinese child
to devote three or four years to a study of Malay but a non-
sensical and tyrannical measure to make him do so.
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The home language of the Malayan-born Chinese varies in
different parts of the country and even in the same district. The
vast majority of them in Penang and in the Malay States and
a good proportion of those in Singapore,and Malacca talk some
dialect of Chinese, while many in Malacca and Singapore, known
as the "Babas," speak Malay or English or both at home.
As regards the latter class, in many cases Malay is being
superseded by English, which is also used in the homes of a
number of other locally born Chinese all over Malaya. English
is moreover extensively used as a common language by the Straits-
-born and other Malayan-born Chinese in their clubs, in business
and public throughout Malaya.
What is most perplexing to me and utterly beyond my com-
prehension is why, if the locally born Chinese cannot be given
free or State aided elementary education in their own language,
i.e. Chinese, it should be deemed fit and proper for them or
beneficial to them to have that education in Malay which is not
their native tongue and for which there can be no utilitarian or
pragmatic sanction so far as it concerns them. Such a suggestion
seems to me to be grotesque and unaccountable in the extreme
and would be most difficult, if not impossible, of realisation in
face of the stout and unanimous opposition to it from the people
concerned. Everywhere in the world the race to be educated
should have' a strong voice in educational matters and direction.
Being British subjects and traditionally loyal to the land of their
birth, which ' is British territory, the Straits-born Chinese with
perfect logic and justice demand they should receive their elemen-
tary education at the expense of the State in the language of
the Imperial ruling power, which is also the official, commercial
and common written language of the country, and which under
the circumstances is the best and most useful language for them
to learn at school-even in the elementary school-from the
economic, educational, cultural and every other standpoint.
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For strong and important reasons English should be the basic
language of this country particularly in the Colony. By "basic
language" I mean the language in which the mass of the people
should be instructed to read and write and obtain a certain
minimum standard of literacy, and which should form the principal
instrument of organised education whereby each member of a new
generation may acquire knowledge and be initiated into the col-
lective, social and intellectual heritage of mankind, for which
purpose the English language with its glorious literature, over-
whelming in its variety and wealth, is unsurpassed. English,
which is already the most widely spoken language throughout
the world, is likely to become universal and is also well on the
way to securing universal currency in this country and in the
whole of the East. In Singapore and in other towns of this
country the use of English has in recent years enormously in-
creased at the expense of Malay, so that English does distinctly
tend to become the common language of this country especially
in the towns. A much-simplified form of English called "Basic
English," which makes use of only 850 words, has already been
proposed as an ideal universal language of the future and may
prove even easier for the masses than, for instance, literary Malay.
In a British Colony, which is a member of the British Em-
pire, English should form the best and strongest bond between
its permanent inhabitants, and is the obvious and only common
basic language which can impart to our heterogeneous population
the common ideas and the common outlook, which must be
British in a British Colony, and which is conducive to national
solidarity. It has been truly said that the British Empire is ulti-
mately based not only on a community of allegiance but also on
a community of ideas, and that without such community of ideas
no scattered Empire can resist the dis-integrating pressure of time
and space.
A sociological thinker says that the prime motive power of
human society originates from material conditions of existence,
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i.e. from the manner in which men provide for their livelihood.
From the purely economic standpoint, an English education is
of prime importance to the people of this country.
The Straits Settlements Annual Report on Education for
1932, under the heading of "Industrial Education," when refer-
ring to the Singapore Trade School says:-
"No boy was admitted to the new ' first year course who
had not completed standard VI in an English school, it
having been found that the higher up a boy had gone in an
English school the better student he made at the trade school;
many had considerably higher qualifications."
All the textbooks on the subjects taught in the trade school
are in English and not in Malay, while the principal and chief
instructor are Englishmen who teach in English.
In the case of the fundamental industry of agriculture, a
knowledge of English will enable one to know and appreciate
the latest and most intelligent methods and the new and scientific
ideas which have been introduced into the tilling of the soil, the
raising of livestock and other farming activities and planting
practices in all the important branches of agriculture.
On the commercial side, an English education is an in-
dispensable necessity or an invaluable asset in this country.
The most organised agricultural, technical, commercial, in-
dustrial and adult education are all conducted in English and
not in the Malay language in Malaya.
It has been argued that an English education breeds dis-
content. If hand work should form an essential part of a pri-
mary education in an English school and if an agricultural bias
should be attempted and fostered in our English schools, I do
not see how their products can despise manual or agricultural
work- and become disgruntled any more than the students of the
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Malay vernacular schools should develop a strong distaste to
manual or agricultural labour and become dissatisfied.
The people here; at least the Chinese, do not clamour for
an English education as the doorway to official employment, as,
for instance, in India, for which there is not much scope in this
country. The Chinese are a self-reliant race and want English
education largely for the sake of developing their intelligence
and helping in the commercial advancement and industrial growth
of this land of their adoption.
On the subject of the education of an Asiatic people in their
vernacular tongue, I should like again to quote Dr. Winstedt,
our Director of Education from 1923 to 1931, who at a meeting
of this Council held on October 19th, 1923, when referring to
the Indian Commission on Education appointed by the Governor-
General of India, said:-
"At any rate this very distinguished body which reported
on the Universities. of India came to the conclusion (and,
though expert educationalists' conclusions are not always
commonsense, I venture to think that this had the added
claim that it was commonsense) that the ideal-not' always
the practicable ideal but the ideal-was that every child
should first of all be taught to think in its own mother
tongue, that every child must have some vehicle in which to
think and that one of the difficulties of our educational
system in India was that from Macaulay's time downwards
we had neglected that ideal."
In Ceylon, a neighbouring sister Crown Colony, which has
a , population of some 5-1/3 millions, of whom two-thirds speak
Sinhalese and most of the remaining one-third, consisting of
Ceylon Tamils and Tamil immigrant labourers, use Tamil, the
system of teaching elementary knowledge in the vernacular
tongues and of the higher branches in English is practised. A
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big experiment is made there in educating the children in Sin-
halese and Tamil and treating English as a foreign language,
partly in order to keep the native languages alive from nationalis-
tic motives. The point I should like to stress strongly here is
that the Ceylon Government has not attempted to educate the
children of Ceylon Tamils, (whose ancestors emigrated from
India and settled down in Ceylon) in Sinhalese, the language
of the original sons of the soil. There the Sinhalese go to the
Government Sinhalese vernacular elementary schools and the
Tamils attend' the Government Tamil vernacular elementary
schools. If this principle, which I dare say is observed in India
and all other parts of the British Empire, were carried out in
Malaya the Government should not only run and control Malay
vernacular schools supplying free elementary education to the
Malays but also Chinese and Indian vernacular schools imparting
free elementary instruction to Chinese and Indian children
respectively.
In this country there are no Government Chinese schools
and the Chinese as a whole do not ask Government to give their
children free elementary education in Chinese. Instead they have
organised and maintain at their expense 325 schools using Chinese
as the medium of instruction and attended by some 22,000
students, mostly born in this country, and that is in the Colony
alone. Government pays grants in aid totalling some $45,500/-
per year to some 37 of these schools, but Council Paper No. 93
of 1932 states that new applications from these schools for such
assistance from Government will not be entertained in future.
Government should, I think, continue to subsidise the Chinese
vernacular schools in this country in order to exercise effective
control and supervision over them and see that what the students
are taught there will make them loyal citizens of Malaya in future,
while at the same time by providing facilities for elementary
English education, free or at a nominal cost, Government may
induce the China-born parents to send their children to the English
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instead of the. Chinese schools. I can assure the Government
that no Chinese, whether locally born or otherwise, will ever con-
sent to send his children to the Malay vernacular school for their
education, even if it can be obtained gratis under any circum-
stances.
On the sound and sane principle that a person should never
lose touch with his mother tongue and should never lose sight
of the noblest ideals of his race, the Straits Chinese, who are
quite willing to adopt English as their basic language and attend
only English schools, should in the Cambridge or higher classes
there be taught. Chinese as a language in order that they may
understand the thoughts of their spiritual ancestors such as the
inactionism and naturalism of Lao Tzu, the gospel of moralism
and familism of Confucius, the altruism and utilitarianism of Mo
Tzu, the fatalism, egoism and epicureanism of Yang Tzu and
the legalism and militarism of Kung-Sun Yang, the five Chinese
prophets who largely form the substance of the Chinese conscious-
ness, the race-mould and type. At any rate every Straits Chinese
should be well versed in the Confucian analects, doctrine of the
Golden Mean and theory of the five cardinal virtues, viz. "Jin"
(Benevolence), "Ghi" (Righteousness), "Lay" (Propriety), "Tee"
(Wisdom) and "Sin" (Sincerity), and thus tend to become good
Chinese as well as good British subjects.
The Straits Chinese, too, should be brought into harmony
with their native Chinese ethos in order that they may preserve
their customs, institutions and manners and be conversant with
ancient Chinese classics and culture' which are,. I venture to say,
dear. to Your Excellency's heart as a Chinese scholar.
. If it is admitted as an important principle of good govern-
ment that it is the first duty and care of the State to provide a
good primary education for the general public free or at a
nominal cost, and if in this country it is agreed that, for obvious
and cogent reasons, that education should not be given in Malay
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to the Chinese and Indian elements in our permanent population
to whom it is a foreign and useless language while Government
is unwilling to impart it in Chinese and Indian at its expense,
then elementary knowledge can only be taught to the Chinese
and Indians in English at Government's expense in a British
Colony. In the light of the policy and principle advocated in
Council Paper No. 93 of 1932, it would be perfectly consistent
with Your Excellency's ideas to announce that free elementary
English education is the ultimate ideal aimed at by the Govern-
ment.
That this has been generally accepted in the past as the ideal
to be eventually achieved is clearly shown in Council Paper No.
6 laid on the table at to-day's meeting. Even the Education
Board of 1923 at its meeting on February 27th. of that year
affirmed that "universal English education should be regarded
as an ultimate rather than immediate aim" and "recommended
no change in the fees for elementary classes," though the same
Board by a majority is said at the same time to have rejected
the principle enunciated by Sir Arthur Young," which seems
to be highly inconsistent with the Board's affirmation quoted above
.and to call for some explanation.
The revise scale of school fees introduced from July 1st.
1926 was primarily intended to raise the fees for secondary classes
in order to meet the increased cost of education and not to signify
a repudiation of the ideal of universal free, elementary English
education.
The cost of implementing this policy may be prohibitive at
present, but we only ask that the English ideal which has hitherto
prevailed be continued to be kept in view as the ultimate goal
which, though possibly lying in the distant future, is to be
attained in the Colony only when circumstances and finance per-
mit. In the ;meantime it is agreed that, for financial reasons at
least, Government must conduct matters as they do while aiming
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at supplying (in the precise words of Council Paper No. 93 of
1932) "a sound primary education at as cheap a rate as possible
in English" and making it progressively cheaper as time goes on.
Translated into action this means that the school fees charged
up to standard VI should be gradually reduced as circumstances
allow from $2.50 or $3.00 per pupil per month to 50 cents or
$i.oo, at which rate school fees were paid in the English schools
in the Colony about twenty years ago in my recollection.
Even on the question of cost I do not know. how far the
giving of free Malay education to non-Malay children could be
justified. For, even supposing for the sake of argument a really
good elementary Malay vernacular education of the modern type
were provided free for all the races in the large towns of this
Colony and all the domiciled Chinese and Indians were willing
to avail themselves of it, I wonder whether the expenditure there-
by incurred by the Government would be very much less than
that of supplying elementary English education at cheap rates,
to the same number of students in the towns.
The cost of free Malay vernacular education in Malacca
for 1932 was $21.36 per pupil,, whereas the expenditure from
.public funds in St. Anthony's.Boys' School of Singapore was
$27.51 for the same year. The education furnished in the Eng-
lish schools should be of a very much superior and more modern
type than that given in the Malay vernacular school in the "ulu"
of Malacca.
The present cost of Malay vernacular education if mo-
dernised, for instance, by the employment of well educated and
well trained teachers and supplied in the towns, where cost of
living is higher, will probably be doubled or trebled.
I submit, Sir, that the policy of Malayanisation professed
by Government with a view of knitting our permanent population ,
of all races ultimately into a united Malayan community, in-
spired by a Malayan consciousness and patriotism and undivided
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loyalty to this country and the British Crown and enjoying the
rights and performing the duties of full Malayan citizenship
without distinction or preference as to race, creed or class, will
be best accomplished by making English, which also has inherent
and incomparable merit from the economic, educational, cultural
and utilitarian viewpiont, the common basic language and common
bond of union of the settled population of this country in order
to impart in them a unity of outlook and community of ideas
and sentiments, which should be British in a British Colony.
(Applause).
Sir,-The honourable the Chinese member for Malacca has
given us rather a remarkable, review of the position regarding
education and what is 'called the new policy ? as it is at present.
The speech has served to clarify that position, because it gives
something definite, out of all the different opinions which have
been expressed here and outside, and it seems to me that what
is now required is an assurance that the ultimate ideal. of English
as a universal language shall not be shut out.
Sir, no one will deny that the ideal for a British Colony, so
far as language is concerned, is that that language should be
English. Whether it is to be in the near future or in the far
future may be doubtful, and different people will have different
opinions as to that. But what has happened, arising out of the
recent pronouncements on the subject, is that an apprehension-
or, as I should call it, a misapprehension, has arisen that the
Government is endeavouring to prevent the ultimate attainment
of that ideal. Apprehension has arisen among the Asiatic British
subjects and it is a strong feeling. In Singapore alone there is
a Committee formed of 14 different Asiatic associations to con-
sider and make representations on this subject. I have spoken
to my friends who are concerning themselves in this and the
feeling is really deep and sincere, because they regard this matter
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of language as dne which enables them to identify themselves
with the status of British subject to which they attach, great
importance. It is worth while therefore, Sir, to calm these
apprehensions -if they are, as I think, misapprehensions.
I believe the controversy has largely arisen from a misunder-
standing of the words which are inappropriate in their place.
What is described as the "new policy of the Government" is, as
Your Excellency yourself has pointed out, no new policy at all.
There is nothing new in what is being. done now, or different
from what has been the practice these last many years. What
is called the new policy is really only a continuation of what has
been done up till quite recently. And if that is so, then the
situation can be clarified and these fears dispelled by quite a
simple explanation. Listening to my honourable friend's speech I
gathered that little more is required than this-an announcement
that the Government is not endeavouring to hinder or prevent
the ideal to which they look, that it is not the, intention of the
Government to force the learning of Malay in schools on anyone
unwilling to learn it, that Malay is for the present regarded as
the basic language only in the same sense that hitherto it has
been, and still is, the basic language of the Colony, and that
neither the time is ripe for nor do finances permit of any change
of policy in that respect. Sir, if such an announcement. can be
made-and it seems to me it can quite easily be made without
any retraction, without attenuation of any policy or withdrawal
of anything that has been said-then I believe, from what I have
learnt, that the fears. will be calmed and most of the.people, at
least the reasonable people, will feel satisfied. (Applause).
PRESS OPINIONS.
Malaya Tribune, February 15th, 1934.
The Catholic Spirit.
That spirit (the "Catholic Spirit," for which His Excellency
appealed) in our opinion, was never more clearly and eloquently
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expressed in the history of the Legislative Council than in the
brilliant, erudite and logical speech of Mr. Tan Cheng Lock. It
was a breath of fresh air among the musty cobwebs of mediaeval
thought which now, it seems, do duty for public policy in our
high places. It vindicated thoroughly the policy advocated con-
sistently by the "Malaya Tribune" since its "inception as a public
organ, and it stands on record as a complete definition of the
reasonable educational aspirations of the people of this British
Colony. In a long, energetic, distinguished and honourable
career of public service, Mr. Tan Cheng Lock has earned the
gratitude of the public, of all communities, by his consistent and
enlightened stand for progress along reasonable and carefully
considered lines; but never more notably than by his able and
courageous speech on Monday.
Straits Times; February 14th; 1934.
English v. Malay.
Thus it is not merely a question of whether school 'fees
should be high or low, or whether English education leads to
unemployment. Sir Cecil Clementi has raised the basic issue of
whether English or Malay is the. language which, for all purposes'
and from every point of. view, is the most useful, the most
desirable and the most valuable for citizens of the Straits Settle-
ments. If that issue were confined to the academic sphere it
would be harmless; it would merely be an interesting subject for
argument. But unfortunately it has assumed a very real practical
importance, for the choice of Malay as the basic language has
become one of the governing principles of the Colony's educa-
tional policy. In our view Mr. Tan Cheng Lock, in one of
the finest speeches of his political career, has conclusively shown
that principle to be indefensible.
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Straits Times, February 17th, 1934.
An Unwanted Gift.
