THE 1960 ANNUAL ESTIMATES VOLUME TWO POLITICAL COMPOSITION OF THE USSR AND THE EAST EUROPEAN SATELLITE STATES PART II THE EAST EUROPEAN SATELLITE STATES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP81-01043R004600090003-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 277
• Document Creation Date: December 23, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 3, 2014
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: December 1, 1959
• Content Type: REPORT

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SE RrT
TI 1960 AL EST ES
VOLUME TWO
POLITICAL CC4POSITION OF THE USSR
AND
THE EAST EUROPEAN STATES
PART II.
THE EAST EUROPEAN S' STIATS
1 December 1959
Prepared by
Air Research Division
Library of Congress
Washington 25, D. C.
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THE 1960 ANNUAL ESTIMAT
VOLUME TWO
PART II. THE
SAT ILL ITE STATES
Table of Contents.
a . ?
A. Introduction . . .
?
?
? S ?
Pag
I. 1
1. 1
Communist Party . .. . . . . ? . . ? I. 2
1. Growth in Membership . ..........? . I. 3
2. Distribution and Composition ? ? e ? o 0 I 4
3. Organization . . . . . ? ? al ? at ? a I. 6
a. Central Party Organs . . ? . 0 ? . ? . I 7
b. Lower Level Party Organs . . . ? ? 1.10
C. Government . .......? ? ? ?
1. Central Government . . . .
2. Local Government . ? . ? ? ?
3. Administrative-Territorial Divisions
Economic Administration
1 Centralized Planning and Control
2. Industrial Administration .
3. Agricultural Administration
Control Force .
roduction
Communist Party
1. Growth . . .
2. Distribution and Compo
3. Organization . . .
a. Central Party Organs
b. Lower-Level Party Organs
?
? 0 S ? S ? ? ? ?
?
tion
?
Government
? S ?
1 ? National Government ?
2. Local Government
Economic Administration
1. Centralized Planning and Contro
2. Industrial Administration .
3. Agricultural Administration
?
?
?
?
Control Force
ii
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? ? 9
? ? 0 ? ?
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1.13
1.14
1.19
1.22
1.23
1.24
1.26
1.28
1.29
I 1
I 1
I 2
I 3
I 4
I. 6
II. 7
I 12
I 15
I 15
I 18
1.23
1.24
1.26
1.28
1.29
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Czechoslovakia
A. Introduction
0
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B. Communist Party . ?
?
?
0 0
1. Growth . . . . ? ? ? ? ? .
2. Distribution ? . . . . ? ? .
3 Composition ? . . ? . ? ? . .
4. Organization . ? ? . . . . . .
a. Central Party Organs ? ? ? . ?
b. Slovak Party Organs ? ? . ? . . ? ? .
c. Lower-Level Party Organs . ? ? . . . .
2.
3.
4.
rnment ? ? ? . ? ?
National Government . ? . .
Slovak Government . . . ? . . .
Local Government ? . . . ? ? ? . ?
Administrative -Territorial Divisions . ? ?
* 0
?
Economic Administration ? . ?
1. Centralized Planning and Control
2. Industrial Administration ? ?
3. Agricultural Administration
Control Force ? ? ?
East Germa47
? ?
A. Introduction .
?
?
? S 0 0
0
?
?
?
?
?
?
0 S S ? S ?
?
0
B. Socialist Unity Party ... ? ..
1. Membership of SED . ?
a. Growth in Membership . . ??
b. Regional Distribution of Membership .
c. Occupational Campositiou of Membership
d. Age and Sex Composition of SED ?
2. Organization of the SED ? ? . ?
a. National Organization of the S
(1) The Politburo .
(2) Secretariat ?
(3) Central Committee ? ?
(4) Central Audit Commi s n ?
(5) Central Control Commission
(6) National Party Congress
b. Intermediate Organization of the SED
(1) Biro. . ?
(2) Secretariat
(3) Party Committee
(4) Audit Commission
(5) Control Commissio
(6) Party Conference .
c. Primary Party Organizations of SED
d. Trends in SED
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
Civil Government
1. National Government
a. Presidium of the Counc
b. Council of Minier,ers
c Legislative Assfambly
"1
?
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111 IS
IS
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Pe
Intermediate Levels of Goverrnrent . ? . IV 25
a. Council . . . 1V 25
b. Assembly . . . . . . . . a . . IV? 28
c. Standing Commis ions . . . . . . . IV 28
Communal Administration . . ? . . . ? . IV 29
East Berlin Administration . ? . . ? . . IV 30
a. East Berlin Magistrat . . . . ? . 111 30
b. East Berlin Legislature . . . . . . . . . IV 32
c. Standing Commissions . . . IV. 32
5. Judicial System . . . . ..... ? . ? ? IV. 33
6. Administrative -Territorial Organization . ? . . . . IV 34
D. Economic System . . . . . ... ... . 1V 35
1. Industrial Control . . . . . . . . . IV. 36
2. Agricultural Control . . ? ? . ????? . 1V 41
Control Force ? . . ............ ? .... . IV 43
V. Hungary . ? . ? . . . ........ . . . V 1
. V.
A. Introduction
?
?
?
B. Hungarian Socialist Workers Party .
1. Membership . . . . . . ? . ?
a. Total Membership . . ? . ? . . ? .
b. Regional Distribution of Membership
c. Occupational Composition . ? ? ?
d. Age-Sex Composition of Membership ? .
2. Organization of the Hungarian Workers Par
a. National Organization . . . ?. ? .
(1) Political Committee
(2) Secretariat . . .
(3) Central Committee
(4) Central Control Committee
(5) Central Audit Committee .
(6) Party Congress . . . . ?
b. Intermediate Levels of Party Organi
(1) Executive Committee ? ? ?
(2) Secretariat .
(3) Party Committee . ? .
(4) Control Committee
(5) Auditing Committee
(6) Party Conference .
3 Primary Party Organization
4. Trends in the HUngarian Sodi
Ca
?
?
Government
? ?
1 National Government
a. Council of Ministers
b. Presidential Council
c ? National Assembly . . .
d. Central People's Control Co
2. Intermediate Administration
a. Executive Committee
b. Council .
c. Control Committee .
d. Permanent Committees
?
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Local Administration . ?
a. Township Executive Committee
b. Township Council ? .
c Permanent Committees . ? . ? ?
Administrative-Territorial Divisions
D. Economic Administration
Industrial Control
2. Agricultural Control
E. Control Force .
VI. Poland .
?
A. Introduction .
? ? ? ?
? ?
?
- ? ? S ? ?
? ? ? ?
? ? ? ?
? ? S S S -0
? 0
? ?
B. The Polish United Workers'Party .
1. Growth ? . ? ? ?
2. Organization . ? ? ? ? . ? ? ????.
a. Basic Party Organization . . ?
b. Intermediate Party Organizations
c. National Party Organization . .
(1) Party Congress ? ? ? ?
(2) Central Auditing Commission
(3) Central Committee .? ? . ?
(4) Central Control Commission .
(5) The Politburo and Secretariat
3. Distribution and Composition . .
C. Government . . ? . ?
1 The National Government
a. The S,,a4A ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?
b. The Counell ate . ? ? . ?
c. The Council of Vidnisters ? . ? . ? .
d. The Presidium of the Council of Ministers
Provincial and Local Government ? .
a. People's Councils . . . ? ? ? ?
b. Presidium of People's Councils .
c. Departments of People's Councils
Administrative-Territorial Divisions ? . ? ?
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D. Economic Administration . . ? . ?
1. State Planning Commission ? ? ? ??
2. Ministry of Finance and State Bank
3. Industrial Administration . ?
4 Agricultural Administration
E. Control Force
VII Rumania
? S 410 ??
A Introduction .
? ?
?
? S?
B Rumanian Workers' Party
1 Growth in Membership
2. Distribution of the Party
3, Organization of the Party
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VI. 1
VI.
VI.
VI.
VI.
VI.
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VI.
VI.
VI.
VI.
VI
3
3
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7
10
10
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VI. 18
VI. 18
VI. 18
^I. 19
VI. 20
VI. 23
VI. 24
^I. 25
VI. 26
VI. 27
VI. 30
VI. 32
VI. 34
VI. 35
VI. 36
VI. 39
VII. 3
VII 4
VII. 5
A
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a. National Party Agencies
(1) The Politburo
(2) Secretariat . . .
(3) Party Control Commission . .
(4) Central Committee . .
(5) The Central Auditing Commission
(6) Party Congress . . . .
b. Intermediate Party Agencies ? . .
c. Local Party Agencies . . . ?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
? ? ?
C. Government . . . . ???? . ? ?
1. Central Government ? ? . ?
a. The Council of Ministers . ? . . ?
b. Ministries and Ministerial Agencies . .
c. The Grand National Assembly ? ? ? . ?
d. Presidium of the Grand National Assembly
2. Regiune and Local Government . ? ?????
a. People's Councils . . . . ? ?
b. Executive Committees of People's Councils
c. Special and Functional Sections of
Executive Committees
D. Economic Administration . . .
1. Central Economic Agencies . . .
2. Industrial Administration . . ? ?
3. Agricultural Administration
?
Page
VII. 9
VII. 9
VII. 9
? VII. 11
? VII. 11
? VII. 12
? VII. 12
VII. 13
. VII. 14
VII. 16
VII. 17
VII. 17
. . . VIA:. 20
? . VII. 21
VII. 22
? . VII. 22
? . VII. 25
VII. 26
? S ? ? ? ? ? S ?
