WHY KOREANS TRIED TO 'FIX' U.S.CONGRESS

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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP81M00980R002000090034-4
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RIFPUB
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K
Document Page Count: 
2
Document Creation Date: 
December 16, 2016
Document Release Date: 
October 4, 2004
Sequence Number: 
34
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Publication Date: 
March 20, 1978
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NSPR
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.C1 \1.t yr-...+ V.". LYLVYJ LA "VL\LU 1\Ll VL\1 .ON PAGE,22_-2 _ 20 March 1978 App(jiger Release 2004/10/12: CIA-RDP81 M00980R002000090034- Why Imloreans Tried to! "Fix" U.S. Congress Custom, geography, politics- James N. Wallace, the maga-' zine's Asia correspondent, looks behind attempts to buy influence on Capitol Hill. SEOUL Why would South Korea, a nation that owes its very existence to Ameri- can support, set out to bribe members of the U.S. Congress? The answer is at once simple and complex, a combination of Korean tra- dition and deep-set fears. Basic to understanding origins of the Koreagate scandal is recognition that this is a land whose capital lies only 30 miles from the cannons of an implaca- ble enemy. There are two things on which virtually every South Korean agrees: Communism must be re- sisted, and U.S. help is necessary to do it. Korean anxiety about security-even survival- is the common root that produces bribery abroad and political repression at home. Ironically, all the outside criticism comes at a time when the country's military strength and the government's attitude to- ward human rights are improving markedly. Northern threat. Be- cause of governmental pressures both here and in Washington on alleged ing the two nations. Seoul's skyscrap- ers, symbols of the South's new prosperity, lie almost within range of North Korean artillery and are less than 5 minutes' flying time from Com- munist air bases. While many Koreans now are con- vinced that within three or four years their country can get by without U.S. troops or massive military aid, that wasn't true in the early 1970s. when Koreagate was spawned and U.S. aid was rated vital to survival. The Korean view of the bribery scandal is that Park, an ambitious Kore- an rice broker in Washington, started distributing money and gifts to con- gressmen who could help his business interests. Then the Korean Central In- telligence Agency, which doesn't miss much that Koreans do at home or abroad, got in- volved and broadened influence buyer Tongsun Park, current congressional hearings may never re- veal the exact sequence of how Korea- gate developed. But well-informed Koreans and foreigners in Seoul recon- struct it this way: Worries that the U.S. would abandon Korea by unilateral decision go back to 1969, when President Nixon withdrew an entire Army division. Concern mounted as American frustration over Vietnam turned into opposition to mili- tary involvements anywhere in the world, including Korea. Here in Seoul, even President Park Chung Hee's strongest critics have no doubts about the threat from North Korea, which frequently sends troops tunneling under and infiltrating through the demilitarized zone divid- the campaign. A different view. Un- like most lobbying, the Korean goal was to foster -support and good will rather than to influence specific votes. This re- flected Korean inexperi- ence in lobbying as well as a considerably different view of gifts than Ameri- cans have. Koreans, for example, frequently give presents they cannot af- ford to friends going on trips, or simply to cele- brate holidays. - "That does not excuse what happened," says an Asian diplo- mat in Seoul. "Bribery is bribery. But it helps explain why many people here genuinely do not understand all the fuss in Washington." To an American-educated Korean professor, the payoffs were "a gross misreading of Congress and how to op- erate in the Washington atmosphere." He adds, "Very few of our people know how a Midwest congressman gets elected, or what his priorities and prin- ciples are." Koreans, however, do have first- hand knowledge of how the American CIA operates covertly overseas. Their own KCIA was a copy of the U.S. agen- cy; their people were trained by American agents. The great difference, and one that Approved For Release 2004/10/12 CIA-RDP81 M00980R002000090034-4 was a key factor in Korea's congres- sional blunders: QQver? th~~e,,, j,yq~ r`s KCIA accrued nevrl?