His (H.E.'s) line of argument is that Malay is the language
most commonly spoken in this country and therefore it is the
only language in which a free education can be given. The
Government is determined," he says, to afford all children in
this peninsula an opportunity of learning the Malay language
free of cost-but also without compulsion" To the objections
that all locally born non-Malay children already know as much
of the Malay language as they need to know, that the language
is useless to them for cultural purposes, and that in any event
they refuse to receive their education in it-to all these objections
His Excellency makes no answer. The resultant situation would
be Gilbertian if it were not so lamentable. The Straits Settle-
ments, alone among the colonies of the British Empire, has adopted
an educational policy of which its entire non-indigenous popula-
tion refuses to make any use whatsoever. Surely there must be
something radically wrong in such a state of affairs. This un-
animous rejection of a basic policy, this unyielding refusal
take advantage of a type of education which Government
"determined" to offer, can be paralleled in no other country
the world.
Sunday Tribune, February 18th, 1934.
English, Please
At the Legislative Council meeting at Malacca on Monday
last His Excellency clearly showed that he has learned nothing.
from the controversy of recent months, and is stubborn in his
unhappy prejudices. But he must have been deeply impressed
by the noteworthy speech delivered by the Hon. Mr. Tan Cheng
Lock-one of. the finest, most courageous and most valuable
speeches ever delivered in this Colony. And the purport of it,
crystallised, was: The basic language of the Straits Settlements
is English, and English must be the vehicle of education for the
children of British subjects in the Colony.
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Malay Mail.
A Valuable Speech.
We have heard it suggested that the debate on Malayan
educational policy at the Malacca meeting of the Legislative
Council has resulted in effect in an amicable settlement of this
protracted and at times acrimonious dispute, and that as a con-
sequence we shall hear no more about Malay being the language
of Malaya, which all children must learn if they are to enjoy free
education.
While we admit it possible by taking certain portions of the
official speeches away from their context to give that impression,
we think a careful study of them will do no more than suggest
that the official attitude is not based quite so firmly on a con-
viction that it is unassailably in the right. For that we have, we
think, to give thanks to the honourable Mr. Tan Cheng Lock,
whose lengthy contribution to the debate not only puts the Chinese
case as it has not been put hitherto, but is an extremely valuable
contribution to the subject of the educational policy of this country
in the future.
It was a well-reasoned exposition of the common sense point
of 'view, and it is difficult to controvert Mr. Tan Cheng Lock's
assertion that it would be "sheer and cruel waste of precious time
for a Chinese or an Indian boy to spend three or four years in a
Malay school to study literary Malay, which can be of no con-
ceivable use to him in after life."
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MR. TAN ? CHENG LOCK'S STIRRING SPEECH AT
A DINNER GIVEN ON APRIL 2nd. 1946, BY THE
CHINESE COMMUNITY OF MALACCA ON THE
OCCASION OF THE VISIT OF SIR EDWARD GENT
AND SIR FRANKLIN GIMSON, GOVERNORS OF THE
MALAYAN UNION AND SINGAPORE.
Your Excellencies & Gentlemen,
I rise this evening to propose to you the toast of our honour-
ed and very welcome guests, His Excellency Sir Edward Gent,
our Malayan Union Governor, and His Excellency. Sir Franklin
Gimson, our Singapore Governor, and on behalf of the Malacca
Chinese Community to warmly thank Your Excellencies for having
accepted our invitation to this dinner to meet some of the leading
representatives of this town of ancient fame and historical signi-
ficance.
Founded in 1377 by the fugitive Parameswara or Ruler of
Singapura, a Colony of the Sumatran Buddhist Empire Srivajaya,
in consequence of the devastating sack and total destruction of
the Lion City by the Javanese Empire of Majapahit, which was
waging war with Srivajaya; conquered in 1511 by Alfonso de
Albuquerque, the Portuguese conqueror in . India; captured in
1641 by the Dutch as a result of their decisive naval victories in
European and South American waters during the 30 years' war,
which sealed the doom of the Iberian Empire, and incorporated
into the British Empire finally in 1824: as part of the great
settlement that followed the Napoleonic wars; Malacca, which
has earned the title of the mother of Malaya, is steeped in history
and. possesses a wealth of relics of the past ages.
On one of the slopes of Bukit China Hills, the Chinese public
cemetery grounds, in the outskirts of this town there is an old
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well, which tradition says was used by Cheng Ho, popularly
known as Sam-Po-Kong, the Chinese Imperial Envoy, and a little
Temple erected to serve as a memorial of his sojourn in Malacca
in 1409 A.D. for the purpose of visiting' the Chinese Settlement
here and conferring on the Chief of Malacca, its first Moslem
Ruler, Mohammed Shah, the protection of the Emperor Yung-lo
of the Ming Dynasty. Behind the self-same Temple there lies
the grave of one Tin Kup, the first: Captain China of Malacca,
an official appointed by the Portuguese and adopted by the Dutch
in later years to govern the Chinese according to their customs.
It was Chan Lak Kuah or Chan Kup, a son-in-law and the suc-
cessor of Tin Kup, who well over 300 years ago founded the
Cheng Hoon Teng Temple at Kubu Road in this town, dedicated
to Kuan-Shih-Yin, the Goddess of Mercy, a Bodhisattva and an
incarnation of Buddha.
All that is ancient history, but coming down to more recent
times one finds that Malaya, into which Malacca was the principal
port of. entry and whose history is synonymous with that of
Malacca, under a wise British administration became prosperous
beyond the dreams of the most optimistic up to the time of the
dark days of the Japanese onslaught on this country on Decem-
ber 8th. 1941.
The termination of the recent world war has ushered in a
new era in the history of mankind, and in Malaya, as in the
rest of the planet, radical changes are taking place especially in
the realm of politics. In consonance with the new trend of
political thought, His Majesty's Government has seen fit to shift
the emphasis of Colonial administration from law and order to
social betterment and constitutional progress towards. self-govern-
ment. In pre-war days colonial Government in Malaya was
limited to the maintenance of law and order, a modicum of
health and education services and the collection of sufficient re-
venue to pay for them. As a result of this change in British
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Colonial principles and methods, at least in theory, the Colonial
Secretary at a Meeting of the House of Commons on October
loth. 1945 made a declaration of His Majesty's Government's
policy calling for a constitutional Union of Malaya, the institution
of a Malayan citizenship which will give equal citizenship rights
to those who can claim Malaya to be their homeland, with the
object of ensuring ultimate self-government in a United Malaya
inspired by a sense of unity and fellow feeling animating all its
inhabitants. This policy, if pursued to its logical conclusion,
affords the mixed Communities of Malaya some hope that Malaya
may one day become one country and one nation revolving within
the orbit of the British Commonwealth of nations.
Unfortunately this wise and statesmanlike policy has been
vehemently and persistently assailed by certain ex-Malayan pro-
consols, who are obsessed with their antiquated prejudices and
predilections and hampered by their woeful lack of imagination,
and other reactionaries in Great Britain with the idea of exclud-
ing the Chinese and Indians from participation in the administra-
tion and government of this country.
*One ex-Malayan personality has uttered the falsehood that
the Chinese actually prevented the Malays from becoming artizans
by combined guild action and everywhere excluded the Malays
from commerce, in order to support his unveracious thesis that
* NOTE:-The relevant remarks extracted from an article in
THE LONDON SPECTATOR of March 8th, 1946, (page 237) entitled
"SHARP PRACTICE IN MALAYA" by SIR RICHARD ,WINSTEDT:
"The Chinese everywhere exclude the Malay from commerce. A
Kelantan Malay began dealing in Malay rice, whereat the Chinese
lorry-owners raised their charge for transport with such discrimina-
tory effect that the Malay could only compete with Chinese dealers
by buying lorries of his own. A Malay co-operative society arranged
to dodge the Chinese middleman and sell direct to a British firm;
that firm's clientele forced it to cancel the agreement by threatening
to transfer their custom elsewhere. Cases of such boycott are in-
numerable."
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the Chinese are bent upon the economic and political submergence
of the Malays. This is of course a palpable untruth, which is
too preposterous to be believed in, as the evidence of one's senses
can testify.
One Whittingham-Jones in an article entitled "Malaya Be-
trayed" published for purposes of anti-Chinese propaganda in
the May 1946 Number of the "World Review," went so far as
to stigmatize the new constitutional scheme for Malaya as open-
ing the door to Malaya ultimately becoming the 35th province
of the Chinese Republic. Before the war the accusation levelled-
at them was that the Malayan Chinese wanted to make Malaya
the 19th province of China. This myth, for which the Chinese
are not responsible and which was originally concocted in the
imaginative brain of some European writer of the globe-trotter
type, has since been used as a weapon with-which to attack the
Chinese. I affirm that it is a lie and a slander reiterated mali-
ciously to injure the Chinese out of jealousy and envy of Chinese
economic success in Malaya, which has been won by sheer dint
of hard work, by their industry, enterprise and initiative as well
as by untold sufferings endured by them in the past, without
any outside help and without any protection or aid from the
Chinese Government throughout the whole period of Malayan
history.
Yet these very same people, who have been imputing to the
Chinese sinister designs on Malaya, were totally blind to the
patent fact that it was not the Chinese, but the Japanese, who
coveted Malaya and the Golden Indies with results disastrous
to Nippon, which should serve as a warning to some future would-
be aggressor. Those foolish Sinophobes said and did nothing to
help to stop Japan, but on the contrary encouraged her in her
mad career and lust of conquest.
The Chinese have inherited a tradition of self-reliance and
selfhelp. A Chinese proverb says "Nothing is difficult in this
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world and nothing is easy in this world. Help comes to those
who help themselves; with our own strength we shall live again.
Dig within; within is the foundation of good,, ever dig, it will
ever well forth water."
When I reflect on all this anti-Chinese. sentiment, it recalls
to my mind the true words of Shakespeare who says:-
"Know you not, master, to some kind of men
Their graces serve them but as enemies?
No more do yours; your virtues, gentle master, are
sanctified and holy traitors to you.
0, what a world is this, when what is comely envenoms
him that bears it!"
Chinese philosophy and history for centuries demonstrate that
she is not a nation which harbours dreams of world conquest
and expansion at the expense of her neighbour nations.
I plead with Your Excellencies, with His Excellency the
Governor-General of Malaya, with His Majesty's Government
and the British Parliament and public not to give the slightest
credence to this nonsensical, impossible and impracticable fairy
tale of Chinese nefarious intension to absorb Malaya, which they
are too sane and intelligent to contemplate. China will have
enough to do for all time to come to keep together and defend
the 4 to 5 million square miles of her rich territories. inhabited
by 500 millions of her people; she has no need whatsoever of
other peoples' territories.
The Chinese Community of Malaya, as they have consistently
done in the past, from the millionaire to the humble coolie wish
to live at peace and in friendship with the other Malayan Catn-
munities and are only intent upon earning their livelihood, and
thus contribute their share to the prosperity of this land, with
no desire to dominate or do any harm to any other Community.
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Naturally those of them who intend to settle down in this
country permanently and regard it as their homeland welcome
the opportunity to acquire the rights of citizenship, so that they
may completely identify themselves with Malaya and be loyal
and faithful to the land of their adoption, to which they are
prepared to give their undivided allegiance. This certainly should
be to the good of Malaya as a whole and help to make it one
country and one nation. Experience has shown that whenever
aliens are treated as citizens they become citizens, whatever may
be their religion or their race. It is undeniable also on any theory,
that the tie of kinship between dwellers in a new country and
an old must diminish in intensity and in political importance with
every passing generation.
Equality of citizenship and political rights must necessarily
involve equality of the obligation to submit to the supreme sacri-
fice in the defence of Malaya in the event of the next world war,
which is said to be inevitable. Conversely equality of civic sacrifice
and responsibility postulates equality of the rights and privileges
of citizenship.
Ian Morrison, the London Times war correspondent in Ma-
laya at the outbreak of war with Japan, says in his "Malayan
Postscript" that in his opinion the Chinese emerged from the two
months of warfare in Malaya with flying colours and that of
the native sections of the population the Chinese put up the
firmest front against the Japanese. In consequence the Chinese
community were hardest hit and suffered wholesale slaughter and
the worst atrocities at the hands of the brutal and sadistic Nips
during the period of their occupation. The Europeans then in-
terned in Singapore and elsewhere in Malaya spoke with deep
gratitude of the practical help and kindness which the Chinese
at the risk of their lives extended to them during their imprison-
ment.
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What is a nation? Why is Switzerland, with its three lan-
guages, its two religions and three or four races a nation, when
some other country, which is homogeneous, is not? A satisfactory
basis for a modern nationality is neither language nor religion
nor race and not even a community of interest.. Two things
go to make up a nation, which is a soul, a spiritual principle. One
of these two things is a heritage of common suffering and
common rejoicing in the past, and the other, which lies in the
present, is actual agreement, the will to live together and to make
the most of the inheritance shared jointly.
By virtue of this definition Malaya can become a nation
in spite of the heterogeneity of its population. The Malays,
Indians and Chinese have lived, rejoiced and suffered together
for at least half a millennium. In particular their common suf-
fering during the three and half years of Japanese occupation
should unite them strongly, for among-national memories sorrows
have a greater unifying force and value than victories.
If Sir Stamford Raffles, the noble, heroic and illustrous foun-
der of Singapore gifted with a natural and instinctive Catholic
humanity and blessed with freedom from any touch of colour
prejudice had come down to earth to rule Malaya, both the
Malays and the Chinese, whom, he understood so well, would have
fallen into British arms and united to form' a nation to the
immense benefit of all concerned including Great Britain. Let
us hope that, at least one of our three Governors will prove to
be an incarnation of Stamford Raffles to carry on his mission,
follow his way, and pursue his wise, far-sighted, beneficient and
liberal policy.
In this connection, however, I may be permitted to say that
Mr. Malcolm MacDonald, our Governor-General, and Sir Ed
ward Gent have an advantage over those Europeans who have
passed their lives in Asia and who are not likely to possess the
most advanced European ideas of general statesmanship, which
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our present chief rulers have carried out with them to blend
with the results of Malayan experience.
In conclusion, Your Excellencies and Gentlemen, I earnestly
hope and pray that His Majesty's Government, being convinced
of the rightness and justice of its Malayan policy, will not beat
a retreat in the teeth of the opposition of the old-fashioned and
ultra conservative diehards, who desire to sabotage the Union
plan, but will have the steadfastness and courage to enforce it
substantially in its original form and in its essential details, in
order to weld all Malaya into one country and one nation on the
basis of the ideals of freedom and fairplay, which is bound to
redound to the eternal advantage, equally and equitably, of the
different Malayan Communities and forge the strongest link
binding this country and its people to Great Britain for all time.
Gentlemen, I now give you the toast of Their Excellencies
Sir Edward Gent and Sir Franklin Gimson.
SIR EDWARD GENT'S REPLY.
Who that knows anything of Malaya does not know the
story of Malacca and does not honour the old families who for
generations have given of their best in her public service and
prided themselves on their British status? Their voice shall be
heard in the political future of the country. The Secretary of
State himself has given public assurance that it will be my task
to ensure full consultation with all who have such rightful claims
before decisions are reached on any constitutional changes In
Malaya.
MALAYAN UNION.
I said in my recent broadcast that just as every circle in
Malaya has shown its regret over the disturbance of Malay
political feelings in the matter of the Malayan Union, so also,
it is a matter of general concern in Malaya no less than to His
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Majesty's Government that general approval should be found for
any changes which may eventually be deemed desirable.
I thank you Mr. Chairman, old friend of Malaya and of
myself personally and all in Malacca who are joined with you in
this memorable and happy occasion-I thank you on behalf of
myself and my friend and colleague,. S.ir Franklin Gimson, and
your other guests for your kindness and hospitality this evening.
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SPEECH AT THE MALACCA CHINESE CHAMBER OF
COMMERCE DINNER TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL,
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE MALCOLM MacDONALD,
OCTOBER 12th 1946.
Your Excellency, Ladies & Gentlemen,
In rising to submit to you the toast of His Excellency Mr.
Malcolm MacDonald, our Governor-General, I have great pleasure
in extending to His Excellency, both in his official capacity as
His Majesty's Representative and personally, the heartiest possible
welcome of the Chinese Community of Malacca, this unique land
of ancient lineage and rich historical interest, associated with the
name of the great Laksamana Hang Tuah, the heroic personage
of Malay history and tradition, the La Famosa of the Portuguese,
where the Chinese have formed a continuous Colony for the last
five hundred years.
It was since A.D. 414 when the celebrated and intrepid Bud-
dhist monk and pilgrim, Fa-Hsien, having successfully braved the
perils of an arduous overland journey on foot across the Gobi
desert, Sinkiang, Afghanistan and the Hindu Kush to India, after
an absence of 15 years returned to China by sea, when he stayed
in Java for five months, that the Chinese have continued to visit
the regions of the South Seas in increasing numbers.