E. Control Force .
Albania
? ? ?
Tbies
0 S ?
I. 1 Growth of the Albanian Workers' Party 1945-1960
I. 2 Major Administrative-Territorial Divisions of
Albania: 1960 . . . . ? ? . ? . ? ?
1960
I. 3 Composition of the Albanian Control Force:
Pul.garia
1 Growth of the Bulgarian Communist Party. 1946
2 Social/Occupational ?) Composition of the
Bulgarian Communist Party: 1954-1958 . . .
3 Major Administrative-Territorial Divisions of
Bulgaria: 1960 . .
4 Bulgarian Control Force
CzechoslpagKII
?
?
?
?
1 Growth of the Czechoslovak Communis Party:
1946-1960 .?????
? S?
?
1960 ? ?
2 Occupational Composition of the Czechoslovak
Communist Party: 1960 . .
3 Major Administrative-Territorial Divisions of
Czechoslovakia: January 1960 . . . ?
4 Composition of the Czechoslovak Control Force:
vi
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. VII 27
VII. 29
? VII. 30
? VII. 31
. VII. 33
. VII 36
4
7
28
tlumber.
IV.l
(V.2
P1.3
IV 4.
IV. 5
^.1
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East german
Membership of SED 1946-1960 ? ?
Occupational Composition of SED Me
1950, 1958 ? . . . ? . ?
Age Composition of SED Membership:
Administrative Territorial Divisio
East Germany?????????? . ? ?
East German Control Force: 1960 .
ship:
. ? . ? ?
958
NUMMI.
Membership of Hungarian Workers 1 Party: 1947-1960
Occupational/Social Origin (4?) Composition
of Membership of Hungarian Socialist
Workers' Party: June 1959 ?
^. 3 Hungary: Administrative-Territorial Divisions:
1960..?...? ? ? ? ?... . ? ? . ? o 0 o
V.4 Hungarian Control Force: 1960 . ? ? ? . . ? .
0 ? ? ? ? ? ? ? 0
?
VI.'
VI .2
VI. 3
VI. 4
Poland
Growth of the Polish United Workers Party:
1946-1960 ? . . . . . . . . ? . ? ?
Distribution of the Polish United Workers'
Party Administrative Division: 1960 ? ? ?
Social Composition of the Polish United
Workers' Party: 1948-1959 . ? . . . ? . ?
Alphabetical List of Administrative Divisions
of the Polish People's Republic and their
Control Centers: 1960 ...??? ??? ?
5 Composition of the Polish Control For 1960 .
Rumania
VII. 1 Growth of the Ruutnian Workers' Party 1944-1960
VII. 2 Distribution of Rumanian Workers' Party
by Selected Administrative Divisions: 1960
VII. 3 Alphabetical List of Administrative Divisions
of the Rumanian People's Republic and their
Control Centers: 1960 ? ? . ? . ? . ?
VII. 4 Rumanian Control Force . . ?
Figures
Albania
1 Organization of Central Apparatus
Workers' Party . ? . ? . ?
2 Organization of the Albanian Workers
and Government
of Albanian
3 Composition of the Albanian Council
4 Composition of Typical Rreth (Distri
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Party
? ?
Ministe
a
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Pag
6
a
34
45
^ 6
^. 25
^.35
VI .31
? ? . VI 43
VII.
. 0. VII. 6
0 0
Government
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?
VII. 2.3
37
9
15
16
21
1
2
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Pulfr ia
Organization of Bulgarian C
and Government . .
?
at Party
Central Party Organs: 1960 . ? .
Composition of Bulgarian Council of Minis
4 Composition of Typical Local Government.
212ahaaJazakia
Organization of Central Apparatus of Czechoslovak
Communist Party: 1960 ..?...???-?-??
Organization of the Czechoslovak Communist Party
and Government ???? ?????????????
Composition of Czechoslovak Cabinet (Council of
Ministers) . . . ? .
4 eComposition of Slovak Board of Commissioners
5 Composition of Typical Kraj (Regional)
Government........????? ? ?
III. 6 Composition of Typical Okres (District)
Government ? . ? . . ? .
East Germany
IV. 1 Interrelations of Party and Government:
East Germany . ? * o o ? ? * ? ? co o
e
IV. 2 Central Apparatus of the SED 1960 . . . .
1V.43 East German Council of Ministers: 1960 .
4 East German Provincial (Bezirk) goverpmen
IV. 5 East German District (Kreis) Government: 19
Iv. 6 East Berlin Government (Magistrat): 1960
W 7 jndustrial Subordination in East Germany:
V.'
V.2
^ .? 3
^ . 4
VI
VI
VI
VI
VI
*try
arian Party-Governmental Interrela
Hungarian Council of Ministers: 1960
Counts (Megye) Administration: 1960 .
District (Jaras) Administration:, 1960
Poland
0
1 Organization of Central Ap
United Workers' Party ?
2 Composition of Polish Coun
a
0 ?
190
ionships
? ? ? .
. ?
? 0
? .
atus of Polish
0
? ?
?
of Ministers:
January 1960 . . . ? ? ??????4 ???? ?
3 Composition of laypical Voivodship Government: 1960
4 Campositiogof cal County Government: 1960 .0.
5 Industrial Subo rd ination in Poland: 1960
a
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O 0
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Paste
IV
IV
IV
10
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20
11
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25
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^I 21
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VI. 37
VII, 1
VII.2
VII. 3
VII. 4
VII. 5
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Organization of Rumanian Workers'Party and
Government: 1960
? ? ?
Organization of Central Apparatus of Rumanian
Workers' Party: January 1960 . . . . . . .
Composition of Rumanian Council of Ministers:
January 1960 . . . ? . ?
Organization of Typical Regi
January 1960 . . . . ? . . ?
Economic Subordination in Rumanian People's
Republic 1960 . ? . ? . ?
?
?
Government
?
?
Map.
Administrative-Territorial Divisions of the
0 ? ? ? ? ? ? . Back Pocket
European Satellites
?
?
VII 8
VII 10
? VII 19
? VII 24
. VII 34
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Volume Twos Part II
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A. Introduction
Since the end of 1944, when German occupation forces withdrew from
the country, Albania has been controlled by a Communist dictatorship
exercised by the Albanian Workers' Party under the aegis of the USSR
and dedicated to establishment of a "socialist" society and industrial-
ization of the economy regardless of the desires of the population.
The strengths of the Albanian regime lie in the cohesiveness of
the top leadership, its firm control over the apparatuses of coercion
and persuasion, and the reluctance of most people to oppose the system
out of fear for themselves and their families. The power of the
Communists has so far not been shaken by the country s economic
maladjustment. Discontent among the population in the form of active,
organized resistance practically disappeared around 1953. Passive
resistance however, usually manifesting itself in slowdowns and
deliberate negligence and abuse of state property, appears to be
widespread.
Despite itc economic failures and lack of popular support, the
Albanian regime appears stable. Its 2 top leaders, Party First Secre-
tary Enver Hbxha and Premier Mehmet Shehu, have successfully collab-
orated in wielding absolute authority since 1948 They have quickly
eliminated all persons within the Party capable of leading a movement
against them. The abject loyalty of these leaders to the Kremlin can
be attributed less to ideology than to awareness that the country is
surrounded by hostile neighbors and the belief that it could not exist
for any length of time without the political, economic, and military
assistance of Moscow. Yugoslavia, Greece, and Italy had political and
territorial designs on Alban4a even before the advent of communism in
Albania. The regime contends that only Soviet friendship and po
1 -
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Volume Two. Part ;I
have kept Albania independent. Yugoslav encroachment has been most
feared and most vehemently attacked by the regime, which apparently
receives some popular support for its anti--Yugoslav policy.
The process of de-Stalinization, which went quite far in certain
other satellite countries, has affected neither the stability of the
regime nor the firmly entrenched position of the top leaders. The
reluctance of the leaders with regard to de-Stalinization seems to
stem largely from their determination to retain power and their awareness
that false moves might jeopardize it. Moreover, the pressure of popular
discontent has not been sufficient to force major concessions. The
Communists have not had to contend with a well-developed political
consciousness among Albanians,who lack a tradition of intellectual
activity and have had no real experience with political liberty.
B. gammunist Par4kz
Founded in November 1941 by Tito 's
emissariesand sanctioned by the
tern, the Albanian Communist Party was, until June 1948 an append
age of the Yugoslav Communist Party (at that time its name was changed
to Workers1 Party of Albania) When Tito broke with the Cominform and
Albania sided with the latter, direct control of the Albanian Party
was vested in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which supervises
t and issues directives through its own Party representative in the
Central Committee of the Albanian Party.
All political power in Albania is exercised by the Workers Party
h its subordinate bodies,governmental Inst
and the
Democratic Front and other mass organizations under its control no
independent political org
tion is allowed to exist and any attempt
to form one is regarded treason. The
banian Constitution provides
that all power belongs to the worxers and peasants and is exercised
through locally elected governmental bodies--the people's councils;
2 -
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Volyme Two, Part II
Aib Counnuni at Party
in reality, however, power is concentrated in the hands of the top Party
leadership?currently exercised jointly by Enver Hoxha, First Secretary
of the Central Committee of the Party, and Mehmet Shehu, Premier of the
Council of Ministers since July 1954. They control the Political
Bureau (Politburo), the supreme policymaking organ of the Party which
makes every Important decision, political, governmental, economic,
military, or cultural, without seeking the consent of the people at
large, their representative bodies, or even Party members. A system
of interlocking memberships in the directing bodies of Party, govern
ment, and mass organizations Insures that all follow Party policy.