~i~iWil`~Ll!"efl~~ both in domestic and foreign oper- ations. On occasion, the agency set its own policies independent of other offi- cials at home or diplomats abroad. "Our KCIA became an empire of its own just like your CIA," one official in Seoul told an American visitor. "The excesses are being corrected, though not in the newspapers." Officials say that some personnel changes and a tighter rein by President Park have re- duced the KCIA's independence. Also apparently corrected by Korea- gate was another flaw in the South Ko- rean government-what observers view as the proclivity of President Park's regime to take action simply for the sake of action. When faced with a problem, such as the threatened loss of American military support, there was a feeling that doing anything-even bribing congressmen-was better than doing nothing. Recently, say diplomats in Seoul, this compulsion to take precipitate action has given way to a more relaxed view of how to handle Korean-American re- lations. Tongsun Park's testimony in Washington probably could not have been obtained without U.S. arm-twist- ing. But President Carter's planned pullout of remaining American ground forces no longer generates panic about Korea's future. However inept or dishonest Tongsun Park's operations may have been, peo- ple here point out that he had no trou- ble finding congressmen who would accept his hospitality and cash. This disturbs many Koreans, who see their country being punished as a sinner while the American bribe takers suffer few consequences. Of secondary Importance. For most Koreans, the Park scandal is neither as complicated nor as important to their future as the twin issues of human rights and political repression. . This country has a Constitution that includes many progressive European principles. But South Korea is not a Western liberal democracy and prob. ably,never will be. Political prisoners, by government count, number slightly more than 100. Western estimates set the figure at 150 to 200. Park Chung Hee runs an increasing- ly paternalistic but still authoritarian regime. The right to criticize the gov- ernment and its officials is limited, but the restrictions are not always en- forced. Park shows no signs of relaxing his grip by stepping down from the Presidency in the near future. Officials justify the limitations on lib- erty as necessary to protect the coun- -; nearly $750 last year. The new wealth ' id even- ea -20041 0/12 CIA R. P814ob 0 2fe widely ar .; t 4 ' 1y in al-most any other Third } : . ' J " - z " . . lionaires, but the government discour- = ? ..` =~;?` `; >'~`' ; a", " wealth. All this fits in neatly with the ? Via'.. . - _.. id . ..... ",. work, material advancement and an in- nate sense of equality. . Z -- ` "' _C ' -it Y ? rooted here, but there are differences from the West," asserts a Seoul univer- sity professor. We emphasize an egah- South Koreans today see the need for U.S. troops as slowly lessening. . try from subversion and to guard against an attack by Communist North Korea. They argue that. peace and na- tional survival are the most fundamen- tal of all human rights, and that a country whose existence is threatened cannot afford the "luxury" of free-for- all democracy. What does President Park intend to do with his near monopoly of political power? Are the rights and freedoms of individual Koreans expanding, or are they contracting? There is considerable evidence that Park's main interest in power is what he can do with it, not what power can do for him. There are no Park statues in city squares. There has never been a hint that the austere ex-soldier has profited personally from the Presiden- cy. Some foreign diplomats are con- vinced that Park does not even particularly enjoy his position. Park's most obvious and most suc- cessful use of power has been to push economic development by using a combination of private enterprise and strong government guidance. Annual per capita income leaped from $83 in 1961, the year Park and other generals seized power in a bloodless coup, to tarian tradition. You may make more money than I do, but that doesn't make you any better than I am. Koreans are very stubborn about this. Here, a gov- ernment that promotes equality can be more truly representative of popular ideas than one that holds elections ev- ery year." Even by Western standards, the hu- man-rights situation in South Korea has improved since 1975 when the Park regime, in a panic because of South Vietnam's collapse, imposed emergen- cy decrees restricting dissent and ex- ecuted eight alleged Communist subversives. Relaxed restrictions.' Today, student demonstrations are still broken up, though not as brutally as before. A - number of political prisoners have been freed, and the most famous one, Kim Dae Jung-who almost defeated Park in the 1971 presidential race---has been moved from jail to a hospital. Ko- rean prisons, like most in Asia, are grim places, but human-rights specialists re- port that political prisoners are no. longer tortured. . Ordinary Koreans can travel freely around the country, change jobs or move without seeking official permits. There is plenty to buy, and purchasing power is expanding rapidly. Some South Koreans argue that even. tighter government controls might help in coping with pollution, -overcrowding' and urban sprawl. 5, Political argument in Seoul is not free by the standards of Moscow, I:da ho. But to a correspondent recently based in Moscow, U.S.S.R., discussion of public issues here is surprisingly open. One Korean teacher, asked if he would prefer talking about the Park regime in a more private place than a hotel bar, responded: "Why?" +4 Viewed from abroad, Korea may ap- pear to many to be a repressive dicta- torship whose agents spent millions of dollars bribing U.S. congressmen. Up close, the perceptions are somewhat different. Korea's reality, like its image, does not depend solely on what one is looking at-but also the point from which one is looking. 0 Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP81 M00980R002000090034-4