The influence which Chinese merchants still have in the East
Indies, Malaya and South East Asia generally and the great
numbers of Chinese, who have settled there, bear witness to the
importance of Fa-Hsien's travels and of the enterprise of that
indefatigable voyager in the service of the Emperor Yung-lo of
the Ming dynasty, the Mohamedan Hadji Cheng Ho, who during
a period extending ever 25 years from A.D. 1405 conducted seven
expeditions-some of which consisted of over 6o warships with a
complement of some 28,000 men and troops-to the South Seas
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and Indian Ocean, during which he visited Java, Sumatra, Ma-
lacca, India, Ceylon, Persia, Madagascar and the East Coast of
Africa to spread the glory of Chinese civilization beyond the
China seas. Cheng Ho, popularly known as Sam-po-kong, is.
worshipped as a god in Java by the natives and in Malacca by the
Chinese to the present day.
In passing it may be observed that like the people of the
United States of America, New Zealand and Australia practi-
cally the whole of the population of Malaya with the exception
of the aborigines, namely, the Sakais, Semangs and Jakoons, are
more or less of immigrant origin. The vast majority of the in-
habitants of Malaya are either actual immigrants from Indonesia,
China and India or descendants of comparatively recent immigrant
stock.
To understand better the Malaya of To-day and be better
able to see and provide for its future, one ought to know some-
thing of the Malaya of Yesterday. One cannot appreciate the
full significance of the immediate event unless it is related to
other events on both sides of time and unless there is a thorough
comprehension of cause and effect, whether agreeable or disagree-
able.
Our chief and honoured guest of this evening is a distin-
guished son of a distinguished father, the late Mr. Ramsay Mac-
Donald, who in the third decade of this century became the
Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary of the first Labour Govern-
ment in Britain. Mr. Malcolm MacDonald himself, I imagine,
is a staunch and strong Liberal statesman, judging, for instance,,
from a speech which he made in Parliament in June 1939 when
he was Secretary of State for the Colonies, and in which he
advocated that the main objective of the 'British Government in
all the Colonies should be to train the people to stand securely
on their feet and ultimately to manage their own affairs. Even
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in those pre-war days he was not smothered with smug com-
placency regarding British Colonial administration like many other
British politicians and administrators of the British Colonial Em-
pire, but believed in a re-organization of the whole British Colonial
rule and a re-orientation of British Colonial thinking. His policy
was to teach men the wise exercise and enjoyment, of freedom-
that freedom which the British people themselves highly prize.
I was so encouraged by his speech and by the pronouncements
of members of the Labour Party on that occasion, when I happen-
ed to be living in London with my family, that I wrote to one
of them, Mr. Noel Baker, and asked for an interview. He
deputed his friend, Mr. Creech Jones, now Secretary of State
for the Colonies, to see me in the House of Commons; and I
submitted to the latter a formidable list of what I considered to
be Malayan grievances, political and otherwise.
We may consider ourselves fortunate that in this time of
change and transition Malaya has a democratically-minded states-
man of the type and calibre of His Excellency as one of the
chief physicians of the Malayan body politic and as our Governor-
General, who without having any direct administrative functions
has the power of co-ordination and direction of policy in Malayan.
affairs.
. The history of the world is nothing, else than the develop-
ment. of the idea of freedom. What is freedom? On this point
a wise Greek thinker once said the major problem of human
society.-is. to combine that degree of Liberty, without which law
is tyranny, with that degree of law, without which liberty becomes
.licence.'".
So far under British rule in Malaya we have had civil, rather
than political, that is to say, the passive rather than the active,
-type of freedom. It is upon this basis of civil liberty,-free-
dom of the person from arbitrary arrest and spoliation, freedom
,of speech and writing, of association and public worship-that the
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future Malayan structure of political freedom and responsible
democracy must be reared. Political freedom for Malaya means
the sharing and participation of the people of Malaya in the
exercise of the sovereign power-that is to say, the power of
governing and administering the country or, in Mr. MacDonald's
words, the possession of the right to manage their own affairs.
It seems that the road to self-government for Malaya promises
to be a long and weary one. We still have to travel as before
the recent world war along the road of bureaucratic ossification
for quite a while before we can reach the ultimate goal of self-
government, if, ever we shall reach that destination at all.
The absence from the recent White Paper on Malaya of any
provision for concrete steps to be taken to institute representative
government and the reservation in regard to Singapore show that
His Majesty's Government envisage a long period of Crown
Colony rule for Malaya.
Even the little that has been conceded in the White Paper,
namely the formal assumption of full crown jurisdiction over the
Malay States, which had already been virtually in actual practice
in pre-war time according to existing treaties, with a view to the
political unification of the whole of Malaya, and the proposed
grant of common Malayan citizenship to those born and domiciled
in this country and those who intend to make this country their
permanent home, as mere preliminary measures, which as yet are
of negative value, designed for the establishment of eventual self-
government, has been bitterly and effectually opposed by the
Patron Saints of. reaction among the ex-Malayans and other circles
in Britain, who pay reluctant attention to world-shaking events
and incline to the status quo ante 1942 to preserve and perpetuate
the privileged position and pigmentocracy of % the pukka white
man in Malaya.
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The encouragement of immigrants and aliens, who have
resided in a country for a specified period and have contributed
to its prosperity, to make their land of adoption their real and
permanent home and the object of their undivided loyalty, by
offering them common citizenship and treating them as its citizens
will naturally cause them to become its citizens at heart as well.
This will make for the unity of the country and strengthen the
State.
So it has come to pass that the Malayan Union constitution,
as embodied in the White Paper, is in the melting pot, though an
assurance has been given by the Secretary of State for the Colonies
that all circles concerned will be afforded an opportunity for
consultation before decisions are reached by His Majesty's Govern-
ment on any constitutional changes.
According to the "Straits Times" new proposals to turn the
Malayan Union into a Federation and create the office of High
Commissioner are being formulated by the political Committee,
on which only the Government, Malay Royalty and aristocracy,
and the United Malay National Organization are represented,
for submission next month to the Governor-General, the Malayan
Union Governor, the Sultans and the United Malay National
Organization, after whose approval of the new plan and after a
decision thereon has been reached by the British Cabinet, they will
be referred to the various Communities for comment.
That such consultation with, or comment by, the. people of
Malaya and other interested communities can be fruitful of
results and be of any practical value or help to the rest of them
after an agreement has been arrived at with one section of them,
appears to us ordinary mortals to savour of a riddle inside an
enigma. Though we know with what little wisdom and justice
the world is governed, yet perhaps the particular brand of Olym-
pian gods, who rule over us, know better and are truly sagacious,
and we must possess our souls in patience and live in the hope
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that the promised consultation will not be a mere farce and that
we shall not to all intents and purposes be confronted with a fait
accompli which sacrifices our interests, in which event those of
us thereby adversely affected would be left with no alternative
but to resort to a campaign of passive resistance and non-co-
operation with the Government, which would be unfortunate and
disastrous to the country as a whole.
Nevertheless we are deeply concerned and anxious and live in
fear and trepidation as to what the immediate future has in store
for us. It has been truly said that the mother of political action
is pain, not pleasure, and that great movements only come when
the few, stirred by the imaginative prick of an entirely ideal
indignation, are joined by the many who have a concrete ground
of grievance which unremittingly 'irritates them from inactivity
into action.
The three outstanding defects in the British administration
of Malaya have been, firstly, absence of criticism and public
discussion on the management of its collective - interests and on
questions of public importance, secondly, absence of effective
supervision and check that should be maintained over those who
govern us, and, thirdly, lack of adequate planning and thought
on the part of those placed in power .over us. These failings
are largely the inherent faults of bureaucratic autocracy, for the
power of unchecked bureaucracy is a power without responsibility.
A contemporary writer has expressed the truism that to give
men the- power of, gods is in fact to afford a reasonable pre?
sumption that they will behave like beasts and that with the best
intention in the world the holder of absolute power will make
men miserable, simply because he cannot put himself in their
place.
Another political thinker says, "Every kind and degree of
evil of which mankind is susceptible, may be inflicted on them by
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their Government, and none of the good of which social existence
is capable can be further realized than as the constitution of its
government is compatible with, and gives scope for, its attain-
ment "
While we appreciate the blessings of British administration,
which has conferred on this country the rule of law and order
as well as some degree of equality in the domain of civil rights,
in contrast with the reign of terror, tyranny and naked brute
force during the.3 % years of Japanese occupation, we also realize
that the war though a tragedy of the first magnitude in human
experience, yet in, its capacity as the historical chief agent of
civilization, has awakened the political consciousness of the people
of this land.
The Britain of democracy has to-day a unique opportunity
to accomplish her appointed mission of welding the peoples of
Malaya into one united nation as an integral part of the British
Commonwealth and Empire, thereby earning their friendship,
goodwill and gratitude for ever, by steadfastly pursuing a policy
of equal treatment, impartiality and justice, and ensuring the
promised square deal to the different communities making up its
mixed population in granting them political rights, to which they
now aspire and to which they all are equally. entitled, by virtue
of their having to bear equally the burden of taxation and the
defence of the country in any future war. Equality of respon-
sibility in shouldering the duties and obligations of citizenship
necessarily carries with it equality in the enjoyment of its rights
and privileges.
Such a policy will be in accord with the facts and reality of
the Malayan scene, and buttressed by undivided public support
will become a lasting success, whereas a policy which is not in
accord with the facts and lacks the complete support of the whole
population can only be temporary and must eventually fail.
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The British, Indians and Chinese, who have made this country
what it is, are fully entitled to equal treatment and opportunity
with the Malay and Indonesian element in its population, though
the Malays being economically backward should be' encouraged
and helped as far as practicable by Government and the other
communities to attain to an equal economic status. Ways and
means should be devised and persevered in by Government in
co-operation with the other communities to consummate this most
worthy and highly desirable end. But a policy based on the main-
tenance of a privileged position for one section of the population
to the detriment of the others cannot be a sound and lasting one.
Such a policy will be interpreted as one to divide and rule and
may eventually prove to be fraught with peril to Malaya as a
whole and as an integral 'part of the British Commonwealth and
Empire. Those who commit injustice bear the greatest burden.
It should be the settled policy and firm aim of His Majesty's
Government to excise every kind and degree of racial domination
and discrimination from, and sternly to discourage any attempt
to infect with this deadly virus, the Malayan body politic, which
would endanger the fabric and unity of Malayan Society, and. in
the long run act as a centrifugal force tending to detach this
country, and alienate the goodwill and friendship of its_ inhabi-
tants as a solid whole, from Great Britain.
I submit that the best policy for His Majesty's Government
to observe and implement in Malaya is to aim at achieving its,
unity on the just and equitable basis of the enjoyment of equality
of political and other rights by the divers component parts of its,
cosmopolitan population, so that its various communal elements,
namely Britons, Malays, Indians, Ceylonese, Eurasians, Chinese
and the others may live and share their civic responsibilities and
duties and rights and privileges in a spirit of brotherhood and
mutually beneficial co-operation in a united Malaya as an equal,
worthy, willing and proud partner in the British Commonwealth
of Free nations. It is a consummation devoutly to be wished.
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Before concluding I wish in the name of the Chinese Com-
munity of Malacca to thank Your Excellency for the honour you
have done ' us by consenting to dine with us this evening and also
to thank and welcome our other guests. Now, Ladies & Gentle-
men, I call upon you all to honour and drink the toast of the
Health of His Excellency Mr. Malcolm MacDonald.
THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL'S REPLY.
The Governor-General, the Rt. Hon. Mr. Malcolm Mac-
Donald, pledged that the promise made by the Secretary of State
for the Colonies to consult representatives of all local communities
before any decisions are taken on the Malayan Union plans "will be
faithfully carried out. The Colonial Secretary's promise was
made in good faith, and it will be fulfilled here. Malays were
a strong influence in moulding the character of the Colony and
the Chinese influence for centuries had been second to none. His-
torical Malacca was a remarkable place. It owed something to
each of the different nations. In fact much of its interesting
character and attraction sprang from the fact that many people
had co-operated together, whether they liked it or not, to make
the Colony what it is to-day.
"I have got an entirely fresh sense of the great strength and
,contemporary qualities of the Chinese as distinct from the his-
toric. In my travels through Singapore, Sarawak and Borneo I
have noticed the Chinese are industrious and are an absolute part
of the landscape. It is perfectly obvious to anyone who knows
anything at all that the Chinese have played a remarkable part
in the economic development of this country. Without any doubt
they will continue to do so.
That fact should be given proper recognition in all wider
considerations of this country.
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It is true that the prosperity and well-being of the country
cannot depend on the activities of any one race. It is bound up
and is dependent on the co-operation between all the peoples who
have made Malaya their permanent home-Malays, Chinese,
Indians, Eurasians, Europeans and others. The first care of any-
one who wishes to see Malaya peaceful, prosperous and happy
must be to maintain cordial and fruitful co-operation between
all the races without exception. I know that this object lies very
close to the heart of the Chinese Community in Malacca."
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PUBLIC MEETING UNDER THE. AUSPICES OF THE
PAN-MALAYAN COUNCIL OF JOINT ACTION.
Speech at Kuala Lumpur on 23rd December, 1946.
One of the primary purposes of the formation of the Pan-
Malayan Council of Joint Action is to avoid separate action' by
the different communities in the whole of Malaya in regard to
the question of Government consultation or negotiation with them
on the Constitutional issue and to enable them to take joint action
and present a united front vis-a-vis Government in relation to this
subject of serious import to the whole Malayan population on
the principle "United we stand, Divided we fall."
So far we have been like a sheet of loose sand without any
unity and resisting power, so that it is necessary that we must.
become pressed together into an unyielding body like the firm
rock by the addition of cement to sand.
The cement to bind us together into a solid body consists of
the three principles of (a) United Malaya including, Singapore
(b) responsible self-government through a fully elected Central
Legislature for the whole of Malaya and (c) equal citizenship
rights for all those who make Malaya their permanent home and
the object of their undivided loyalty. On this strong formation
we intend to build an edifice of a new Malaya of which we are
not only to be the architects but also the beneficiaries.
The Government itself has declared that its policy is to
ensure and -facilitate the progress of the people of this country
towards unity and ultimate self-government within the British
Empire and to promote a broad-based citizenship, which will
include, without discrimination of race or creed, all who intend
to make Malaya their home and the object of their loyalty.
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So what we are asking for and aim at is what Government
has promised to give us. But what the mouth speaks proves
nothing; only by deeds can men be judged.
What we should like to see is that the unwise policy of the
British Government in the past of being too late with too little
and' of giving minor concessions piecemeal will be replaced by a
sagacious one of giving quickly what they can give.
However, the fear uppermost in our minds is the policy of
the reactionaries to divide and rule us; already several of them
have indulged in such wishful thinking as that Malaya will be-
come another Palestine if the plan of ' a Malayan Union with
common citizenship should be carried out.
We the Malays, Chinese, Indians, Eurasians and Ceylonese
are so locally intermingled in this country that we must reconcile
ourselves to living together in peace and harmony under equal
rights and laws and learn how to integrate ourselves into a single
political community on the understanding, that the weaker ones
among its various racial elements should have special claims to
the assistance and goodwill of the stronger ones. We must as-
sociate ourselves more and more with each other, so that we may
better understand and see the point of view of each other.
It has been truly said that the men who have made the world
what it is are nothing except in so far as they are ministers or
organs of a vitally practicable idea or some great impersonal
cause.
The ideal, for which we must work and which we espouse,
and cherish, is the basic objective of attaining self-government
in a United Malaya in which the individuals of all communities,
who are prepared to give their loyalty to this country as their
home, are accorded equal rights and responsibilities, politically
and economically, with the qualification that there should be a
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balanced representation of the various communities in the Govern-
ment to ensure that no one community will be in a position to
dominate or outvote all the others put together. Equality is the
very root and foundation of democracy.
The recent World War with all the sufferings and miseries,
destruction and despoliation, trial, tribulation and tragedy, which
were inflicted on us and which we were completely powerless and
in a position of utter helplessness to resist, has taught us the
inescapable lesson that we must have a Government in Malaya,
which has its roots in the life of the people and in which the
masses of the people must participate, in order at least to prevent
a recurrence of what happened in 1941-1945 in the event of
another world war.. Political action can only be expected where
there is the spur of pain.
In this. great movement which we have launched we must
make it a cardinal principle, to maintain the unity and solidarity
of our stand and action at all costs vis-a-vis the Government.
We ' in Malaya have adopted and want to apply the
dynamic Western conceptions of nationalism and democracy.
Nationalism, if it is to be a unifying force, requires the elimination
of communalism from political life. Democracy demands for its
free operation an understanding of the conflicting claims of race
and language and a willingness to compromise on major political
issues after full and free discussion.
It has been announced in the newspapers. that a nucleus of
a sub-comtniittee consisting of four unofficial members, who serve
on the Malayan Union Advisory Council, has been appointed by
Government and that through this sub-committee the domiciled
non-Malay communities and others will transmit their views or
any objections regarding the proposed constitution. This sub-
committee so far comprises one European, one Chinese, one Indian
and one Eurasian.