The Party as a whole has not displayed a marked ideological
conviction judging from frequent official complaints about members
who joined the Party for private gain, who are virtually ignorant of
Marxist ideology and do not care to study it, and who display general
indifference toward the policies and problems of the Party. Despite
these ideological weaknesses, however, the Party machine is well
entrenched. The principle of "democratic centralism" has given the
Party hierarchy complete authority; once it has taken a decision all
must observe it without dissent. Lower Party units may question the
ways in which policy is implemented but not the policy itself. Thanks
to a loyal secret police, Party leaders have been able to rule the
Party rank and file with practically the same ruthless methods they
have used against the rest of the population.
1. Growth in Membership
On 1 January 1960 it is estimated that the Workers' Party of
Albania totaled 55,000 or about 3.5 per cent of the total population
of the country (see Table I. 1). Since its formation in November 1941
by emissaries of the Yugoslav Communist Party, the Albanian Party has
experienced periods of rise and fall in membership reflecting the
3
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Volune Twoi Part II
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Table I. 1
Alban arty
Growth of the Albaniakyorkers Party:
1945-1960
Party
Year Members
1945
1948
1952
1956
1960
10,558
48,382
44,4.18
48,644
55,000
Number per 1,000
Total Population
9.5
41.6
35.0
34.2
34.7
adjustments of Party leaders to changing foreign and domestic situations.
When the German forces withdrew from Albania in late 1944, Party
membership totaled 2,800; by early 1945 it had risen to 10,558. The
greatest increase in membership occurred in the 1945-1948 period when
Party ranks grew at an average annual rate of 66 per cent. At this
time many Albanians were influenced by the Communist promises or
believed that their socio-economic status would be improved by becoming
Party members. Although about 12,000 members were purged in the 1948-
1952 period, the drop in membership amounted only to about 4,000 as
many new members were accepted. During both the 1948-1952 and 1952-
1956 periods (the periods between Party Congresses) the Party has
stressed quality rather than numbers; in the latter period no known
mass screenings or purges took place but a number of individuals were
dropped or purged. Party membership grew at an average annual rate of
2.4 per cent from 1952 to 1956 and in 1956 was approximately the same
as in 1948. Since 1956 it is estimated that Party ranks have maintained
a moderate rate of growtb rf about 3.3 per cent per year.
2. Distribution and Composition
The Albanian regime has thus far failed to publish any data
pertaining to the distribution of Party membership by administrative-
territorial divisions. It is presumed that the distribution pattern is
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?lii1ar to that in the Soviet Union.ship is concentrated
in zed and industrialized areas and in areas housing important
goverzent control agencies. In general, the incidence of Party
membership is highest in Tirane Rreth (district) and in other rreths
in the central and eastern parts of the country; the northern and
southeastern rreths have the lowest incidences.
The area of Party recruitment was originally confined generally
to southern and central Albania, particularly the former, which was
the main field of action of the Communist controlled partisan forces
during World War II and from which most of the Communist leaders
derived. By the end of 1944, when the Communists gained control of
Albania the Party had made very little if any, headway among the
conservative, tribal Gags in the north and nearly all its membership
t that time was confined to the more liberal-minded Maks in the
south Since the end of the war, =embers have been recruited in the
north among the poor peasants and workers, but a high percentage of
the total current membership is still believed to derive chiefly from
southern and central Albania. Indeed all the present full members of
the Politburo derive from these 2 zones ? In view of these circumstances
an undercurrent of resentment is probably felt by the Gegs against the
Toaks. The Greek minority in Albania, numbering some 35,000 people all
residingin the south is well represented in the higher Party echelons
Statistical vagueness on the part of the regime prevents a
definitive breakdown of the occupational or social composition of Party
membership. Apparently, the correct social composition is attained only
when workers predominate and other groups are represented on a. more or
less "profile? basis At the time of the Third Party Congress in 1956
say 17.7 per cent 03
610 f the total Party membership were workers;
peasants represented 31.4 per cent (15 274) , state and Party
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YAINMELJNML, Partj Alben34, ?miunist Party
45.2 per cent (21,987 and tradesmen artisans, and professional people
5.7 per cent (2,773) of total Party membership. In the 4 years between
the Second and Third Party Congresses, a period of constant agitation
and propaganda to recruit workers, the Party increased the number of
members who were workers by only 6.2 per cent, evidence of little
enthusiasm or support for the regime among this group. During the
1956 Party Congress, Party First Secretary Enver Boxha expressed
dissatisfaction over the small percentage of workers in the Party and
urged priority for worker applicants. At the same time, it was reported
that 40 per cent of all Party members were -engaged in administrative
work. In order to stem the growth of bureaucracy In the Party, Party
organizations were called upon to further raise membership requirements
for civil service applicants.
3 Organization
The Workers Party of Albania is organized according to the
administrative-territorial divisions of the country. There is a central
apparatus in Tirane and subordinate rreth (district) and city organiza-
tions. At the lowest level are the basic Party organizations established
in all enterprises villages, military units institutions, and other
work centers where there are not less than 3 Party members. Each level
is substantially similar to the others in organizationwith a represent-
ative body which theoretically is its leadership and an executive agency
to do the real work.
The organization and operation of the Party is based on the
concept of "democratic centralism. According to the Party Statutes
it is defined as follows: election of all guiding bodies from the
lowest to the highest- periodic reporting by Party agencies to their
elector strict Party discipline with the subordination of the minority
to the maio
d compulsory compliance of lower bodies with the
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Volume
PArV II Abpia,Coumuniet eiti
decisions of higher ones. Only the latter principle is carried out as
stated. In practice, the leaders choose the candidates for office and
the members approve them automatically, the reporting by Party agencies
to their electors is either disregarded or done only for some specific
purpo se, and the majority is completely subordinate to the minority.
This type of Party organization, characterized by strict hierarchical
subordination, tends to ensure the immediate and effective execution
of policies decided by the leaders while giving the appearance of
democratic control.
a. Cenra3...t.f....laran
Under the Party Statutes, revised in 1956 to bring them
closer to the statutes of the Soviet Communist Party, the Political
Bureau (Politburo) stands at the apex of the Party pyramid. Composed
of 9 members and 6 candidate members it commands a position of
unquestioned ascendancy in the Party. As the top governing organ,
the Politburodecides policy not only for the Party but also for the
country as a whole in every phase of political, economic and social
life. Its members are the dominant figures in Albania and 6 of them
(4 members and 2 candidate embers) hold key governmental positions.
The Premier and 3 First Vice Premiers of the Council of Ministers are
members,while one of the 2 Vice Premiers and the Minister of Industry
and Mines are candidate members of the Politburo. Although formally
elected by the Party Central Committee, Politburo members are coopted
and the Central Committee merely ratifies the choices of the incumbents.
The day-to--day administration of the Party is in the hands
of the powerful Secretariat and the central Party apparatus which it
controls Next to the Politburo the Secretariat is the most important
Party agency and the only body with any real authority. The Secretariat
appointed by the Politburo and then "elected" by the Central Committee
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is presently made up of 5 members, of wham 4 (including First Secretary
Enver Hbxha) are members and one is a candidate member of the Politburo.
First Secretary Hbxha, the most powerful single person in Albania, has
held his dominant position since 1941. Since 1954 Secretariat members
have not been permitted to hold office in the Council of Ministers.
Hbxha thus relinquished the premiership to Politburo member, Mehmet
Shehu, in order to remain. First Secretary. Each of the 5 secretaries
oversees the work of one or more of the directorates and sections
(see Figure I. 1) which comprise the central Party apparatus. Through
this apparatus the Secretariat controls the activities of subordinate
secretariats in rreth and city Party organizations.
The Central Control Commission, formally appointed by the
Party Central Committee but actually chosen by the Politburo, is the
organ charged with maintaining Party discipline. It fixes responsibility
for betrayal of the Party and violations of the Party program and statutes
and Party and state discipline, and it reviews appeals against decisions
of lower Party organizations regarding punishments. It is currently
composed of 9 members.
According to the Party Statutes, the chief executive and
administrative agency of the Party is the Central Committee. It is
ostensibly elected by the nominally supreme Party Congress and theoret-
ically directs all activities of the Party between congresses. Despite
its vast statutory authority, the Central Committee does not have any
real power. The large size of the Central Committee (65) when coupled
with the fact that its meetings are held infrequently (every 4 months),
indicates that its significance is largely honorific. Nonetheless,
individual members are politically influential Twenty are known to
hold important positions in the national government and 5 at lower
levels. With the exception of the Ministers of Justice and Finance
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POLITICAL BUREAU.]
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FIGURE LI
ORGANIZATION OF CENTRAL APPARATUS OF ALBANIAN WORKERS' PARTY
CENTRAL COMM T TEE
CONTROL COMMITTEE
MII?110M 61111111011111110
DIRECTORATES
SECRETARIAT
11111111.1?10MIND 111~1111MINO 11101100111111110 ?=11111111.1IM 0111111=111?10 .11?011111?11110 111111111111111111ft 11????11111111?111.
AUDITING COMMISSION
SECTIONS
AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA
AGRICULTURE
CADRES
FINANCE AND TRADE
ORGANIZATION
AND INSPECTION
EDUCATION
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
INDUSTRY
LMASS ORGANIZATIONS
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all 12 ministers are full (9) or candidate one
of the Cen
The Central Auditing Commission controls the prom
accuracyof the handling of affairs in the apparatus of the Secretariat
of the Central Committee and takes care of the Party's funds. Although
chosen by the Party Congress the Auditing Commission is responsible
to the Central Committee ? It has no political significance.
