AN UNREASONABLE BILL ON REASONABLE SEARCHES

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CIA-RDP81M00980R000600230075-9
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RIFPUB
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K
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1
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December 15, 2016
Document Release Date: 
May 24, 2004
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75
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NSPR
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Robert McClory An Unreasonable Bill On Reasonable Searches I read with interest The Post's April The Fourth Amendment, adopted 14 editorial regarding a bill to regulate soon after our Constitution was rati- national security electronic surveil- fied, was framed to prevent the new lance. However, the editorial confused central government from acting in an a number of key issues, and by that overbearing fashion to quell domestic confusion came to a less than proper political activities. It was never eontem- conclusion. plated that that restriction would be It is true that past administrations used to inhibit executive branch ac- have insisted that there is a constitu- tional difference between searches for intelligence data and for evidence of a crime," and therefore no warrant is re- quired to authorize the former. But one The writer, a representative from Il- linois, is the ranking Republican on the Judiciary Committee and the Intelli- gence Committee's legislation subcom- mittee. must go on to note that three U.S. courts of appeals-the only ones to have directly ruled on this issue-have confirmed that a warrant is not a pre- requisite to the gathering of foreign in-. telligencei The Fourth Amendment does not itself require, a warrant in all cases. Rather, it ensures "the right of the people to be secure ... against un- Judge Albert V. Bryan Jr. stated ~in his recent opinion in the Humph- rey/Truong espionage case, to require a warrant for foreign-intelligence elec- tronic surveillance "would frustrate the president's ability to-conduct af- fairs in a manner that best protects the security of our government." Because our government needs accu- rate information to protect our country from the hostile acts of foreign powers, it is necessary to. engage in electronic surveillance of the agents of such pow- ers. That is true if the agents are foreign- ers, as well as in the rare situation that an American citizen is working clandes- tinely for a foreign power. It would be inappropriate to go beyond the Fourth Amendment mandate by requiring a ju- dicial role in such matters, for the issues involved are not susceptible to right-or- issues involved "are delicate [and] com- plex, and involve large elements of prophecy. They are and should be undertaken only by those directly re- sponsible to the people whose welfare they advance or imperil." Finally, it should be seen that by shift- ing from the president to the judiciary the responsibility to authorize foreign- intelligence electronic surveillance, the courts become a buffer to executive ac- eountability. If an intelligence, agency wants to use electronic surveillance for an improper purpose, an application can be made to a court for authorization.. The worst that can happen during the secret proceding is that the application. will be denied. But, it appears inevitable that some judges-perhaps bygranting too much deference to the intelligence community-might give approval to abusive actions. No matter ht:w clear the mistake might appear upon a more detailed analysis, no executive brancia. official could be called to task for the abuse. Anyone questioned need only make use of the court order as a shield.. The legislative branch is the proper arm of government to serve as a check on executive discretion in this area. In deed, President Carter endorsed the -5 _~%'LaMyi- reasoning. concept of strong congressional over issue then becomes what is reasonable Decisions in this area demand con- sight when he backed the creation in in the foreign-intelligence arena. Alex trade-offs and difficult balancing both the House and Senate of the Intel, When the executive branch is truly of , priorities. Again quoting Judge' ligence committees. Adequate privacy acting to gather foreign intelligence, protection can he provided without .re-- even without a warrant it is acting Bryan, "It is not at all certain that a ju- sort to the courts by a law that would within Fourth Amendment proscrip- dicial officer, even an extremely well.. explicitly regulate when the govern. tions because it is doing something that informed one, would be in a position to ment could engage in foreign-intelli- is constitutionally reasonable. The evaluate the threat posed by certain ac- gence electronic surveillance. Cornpli Fourth Amendment was adopted as a tions undertaken on behalf of or in col- ante with those statutory provisions reaction to the wide-open, general laboration with a foreign state." would be monitored by the i ongres- searches allowed under the British sional intelligence committees, an' writs of assistance and general war- As envisioned by the framers of our anyone found to have committed a rants. Those writs, which were first is- Constitution, the legislative and execu- sued to enforce import restrictions, tive were to be the political branches, violation would be subject to civil and were ultimately used by the British subject to the electorate from time to criminal liability. That e approach, ens-. government to repress political dissent time. On the other hand, the framers bodied in an alternative measure that I of Englishmen in the colonies. Insulated the judicial branch from po- have sponsored (H.R. 9745), would bet t b l er a ance the right of Americans to litical considerations by granting judges life tenure. The former two are be protected from overreaching activi- to formulate policies, while the courts ties of their own government and from are assigned the task of resolving cases the activities of any foreign govern-, and controversies by making reference ments that could be inimical to the to those policies. That structure should very existence of the United States. be abided by-and with particular good reason-in the area of national secu- rity. As Justice Jackson wrote for the Supreme Court in Chicago Southern V. Waterman Steamship Company, the Approved For Release 2004/07/08 : CIA-RDP81 M00980R000600230075-9