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The Government has repeatedly given us the assurance that
the promise made by the Secretary of State for the Colonies to
consult representatives of all the local communities before decisions
are taken on any constitutional changes will be faithfully carried
out. We have taken this to mean that the promised consultations
will be conducted direct with the Government. To depute a
small sub-committee of unofficial members of the Advisory Coun-
cil, (who have no executive authority whatsoever and have no
voice or control or decisive influence in shaping Government
policy) as a medium, through which the views or objections
regarding the proposed constitution of the interested communities
are to be transmitted to Government, cannot by any stretch of
the imagination be interpreted to mean and be identical with
consultation by Government with circles concerned in the New
constitutional proposals. Such a method of giving an oppor-
tunity to the various communities for consultation with Govern-
ment gives ground for the belief that the promised consultation
will really be merely a formal matter and tantamount to the
presentation-of a fait accompli against which we should protest.
We should insist on having direct negotiation with Govern-
ment in this matter of great pith and moment to the interest of
the general public.
If Government should persist in forcing this Committee of
Government Nominees on the public, we must take it to be a
breach of faith by the Government for failing to fulfil their
pledge.
Government should liquidate the nominated committee and
substitute for it an elected constituent Council to draft and sub-
mit to Government a complete scheme for the reform of the
Malayan Constitution.
The Malay masses too have been entirely ignored and are not.
being given the right of full and direct consultation with Govern-
ment. The 6o,ooo strong Malay Nationalist Party has repeatedly
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protested against this and shown that the Sultans and U.M.N.O.
do not represent all Malays. Government turned a deaf ear.
And the Malay peoples realise that the only way in which their
rights can be won is by standing shoulder to shoulder with all
Malayans and demanding them on the basis of a national unity
of those who make Malaya their home and the object of their
undivided loyalty.
We are united on fundamentals. Let us approach the dis-
cussion of detail in a 'spirit of mutual understanding and co-
operation. Let us forget that we are called Chinese or Indian,
and think of ourselves only as Malayans.
PUBLIC MEETING UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE
PAN-MALAYAN COUNCIL OF JOINT ACTION.
Speech at Kuala Lumpur on 26th January, 1947.
This public meeting of the people of Selangor is convened
to-day for the purpose of registering a formal protest against the
Constitutional proposals as embodied in the Report of the 12-
Man Working Committee recently published by the Government.
Wise men say there is no alleviation for the sufferings of
mankind except in veracity of thought and action and the resolute
facing of the world as it is. His Majesty's Government in at-
tempting to foist the Federation Proposals on the people of
Malaya have failed to look naked reality in the face, to realize
that the facts of life-even in Malaya-are constantly changing
and to change with them.
The judgement and vision of those British die-hard Tories
and reactionaries, who ? framed the Federation Proposals, have
been distorted by their desire to see things as they would have
them. The secret of life is nothing but a just apprehension of,
and its continuous adaption to, reality. The authors of the Con-
stitutional Proposals and His Majesty's Government by approving
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of them, even tentatively, have lost their sense of fact and all
touch with Malayan reality. .
The truth of the matter is that by virtue of the transforma-
tion and upheaval within them effected by the war and the
concomitant sufferings and sorrows which the universal conflict
has imposed upon them, the political consciousness of the in-
habitants of Malaya has been positively awakened. This is the
Malayan reality which must be seriously reckoned with by His
Majesty's Government and the British Community in this country.
Unless this is done there will be no real peace nor prosperity in
Malaya.
The action of His Majesty's Government, who have repeated-
ly and . consistently professed and paid devout lip-homage to
such principles as no return to the Past-for Malaya," "develop-
ment of citizenship and representative institutions on the basis
of eventual self-government," "ultimate self-government in a
united and prosperous Malaya" and "a scheme acceptable to all
concerned which will ensure a strong central government in all
necessary matters on a basis capable of developing self-governing
institutions in which all whose homes and loyalties are in Malaya
may play their part," has belied their words, since they have
made a virtual acceptance of the Constitutional Proposals, which
aim at restoring the status quo ante 1942 in an aggravated form
and at sowing dragons' teeth in the Malayan interracial soil in
order to divide and rule its people..
The Constitutional Proposals constitute a breach of the
pledge of His Majesty's Government to ensure and facilitate the
progress of the people of this country towards unity and ultimate
self-government within the British Commonwealth and Empire,
and to promote a broadbased citizenship which will include,- with-
out. discrimination of race or. creed, all who can establish a claim
to belong to. this country.
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The most salient feature of the Federation Constitution is the
vesting of the Sultans' sovereignty in the British Government,
which will thus be enabled to utilize the nominal sovereignty of
Their Highnesses as a powerful and effective weapon to suppress
and enslave the people of Malaya as long as the British Govern-
ment considers it safe to perpetuate autocratic rule in this country.
We demand that the Sultans be made real Constitutional
Rulers like the King of England in that they should be guided
by the will of the people of the country. `
The provision made in the Constitutional Proposals to the
effect that Their Highnesses as Constitutional Monarchs must
seek and follow the advice of the British Resident and High
Commissioner is a contradiction in terms.
Far from being calculated to foster the progress of the people
of Malaya towards unity and self-government which is the pro-
fessed goal of His Majesty's Government, the Constitutional
Proposals are designed to establish a disunited and disjointed
Malaya to be governed autocratically by a bureaucracy without
any certain prospect of a progressive advancement towards self-
government.
The proposals made in the Federation Plan for a new Federal
Citizenship-will exclude from the acquisition of such citizenship
by the operation of law hundreds of thousands of the non-Malay
domiciled communities, who have -to all intents and purposes no
alternative homeland and who have made Malaya the object of
their undivided loyalty and affection. The acquisition of Fede-
ral citizenship by application is made so difficult and dependent
on the whims and fancies of the Bureaucrat that it may have the
effect of leaving out of the Constitution more than 500 of the
whole population of the proposed Federation, who will thus be
reduced to the position of living in this country on sufferance.
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From the point of view of popular representation the Con-
stitution of both the proposed Federal Legislative Council and
Executive Council is most unsatisfactory, as both will be dominated
by Europeans and Government. officials, while -the veto and over-
riding powers of the High Commissioner are so extensive and
absolute as to confer on him more de facto power than the Prime
Minister has in England and much more status. The principle
should be observed that the payment of taxation carries with it
the right of representation and that there should be no taxation
without representation.
The purely autocratic scheme of Government formulated in
the Constitutional Proposals is unsound in principle for the same
reason that dictatorship as a system of the State is unsound, in
principle. You cannot be sure of getting an occupant at the top
with the necessary energy and wisdom.. For instance the quality
of the Governors Malaya had had for many years up to 1942
was on the whole rather poor.
We stand for a free democratic State in Malaya with the
fundamental rights and liberties of all its inhabitants, to whom
this country has become their permanent home and the object of
their undivided loyalty, guaranteed in the Constitution.
We reiterate that we uphold the three basic principles enun-
ciated by the Pan-Malayan ,Council of Joint Action viz:-
(a) A United Malaya inclusive of Singapore.
(b) Responsible self-government through a fully elected
central Legislature for the whole of Malaya and
(c) Equal citizenship rights for all who make Malaya
their permanent home and the object of their un-
divided loyalty.
Furthermore we support the proposal of the Council of
Joint Action, firstly, that the constitutional position of the Sultans
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be based on the will of the people, secondly, that the religion and
customs of the Malay people should not be interfered with, and
thirdly, that the political, economic and educational standards of
the Malays be advanced.
We have every right and are fully entitled to have a Con-
stitution for Malaya based on those principles. We must persist
in our efforts to obtain such a constitution, and vow that we will
never rest until we have achieved our Merdeka or Freedom.
In the immortal words of a poet we affirm:-
"Thou rising Sun! thou blue rejoicing Sky!
Yea, every thing that is and will be free!
Bear witness for me, wheresoe'er ye be.
With that deep worship I have still adored
The spirit of divinest Liberty."
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IV
MALACCA PEOPLE'S CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS
COMMITTEE, 5th. FEBRUARY, 1947.
A Mass Protest Meeting sponsored by the Malacca People's
Constitutional Affairs Committee was held at the Malacca Club
Padang on 5th. February, 1947, at 4 p.m. The first of its kind
in Malacca since the Liberation, the meeting was widely acclaimed
long before the scheduled day, provoking much interest among
Malacca's fast rising politically-minded citizens.
Eager crowds, estimated to number 4,000 persons, some
shouting slogans and some carrying banners, lined the roadway
facing the Padang, which was already crowded long before the
opening of the meeting.
The Chinese, Indian and other business houses voluntarily
declared a holiday for the occasion to enable them to attend the
meeting.
Mr. Tan Cheng Lock, as Chairman of the Committee,
opened the proceedings with his speech in English. This was
followed by speeches in Malay and Tamil from a Representative
of the M.N.P. and Mr. O.A.R. Arunasalam Chettiar respectively.
Mr. Goh Chee Yan next spoke in Hokkien.
The Trade Unions. were represented by Mr. Low Mien Sien
who spoke in Mandarin.
After this the Resolutions of the Committee as set out in
the Manifesto were put to the meeting and were acclaimed and
passed by the very large crowd present.
Mr. Lim Kee Jin then gave a short speech in Cantonese.
Mr. Tan Cheng Lock's speech :-
The people of this ancient land of historical fame ("Malaka,
Negri Bertuwah" as we "Anak Malaka" fondly and rightly call
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it) of all classes and Communities, who by a time-honoured
tradition have lived in this Settlement on terms of complete amity
and in perfect. peace and harmony, meet and unite to-day to
formally protest against the undemocratic nature of the
Constitutional. Proposals and the undemocratic manner in which
they have been formulated and presented for the acceptance of
the Malayan public.
As a Baba, a true "Anak Malaka" or son of Malacca,
where my family have been settled for nearly 200 years, I may
be permitted to say that Malacca is the home and the only home
of the pukka Malays and the Chinese Babas, both of which
Communities have been intimately associated with each other and
have lived here throughout the last five centuries like true
brethren. May the Malays and the Babas maintain this spirit
of brotherhood and mutual co-operation. and helpfulness for ever
and collaborate to perpetuate inter-racial friendship in this
hallowed land of "Malaka", the mother of Malaya, with a view
in particular, to helping to make all Malaya one country and
one nation.
The Malacca Babas, while retaining their fundamental
Chinese characteristics, have adopted the language and some of
the customs of the Malays, with whom they have a perfect
understanding and for whom they have an affection.
By virtue of their long and intimate relationship the Malays
and Babas of Malacca should devote their united labour and
dedicate their intellect to the slow and elaborate task of
constructing Malaya into one single country and nation.
The British Colonies have often been described by the
British themselves as a constitutional procession, each advancing
in its own way and at its own pace towards the goal of responsible
self-government, to which it is the avowed policy of His Majesty's
Government to guide them.
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In relation to Malaya His Majesty's Government's declared
policy, in its own precise words, has been to draw up a plan for
its future, which will foster the progress of its people towards
unity and ultimate self-government within the British Common-
wealth and Empire and to promote a broad-based citizenship,
which will include without discrimination of race or creed all
who can claim, by reason of birth or a suitable period of residence,
to belong to the country.
In the light of the new Constitutional Proposals His
Majesty's Government's performance appears to fall far short
of its promise, and it seems to want to reverse its declared policy
apparently with the object of re-establishing the status quo and
making a return to the backward political position Malaya
occupied prior to 1942?
In 1941 the British Empire consisted of two governmental
groups. The first consisted of Great Britain and Ireland and the
Dominions such as Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South
Africa, all of which are inhabited by White Peoples and have
enjoyed complete ? independence in dealing with both their internal
and external affairs. They constituted the self-governing half of
the Empire..
The second group was made .up of the remaining parts of
the Empire scattered over Asia, Africa and America, which are
populated by non-white peoples and which were governed by
officials receiving their instructions from London. These com-
prised the other non-self-governing half of the British Empire in
various stages of constitutional development.
So one sees that in the British Empire of 1941 real democracy
was practically confined to those with a white skin.
War is the most forcible of teachers and, as we are aware,
the recent world war has brought to a head the logical consequences
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of the folly and injustice of such a policy, as manifested to-day,
-for instance, in India and Burma.
All things in this world perish into that from which they
sprang. They pay retribution for their injustice one to another
according to the ordinance of time.
India, Burma and Ceylon headed the Constitutional procession
among the non-self-governing Colonies, by virtue of their enjoying
full representative Government as contrasted with responsible
Government,-that is, responsibility of the Executive to the
representative legislature.
Next came Communities in which , the deliberative body,
called the Legislative Council, contained, side by side with officials
and nominated unofficial members, a majority of elected members,
.such as Jamaica and the other West Indies Colonies.
In the next group came Colonies where the majority on the
Legislative Council consisted of officials and nominated members,
but where a minority of European elected members had been,
introduced, such as the Straits Settlements.
In the fourth group fell Colonies and protectorates in whose
Government the elective principle. and the Executive Council found
no place at all, like the Malay States.
In the fifth or last group at the very end of the Constitutional
procession were the Colonies and dependencies governed auto-
cratically to the extent of ioo%Jo without any Legislative Council
whatsoever, such as the African territories like Basutoland.
So it is obvious that Malaya as a whole was almost at the
bottom of the_ Constitutional procession, although its people bear
favourable comparison with those of India, Burma, Ceylon and
Jamaica in point of intelligence, education and public spirit; and
are on the whole even superior to the inhabitants of most of
these territories in the economic field.
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Under the Federation Proposals now before this country its
Constitutional Status will be more unsatisfactory than before the
war.
Clause 6 of the Federation Agreement provides that no Bill
for the amendment of any of the provisions of this Agreement
shall be introduced into the Federal Legislative Council without
the prior approval of His Majesty and the Conference of Rulers,
and that intervention by the Federal Legislative Council would
be inappropriate in relation to certain clauses of the Federation
Agreement dealing with (a) the appointment and functions of
the High Commissioner, (b) the Royal Instructions for the due
performance, or the proper exercise of the powers, duties and
rights of the High Commissioner under the Agreement, and (c)
the Conference of Rulers.
Clause 8 of the Federation Agreement stipulates that the
Rulers undertake to accept the advice of the High Commissioner
in all matters connected with the government of the Federation
except those relating to the Muslim Religion or the custom of
the Malays, while (a) clause 4 of the State Agreement provides
that their Highnesses undertake to receive, and provide a suitable
residence for, a British Adviser to advise on all matters connected,
with the government of the State other than matters relating
to the Muslim Religion and the custom of the Malays and (b)
to accept such advice.
Clause 6 of the Federation Agreement, which makes it
obligatory that no amendment of the proposed constitution can
be made without the prior consent of His Majesty and the,
Conference of Rulers, taken in conjunction with the famous
statement of policy made in 1927 by Sir Hugh Clifford, the then
Governor-High Commissioner of Malaya, emphasizing the utter
inapplicability of any form of democratic or popular government
in the Malay States", which was confirmed later by other highly
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placed spokesmen of His Majesty's Government such as Mr.
Ormsby Gore and Sir Samuel Wilson, justifies the conclusion
that it is, in the words of an authoritative writer on Malayan
politics, still the aim of the British Colonial policy in Malaya
"to prop up the facade of autocratic Mohamedan Monarchies
and to utilize the nominal sovereignty of the Rulers, as a bulwark
against the encroachment of Western popular or democratic ideas
and not to move beyond the present fact of Malaya primarily
for the British and a privileged few".
The Federal Executive Council consisting of 7 official members
besides the High Commissioner and 5 nominated unofficials will
function in a purely advisory capacity, and clause 32 of the
Federation Agreement provides that the High Commissioner may
act in opposition to the advice given to him by its members.
There is no organic connection between the Executive Council
and the Legislative Council, which will be dominated by Europeans
and Government Officials and on which all Unofficial Members
will be appointed by the High Commissioner. European British
Subjects, who are not Federal citizens may be appointed both
on the Executive Council and the Legislative Council as Unofficial
Members.
The automatic acquisition of the Federal citizenship is made
so difficult and restricted, in so far as non-Malays are concerned,
that it will alienate and estrange hundreds of thousands of
people, including those born in Malaya who are true Malayans
and have made Malaya their home and the object of their loyalty,
as all of them will be denied the right of receiving citizenship
by the operation of law.
Taking the Constitutional Proposals all in all we consider
them to be undemocratic and retrograde in nature and conception
and that they are incompatible with, and give no scope for,
attainment of the promised self-government in the near future.