Under the Statutes, the highest body of the Albanian
Workers ?arty is the Party Congress which meets every 4 years and
is made up of delegates elected by rreth and certain city Party confer-
ences. As a collective body the congress hears and approves the
reports of the Central Committee and Central Auditing Commission,
adopts and amends the bylaws of the Party, and establishes the line
of the Party on basic questions of current policy. It also elects the
members of the Central Committee and Central Auditing Commission.
Actually the congress has no real power to determine Party policy and
merely rubber stamps major policy pronouncements and appointments made
by top Party leaders in the Politburo.
b. Taower-Level ?arty Qrgallp
Below the national level he pattern of Party organization
reflects and parallels the governmental structure. Twenty-six rreth
Party organizations and the Party organization of the capital city of
Tirane are responsible to the central apparatus. Below the rreth level
there are 38 city Party organizations all. of which are controlled by
the appropriate rreth organizations Below the rreth and city levels
are more than.2,600 basic Party organizations which form the base of
the Party pyramid.
According to the Party Statutes, the highest of
each rreth and city Party organization are the Party Conference and.
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Volume Two Pgrt II
Albania. Communist Party
when the conference is not in session, the committee the counterpart
of the national Central Committee. Regular conferences are to be
called by the appropriate committees once a year; the fact that the
conferences are elected by Party members on the next lower level gives
the appearance of democratic control but actually, because of strict
Party discipline the control comes from above. No Party committee
may refuse or even question orders given by higher authorities or
reject an official nominated from above. The principal functions of
the conferences are to elect their committees and auditing commissions
and to hear and ratify the reports of these committees. The rreth
conferences and the Tirane city conference directly responsible to
the Central Committee elect the delegates to the Party Congress.
Each rreth and city Party committee elects an executive
agency, called the bureau consisting of not more than 11 members.
The first secretary, who is the key Communist and overall political
boss of the committee, and one or more secretaries are chosen from
these members, but approved by the rreth Party committee or by the
Party's Central Committee. A plenum of the rreth or city committee
is called at least once every 2 months; such plenums, however, do not
exorcise any real power and are held merely to give formal approval
to local programs and policies presented by the first secretary.
The functions of rreth and city Party committees parallel
those of the Party s Central Committee. They assure the execution of
Party directives organize educational courses for Communists, adminis
ter the Party's fiscal affairs, control the governmental bodies and
mass organizations at their level through Party groups formed in them
and organize and approve the formation of the Party s basic organizations
At the base of the Party pyramid are more than 2,600 basic
Party organizations, serving as the link between the working masses of
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Volume Two, Part II Albania. CampLinist Party
cities and villages and the governing bodies of the Party. It is at
this level that the policies of the Party are carried out and new
members are recruited. These organizations are established in all
villages, production enterprises military units, offices and other
work centers where there are not less than 3 Party members.
Basic Party organizations which have 50 or more members
may create smaller Party organizations in units or work sections when
necessary, but only with the approval of the appropriate rreth or city
Party committee. Basic organizations with fewer than 50 members, as
well as smaller Party organizations in units or work sections may
form Party groups based on work sectors or work brigades. With the
approval of the Party Central Committee,the largest basic organizations
(those with 150 or more embers) may create Party committees, which
serve as executive bodies.
For the guidance and control of the daily work of the basic
organization with a membership of less than 15, a secretary and one or
2 assistant secretaries are elected. Basic organizations having 15
or more Party members elect a bureau composed of 3-10 members who, in
turn elect a secretary and one or 2 assistant secretaries from among
themselves. The secretaries of the basic Party organizations are approved
by the bureau of the rreth or city Party committee, or by the Central
Committee
The Party Statutes assign numerous and broad duties to the
basic organizations. They are responsible for agitation and organiza-
tional work among the masses for the implementation of Party policies
recruitment of new members into the Party and their political education;
mobilization of the masses in economic enterprises and farms for the
fulfillment of production plans and maintenance of labor and state
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Volume Two, Part II Albania. Government
discipline; elimination of corruption, bureaucracy, and inefficiency in
economic enterprises and on farms; and active participation In the
political, economic, and cultural life of the country.
C. Government
The present governmental system in Albania is an imitation of the
type of government in the USSR; it is completely subservient to the
dictates of the Albanian Workers (Communist) Party, which in turn is
responsive to the orders of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
The constitution provides for the division of all governmental
power into executive, legislative, and judicial branches. In actuality,
power is concentrated in the Workers Party, which is above all govern-
mental agencies and has absolute authority over every phase of life
in Albania. All important decisions are made by the Party leadership
and then passed on to the appropriate agencies for approval. Thus, the
3 branches of the government serve merely as executive and administra-
tive bodies of the Party.
Within the government, only the Premier, 3 First Vice Premiers,
and 2 Vice Premiers possess any real authority. The powers of these
top executives stem largely from their high Party positions; except
for one Vice Premier, all are members or candidate members of the
Political Bureau (Politburo), the most powerful body in the country.
The People's Assembly and its Presidium, which together comprise the
state legislature, have no authority to modify actions of the executive.
The units of local government--the people s councils whose members are
popularly "elected"--merely implement the directives of the central
executive agencies. The judiciary exists primarily to impose "class
justice."
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?
AllAnia. Government
1. CesArAl G9vergment
The major legal entities responsible for control of the central
government are in order of importance, the Council of Ministers, the
Presidium of the People's Assembly, the People's Assembly, and the
Supreme Court. Operating entirely within the framework set by the
Albanian Workers' Party, these organizations direct and coordinate
virtually all activities within Albania
The Council of Ministers called the most important executive
and administrative agency in the country, is nominally appointed and
recalled by the People's Assembly and is accountable to the Assembly
or its Presidium when the Assembly is not in session. Actually, the
Council of Ministers is chosen by the central Party apparatus, and
its main function is to make sure that all Party decisions are carried
out by the central and lower governmental units. It is comprised of
a Premier, 3 First Vice Premiers, 2 Vice Premiers ministers, and
heads of special agencies. Nearly all members of the Council of
Ministers are also members of the Party s Central Committee. Moreover
Premier Mehmet Shehu and 4 of his 5 deputies are members or candidate
members of the Politburo of the Party. Next to Party First Secretary
Enver Hbxha, who holds no position in the government, they constitute
the most powerful group in Albania, the point at which the highest
levels of the Party and government are fused (see Figure I. 2). The
current organizational structure of the Council of Ministers includes
12 ministries and 3 specialized agencies whose heads have ministerial
rank (see Figure I. 3). In addition there are various commissions
and agencies not part of the Council of Ministers but directly subor
dinate to it. Among these are the State Arbitration Cammission and
the Higher Commission on Examinations
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FIGURE 1.2
ORGANIZATION OF THE ALBANIAN WORKERS' PARTY AND GOVERNMENT
WORKERS' PARTY
NATIONAL
CONGRESS
ONNINI =NM
?
1 /
RRETH OR CITY //
I
I /
CONFERENCE 1 /
L
rBASIC PARTY
ORGANIZATION /
CENTRAL
COMMITTEE
RRETH OR CITY
COMMITTEE
SECRETARIAT
BUREAU,
SECRETARIAT
BUREAU,
I SECRETARIES
POLITICAL BUREAU OF
COMMUNIST PARTY
ALBANIAN GOVERNMENT.?
1
TOP MEMBERS OF COUNCIL'
OF MINISTERS
GOVERNMENT
COUNCIL OF
MINISTERS
1
\
RRETH OR CITY
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
SECRET
MIMS MI= IMMI
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LOCALITET
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
MANAGEMENT
OR VILLAGE
COMMITTEE
?111111111111111111111111111M111
KEY
MEM
PEOPLE'S I
ASSEMBLY
=MEM 11=I=11 =MIMI gEll
r -17
IRRETH OR CITY!
\ COUNCIL
=NMI =IMO IMMI IIMINIP
\\ LOCALITET
\\I COUNCIL I
ENTERPRISE
OR VILLAGE
COUNCIL
Control or supervision
Formal election
Formally elected by party membership or
general electorate
Indirectly elected or appointed
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FIGURE 1.3
COMPOSITION OF THE ALBANIAN COUNCIL OF MINISTERS
CH A I RMEN OF:
STATE
CONTROL COMMISSION
STATE
PLANNING COMMISSION
STATE
PROCUREMENT COMMISSION
PREMIER,
3 FIRST VICE PREMIERS,
2 VICE PREMIERS
MIN
AGRICULTURE
COMMUNICATIONS
LCONSTRUCTION
IEDUCATION AND CULTURE
FINANCE
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
SECRET
STERS OF:
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FP INDUSTRY AND MINES
E. INTERIOR
JUSTICE
NATIONAL DEFENSE
PUBLIC HEALTH
TRADE
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Volume No, Part II AlbtutilA Goverpnxit
The acts of the Council of Ministers, which cover all political,
economic, social, cultural, and military activities in the country, are
binding on all government agencies. Nominally, the council acts on the
basis of the constitution and the laws in force, issuing decrees and
regulations and supervising their execution. In practice, nearly all
important decrees and decisions are issued jointly in the name of the
Party's Central Committee and the Council of Ministers.