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We demand for Malaya* a. Constitution based on democratic
and liberal principles, which will guarantee the fundamental rights
and liberties of its citizens and which will necessarily lead its
people along the road toward the goal of unity and self-
government within a specified time in a United Malaya, in which
the individuals of the different Communities, who are permanently
settled here. and are prepared to give Malaya their undivided
loyalty, may share the duties and rights of. citizenship on an
equitable basis, with the proviso that the stronger members of
the Malayan Community must extend a helping hand to the
weaker ones, particularly our Malay brothers who must be uplifted
to the economic level of the other inhabitants of this land.
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V
COMMENTS ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL
PROPOSALS FOR MALAYA.
FEBRUARY 16th. 1947.
i. In so far as Ceylon has a mixed population comprising
three major races viz :-Sinhalese (4 millions), Tamils (1%2
millions) and Muslims or Moors and Malays (500,000), in
addition to 30,000 Burghers, io,ooo Europeans and others, its
constitutional problem has important points of similarity compara-
ble to those of Malaya, and it should be appropriate to refer to
the Recommendations in the Report of the Soulbury Commission
on Constitutional Reform for Ceylon of 1945 (Cmd-6677).
2. Among the major recommendations and conclusions of
the Commission are the following (a) The Parliament of Ceylon shall not make any law
rendering persons of any community or religion liable
to disabilities or restrictions to which persons of other
Communities or religions are not made liable, or
confer upon persons of any Community or religion
any privileges or advantages which are not conferred
on persons of other Communities or religions.
(b) Any Bill, any of the provisions of which have evoked
serious opposition by any racial or religious
community and which in the opinion of the
Governor-General, is likely to involve oppression or
serious injustice to any such Community, must be
reserved by the Governor-General for His Majesty's
assent.
(c) Universal adult suffrage on the present basis (i.e.
Ceylon domicile of -origin or 5 years' residence
together with a Certificate of permanent settlement)
shall be retained.
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(d) It is estimated that of the ninety-five elected seats
in the House of Representatives, fifty-eight would go
to the Sinhalese candidates and thirty-seven to the
Minority candidates (i.e. Ceylon Tamils fifteen,
Indian Tamils fourteen, Muslims eight) making,
with the six nominated seats, a minority representation
of forty-three in a House of one hundred and one.
(e) There shall be a Second Chamber consisting of 30
members;- and that it shall be called the Senate,
fifteen of the seats' in which shall be filled by persons
elected by Members of the First Chamber and fifteen
by persons chosen by the Governor-General in his
discretion.
(f)
(g)
There shall be a First Chamber, consisting of one
hundred and one Members, and that ninety-five
of those Members shall be elected and six
nominated by the Governor-General. The First
Chamber shall be known as the House of Representa-
tives. For the purpose of qualifying for Membership
of the First Chamber, ability to speak, read and write
English shall no longer be required.
The Executive Committees and the posts of three
Officers of State (Chief Secretary, Legal Secretary
and Financial Secretary) shall be abolished. In
place of the present Board of Ministers there shall
be a Cabinet of Ministers responsible to the
Legislature of whom one appointed by the Governor-
General shall be the Prime Minister, who would hold
the portfolios of External Affairs and Defence. The
Ministers other than the Prime Minister shall be
appointed by the Governor-General on the recommen-
dation of the Prime Minister.
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(h) There shall be six classes of Bills which are reserved
for the signification of His Majesty's pleasure
including (i) any Bill relating to Defence; (ii) any
Bill relating the External Affairs; (iii) any Bill which
repeals or amends any provision of the Constitution
or which is in any way repugnant to or inconsistent
with the provisions of the Constitution, unless the
Governor-General shall have been authorised by the
Secretary of State to assent thereto; (iv) any Bill
affecting currency or relating to the issue of
bank notes; and (v) any Bill of any extraordinary
nature and importance whereby the Royal Prerogative
or rights and property. of British Subjects not residing
in Ceylon or the trade or transport or communications
of any part of the Commonwealth may be prejudiced.
(i) A Delimitation Commission would be appointed by
the Governor-General in his discretion to define new
electoral districts.
(j) Appointments to the Public Services would be made
on the recommendation of 'a Public Services Com-
mission to be nominated and appointed by the
Governor-General in his discretion (i.e. after
consultation with the Prime Minister but without
being bound to follow his advice).
(k)_ There would be a judiciary in which the Chief Justice
and Judges of the Supreme Court would be appointed
by the Governor-General acting in his discretion with
a Judicial Services Commission to advise him in
regard to Subordinate judicial appointments.
3. Ceylon has thus received from Britain a grant of full
self-government, in all matters of administration, civil and
military, internal and external, subject. to only two limitations viz.
His Majesty's Government's reserved power of legislation and
power to reserve Bills. for the Royal Assent.
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4. The Soulbury Constitution which provides adequate and
effective safeguards for the rights of the minority Communities
was elaborated after full consultation with all sections of the
population of Ceylon, the various Communities composing which,
including the indigenous Sinhalese, have agreed to be known by
the generic name of "Ceylonese" which is the equivalent of
"Malayans" in so far as the term may be applicable collectively to
the different racial elements making up the Malayan population.
In Ceylon by 1939, more than 225,000 out of a total of about
670,000 Indian estate workers and their dependants had been
registered as electors legally entitled to exercise the franchise.
5. Some other lessons which we in Malaya may learn from
Ceylon's fight for freedom are :-
(a) As long as there are people among a population who
are more concerned with: securing some advantage
over the others than in obtaining freedom for the
country as a whole, difficulties against the attainment
of the goal are bound to arise and
(b) The Constitution for a country must be such that
all Communities making up its population should be
enabled to live and work together in fullest harmony.
6. Any suggestion in a Constitution for Malaya that the
Malayan state belongs to the Malays immediately reduces even
the non-Malays who are born in the country to a position of
inferiority. They cease to be citizens in their own right and are
there as resident aliens on sufferance.
7. The specific problem in Malaya is how to integrate the
several races living in it into a single political Community. This
can best be done by basing the country's Constitution on the
fundamental doctrine of equality of status and rights and duties
of citizenship for all who regard Malaya as their real home and
the object of their loyalty. The new Constitutional Proposals for
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Malaya would bring about a situation incompatible with equal
justice between the different communities of its mixed population..
The Scheme has not in it any principle of growth which will lead
to the development of the promised self-government even by
planned stages. It lacks the seeds of continuing life and progress.
8. Our considered views on the Constitutional Proposals.
are briefly expressed in the following telegram which the
Conference of Pan-Malayan Chinese Chambers of Commerce held
at Kuala Lumpur on the 23rd February 1947 decided to despatch
to His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies:-
"This meeting of the delegates of the . Malayan
Chinese Chambers of Commerce comprising those of
Singapore, Malacca, Penang, Selangor, Perak, Negri
Sembilan, Pahang, Johore, Kedah, Trengganu and
Kelantan unanimously resolves formally to register a
protest against the Constitutional Proposals now before the
people of Malaya, and after careful study of its contents
is unanimously of the opinion that the Constitutional Plan
embodied therein and prepared without consulting the
feelings, wishes and aspirations of its inhabitants as a
whole, is undemocratic and retrograde in structure and
conception, and thoroughly inconsistent with His Majesty's
Government's pledge to facilitate and ensure the progress
of the people of Malaya towards unity and ultimate self-
government within the British Commonwealth and Empire,
and to promote a broad-based citizenship which will include
without discrimination of race or creed, all who can claim
by reason of birth or a reasonable period of residence to
belong to this country, on the grounds:
(a) That under the provisions clauses 6 and 8 of the
Proposed Federation Agreement, judged in the light
of recent and past experience, self-government for
Malaya will be made extremely difficult, if not
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practically impossible, of attainment by the people
of Malaya within a measurable period of time.
(b) That the clauses dealing with the qualifications for
the acquisition of Federal Citizenship whether auto-
matically or by application, are, discriminatory in
character and designed to exclude the vast majority
of the Malayan Chinese from a legitimate share in
the public life of this country; and
(c) That it is obvious that the exclusion of Singapore
from the Federation will entail endless difficulties
and disadvantages on the economy and administration
of this country without any compensating advantages
whatsoever.
We consider the Constitutional Proposals to be contrary to
the basic principles of responsible self-government in a United
Malaya in which equality of status and rights will be ensured to
the different communities, by which we stand, and respectfully
urge upon His Majesty's Government :-
(a) The unwisdotn of forcing the Constitutional Pro-
posals, which have been almost universally opposed
by the inhabitants of Malaya, upon the country and
of reaching final decisions in a precipitate manner in
a matter of such serious import to the country and its
people and
(b) The necessity cf appointing a Royal Commission to
visit Malaya to examine the whole Constitutional
position and problems of the country with a view,.
after consulting with all sections of Malayan opinion
and considering any proposals that may be put
forward, to the formulation of a Constitution for
Malaya which will prove to be a foundation upon
which may ultimately be constructed the edifice of a-
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Malaya with full Dominion status as an integral
part of the British Commonwealth of free nations."
g. The most menacing feature, however, of the Constitutional
Proposals is the stipulation under Clause 6 of the Federation
Agreement that no Bill for the amendment of any of the provisions
of this Agreement shall be introduced into the Legislative Council
without the prior approval of His Majesty and the Conference of
Rulers.
zo. The provision of this Clause, taken jointly with the
power of advice wielded by the High Commissioner and the
British Adviser over their Highnesses the Rulers in accordance
with Clause 8 of the Federation Agreement and Clause 4 of the
State Agreement, and in the light of our actual experience of the
manner in which, the policy of the utter inapplicability of any
form of democratic or popular government in the Malay States"
was applied in the past, and in view of the obstructive spirit and
powerful opposition of the diehard reactionary and ultraconserva-
tive elements among ex-Malayan personalities and others in
Great Britain and in this country, exhibited recently against
Constitutional reforms for Malaya, seems like the sounding of
the knell of any hope of the people of Malaya ever obtaining
any form of responsible self-government within any measurable
period of time in the future.
ii. In reviewing the events of the recent past one feels
justified in coming to the conclusion, that if Messrs. Gammans,
Winstedt and many other ex-Malayan high officials had not
organized wide-spread opposition and propaganda in Great
Britain and Malaya and had not "worked up" (using the exact
words of Mr. Creech Jones in this connection) the intense
hostility of the Malay Royalty and aristocracy against the Malayan
Union Plan to -stir them up to repudiate and deprecate the
Malayan Union Scheme, the present Constitutional agitation and
dispute would not have arisen in this country.
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The real motive underlying the sustained antagonism of the
British diehard conservative element to the Malayan Union
Scheme has been the fear of the loss of the special and racial
privileges enjoyed by the European Community through the advent
of self-government in Malaya, combined with their determination
to. preserve the status quo as long as possible for their benefit.
12. It is the case of selfish reactionism masquerading in the
lion's skin of disinterestedness and love for the Malays. The
sober truth is that the so-called pro-Malay policy, the primary
aim and motivation of which has been to divide and rule in order
to maintain the status quo and the privileged position of the
European Community in Malaya, has served as a traditional
weapon in the hands of diehard conservatism to cPeate disharmony
between the Malays and non-Malays and intimidate and silence
the latter whenever they express a desire for Constitutional reform
and demand political concessions.
13. On this point J. S. Mill says, "Now, if there be a fact
to which all experience testifies, it is that when a country holds,
another in subjection, the individuals of the ruling people who,
resort to the foreign country to make their fortunes are of all
others those who most need to be held under powerful restraint"..
14. The precedent having been created and the basic principle
firmly established under the terms of the Federation Agreement
that no amendment of the country's Constitution could in any
important respect be effected without reference to and the previous
consent of the Conference of Rulers, it would be reasonable
under the circumstances cited above, to infer that when at any
time in the future it is proposed to introduce a reform, in.. the
Constitution in the direction of the attainment of the promised
goal of self-government, such as the exercise of the executive
power by a Ministry commanding the support of the legislature,
one, or both of two things may happen viz :-
)
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(a) A Government armed with its power of advice may
secretly request the Rulers to negative any such
popular demand for constitutional reform; and
(b) Powerful British reactionary circles, such as Messrs.
Gammans, Winstedt & Co: Unlimited, will success-
fully agitate in England and influence Malay Royalty
and aristocracy by inventing bogeys, problems and
difficulties against any such proposed reform being
granted, in which event should the .people oppose
the wishes of Their Highnesses the Rulers they would
be made to appear to be guilty of bringing about a
conflict between the Malay subjects of the Sultans
and the non-Malays.
15. Hence one's conviction and fear that under the Constitu-
tional Proposals there will not be any advancement towards the
reality of responsible self-government and that Malaya will
stagnate in the status quo of autocratic government of the
bureaucratic type for an indefinite period in accordance with the
past British policy of giving minor concessions piecemeal and of
being too late with too little in the realm of colonialism.
i6. Any Constitutional Scheme for Malaya, should at least
prove capable of being progressively modified and liberalised as
the country becomes more highly organized, and as a minimum
requirement it should embody a "blue print" for the future of
the country embracing (a) a specific pledge by His Majesty
and Their Highnesses the Rulers to further the progress of
its people towards unity and responsible self-government within
the British Commonwealth and Empire and to promote a
broad based citizenship, which will include, without discrimination
.of race or creed, all who regard Malaya as their permanent home
and as the object of their loyalty and (b) a provision for the
appointment of a permanent Contitutional Committee of the
Legislature to assist the High Commissioner to keep the
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composition of the Legislative and Executive bodies and the whole
Constitution under constant review and revision.
17. In its weekly edition dated the 3oth. January, 1947, the
influential British liberal newspaper, the "Manchester Guardian",
commenting on the new Constitutional Proposals says, "....... .
the substance of bureaucracy is to be jealously guarded, both
through the composition of the Councils and through the over-
riding powers to be exercised by the High Commissioner ........
the Federal Legislative Council will be nominally composed of 34
Unofficial Members out of 48. However, the Unofficial Members
will include the presidents of the nine States. The domiciled
Communities can only hope for a total representation of nine
seats out of the 48. It is difficult to detect any evidence of
intention to proceed toward the declared goal of self-government.
It is equally difficult to detect the emergence of a Malayan
nation".
18. Though the Non-Malay domiciled Communities form
some 50% of the total population of the proposed Federation, they
are to be accorded a representation of (a) zoo of the total of
48 seats on the Federal Legislative Council and (b) probably
16% of the 12 seats on the Federal Executive Council. The
Chinese Community, which should constitute nearly 40% of the
total inhabitants of the Federation, will receive a representation
of (a) 12Y2% of an aggregate of 48 Members of the Federal
Legislative Council and (b) possibly- 8% of the total membership
of 12 on the Federal Executive Council or none at all. Equality
is the very root and foundation of democracy, and the first
principle of democracy is that representation should be in propor.
tion to numbers. The representation proposed for the Chinese
Community on the Federal Legislative Council is diametrically
opposed to every principle of justice and fair play, and has
caused considerable dissatisfaction among the Chinese, especially
in face of the patent fact that the Chinese have played, and are
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still playing a vital role in the economic development and
prosperity of Malaya and have contributed the major part of
the necessary revenue to administer and develop the country.
ig. Until the introduction of the franchise and the electoral
system, for which a target date should be fixed within a period of
five years, Unofficial Members of the Legislative Council should
be either elected or nominated by selected representative Associa-
tions such as Chambers of Commerce, registered Trade Unions
and similar bodies.
20. The problem of representation on the Legislative
Council, which is of fundamental importance particularly when
the population to be represented is not homogenous and is
composed of a number of Communities differing from each other
in race, religion, education, customs and language, has not at all
been satisfactorily solved by the authors of the Constitutional
Proposals. While affirming the principle that there should be
no official majority on the Council, they have not drawn up a plan
instituting a clear Unofficial majority, which is a pre-requisite
if the Legislative Council is to function as an efficient deliberative
body.
21. The Legislative Council should consist of 14 ex-officio
and official members and 43 unofficials, which should be distributed,
not in the arbitrary and haphazard way as is palpably done in
the Constitutional Proposals but in a fixed ratio based on an
equitable and democratic principle among the various Communities
and interests, so that each Community and each interest will be
accorded thereon adequate representation, so that no single
Community even if supported by the Official Members can impose
its will on the other Communities put together. In addition to
this ample safeguards must be instituted to protect the rights of
the minorities as is done in the case of the new Ceylon Constitution.
22. The Federal Executive Council comprising seven Official
Members besides the High Commissioner and five nominated
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Unofficials is a purely advisory body, against the advice of whose
Members the High Commissioner may act in opposition in
accordance with Clause 32 of the Federation Agreement, while its
Clause 31 provides that the High Commissioner shall alone be
entitled to submit questions to the Council.
23. There should be at least as many Unofficials as Officials
on the Executive Council, so that more satisfactory representation
on this body may be given to the major Communities and
important interests in the country. As it is, the limitation of
Unofficial Membership to only five does not permit of anything
like adequate representation of all the important sections of the
population and country.
24. The proposed Federation Constitution is defective in that
there is no organic connection between the Executive Council and
the Legislative Council, both of which will be dominated by
Europeans and Government Officials. Europeans will be in a
position to dispense with the necessity to become Federal citizens
in order to be eligible for appointment as Unofficial Members
on both Councils by virtue of the power conferred on the High
Commissioner by Clause 41 (1) of the Federation Agreement.
25. The Executive Council should be so constituted that
the elected representatives of the people will have a decided voice
on it, and it should be capable of being expanded into the
Ministerial system, whereby the political responsibility for
administrative departments of Government will be progressively
granted to the elected Members of the Legislative Council.
Further the Constitution should make provision for the establish-
ment of a non-political Civil Service Commission to control the
Civil Service of the country.
26. It is explained in Chapter VII of the Constitutional
Proposals that the Federal Citizenship envisaged therein is not a
nationality, neither could it develope into a nationality. It is an
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addition to, and not a substraction from, nationality and could be
a qualification for electoral rights, for Membership of Councils
and for employment in Government Service.
27. It is obvious that the proposals in the Federation Plan
for the acquisition of citizenship should be modified with a view
to making eligible for admission automatically to citizenship all
who, can claim by reason of birth or a suitable period of residence,
to belong to this country, which they regard as their permanent
home and the object of their loyalty, in consonance with the
declared policy of His Majesty's Government, provided those
acquiring such citizenship otherwise than by birth will be required
to affirm allegiance to the Malayan Federation.
28. The conditions for the acquisition of Citizenship by
application as prescribed in the Constitutional Proposals make it
extremely difficult, if not practically impossible, for those, who
wish to make Malaya their real 'home and the object of their
loyalty, to obtain it.
29. The Certificate of Citizenship secured by application
being subject to loss or revocation by the High Commissioner, it
is hardly necessary to make the qualifications for it so stringent
and difficult for the average person to fulfil. Such qualifications
should be prescribed in a simplified form, which may follow the
practice of the U.S.A. and the sister Colony of Ceylon in this.
respect and shall be :-
(a) Five years' ordinary residence:
(b) Willingness to make a declaration of permanent
settlement:
(c) Willingness to take a Citizenship oath.
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30. A special Government machinery should be erected to,
make it easy and simple for applications for Citizenship to be
received and to enable them to be expeditiously considered and
disposed of by the appropriate authorities.
31. A sin of omission committed in the drafting of the
Contitutional Proposals is the total absence of any reference to
the long-standing grievance of the domiciled population in Malaya
in the shape of the Colour Bar erected in the Malayan Civil
Service since rgio depriving the sons of the soil, who are not of pure
European descent on both sides of their right to enter the Service.
The justice of the principle laid down in the 1858 famous
Proclamation of Queen Victoria, viz :-"so far as may be Our
subjects of whatever race or creed be freely and impartially
admitted to offices in Our service, the duties of which they may
be qualified by their education, ability and integrity, duly to
discharge", should be vindicated by inserting a Clause in the
Federation Agreement conceding the right of all Malayan citizens
to be freely admitted into this administrative service in accordance
with the terms of the Proclamation.
32. The argument has been advanced that the people of
Malaya are not yet fit for self-government. While acknowledging,
the truth that the grant of freedom is often attended by risk, it
is well to bear in mind the wise saying of Aristotle, The only
way of learning to play the flute is to play the flute".
33? The Federation. Plan as formulated in the Constitutional
Proposals is not only undemocratic and retrograde in structure
but also is in part based on the principle of "divide and rule",
which renders it, if implemented, liable to foster inter-racial discord
and friction.
34? The entire Plan should be reconstructed on a new basis
by a competent body, such as a Royal Commission, which will
re-examine the whole Constitutional issue affecting Malaya, and
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which after examining and discussing any proposals for
constitutional reform and consulting with various interests and all
sections of Malayan opinion concerned with the subject of
constitutional reform, will. proceed to evolve a Constitution for
this country which, while offering ample scone for the development
of responsible self-government in a United Malaya, inclusive of
Singapore, in which equality of status and rights will be ensured
to all who make Malaya their real home and the object of their
loyalty, will bring about the best feelings of friendship and spirit
of co-operation and brotherhood among the different racial
-elements making up its composite population, so that such a
Constitution may prove to be a foundation upon which may
ultimately be built a future Malaya in the enjoyment of full
dominion status as an integral part of the British Commonwealth
of free nations, the ultimate ideal of British Statesmanship being
the fusion of Empire and Commonwealth.
35. Lastly the assurance may be re-iterated here that the
non-Malay Communities recognize the special position of the
Malays in which regard the non-Malays are willing and will
heartily co-operate in every way with them to safe-guard the vital
interests of the Malays, especially with a view to the bringing
about of the economic, political, and social advancement of our
Malay brethren, which is essential to the establishment of a
proper equilibrium between the different Communities in the
economy of this country in order to evolve in the effluxion of time
a truly contented and prosperous Malaya as one country and one
nation, which should be the ideal of all right-minded persons who
have the true interests of this land at heart.
MALACCA,
1947-
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APPENDIX I.
TELEGRAM TO THE, RIGHT HONOURABLE
MR. GEORGE HALL, SECRETARY OF
STATE FOR THE COLONIES.
MALACCA, 8th. JULY, 1946.
In view (a) of the report appearing in the local press on the
5th. July, 1946 to the effect that the Colonial Office intends to
substitute a Federation for the Malayan Union and a high
Commissioner for a Governor with all the implications which the
proposed change involves and (b) of the official statement issued
in Kuala Lumpur, simultaneously with the appearance of the
above report, that the Government is hopeful of. and intent upon
an agreement with all sections of opinion in Malaya presumably
on the important issue referred to under (a) above, we, leading
citizens of this ancient and historical settlement of Malacca,
respectfully urge upon his Majesty's Government the necessity,
wisdom and justice of consulting all sections of Malayan opinion
before arriving at a final decision on this question vitally affecting
the welfare and interest of all and everyone of the different
Communities in this country.
We offer to co-operate with the local Government in any
endeavour it may see fit to make for the purpose of ascertaining
the views of the public and the Communities to which we
respectively belong on this matter of grave consequence to all.
the inhabitants making up the composite Malayan population.
Malacca 8th. July, 1946.
Signed: Tan Cheng Lock, C.B.E., J.P. Captain Mohamed
Ali bin Maidin, M.B.E., E.D., J.P., Municipal Commissioner. Hon.
Mr. Tan Eng Chye, Malacca Municipal Commissioner,. Member
of Malayan Union Advisory Council.
Hon. Mr. G. E. Gomes, J.P., Member of Malayan Union
Advisory Council. Che Mohamed Ali bin Salleh, President of
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the Malay Union, Malacca. Goh Chee Yan, President Malacca
Chinese Chamber of Commierce. S. Shunmugam, (Middle
Temple), Malacca Municipal Commissioner. Tan Siew Sin,
Malacca Municipal Commissioner. Tan Soo Chi, Vice-President
Malacca Chinese Chamber of Commerce. Chan Teck Chye,
Company Director and Landed Proprietor. Chew Keng Chiong,
Member of Malacca Chinese Advisory Board. Ngim Wee
Chiow, Member of Malacca Chinese Advisory Board. Dr. Kwong
Kin Cheong, Member of Malacca Chinese Advisory Board. Chua
Poh Siang, Company Director and Landed Proprietor. S. K.
Chan, Proprietory Planter. Chin Soon Boon.
REPLY FROM THE CHIEF SECRETARY, MALAYAN
UNION, JULY 25th. 1946.
Sir,
I am directed by H. E. the Governor to refer to the telegram
dated the 8th. July, 1946, sent by you and the other signatories
mentioned therein to the Secretary of State for the Colonies on
the subject of constitutional changes in Malaya.
2. His Excellency is authorised by the Secretary of State to
reply on his behalf that :-
(I)
(2)
(3)
As already announced the report in the press to which
you referred in your telegram was entirely unauthorised;
The Secretary of State fully appreciates the rightful
interest of the signatories to the telegram and of other
circles in Malaya in constitutional arrangements in
Malaya;
All circles concerned will be given an opportunity for
consultation before decisions are reached by His
Majesty's Government on any constitutional changes.
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3. The Secretary of State thanks you for your assurance of
co-operation with the local Government.
I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
Sd: A. NEWBOULT.
Chief Secretary, Malayan Union.
TAN CHENG LocK Esq., C.B.E., J.P.,
96, FIRST CROSS STREET,
MALACCA.
APPENDIX II.
TELEGRAM TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE MR.
CREECH JONES, SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE
COLONIES, FROM THE COUNCIL OF JOINT ACTION,
SINGAPORE,. 16th. DECEMBER, 1946.
We delegates of the under-mentioned associations, including.
Malays, Chinese, Indians and Ceylonese respectively, desire .
"(a) To bring to your notice the formation at our meeting
on 14th. December, 1946, of a Council of Joint Action with a view
to the organisation of concerted action by different communities
throughout Malaya for the purpose of representing their views
to the Government on the Malayan constitutional proposals now
under His Majesty's Government's consideration, and generally
on the future constitution of Malaya;
"(b) To seek your recognition of the Council as the only
body which embraces all Asiatic communities of Malaya and with
which Government may conduct negotiations on constitutional
issues, thus enabling the Government to treat with one representa-
tive entity constituted on national lines and speaking with the
united voice of Malaya;
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" (c) To acquaint you with the following three principles
adopted as the basis of our policy and aim;
" (i) A United Malaya inclusive of Singapore, (ii)
responsible self-government through fully elected central legislature
for the whole of Malaya, (iii) equal citizenship rights for all
making Malaya their permanent home and the object of their
undivided loyalty;
" (d) To inform you that our Council is resolved to demand
the rejection of all previous discussions and agreements with the
Sultans and U.M.N.O.;
"(e) To inform you that a meeting is being arranged for
detailed discussions within a few days and that enrolment of
other major public organisations is expected."
The cable is signed Tan Cheng Lock (Chairman), Malay
Nationalist Party (Vice-Chairman), Malayan Democratic Union
(Secretary), Malayan Indian Congress. (Treasurer), Straits
Chinese British Association, Ceylon Tamils Association, Singapore
Clerical and Administrative Workers' Union, Pan-Malayan
Federation of Trade Unions and Indian Chamber of Commerce,
Singapore.
TELEGRAM TO THE RT. H'BLE, MR. CREECH JONES,
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES FROM
THE PAN-MALAYAN COUNCIL OF JOINT ACTION,
KUALA LUMPUR, 22nd DECEMBER, 1946.
We delegates of the undermentioned associations including
Malays, Chinese, Indians and others respectfully desire :
(a) To bring to your notice the formation at our meeting
on 22nd December, 1946, of a Pan-Malayan Council of joint
Action with a view to the organisation of a concerted action by :
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the people in Malaya for the purpose of representing their views
to the Government on the Malayan constitutional proposals now
under the consideration of His Majesty's Government and
generally on the future constitution of Malaya.
(b) To seek your recognition of the Council as the only
body which represents all Asiatic communities of Malaya and
with which the Government may conduct negotiations on
constitutional issues, thus enabling the Government to treat the
Council as the one representative body constituted on national
lines and speaking with the united voice of Malaya.
(c) To acquaint you with the following three principles
adopted as the basis of our policy and aim: (i) A United Malaya
inclusive of Singapore; (ii) Responsible self-government through
a fully elected Central Legislature for the whole of Malaya;
(iii) Equal citizenship rights to all who make Malaya their
permanent home and the object of their undivided loyalty.
(d) To inform you that the Council is dissatisfied with the
action of the Government in having committed itself to a virtual
acceptance of the new constitutional proposals arrived at by
direct negotiations with the Sultans and the U.M.N.O.
who represents only a certain section of the Malay community
without having first consulted the people of Malaya,. thus investing
the plan with a stand of finality consequent upon the British
Cabinet's provisional approval of it which is to all intents and
purposes tantamount to confronting the people of Malaya with
a fait accompli.
This objection is supported by editorial comments of the
Straits Times appearing in the issue dated 14th. October to the
following effect: As Mr. Tan Cheng Lock says if the plan comes
back with a stand of Cabinet approval upon it, even if the approval
be of tentative character, there will be an air of finality about
it; the Chinese and other non-Malay communities will hardly be
able to repress a feeling that matters will have gone so far by
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that time that consultations with them will be no more than a
matter of form and that is certainly the last thing which
Governor-General Mr. Malcolm MacDonald and Governor of the
Malayan Union Sir Edward Gent intend or desire."'
(e) To inform you that the Council is resolved not to
submit any proposals or to enter into any discussions or
negotiations with the recently appointed consultative committee
of Government nominees who cannot claim the status of
representatives of the people of Malaya.
(f) To recommend to you that the Council of Action be
appointed to conduct direct negotiations with the Government
on the constitutional issue.
(g) To inform you that a meeting is being arranged for
detailed discussions within a few days and that enrolment of
other public organisations is expected."
MANIFESTO OF THE MALACCA PEOPLE'S
CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS COMMITTEE,
JANUARY 28th. 1947.
The possession of the power of self-government is in the
modern world the most vital instrument in the struggle for both
economic and cultural survival."-Rupert Emerson.
Brethren, Friends and Countrymen: We are to-day passing
through the most critical period of our history and, upon what
we do or do not do now will depend the Malaya of the future
and the Malaya which the generations to come will inherit from
All of us must do our bit to ensure that the cardinal errors
of the past will not be repeated with even more disastrous con-
sequences in the future. Each of us Malayans, young and old
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of both sexes, whatever his or her station in life, however humble
that station may be, must make the problems of Malaya his or
her personal concern.
J. S. Mill says:-"Opinion is itself one of the greatest active
social forces. One person with belief is a social power equal to
99 who have only interests." Politics is not only for politicians,
it is for all of us. Only thus can we build up a politically-
conscious and politically-educated public, jealous and watchful
of its rights and ever-ready to work, live and fight for them. The
Malaya of the past was a perfect model of political inertia con-
sequent on the corruption of riches. This must not be so again.
Remember that ONLY A POLITICALLY-RESTLESS PUBLIC
CAN ENSURE PROGRESS and can goad the powers .that be
into granting reforms.
It was originally hoped that the former European Colonial
Powers would learn the lessons they should learn from the Second
World War, but the passage of time. since V-J Day has proved
otherwise. Asia is on the march, and Malaya which is probably
one of the most advanced economic units in Asia is, paradoxically
enough, easily the most backward politically.
Reactionary forces in this country have managed to gain the
upper hand for the time being, encouraged and aided by that
gallant band of ex-Malayan Civil Servants who have retired to
their homeland and who forget (conveniently?) that the word
"CHANGE" is not only to be found in the language of Man
but also in the language of Nature.
It is therefore up to us, the People of Malaya to show that
our Will and our Destiny cannot be trifled with. We must not
allow the Government to foist this mockery of democracy, in the
shape of the present Constitutional Proposals, upon us. We
must oppose and wreck them and upon their ashes and ruins build
a New Constitution and a New Malaya.
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Let this be the beginning of a glorious fight against RE-
ACTION, FEUDALISM and IMPERIALISM, so that what
ever its outcome, and there. is no doubt that we shall succeed
if we are united, our children and our childrens' children will
not hang their heads in shame at the thought that their ancestors
in 1947 bowed before gross injustice through fear.
Hence the People of Malacca have decided to call a mass
meeting on Wednesday, 5th February, 1947, at the Malacca Club
Padang at 4 p.m. in order to pass the following Resolutions:-
(I) This meeting of the people of Malacca assembled
to-day condemns the undemocratic nature of the
Constitutional Proposals which were from the. very
beginning obtained by undemocratic methods.
(2) This meeting upholds the 3 basic principles initiated
by the Pan-Malayan Council of Joint Action, namely:-
(i) A United Malaya inclusive of Singapore;
(ii) Responsible self-government through a wholly
elected central legislature for the whole of Ma-
laya;
(iii) Equal citizenship rights for all who make
Malaya their permanent home and the object
of . their undivided loyalty;
and furthermore supports the proposals of the Council:
(a) that the constitutional position of the
Sultans be based on the will of the people;
(b) that the religion and customs of the Malay
people should not be interfered with;
(c) and that the political, economic and
educational standards of the Malays be
advanced.
Mr. Tan Cheng Lock will preside at the meeting.
MALACCA PEOPLE'S CONSTITUTIONAL
AFFAIRS COMMITTEE.
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THE PAN-MALAYAN COUNCIL OF JOINT ACTION.
By John Eber.
The PMCJA is the expression of a movement which has
been developing for the last 20 years and of which Mr. Tan
Cheng Lock has been the pioneer.
Colonial imperialist policy has ever relied on the truth of
the slogan "Divide and Rule." The recent history of India shows
that this method of ruling though effective from the point of view
of the rulers has the result of stirring up among the ruled such
animosities and jealousies that they are prevented from effective
self-government. This only serves, of course, to emphasise the
value of the "Divide and Rule" policy, as far as the ruling power
is concerned; it facilitates control of colonies or "protected terri-
tories," and renders them impotent when the movement for self-
government is on the brink of success.