The Council of Ministers controls the entire state administra-
tive and economic apparatus directly through its ministries and
special agencies. Each minister issues orders and directives within
his competence on the basis of and in execution of laws, decrees, and
regulations and controls their execution. He also has the right to
suspend or annul orders and directives of subordinate institutions
and organs of the ministry when these are not in accordance with the
laws or orders of the government or the ministry. While little
information is available on the organizational structure of the
ministries, the following subdivisions, listed in descending order,
are known to exist to varying extents: directorates, bureaus, branches
and sections. The number of directorates which are actually the
operational subdivisions of the ministries and agencies, varies
according to the scope of their activities. Directorates are divided
into bureaus, branches, and sections; some bureaus and branches,
however, are independent of directorates but similarly subdivided.
The Presidium of the People's Assembly, composed of a president
(not the same as the president of the assembly), 3 vice presidents, one
secretary, and 10 members, is nominally elected by the assembly and
responsible to it for its activities. Theoretically, it exercises
all the authority of the assembly during the 6-month intervals between
-I. 17 -
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1121=2.1H2.1.22.1tt_II Albania Government
assembly sessions. The Presidium's impressive list of powers stands
in contrast to its actual complete subservience to the Party. The
main function it performs in reality is that of passing legislation
introduced by the Party between sessions of the assembly.
The People's Assembly, the unicameral Albanian legislature, is
constitutionally the most important government agency. In practice,
it is essentially a policy-ratifying and propagating device of the
Council of Ministers. All candidates for the People's Assembly are
hand picked by the Party and presented to the people, who then "elect"
them on the basis of one deputy to every 8,000 citizens. The assembly
elects a president, vice president, secretary, and 4 permanent cammis-
sions: Budget, Judiciary, Foreign Affairs, and Credentials. In
addition to amending the constitution, the assembly nominally approves
the state budget, creates abolishes, merges, and renames ministries,
and approves decrees issued by its Presidium. Actually, little is
done by the assembly at its short, infrequent (twice a year) sessions;
after reviewing draft laws briefly it adopts them unanimously.
The Albanian Supreme Court, the highest judicial agency in
the country, serves as the legal arm of the central executive. Its
judges are elected by the People Assembly for a term of 4 years.
Like all lower courts, the Supreme Court is an agency of the state,
and its actions must be coordinated with those of the government and
Party. Although it has both original and appellate jurisdiction the
constitutionality of laws and governmental orders is dealt with not
by the Court but by the Presidium of the People Assembly. The
interpretation of the la
for all practical purposes, is the prerog-
ative of the Prosecutor General. He is guided in all his actions
by
the Central Committee of the Party, which determines his "appointment
and may recall him if he disobeys the instructions of the Party.
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yLcaana..a..m.t..Two P II
Albania, Gayerpmeni,
2. ocal Government,
Local government in Albania is based on a 3-level system of
people's councils--rreth (district), localitet (locality), and fshat
(village)--which exercise governmental authority over areas correspond-
ing to administrative-territorial divisions. A fourth level, the clark
(region), was eliminated during a February 1958 reorganization of the
Administrative apparatus, intended primarily to reduce the bureaucracy.
City people's councils may rank as rreth, localitet, or fshat councils,
while ward councils in certain cities rank as fshat councils. Although
theoretically autonomous, people s councils are essentially local
agencies of the central government. In practice, the councils and
their executive committees must follow the directives not only of
higher governmental bodies, but also of local and central Party
organizations. This, coupled with the detail of national legislation
and directives by which the councils are bound, leaves little roam
for local initiative. Local governmental authorities, however, are
held responsible for the fulfillment of practically all plans in the
political, economic, and cultural fields.
Members of the people's councils at all levels are "elected"
by the citizens for 3 years from candidate lists issued in the name
f the Democratic Front but originally prepared by the Albanian
Workers Party. The "electors" have the right to recall people
councils and their members. Except in the villages, regular meetings
of the councils are called by the respective executive committees
those in rreths and in the city of Tirane where the council has the
status of a rreth, meet once every 2 months* localitet, other city,
and city ward councils meet once a month; and those of villages
twice a month.
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VolUMP Two, Part, II Albkin4al G9 El:x=44qt
Each people's council at each level elects an executive
committee, which is in continuous session and is the real depository
of administrative and executive power in its area. The executive
committee is comprised of a president, his deputies, and, except in
villages, various section heads who manage the activities of the
local administration (see Figure I. 4). Many of these persons also
hold important posts in local Party organizations. Moreover, "Party
groups" attached to the executive committee and consisting of all
Communists there employed further ensure Party control. The chief
task of an executive committee is to supervise all economic, social,
and cultural affairs of local significance in accordance with higher
governmental directives. It coodinates the work of its sections,
directs and controls local enterprises and state properties within
the area of jurisdiction of the people's council, and directs and
controls the work of people's councils at lower levels and under the
territorial jurisdiction of its council.
Executive committees are subordinate nominally uoth to their
respective councils, to higher-level executive committees, and
ultimately to the central government. Subordination of an executive
committee to its people's council, appears to be never realized in
practice. Subordination to superior executive committees and the
central government, on the other hand, is actually realized in
practice. The central government and higher-level executive committees
have the right to abrogate measures of lower-level executive committees.
Furthermore, the Presidium of the People's Assembly, at the recommen-
dation of the Council of Ministers, may dissolve an executive committee
and arrange for the election of a new one. The sectionscreated to
help the executive committee carry out its administrative work are only
11111.11
1.20
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FIGURE 1.4
COMPOSITION OF TYPICAL RRETH (DISTRICT) GOVERNMENT
[PERMANENT COMMISSIONS
RRETH
PEOPLE'S COUNCIL
RRETH
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
C
0 N S
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Volum@ Part II
AIbz4ti
nominally attached to it and actually are supervised by the ministries
and other agencies of the central government.
3. Adminiptr tive-aierritorial Divisions
At the present time, Albania is divided into 27 rreth8 (districts),
including one for the city of Tirane (see Table I. 2 and Map I.). Rreths
are subdivided into 217 localitets (localities) and 15 cities of rreth
subordination. Localitets control the activities of the smaller
cities and towns and approximately 2,600 fshats (villages), the smallest
territorial units. The larger cities are subdivided into wards.
Table I. 2
Major Administrative-Territorial Divisions
9.1.Alhanial..114.02
4dpirtillstrative Division
Berat R.
Durres R.
Elbasan R.
Erseke R.
Fier R.
Gjinokaster R.
Gramsh R.
Korce R.
Kruje R.
Kukes R.
Lezh R.
Librazhd R.
Lushnje R.
Mat R.
Mirdite R.
Peshkopi R.
Permet R
Pogradec R.
Puke R.
Sarande R.
Skrapar R.
Shkoder R.
Tepelene R.
Tirane R.
Tirane City IL
Tropoje R.
Vlore R.
rreth (district)
Control Center
Berat
Durres
Elbasan
Erseke
Fier
Gjinokaster
Gramsh
Korce
Kruje
Kukes
Lezh
Libra zhd
Lushnje
Burrel
Unknown
Peshkopi
Permet
Pogradec
Puke
Sarande
Unknown
Shkoder
Tepelene
Tirane
Tirane
Bajram Curri
Vlore
22 -
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40-42
41-20
41 - 06
40 - 20
40 - 43
40 - 05
40 - 52
40 - 37
41-31
42 - 05
/.1 A7
41 - 12
40 - 56
41 - 37
Mir MD
41 "WM 41
40 - 14
40 - 54
42 - 03
39 - 2
WM IWO
42 - 05
40 - 18
41-20
41 - 20
42 - 20
40 - 27
19 - 56
19 - 25
20 - 04
20 - 40
19 - 34
20 - 10
20 - 10
20 - 46
19 - 48
20 - 24
19 - 19
20 - 21
19 - 41
19 - 59
20
20
20
19
20
19
20
19
19
21
19
MOM
25
20
-40
53
00
30
00
50
50
07
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Ad4nis ation
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Albania the smallest and most backward of the Soviet satellites
is about the size of Maryland and has an estimated 1960 population of
1,584,000.Because the country is poor, Albania has relied heavily
since World War II on economic aid from Yugoslavia (up to mid 1948)
the USSR and other satellites. Although Albanian planners have
stressed industrialization since the war, about 75 per cent of the
population is still engaged in agriculture and the country has the
smallest industrial output of the satellite states. In 1957 nearly
70 per cent of gross industrial production consisted of consumer goods
handicraft and consumer cooperatives produced about 20 per cent of the
total. Except for petroleum chrome, and copper, natural resources
are limited. The planners have made no serious attempt to develop the
manufacture of heavy industrial goods.
Since their assumption of power in November 1944 the Albanian
0
Communists have adopted Soviet types of institutions and policies
designed to gain control of the production and distribution of goods
and services. All industries, businesses, and mineral resources have
been nationalize..., with the result that the sociall
emk
400%
No
(including cooperatives) accounts for practically all banian indust
rial production. The state also owns all communication facilities
railroads, highways and the merchant marine. Since 1955, the collectIV
ization of agriculture has increased rapidly. By the end of 1957 about
57 per cent of the arable land was in collectives The 1960
al for
the socialization of agriculture calls for 85 per cent of the arable
land to be contained in collectives and 10 per cent to be held by state
farms In addition the government controls all but about 16 per cent
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Albania c A
ion
of domestic trade and foreign trade and the banking system are state
monopolies. Wages, working conditions and hours, and the hiring and
firing of employees are also regulated by the government "Forced
labor" is legalized, and other decrees have frozen workers on their
jobs and placed heavy penalities on absentees.