However, it is possible for the ruled, as well as rulers, to
learn by their mistakes. The history of Malaya shows surprising
similarity in certain respects; even to-day, the "Constitutional
Proposals" drafted by the Working Committee have a strong
family resemblance to the constitutions of some Indian States.
During the war, the people of Malaya have awakened with
-a start to the realisation that they are one of the few groups of
people left in the world who have not achieved even a semblance
of representative self-government. A war on the scale of this
last war cannot but force even the least politically advanced
people to question themselves as to the relevant issues. -Allied
propaganda was to the effect that the war was a fight for
freedom and democracy and the Atlantic Charter put such senti-
ments down on paper. Malaya suffered in that struggle for
democracy and, by direct contact with the Fascist enemy, came
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to realise, by personal experience, the relevant issues. This fact
hastened immeasurably the progress of the realisation of the
necessity for the creation of a nation in Malaya, in which the
deliberate encouragement of division and separation between the
racial groups in Malaya had no part, and in which, on the
contrary, those racial groups could co-operate in the peace, security
and prosperity of Malaya. This necessity was realised outside
Malaya, and Mr. Tan Cheng Lock's work in India contributed
to this realisation. A result of this realisation was the Union
scheme, which, however, failed adequately to consider the
special position of the Malays. In spite of a long period
of the so-called "pro-Malay policy" of Malayan Governments,
the Malay people as a whole have reaped little benefit from
such a policy, which has relied to a greater extent on words than on
deeds. The Malay people are now coming to an understanding
of the lack of value. of such a policy on the part of a non-
democratic government, and of the greater value such a policy
on the part of a democratic movement, in which all racial groups
joined hands in tackling the primary task of democracy in Malaya
-the betterment and stabilisation of the economic and educational
position of the Malays. A programme of equality for all who
make Malaya the object of their undivided loyalty" must be based
on this fundamental consideration-that political equality is un-
real unless there is economic and educational equality. This is
only common-sense: a programme of equality does not presuppose
equality, it aims at equality; it aims at special efforts to push
forward those whose educational and economic position is weak,
in order to make the political equality a reality.
This consideration is, however, taken as an excuse by those
who seek to delay the setting-up of democratic institutions, who
claim that the political equality must await the economic and
educational equality. That this claim is made by those who
possess vested interests in Malaya, can only arouse the suspicion
on the part of the people that the claim is based on self-interest
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rather than on an objective view of the best interests of the people.
Here again the recent history of India has shown that a controlling-
power has at its finger-tips a variety of reasons why that control
should not be relinquished, and that those reasons are revealed in
practice to be no more than excuses.
The educational and economic equality of the people as a
whole can, in fact, only be undertaken by, the people as a whole
themselves since it is to the definite disadvantage of the people
as a whole to retard the progress of their less fortunate elements.
The economic and educational advancement of the Malay popula-
tion can best be achieved by the co-operation of all races in Malaya,
working together for their mutual benefit through democratic
institutions. It is not a question of running before learning to
walk; democracy is not a privilege, exclusively reserved for
"advanced" races with white skins; it is a right. To say that
a group of people are "not yet ready for self-government" is to
say that there are other groups of people who are not only ready
for self-government but are ready for the government of other
groups.
This arrogant claim would not be open to the accusation of
self-interest if colonies were not a profitable concern; the fact
that they are a profitable concern renders this claim very open
to the challenge of self-interest.
In the months after the occupation of Malaya, this move-
ment of the people of Malaya towards unity grow in intensity,
and led ultimately, in December 1946, to the formation of the
PMCJA, composed of Associations. The membership of these
Associations, of all races, pledged themselves to work for a con-
stitution for Malaya based on the following 3 principles:-
(a) A United Malaya inclusive of Singapore:
(b) Responsible self-government through a fully elected
central legislature for the whole of Malaya and
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(c) Equal citizenship rights for all who make Malaya their
home and the object of their undivided loyalty.
The first act of the PMCJA was to oppose the undemo-
cratic and secret method by which the new proposals were drawn
up.
After the publication of the proposals, it was realised, with
the best will in the world, they could not be accepted, since they
were based on principles which were fundamentally unsound.
All elections were refused, an artificial and valueless citizenship
created, and the official majority continued to exist (although
some of the officials were to assume disguise) ; the Malay Rulers
were again required "to undertake to accept the advice of the
High Commissioner," a requirement which rendered hollow the
British claim that the Malay Rulers were to be sovereign (though
constitutional) monarchs.
The PMCJA therefore had no alternative but to reject the
proposals, and special emphasis was laid on the unreality of the
claim that the interests of the Malays had been protected. It
was pointed out that the interests of the masses of the Malays
had been over-looked. With the setting-up of the Consultative
Committee, it began to be very clear that the proposals, as they
stood, were to be protected from any organised and powerful
criticism, by the use of divisionist and separatist machinery. Such
machinery has been tried in India and has been found to be
successful in this function. The PMCJA was therefore resolved
to boycott the Consultation Committee, as being composed of
nominated individuals with no right or claim to act as the mouth-
piece of the people, and as being designed to render impotent
the criticism offered, by by-passing the opposition of the PMCJA,
the unified expression of the opinions of the people.
The PMCJA will continue its opposition to attempts to
split the unity of the people, to deny to them their right to
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co-operate in the building of the future constitution of Malaya.
The PMCJA stands for the unity of all races in Malaya, a unity
based on a real equality of opportunity which requires a special
consideration for the position of the Malays.
APPENDIX VI.
THE CHINESE MENACE.
By the Editor.
If the Malays feared that the Chinese would usurp their
rights, they would ease their minds with the knowledge that the
Chinese had never thought, and would never think, of making
Malaya a second China," declared Mr. Lee Kong Chian, President
of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce, in an interview
published in the Straits Times under the caption, "Chinese allay
Malay fears."
The Malays are under the impression the Chinese have
already a strong hold on the economic life of Malaya. They
live in fear of being pushed to the wall by the Chinese and
other domiciled races. This fear has been recently intensified
by subtle propaganda and is evident in every line and paragraph
of the Working Committee's report. Superficially, therefore, it
appears both reasonable and understandable they should try to
deprive the Chinese and others of a just share in the administra-
tion of the new constitution and the means of strengthening that
hold into a strangle-hold.
The banking interests of a country is as good an indication
as any of the measure of economic control, exercised by any
particular community. A moment's thought points clearly to the
fact it is very far from being a Chinese monopoly. Insurance,
shipping, the big agency houses in the import and export trade
are mainly in European (mostly British) hands. Scan the share
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report in the daily papers. There are a good number of rubber
and tin-mining companies - limited liability concerns - listed.
Then there are the industrials :-Straits Trading, Singapore Cold
Storage, Malayan Breweries, Malayan Collieries, Singapore
Tramways and others. The shares are on the open market, but,
with the exception of a few rubber companies, is it not a matter
of common knowledge that Asiatic (including Chinese) holdings
in all these concerns are negligible?
It is, therefore, far from the truth that the Chinese dominate
the economic life of the country. By initiative and enterprise
they have managed to have a fair foot-hold. Others can achieve
what they have achieved provided they are prepared to take the
same risks. The bulk of what they have made or earned remain
in the country., There is a lot of talk about China, but we
hear of few, if any, rich and well-known Chinese family returning
to China; whilst the non-Asiatics are but birds of.passage. The
numbers that permanently settle in Malaya all these years can
be reckoned with the fingers of one hand.
The past always holds a lesson for the future. A moot
point is how far the interests and activities of the domiciled races
have been detrimental to the Malays? Let us compare the modern
Malaya-with its efficient system of railways, its net-work of
tele-communications and its well-metalled trunk and subsidiary
roads linking all the important centres of administration and trade
in the peninsula-with Malaya as it was at the beginning of
this century and so graphically described in the following passage
of Sir George Maxwell's book, "In Malay Forests."
"Throughout its hundred of miles of length and breath the
Malay Peninsula is practically one vast forest; and the towns,
palatial and magnificent though the buildings of some of them
are, are nothing more than specks in an expanse that sweeps
from one Sultanate to another and is only limited by the sea.
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P,
The inhabited area is infinitesimal in comparison with the
extent of the forest that remained untouched. A Malay village
is generally situated on the bank of a river - by the water's
edge the houses built under the shade of fruit trees and behind
them the flat, irregated padi-fields. On all sides this area is shut
in by a dark heavy line that uprears itself, around and above
it, like the vaults of a prison. This line is the forest edge."
What a change had been effected in such a comparatively
short time? Such a change would be impossible under any other
than a wise British administration. But whose are the bones
scattered on or buried under the sites of what were once the
hearts of primeval forests and the fringes of malarial swamps?
In pre-war times about 50/0 of the revenue of the country
was from opium. At one time it was as much as 66%. In other
words, 6o% of the cost of administration, including the salaries
from the High Commissioner and Governor downwards to the hum-
ble peon, 6o% of the emoluments to the Rulers, 6o% of the cost
of laying roads and all other improvements and 6o% of the
cost of providing free educational facilities for the Malays in
the past were met from this source of revenue. This fact stag-
gers the mind. If taxation conferred on the taxed the right of
representation the shades of the opium-smokers of old should
certainly be found among the seats of the mighty in the delibera-
tive and executive assemblies of Malaya.
After the belated realization of the moral indefensibility
and the scraping of the Opium Revenue on re-occupation, there
appears to be no other alternative except the Income Tax to
replace it.
Then there are other forms of taxation as death duties, con-
veyancing fees etc. Is it not the Chinese and to a lesser extent the
other domiciled races, who mainly provide this grease for the
smooth running of the machinery of Government, from which
Malaya and'all its inhabitants have reaped and are reaping the
benefits?
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With non-Malay representation as embodied in the Working
Committee's Federal scheme at a minimum the Chinese and the
other domiciled races fear the possibility of repressive measures
aiming at limiting their activities in the economic sphere. The
following quotations from the "Round Table" of December last,
a journal devoted to the consideration of current events from
the point of view of the British Commonwealth free from party
bias, are a good reflection of world opinion on such measures.
The Union of South Africa has achieved a certain notoriety
as a country where racial discrimination flourishes." "International
opinion is critical and South Africa is regarded as, par excellence,
a country of racial discrimination." "The application by South
Africa to incorporate South-West Africa and remove it from
the jurisdiction of the Trusteeship Council" was rejected by the
U.N.O. This is partly the reaction to the Indian Act "which
discriminates against Indians on grounds of race" and as a result
of which "trade relations with India have been severed."
What has the Pro-Malay Policy achieved for the Malays
so far? Its meagre results in the past are an earnest of what
can be expected from it in future. It is to the credit of the
Malays that representative bodies like the Malay Nationalist Party
backed by a section of the Malay press, realizing the futility of
playing at cross purposes with the non-Malays and that they
cannot remain forever tied to the apron-strings of a paternal
government, have the courage to plunge into the stream of life
and join issues with them in creating a regenerated Malaya, in
which all its inhabitants can be welded into a united nation.
The party has been labelled as radical and extremist. But
has not some old experienced statesman said: The moderates of
to-day were the radicals of yesterday and will be the conservatives
of to-morrow?" Was not Mr. Winston Churchill himself radi-
cally inclined in his early years before he joined the Liberal
Party and later became a Conservative?
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The Chinese are fully alive to the fact that Malays and non-
Malays alike are but pawns on the Imperial chess-board. The
players do not necessarily include the British Labour Govern-
ment, who is prepared to give all Malayans a square deal if
their case is properly represented to it - free from the confusion
of side issues.
It is not mere lip-service that the Chinese would welcome
the betterment and amelioration of the conditions of the Malay
masses. They think it only just and fair that a portion of the
country's revenue should be devoted to the advancement of the
Malays educationally and in other ways to enable them to come
abreast of the other races and to start life on more or less equal
terms. From a practical point of view a Malay Renaissance by
raising the economic status of over two million Malays, will not
fail to react upon, and be of immense benefit to, the country as
awhole, the Chinese included. Leading members of the Chinese
community should give their serious consideration to the raising of
.a fund for Malay scholarship in the future Malayan university-
not in the spirit of the 50 million dollar "voluntary gift" to the-
Japanese-but as a simple gesture of good-will.
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APPENDIX VII.
UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE PAN-MALAYAN
COUNCIL OF JOINT ACTION.
Speech at Public Meeting at Farrer
Park, Singapore, 30th. March 1947.
I am glad that I happen to be in Singapore at this time
to enable me to be present at this mass rally of the people of
this city for the purpose of again expressing our dissatisfaction
with the new constitutional proposals and requesting Government
by our united voice to vouchsafe to us and the rest of the people
of Malaya further and adequate time to devote ourselves to the
task of framing constructive criticisms in detail of the revised
constitutional plans and preparing and submitting an alternative
scheme to Government, after we have come to an agreement among
ourselves so that we may present a united front vis-a-vis the
-Government.
We demand the right of direct negotiation with the Govern-
ment in this matter of great pith and moment to our welfare.
The new Federation plan, as far as the evidence of our
senses can testify, has been pronounced in unequivocal terms to
be unacceptable by the great majority of the people of Malaya
of all races with the exception of the European community the
members of which have no desire whatsoever of making Malaya
their permanent home.
Our criticisms of the Constitutional Proposals so far have been
more or less of a negative character and the deplorable decision
of the Government to give us barely three months to consider them
has made it impossible for us to offer more constructive comments
and submit a constitutional scheme (in place of the present very
unsatisfactory one) that will have at least the acquiescence of the
majority of the people of Malaya of all communities, especially
those who want to make Malaya their real home and the object
of their undivided loyalty.
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It cannot be denied by any reasonable person, and all who
love this country and wish to make it their homeland must be
convinced that the prevailing constitutional controversy, particu-
larly from the long range point of view, is and will be highly
beneficial to the country as a whole, in so far as it has been in a
political sense, an educative process to, and has tended to awaken
the political consciousness and rouse the interests of the inhabitants
of this land in public affairs, thus helping to promote their civic
virtue and life.
In pre-war days Malayan society was of such a disposition
that, generally speaking, almost every individual regarded only
those of his interests which were selfish, and did not dwell on or
concern himself for his share of the general interest.
We were accustomed to leave things entirely to the
Government, which, like leaving things to Providence, is synony-
mous with caring clothing for them. The war has brought a
radical change in our mental attitude and horizon and has
awakened in many of us a new sense of freedom.
We are now beginning to realise the truth that, in the fight
for our economic and cultural survival and advancement, the
possession of the power of self-government equips us with the
most potent and indispensable weapon. Without self-government
and freedom none of us can aspire to anything beyond the mere
animal state of thriving in peace and none of us can look forward
to any share in the Government and legislation of the country
which we have made our home.
But we cannot have freedom without unity. The first
requisite to the attainment of self-government is the accomplish-
ment of unity amongst ourselves i.e. among the major communities
of the country.
The need of the hour in Malaya today is to combine freedom.
with unity.
As long as there are people in this country who are more
inclined to obtain some advantage over the others than to secure
freedom for the country as a whole it is inevitable that difficulties
will beset our path to freedom.
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The different .communities of Malaya must develop the feeling
of nationality of a Malayan type; they must learn to be united
among themselves by common sympathies and be willing to co-
operate with each other for common purposes,, while at the same
time preserving their cultural and intellectual independence.
We often say that the Government practices the old maxim
of `divide and rule.' But here in Malaya in this respect some
of us appear to desire to create a division of labour as between
Government on the one hand and the people on the other i.e. we
divide; they rule.
It makes one's heart rejoice to see in this gathering the
members of the various communities getting together and pulling
their weight in the direction of the working for the common
objective of achieving, freedom for the country as a whole.
We see strongly represented at this public meeting the labour
movement and the nationalist movement. In Malaya these two
movements must go hand in hand in pursuit of the national aim
of bridging the racial and religious- cleavages among the Malayan
population. Only in this manner can we reach the goal of
freedom out of unity, and only thus can a system of government
be devised for us in which the twin principles are 'balanced and
combined.
We deny that there are any seeds of their own growth in the
revised Constitutional Plan, which does not concede even the first
elements of political freedom.
It looks as if the Government intends to impose the
Constitutional Proposals on Malaya with the unessential modifica-
tions or minor changes, and this mass meeting has been convened
to request Government to give us at least six months more time
to enable us to negotiate direct with the Government on this
constitutional issue, which may well determine the future destiny
of Malaya.
In conclusion I now have much pleasure in-endorsing what
the previous speakers have said and giving my, whole hearted
support to the resolutions now before you.
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ONE COUNTRY, STAT
ONE PEOPLE,
ONE GOVERNMENT
By
TAN CHENG LOCK
.PRESIDENT of the MALAYAN CHINESE ASSOCIATION
In . a Presidential Address at a meeting of the General
Committee of the Malayan Chinese Association.
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 STAT
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STAT
jT is a gratifying fact that
j during the short period
of eight months since its in-
ception on 27th February,
1949, our Association has
done good work and made
good progress on the whole in
the pursuit of its main ob-
jectives to serve our people
and the interests of the gen-
eral public. of this country.
Though very much still re-
mains to be done, the Branch-
es of the Association, which
have been established in prac-
tically all the States and Set-
tlements of the Federation'
of Malaya, have in their res-
pective. spheres tried their
best to achieve the objects
for which the Association
has been formed.
The necessity for an orga-
nization like ours is para-
mount and is stressed by the
truism that rights will never
be respected unless they hk.ve
power to make themselves
respected, but this power can
always be won by organiza-
tion and energy.
Since the outrage; which
was perpetrated against the
Association at Ipoh on the
10th April 1949, our member-
ship has grown at a satisfac-
tory rate, and the total, en-
rolment is now over 103,000.
We aim at a total member-
ship of. half-a million for the
whole of Malaya, which
should be capable of being-
secured when there is wide-
spread knowledge of the
main objects of our Associa-
tion.
In the words of the Hono-
rary General Secretary of
our Perak Branch, the Hon.
Mr. Leong Yew Koh, "Our
Association exists for the in-
terest and welfare of every
Malayan Chinese and for the
promotion of racial goodwill
and harmony. We are not the
tools of the Government as
our enemies have accused us.
We loyally support the Gov-
ernment in the fight against
terrorism and lawlessness, be-
cause our Association stands
for peace and order."
E have indeed to work
W much harder and exert our
utmost, if we want to make
a real success of the Associa-
tion and enable it to produce
tangible results in the per-
formance of its mission to pro-
mote the welfare of the Ma-
layan Chinese in the social,
political and other fields, and
foster communal goodwill
and co-operation, which has
been rightly described as the
rock-foundation on which
Malayan nationhood must be
built.
The view that the different
Communities in Malaya, while
being independent culturally
and intellectually, can be
welded politically into one
nation and one country, liv-
ing peacefully and in a mu-
tually co-operative spirit un-
der one Government, finds
strong and authoritative sup-
port in the judgement of Lord
Acton, a liberal writer and
distinguished historian, who
says, "If we take the esta-
blishment of liberty for the
1
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realization of moral duties to
be the end of civil society, we
must conclude that those
states are substantially the
most perfect which include
various distinct nationalities
without oppressing them."
The combination of differ-
ent races or ?nations in one
State is as necessary a con-
dition of civilized life as the
combination of men in society.
Inferior. races are raised by
living in political union with
races intellectually superior.
Exhausted and decaying
races are revived by the'con-
tact of a younger-vitality.
A state which is incompe-
tent to satisfy different races
condemns itself; a State which-
labours to neutralise, to ab-
sorb, or to expel them, de-
stroys its own vitality; a
State which does not include
them is destitute. of the chief
basis of self-government.
Practically every state in
the modern world is multi-
national. For instance Scot-
land and Wales, while being
politically united with Eng-
land, maintain their distinc-
tive character and traditions
and a very strong intellectual
and spiritual life of their
own.
Cultural diversity is as de-
sirable as individual diversity.
Variety is the indispensable
condition of the advance of
the human mind.
Switzerland and Canada are
outstanding examples of the
success of multi-national
states, though there was
deadly racial animosity be-
tween the French and Eng-
lish Canadians in 1760.
ONE of the basic aims of
the Malayan Chinese As;
sociation is . to help, in co-
operation with the Malay
and other communities, the
development of the process
of making the whole of
Malaya one country, one
people and one government :
in the enjoyment of freedom
and independence with sov-
ereign status within the Bri-
tish ' Commonwealth of free
nations, and based on the
principle that citizenship,
which shall be nationality,
with equality of rights and
'duties, should be open to all
those of whatever race or
creed who can claim by birth
or a suitable period of resid-
ence that Malaya is ttieir
home to which they . owe
allegiance and undivided
loyalty.
We aim at inter-communal
unity and fraternity, national
liberty and racial equality,
which are the foundation of
true democracy.
The 1947 Malayan census
report states that there has
been an enormous increase
in the proportion of locally-
born Chinese who now num-
ber nearly two-thirds of the
whole Chinese population of
Malaya, that there is positive
evidence of a general inten-
tion among the Chinese.
Community to settle in Mal-
aya and that there are 833
Chinese females to 1,000
males in this country.
The success of our organi-
zation depends not only on
effective and fruitful colla-
boration with the Malay and
other communites for mu-
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tual belieflt and the. good of
the country. as a whole, but
also on the participation of
the masses of the population
in our movement and in the
benefit derived therefrom.
The masses must be cher-,
ished; they are the root of
the country. That is .the
democratic teaching of the
ancient Confucian classics.
A
IT is high time that the
people of Malaya became
interested in Malayan poli-
tics.
However, a man may. think
he is uninterested in politics,
the 'practice of politics will
not be uninterested in him.
We all must pull our weight
or we shall most assuredly be
pulled.
We owe duties to society
apart from obeying the, laws
and submitting to the
Government.
? On the average a person
who cares for other people,
for his country, or for man-
kind is a happier man than
one who does not. '
We are living in an age of
drastic and major change in
the ideas and institutions
which constitute the frame'
work of human existence.
This is the age of the
social man, in which every
human being born into the
world has a certain individual
birthright which entitles him
to a reasonable standard of
security and welfare, including
adequate housing, clothing,
nutrition and health as well
as to -'quaa opporhtwity if?t
education, fat 'recreation, for
freedom and for self-develop.
ment and self-expression.
This process of soei?al
revolution will achieve itself
inevitably whether we like it
or not. We must therefore
adapt ourselves to the con-
ditions brought about by this
process of historical trans-
formation. -
It Js the policy of the
Association to interest itself
actively in helping to solve
the social problems affecting
the Chinese in Malaya includ-
ing those arising out of the
prevailing state of emergency.
We should later, wherever
and whenever practicable,
extend and expand the benefit
of our activities in this and
other directions, to embrace
the masses of the whole
Malayan population in co-
operation with similar Malay,
Indian and other organiza-
tions.
All in this country must
learn to become Malayans
first. "Racialism is a myth,,
and a dangerous' myth. It is
a cloak. for selfish economic
aims which in its uncloaked
nakedness would look ugly
enough."
The secret of life is balance:
the body must be in balance.
The mind must be in balance.
The Community, must be in
balance.
The Association, through
its branches in the various
States and Settlements, such
as Perak and Johore, has
endeavoured in concrete form
to make our contrtbutinn
STAT
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t0WftId the ti uti d the
squatter problem through
implemeflftng the raCorranaen
dations made in she Report of
the Squatter Committee of
1P49
afld ]timing t#ie> 56iriiirii. rist*
proof;
(e) the formulation of a
practil3>l scheme to enable
the ?;quCitters themselves,
espe(?ilt,lly in the exposed
dregs, to undertake their own
SOlf.defence and protection
under police supervision
against attacks by the ter-
rorists and bandits.
In the execution of -these
measures this Association has
assisted and will continue to
co-operate with the Govern-
ment authorities for the good
and in the : interests of the
squatters themselves with a
view also to making them
good Malayan citizens.
In proportion as the squat-
ters had that the Association
is really helping them in a
material way, we shall gain
their confidence and they will
enrol themselves in greater
numbers as members of the
Association.
The sole motive of . our
action is to be of service to
this important and useful class
of hard-working people who
have been long neglected.
To e ensure effective co-
operation with them lo-
cai squatter representatives
should he appointed in every
squatter area to speak and
act for them..
TO help to .finance schemes
for the benefit and
to promote the welfare of
the ? squatters, substantial
sums of money are required,
and the Association will
launch appeals for funds, to
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T HE members of the squatter
community, whose number
may well amount to several
hundred thousand and who
fulfil an important function in.
the economy of this country
through subsistence -produc-
tion, are, speaking generally,
victims of circumstances
beyond their control prevailing
-during and after the Japanese
occupation.
The solution of the squatter
problem has to he effected by
such measures as
(a) the settlement of the
squatters wher~vor possible
in the areas alreaJv occupied
by. them, which would ae best
of all;
(b) where this is impossi-
ble, their resettlement in other
areas which are available and
suitable.;
(c) the establishment of
effective Government control
and administration over the
areas where they are per-
manently settled, or resettled
with the provision of. adequate
means of communications,
police stations, schools and
health facilities;
(d) - the granting of a
permanent title to the land
tilled by them when they
show promise of becoming
good citizens, thereby giving
them a stake in the country
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which it 19 hoped, tiieire wf#t- bei,0 n ills ddjf rnmuit. and
response from ttJO+ public.
The Associati0n must be
well furnishedWith the sinews
of war, if it is to, do full
justice to the task it has set
before it, 'and if it is to
function effectively to attain
its objects.
'.During the eight months of
its existence the Association
has striven hard to help
detainees to-get their release
when they can prove their
innocence.
We have'tried our best to
assist the detainees and their
dependents and have always
championed the ' cause of
STAT
.Association including myself,
.in co-operation with H.E.
The Right Honourable Mal-
colm MacDonald, the Hon.
Dato Onn and other Malay
and Chinese leaders took a
prominent, part in taking the
initiative to translate into
action the conception which
has led to the formation of
the All-Communities Liaison
Committee.
This conception was born
at an informal meeting of
some 21 of those gentlemen at
the residence of Dato Onn in
Johore Bahru on the evening
of the 29th December, 1948.
The Communities Liaison
Committee is a powerful
unofficial body which has
been working in earnest to
foster and cement friendship,
goodwill, harmony and co-
operation, economically and
politically, between the dif-
ferent Communities with a
view to uniting Malaya into
one country, one people and
one Government.
. 4.
T HE decision of the Federal
Government to recruit
uniformed Chinese police con-
stables into the regular
police force is a" sagacious
move and one in the right
direction, which we as Chinese
naturally highly appreciate.
Considering that 45 per cent
of the population of Malaya
is made up of Chinese, the
addition of Chinese to it in
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justice.
We are encouraging and
helping those eligible to apply
for Malayan Citizenship under
the Federation Constitution.
This is a very important
function of the Association,
and our efforts in this respect
should be systematised and
sustained in the future for
the purpose of making our
people Malayan-minded and
identifying themselves wholly
with this country and its
peoples.
We have been closely co-
operating with the Govern-
ment for the restoration of
law and order and will con-
tinue to do so in this and
other directions for the
general good of the -country
and the people.
In Perak, for instance, we
are assisting the Government
in the formation of village
Committees to establish closer
contact and co-operation
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&c iegii to umbeti loW4 of the w q,; Is to take an'
obviously enhance the-power i telligent interest and an
and effectiveness of our police active part in the continuous
force in the performance of-quest for ways and means
its duty of maintaining public of giving expression to the
order. fundamental unity of interest
Chinese should be peculiarly between capital and labour.
fitted and better circumstanced As the working. class be-
for the enforcement of regula- comes educated and politically,,
tions for the prevention and and industrially conscious,
detection of crime' amongst the old industrial relationship
Chinese. ? , between employer and em-
There used to be Chinese ployee will outlive its useful-
constables in the Singapore ness and become due to be
police force, who proved replaced by a new one.
highly satisfactory. - The time must come when
The existing Chinese police there will be a complete
officers and detectives both realignment of industrial re-
in the Federation and Singa- lationships in which Capital,
pore are noted for their Management and Labour are
efficiency and bravery. regarded as equal partners
It is to be hoped that there having the rights, responsibi-
will be a good response to the , lities and rewards appropriate * S
appeal to join the' regular to their respective functions.
police force from the Chinese The new relationship be-
in the recruitment of whom tween employer and employee
this Association should be in cannot be resolved merely in
a good position to render. help terms of the trinity of wages,
to the Government hours, and general conditions,
but must satisfy a deep-
rooted human desire which
demands recognition cf the
dignity of man as MAN: a
ANOTHER field in which relationship in which Vie
the Association.can prove employee can feel -he is
its usefulness is in the for- essentially a full partner in
mation of classes all over industry.
the country for the teaching ? Our Labour Sub-Committee
of Malay in the Romanized should be a representative
form among the Chinese body composed of capable and
which will create another enthusiastic mem''ers with
bond of friendship and under- sufficient leisure necessaLv ,,>r
standing between the two the discharge of their rerp-Jr-
major communities. sibil;ties and must inaude
A vital role, which our some emp'oyeeg.
,Association must play through The general objects of the
its Labour Sub=Committee in Sub-Committee are to stimu-
this new era of industry late among the non-labouring
ushered in by the conclusion classes an intelligent interest
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in labour problems, to study
and induce the enforcement of
practicable standards of
good employment and of
workable reforms in working
conditions of labourers, and
to co-operate with Govern-
ment Departments and or-
ganizations among all Com-
munities including , trade-
unions in the achievement of
these objects.
The success of the Sub-
Committee will partly depend
on the degree of confidence its
activities can inspire in the
labouring classes, who can be
made to take it seriously and
regard it as a beneficent
influence in their lives.
T HE time may come when
the Association will be
able to send our representa-
tives to study the principles
and practice of "Industrial
welfare" in the United King-
dom with a view to adapta-
tion to local conditions.
,on the agenda before this
Meeting there is an item to
consider the appointment of
eight Sub-Committees viz:-
(1) Legislation Sub - Com-
mittee.
(2) Welfare Sub - Com-
mittee.
(3) Political. Youth and
Women Sub-Committee.
(4) Publicity Sub - Com-
mittee.
(5) Social and Benevolent
Sub-Committee.
(6) Finance and Economic
Sub-Committee.
(7) Cultural Sub - Com-
mittee.
(8) Labour Sub Com-
mittee.
The respective functions
allotted to these various Sub-
Committees cover-a wide and
formidable range of activities
in the social, , political, ? cul-
tural and economic fields.
If the Members of these
Sub-Committees work effi-
ciently, with zeal and in a mis-
sionary spirit, they will have
made a worthy contribution
towards the sum-total of the'
public ? weal, while at the
same time reflecting consider-
able credit on the Association
and helping substantially to
ensure its success. The Chair-
men of these Sub-Committees
should submit regular reports
on the work done by the res-
pective 'groups under their
guidance.
A proposal which commends
itself to the consideration of
the incoming Working Com-
mittee-is the admission of
non-Chinese to the associate-
membership of' this Associa-
tion with the right to vote.
The Association's Constitu-
tion would have been amend-
ed to give effect to this pro-
posal at our General Meeting
for the revision of our Rules
in Ipoh in June last, had it
not been for the urgent neces-
sity of passing the new Con-
stitution without delay.
The realization of this pro-
posal should help to strength-
en the bonds of friendship,
goodwill and understanding
between Malayan communi-
ties, which is a primary ob-
jective of this Association,
,STAT
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IN mutual co-operation be-
tween the different Com-
munities and classes of the
people for their common good
and advancement lies the
hope of Malaya.
We as an Association advo-
cate the compglling philo-
sophy, policy and programme
of progress based on the for-
mulae of co-operation and not
on the formulae of conflict.
Malaya too has to meet the
great challenge of world-
wide Communism which
appears to attract some peo-
ple and which has made its
way in large parts of the
world by its idealism as well
as by its materialistic
But Communism demands
"the sacrifice of all that has
been acquired so painfully in
the heritage of toleration and
freedom, and it is doubtful
whether any regime that is
built on. hate and fear and
violence can give birth to an
order rooted in fraternity.".
In the words of the "Iron
Chancellor" of Germany, Bis-
mark, we must "fight social-
ism with socialism" by
means of remedial measures
based on the focal 'idea of
socialism to convert ' into
general benefit what was
formerly the gain of the few.
The magic formula for free-
dom and peace is "hard work
and sweat" on the part of
every one of us in every
family, in every community
and class throughout the
whole of society.
We must of necessity put
back into the common pool
the equivalent of what we
take out of it. We cannot
get something for nothing,
and rights and privileges
necessarily imply duties and
obligations in a civilized order
of polity.
We must abide by the in-
junctions of God's Natural
Law. That which is contrary
td Natural Law cannot be
successful.
The lesson which we have
learnt is that the first re-
quirements for successful re-
sistance to the combined ter-
ritorial-ideological offensive
.of the Reds are competent
and honest Governments that
can earn and retain popular
support and secure the con-
sent of the governed.
To meet the challenge of
Communism, Democracy must
learn to improve its own way
of life along its own lines by
its own choice, and must ex-
tend into the ' economic and
social and all other aspects of
life to make it complete.
There must be equal 'free-
dom and opportunity for all
of whatever race, class or
creed, and the Government
must take root in the life of
the people,
The best fortress for the
Government is to be found in
the love of the people, whose
confidence and willing co-op-
eration must be won.
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