The centrally coordinated direction of the Albanian economy is
based on national economic plans, which implement the policies set
by the Politburo of the Albanian Workers' (Communist) Party under the
guidance of the USSR and in collaboration with other bloc members.
Because members of the Party s policymaking group also hold top
positions in the government, they both formulate policy and administer
its execution. Indirect Soviet control over Albanian economic affairs
has been exercised mainly through the Council for Mutual Economic
Assistance (CEMA) formed to promote long-range Soviet plans for
economic development of the satellites--and through trade and credit
agreements, and Soviet representatives provided to supervise economic
planning.
1. Centralized Planning and Control
The Moscow-coordinated policy decisions and directives are
translated into economic plans by the State Planning Commission of the
Albanian Council of Ministers The Commission,appointed by the Cauncx
of Ministers comprised of a President, Vice President and such
members as may be required. Its organizational structure consists of
a Statistical Directorate and the following subdivisions. accounting,
cadres, industry, planning, and agriculture. On the basis of plans
presented by ministries,state and cooperative enterprises local
executive committees, and the city of Tirane the State Planning
Commis ion drafts a national e onomic plan which sets the goals for
the planning period and allocates resources to meet the goals
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Voluu&e Twot Part 11
ononiic Administration
The goals are defined for national income and its distribution between
investment and consumption and targets are set for employment, produc-
tion,and trade. The prices of most commodities are also prescribed.
The final draft plan is submitted for approval to the Council of
Ministers which in turn, presents it for routine approval to the
People Assembly. The State Planning Commission coordinates and
supervises the operation of the plan, while individual ministries are
responsible for ensuring that enterprises under their jurisdiction
fulfill plan requirements.
In addition to the control exercised by the State Planning
Commission and the production ministries, the Albanian government has
adopted other specialized Soviet type institutions for economic control
The most important of these are the Ministry of Finance and the State
Control Commission. The Ministry of Finance prepares the state budget;
which is the basic instrument designed to carry out the government's
financial and fiscal policies. Revenues are channeled through the
budget and expended for such purposes as investment military require-
manta, and social and cultural needs. Taxes not only are a means
providing revenLes for these purposes but also act as a device for
siphoning off consumer purchasing power. By discriminating against
private enterprises, primarily in agriculture,they o act as a tool
for further socialization of the economy.
The Ministry of Finance also exercises financial control over
all state economic organizations and institutions primarily through
the activities of the State Bank which it directs and supervises. The
State Bank controls short-term and long
red it, note issuemoney
circulation accounts of economic organizations,and the wage
Because all organizations which conduct operations connected
goods and services must conduct their finances
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yolunie Two Part II Alban4.a
on
most receipts and expenditures are ascertainable by the Bank, permitting
it to exert control over the activities of the enterprises
The State Control Commission is the highest agency of fiscal
and audit control. Although some of the functions of the Ministry of
Finance overlap with those of the Control Cammission, the functions of
the latter are independent of those of the Ministry, more inclusive
and more thorough. Actually, the State Control Commission supervises
all the activities of the other ministries, including the control
functions of these ministries.
2. 4idustrial Advinistration
A series of measures designed to insure control of industry was
inaugurated by the Communists soon after their assumption of power. In
December 1944 all Albanian industries were placed under state control;
in January 1945 all wealth owned by the Italian and German Governments
and their nationals was confiscated, and all concessions granted to
foreigners were revoked. At the same time all enterprises belonging
to those labeled as enemies of the people were confiscated. All mineral
resources were nationalized by December 1945 and manufacturing was
progressively nationalized. By 1946 the socialist sector (including
cooperatives) accounted for about three-fourths of gross industrial
production. Complete control of the relatively large handicraft sector
was taken over by the government in 1949 when it was placed under the
cooperatives. In 1957 the socialist sector of industry accounted for
97.8 per cent of gross industrial production, including 74.6 per cent
for state enterprises and 23.2 per cent for cooperative enterprises.
The private sector contributed 2.2 per cent. Nearly 70 per cent of
all industrial production was composed of consumer goods such as
textiles footwear, clothing and processed foods
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Albanian industry is organized on 3 levels: national government
industry, local government industry, and handicraft cooperatives. Except
for those enterprises controlled by the Ministry of Construction all
industry in Albania is under the direction of the Ministry of Industry
and Mines, whose head is a member of the Council of Ministers. This
ministry controls all state enterprises of heavy and light Industry
through its directorates the operational subdivisions of the ministry.
The directorates, in turn, are divided into bureaus, branches and
sections, some branches and bureaus are independent of directorates
but similarly subdivided. In 1955 the Ministry of Industry and Mines
contained the following operational directorates: Industrial Planning
Accounting, Industrial Food and Clothing Supplies and Transportation,
Construction Material Electricity and Machinery, Local Industrial
Construction Material and Mines.
Local industrial enterprises are created by the executive
coittees of Peoplet s Councils with the consent of the Albanian
Council of Ministers. They are controlled by the functional sections
of local executive committees which in turn, are responsible to
appropriate directorates of the ministry. The major functions of
such enterprises is to supply the market with consumer goods.
The handicraft cooperatives are headed by local Unions of
Handicraft, or Artisan Cooperatives, under the direction of the
Central Union of Handicraft Cooperatives subordinate to the Council
of Ministers. They exist in nearly every field of light industry and
are portant contr butors to light industrial product ion. It is
believed that virtually all private artisans have been absorbed Into
collectives.
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VONIM Tyo, Part ;1
?tural Adznirii tration
la_bania Econo4c A
Albania is traditionally an agricultural country. Because of
the mountainous terrain, however, only about 14 per cent of the land
is arable, and raising of livestock is more significant than the
growing of field crops. Animal products such as eggswool, and hides
are supplied in modest amounts to the domestic economy and also provide
export items. However, although 75 per cent of the sown area is
devoted to wheat and corn,additional grain must be imported each year.
The Communist government has reorganized Albanian agriculture
in conformity with Soviet methods. Under a series of plans, beginning
in 1948, government control and direction of agriculture have increased.
The plans have included the characteristic features of communized
agriculture land reform and collectivization, government control of
distribution, establishment of state farms and machine tractor stations,
establishment of production quotas, and confiscation of livestock.
Collectivization of the Soviet type was begun in 1946.
Establishment of machine tractor stations and state farms soon followed.
Collectivization moved slowly during 1946-1954, despite the fact that
a sense of ownership was not deeply ingrained in the Albanian peasant
Since 1955 however, marked increases have been reported. By the end
of 1957, over 58 per cent of the arable land was to be found in collec-
tives of both advanced and simpler types and when added to the state
farm area the socialist sector comprised about 65 per cent of the
arable land. The 1960 goal for socialization of agriculture calls
for 85 per cent of the arable land to be contained in collectives
and 10 per cent to be held by state farms.
Collectives are divided into 3 forms The highest type
resembles the Soviet collective farm (kolkhoss). The other 2 types
are sometimes called associations or partnerships and are of simpler form
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V9lume Part
4elban4a4 goptrol orce
The state farms are modeled after the Soviet state farms (sov oz)
receive preferential treatment and are considered model farms. Machine
tractor stations assist the collectives in developing agriculture. In
an effort to break up the larger private farms, machine tractor stations
charge higher rates to independent farms than to collectives. At the
beginning of 1958 Albania had 1,698 collective farms 22 state farms,
and 22 machine tractor stations.
The principal agricultural control agency in Albania is the
Ministry of Agriculture. It directs the agricultural and forest
economy for the state, cooperative, and private sectors. State farms
and machine tractor stations are controlled directly by branch offices
of the Ministry in centrally located towns. The collective farms are
controlled by the agricultural sections of rreth and localitet executive
committees which, in turn, are under the direction of the Ministry of
Agriculture.
E. Control Force
On 1 January 1960 it is estimated that the Albanian Control Force
totaled approximately 50,200 persons or 3.2 per cent of the total
population (see Table I. 3). Like the USSR Control Force, the Albanian
Control Force is composed almost exclusively of persons with command
responsibilities or in staff positions requiring specialized knowledge
which would enable them effectively to exercise supervisory responsi-
bilities in crisis situations.
The individual components of the control force exercise varying
degrees of responsibilities. The Communist Party Control Force
comprised of 2,900 full-time Party professionals is the most powerful
segment Within this group the members of the central Party apparatus
exert nationwide control over all political, economic social and
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Force
Table I
Caegory
Communist Party
State Administration
Armed Forces
Economic Administration
Industry
Trade, Supply, etc.
Transportation and
Communioations
Construction
Agriculture
Services
Education
Health
Housing and Public
Utilities
Finance and Credit
Total
Number
2,900
5,400
16,900
12,500
12,500
(7,600)
(3,900)
( 600)
( 400)
Per Cent
of Total
5.8
10.7
33.7
24.9
24.9
50,200 100.0
litarv activitie8. On
(13.7)
( 3.6)
( 2.0)
( 3.6)
( 2.0)
(15.1)
( 7.8)
( 1.2)
( 0.8)
?,a1 levelmembers of the Party apparatus
are equally important within the geographic confines of their areas.
The second most important segment of the Albanian Control Force is
the state administration which consists of about 5,400 employees in the
national district city, locality, and village governments. The members
of this component function as the prirksary executors of the Party s will
with regard to the population. Persons in the highest echelons of the
state administration rank just below the central Party apparatus in
power and prestige t the lower echelons the differential is greater.
The armed forces control force,the largest single segmeAt of the
banian Control Force
prised of an estimated 18,900 officers
and N(X)s. They command the major instruments of repression at the
disposal of the regime and would thus play a major role in a crisis
situation.
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The economic adm
They range
enterprise to a sect
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Albania. Cqntr2
FoXV9
stra ion control force is made up of about 12,500
importance from the head of a national industrial
leader in a clothing factory. Persons with
nationwide responsibility the economic sphere are included not in
this category but In the state administration control force.
The remainder of the Albanian Control Force consists of about
12,500 persons employed in service occupations, such as education
housing and public utilities. Although the command responsibilities
of these people is relatively slight in peacetime their role is
augmented considerably in wartime.
Nearly all members of the Albanian Control Force live and work In
ban areas. Tirane undoubtedly contains the majority of persons with
nationwide responsibilities lesser concentrations are probably found
in the district centers.
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A. Introduction
Since the end of 1944, Bulgaria has been controlled by a Communist
dictatorship, wholly subservient to the Soviet Union and dedicated to
establishment of a "socialist" society and Industrialization of the
economyrregardless of the desires of the population.
The state fashioned by the Communists is totalitarian, despite the
various nominally democratic processes provided for In the constitution
adopted in 1947. Top posts in the state apparatus are occupied by
members of the Political Bureau (Politburo) of the Communist Party, and
lower Party organizations check on and control the governmental
bureaucracy at local levels. Liberal provisions In the constitution
regarding suffrage, organization and operation of the government, and
political and civil rights merely mask what is in reality a rigidly
controlled police state denying all basic freedoms to the population.
Since the death of Stalin in 1953 the Bulgarian regime has been
characterized by a high degree of stability, despite problems of adjust-
ment to Soviet changes of policy. Pressures for relaxation of controls
which developed after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union were effectively suppressed. The Soviet Blvt, reaction to
the Hungarian revolt In the fall of 1956 strengthened the position of
Bulgaria's Stalinist leadership, and in early 1957 there were signs of a
return to the iron-handed methods of rule which characterized the Stalin
era. This trend was accelerated by the renewal of the ideological dispute
between Tito and Moscow in early 1958.
The Bulgarian people, about 90 per cent of wham are peasants or of
peasant origin appear to be resigned to Soviet domination. The majority
of them probably believe that an armed uprising against the regime with-
out effective Western assistance would be futile. The suppression of
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MI
the Hungarian revolt served as an object lesson in this respect.
Subversive activity is negligible and largely passive; it poses no serious
threat to the regime.
B. Communist Party
Soviet domination since the end of World War II has radically altered
the political dynamics of Bulgaria. The multiparty system of the prewar
period no longer exists and all political power is held by the Bulgarian
Communist Party. In theory as well as in practice the regime is a
dictatorship of the Party, which dominates the state apparatus and
caatrols all phases of national life through "mass" social and cultural
organizations.
Although the source of power in the state is constitutionally the
"people," only the working class has been regarded as "reliable" in
theory, and only Party members in practice. Within the Party, rank and
file members theoretically have supreme authority and elect their leaders
but through "democratic centralism" a small group of top Communists, who
comprise the Political Bureau of the Party and whose positions are
dependent upon Soviet support have gathered all power in their own hands
Although it lacks popular support, the Party maintains itself in power
through police coercion and the ever-present threat of Soviet military
intervention.
Among the Communist Parties of Eastern Europe the Bulgarian Party is
the oldest and most closely connected with the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union. Bulgarian Communist leaders have always had very close ties
with Moskva During the 1930's leading Bulgarian Communists occupied key
positicns in the Comintern (Communist International) After World War
II the Party earned the reputation of being one of the most devoted and
subservient satellite parties Party policies in Bulgaria are set
exclusively within the framework of Moskva s adjustments of its policies
II 2 -
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Although
arian Party
apting Soviet policy changes to local conditions
generi ly they adhere strictly to the basic Soviet line.
1.
On 1 January 1960 the Bulgarian Cammuni
t Party hd
imat ed
total mernb er5hip of 500,000 or 6.4 per cent of the total population and
9.2 per cent of the adult population (see Table II 1). Since September
1944 when the Communist-dominated Fatherland Front seized power in
Bulgaria Party membership has experienced periods of sharp rise and fall,
reflecting the adjustments of Party leaders to chang
domestic situations.
Date
1946
1948
1950
1954
1958
1960
Table II. 1
Growth of the Bu
Total
Membership
490,000
495,658
428,846
455,251
484,255
500,000
ng foreign and
NUmberNumber
Per 1,000 Per 1,000
Total Population Adult PooluXat on
69.7
69.4
59.0
61.0
62.7
63.6
Party membership before World War II
105.3
104.9
87.7
90.5
90.8
92.0
ed to no nre than
40,000 at its peak in 1922 and again in 1934. On the eve of the Communist
coup in 1944 the Party numbered some 25,000 members
The greatest
numerical increase in membership occurred during the early postwar period
as a result of the Partyls policy of mass recruitment and by the time
of the Fifth Party Congress (December 1948) memberShip had swelled to
nearly 496,0(X).
The Fifth Party Congress was
for a purification of satellite part
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June 1948 e Congress
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the end of the indiscriminate exp
f Party membership It introduced the candidate membership syst
slowed the pace of recruitment, and hinted at an impending purge of Party
rank 8. Originally directed against Deputy Premier Traicho Kostav a
potential Bulgarian Tito who apparently had begun to question Moskvags
dictates the campaign to eliminate nationalist tendencies in the Party
soon assumed large-scale proportions. During the period 1949-1951 some
109,500 members were expelled because of suspected Kostovite sympathies.
The victims included some of the lowest members in the remotest corners
of Bulgaria and some of the very top members of the Party hierarchy.
Apart from Kostov who was executed,nearly a dozen ministers, under
secretaries, and generals and a large number of okrug Party secretaries
lower army officers, and police chiefs were involved. At the same time,
however, 40,000 new members were recruited this trade a net decrease of
some 70,000 members. At the Sixth Party Congress In 1954. Partymemberw-
ship was announced as 455,251,an Increase of 6.2 per cent atter 1950
Since 1954 the Party has maintained a steacty, though modest crease at
an average annual rate of 1.6 per cent
2 ,Distribution and Composition
The geographic distribution of Party membership reflects the
1eaderhjp's evaluation of the importance of various groups in Bulgarian
on
society and its desire to place Communists in what it considers strategi-
cally important occupations Variations in the incidence of Party member-
ship among the administrative divisions of the country is therefore a
useful Index for assessing the significance of an area. Party membership
is concentrated in areas which are highly urbanized and industrialized
such as Blagoevgrad and Sofia Okrugs, in areas housing important govern-
merit control agencies such as Sofia City Okrug and in areas which
contain large military establishment It is estiznated that while 64 of
11 .4
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Volume
?
a
every 1,000 persons in Bulgaria are members of the Communist Party, Sofia
City Okrug has at least 91 Party members per 1,000 total population. The
industrialized okrugs in the southwestern part of the country also have
high incidences; the lowest incidencifs are found in the northern primar
agricultural okrugs
Statistical vagueness on the part of the regime p
S
definitive breakdown of either the social or occupational composition of
the Party. The goal of a Party composed primarily of workers with some
peasants and fewer intellectuals, howeve
s clear. Available data
indicate that while the regime is achieving some success is increasing
the proportion of workers, the proportion of intellectuals in increasing
at an even faster rate (see Table II. 2). Between 1954 and 1958 the total
membership of the Party increased approximately 6 per cent workers
increased more rapidly 11 per cent) but intellectuals or white collar
workers increased even more rapidly (29 per cent) The proportion of
Communists among the various occupational groups in Bulgaria probably
parallels that found in other Communist countries: the highest incidences
of Party membership may be expected in occupations that the regime
considers critical, such as the armed forces and state administration
and the lowest among such groups as peasants and bench workers in light
industry.
Table II. 2
Social/Occupational (?) Composition
of the Bulagarlan Communist Partv: 1954-19
Worker
Peasants
loyees
Others
Total
1?4
Number Per Cent
157,517 34.6
181,190 39.8
81,490 17.9
35.054 7.7
455,251 100.0
11.5
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195
Number Per Cent
174,817 36.1
165,615 34.2
105,083 21.7
38740 8.0
484,255 100.0
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Volume _T, Part II Bulgaria4 Communist Party
Current recruitment policies stress quality rather than quantity.
First Secretary Zhivkov emphasized at the Seventh Congress that the ranks
of the Party had to be constantly "cleansed" of unreliable and careerist
elements and that the basic task henceforth would be to improve the
quality of membership. He noted that Communists occupied key posts in all
sectors of the economy (one-fourth of the members work in industry, trans-
portation, and construction, and another third work in agriculture). He
further stated that new members should be recruited from among the "most
conscientious representatives of the working class, peasant-cooperators
and specialists, as well as from among the best representatives from
other groups of the intelligentsia, such as scientific workers and
teachers.?
More recently, Zhivkov has criticized local Party organizations
for failing to appoint a greater number of women Party members to
responsible positions. Although the proportion of women in the Party has
increased from 13 per cent In 1948 to about 20 per cent in 1958, few
women hold administrative posts in local Party, state economic,and
public organizations. In January 1960 there were only 3 women in the 30
bureaus of the okrug Party committees. Only 10 per cent of the secretaries
of primary Party organizations were women, and there was only one woman
among all collective farm chairmen in Bulgaria. All told, less than 4
per cent of Bulgarian women, ages 18 and over, belong to the Party, as
opposed to almost 15 per cent of the males.
3. Organization
The structure of the Bulgarian Communist Party closely parallels
the hierarchical arrangement of administrative-territorial divisions.
There is a central Party apparatus In the capital Sofia and subordi-
nate ckrug (district) city, and urban and rural obsht a (county)
organizations. At the lowest level are the primary organizations, formed
-11.6
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Volume
in all enterprises,
schools. offices and other
work centers in which there are at least 3 Party members. At each level
there is a nominpl Ty representative body to which executive agencies are
supposed to be responsible; in practice however, executive agencies of
the Party are responsible only to immediately superior executive agencies
and ultimately to the central Party apparatus. The representative body
of the Party as a whole is the Party Congress; of the okrugs, cities and
obshtinas?the conference; and of primary Party organizations?the general
meeting. The Congress or conference elects a committee as Its executi
the general meeting elects either a bureau or a secretary. It is this
apparatus which directs and supervises government agencies which have
operational responsibility for various facets of Bulgari life (see
Figure II. 1).
The formal organization and division of powers within the Party
reflect the principle of "democratic centralism": on the one hand, the
election of all Party organs from the lower echelons up the accountability
of those organs to their electorate and the free discussion of Party
policies by members before Implementation; on the other, strict Party
discipline and the subordination of the minority to the majority, and
the unconditionally binding nature of directives of higher organs upon
the lower. In practice, the democratic features of this concept are
virtually inoperative leaving the dictatorial features as the chief
characteristic of Party organization and operation.
a. Central Party Organs
Under the Party statute adopted at the Eighth Plenum of the
Bulgaria' Workers* Party (renamed the Bulgarian Communist Party in 1958)
in 1945 d revised at subsequent Party Congresses the Political Bureau
(Politburo) stands at the apex of the Party pyramid. Comprised of 11 full
and 3 candidate members the Politburo commands a position of unquestioned
INIS
1.7
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COMMUN
NATIONAL
CONGRESS
OKRUG
CONFERENCE
AMMENIMMMImmi
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FIGURE U.1
ORGANIZATION OF BULGARIAN COMMUNIST PARTY AND GOVERNMENT
ST
CENTRAL
COMMITTEE
OKRUG
COMMITTEE
I OBSHTINA, CITY I Ir
, CONFERENCE
L..
PRIMARY PARTY
ORGANIZATION
OBSHTINA,
CITY COMMITTEE
PAR TY
POLITBURO
OF
COMMUNIST PARTY
TOP
GOVERNMENT LEADERS
4-
SECRETARIAT
BUREAU,
SECRETARIES
GOVERNMENT
BUREAU,
SECRETARIES I
?I?, BUREAU,
SECRETARIES 2
gammo auminas imista
I An Obshtina Party Committee has no Bureau or apparatus;
it elects only a Secretary.
2. A Primary Party Organization with less than 15 members
elects only a Secretary.
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COUNCIL OF
MINISTERS
OKRUG
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
OBSHTINA, CITY
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
MANAGEMENT
r. MOO MINIS III11116
KEY
?Lz
PEOPLE'S
ASSEMBLY
MIIMIP =MAP
OKRUG
. I PEOPLE'S I
NL COUNCIL j
roBSHTINA, CITY-1
I PEOPLE'S I
COUNCIL j
????.
{ ENTERPRISE
Control or supervision
Election or appointment
Direct election
Indirect election or appointment
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Bulgaria, Communist Party
ascendancy in the Party and is actually the decisive political force in
Bulgaria. It formulates policy for both the Party and the government and
its members are the dominant., political figures of the country. Premier
Anton YUgov and several deputy premiers of the government are members of
the Politburo, as are Party First Secretary Todor Zhivkov and 2 of the
other 5 members of the Central Committee Secretariat. No electoral
relationship exists between the Party rank and file and Politburo members.
Although formally elected by the Party Central Committee, new members are
co-opted, and the role of the Central Committee is limited to ratifying
the choices of the incumbents.
The only other Party organ with real authority is the
Secretariat, the administrative arm of the Politburo and controlling
instrument of the Party. Although its powers in directing day-to-day
Party work are extensive, it implements rather than makes policy and its
acts are subject to review by the Politburo. The Secretariat 10 primarily
a device to transmit the orders of the Politburo to all lower level Party
organizations and to see that they are Implemented. Headed by Party First
Secretary Zhivkov, who presides over and directs the work of the other
5 Secretaries, the Secretariat supervises the work of the central Party
apparatus and of secretaries in all lower Party organizations. Each of
the 5 secretaries (other than the First Secretary) oversees the work of
one or more departments of the Central Commmttee (see Figure II. 2).
Members of the Secretariat are chosen by the Politburo and then "elected"
by the Central Committee of the Party.
The Central Control Commission, another body formally chosen
by the Central Committee but actually appointed by the Politburo, is the
disciplinary arm of the Party leadership. It determines whether members
and candidate members maintain Party discipline fixes r e s po nsib iii ty for
betrayal of the Party and violations of the Party program and statutes
II. 9
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11?111111MINNIMO
Monsmom onammilmo
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FIGURE 11.2
CENTRAL PARTY ORGANS: 1960
CENTRAL
CENTRAL CONTROL
COMMISSION
COMMITTEE
POLITICAL BUREAU
SECRETARIAT j
DEP AR
wriMmonommom 1?01.111?Nam. ?????1?????=
TMEN TS
CENTRAL AUDITING
COMMISSION
LAGRICULTURE
LFOREIGN POLICY AND
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
INDUSTRIAL CONSTRUCTION
AND TRANSPORTATION
IMASS ORGANIZATIONS
PARTY AND YOUTH ORGANS
ADMINISTRATION
PARTY CADRES
PARTY EDUCATION
PARTY FINANCING
AND ECONOMY
kTARFki
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PARTY ORGANIZATION
PROPAGANDA AND AGITATION
SCIENCE, EDUCATION,
AND ART
WORK AMONG
NATIONAL MINORITIES
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Volume Two. Part II
Bulgaria, Co
Part
and Party and state discipline, and reviews appeals against decision? Oy
lower Party organs relative to expulsion from the Party and other punish-
ments.
The Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party
theoretically is assigned the task of directing the activities of the
Party between sessions of the nominally supreme Party Congress. According
to the Party statute, the Central Committee represents the Party in its
relations with other parties and public organizations, organizes the
various executive agencies of the Party and supervises their activity,
and maintains central funds. Despite its vast statutory authority and the
fact that it formally elects the Politburo, Secretariat and Control
Commission, the Central Committee does not have any real power, although
individual Committee members are politically influential. The relatively
large size of the Central Committee (89 full and 48 candidate members were
elected at the Seventh Party Congress in June 1958), when coupled with its
infrequent meetings (every 3 months) suggests that its significance is
largely honorific. Its many formal powers have been taken over by the
Politburo and Secretariat, leaving it with only one important function:
reporting executive activities to meetings of Party members or delegates
According to the Party statute, the ?supreme organ" of the
Party is the Party Congress which is to be convened by the Central
Committee at least once every 4 years. Composed of delegates elected by
okrug Party conferences (in turn elected by lower level conferences), the
Congress theoretically elects the Central Committee and Central Auditing
Commission hears and approves the reports of these agencies, and deter-
mines Party policies and the rules by which the Party is governed.
Actually, the Congress does not function in any real electoral or
legislative se It merely serves as a rubber stamp for major policy
pronouncements and appointments made by a handful of top Party leaders in
the Politburo.
II 1
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Volume Two. P
The Central Auditing Compd. sion, "elected" directly by the
Party Congress is essentially a bookkeeping agency which administers the
Party central funds and draws up annual budgets. It also appears to be
responsible for seeing that the Secretariat of the Central Committee
conducts its business efficiently. The Auditing Commission is not
politically significant, as indicated by the fact that neither its chair-
man nor any of its members is a member of the Central Committee.
b. Lowe Level Part" Organs
The pattern of lower-level Party organizations reflects and
parallels that of the governmental structure. Immediately below the
national level are 30 okrug (district) Party organizations (including
those for the cities of Sofia, Plovdiv, and Varna) which are directly
subordinate to the central Party apparatus. Below the okrug level are
the urban and rural obshtina (commune) and city Party organizations.
Party organizations in some of the larger cities are divided into rayon
(ward) organizations. The lowest level of the pyramid consists of the
primary Party organisations set up in all economic enterprises villages,
military units, schools, offices, and other work centers where there are
at least 3 Party members.
At the okrug level,the equivalent of the Party Congress is
the Okrug Party Conference. It is comprised of delegates elected by
obshtina and city conferences and is convened by the Okrug Party Committee
every 2 years. It elects the Okrug Party Committee,which in turn "elects"
an executive agency, the Bureau, consisting of not more than 7 mnbers
(1958) and including a First Secretary and several other secretaries
Actually, the appointment of the First Secretary as well as of other
leading Party officials in the okrug is within the patronage of the
central Party apparatus, and its "recommendations" are accepted as a
matter of course The apparatus of the Okrug Party Committee consists of
1.12
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Volume Two P
Communist Party
various departments similar to those of the central Party apparatus. The
First Secretary, the most important Party official in the okrug, presides
over both the bureau and the administrative apparatus in his organization.
These organs are responsible to the central Party apparatus, not to the
committee which elected them. Their main duties are to supervise the
organizations directly below them, approve appointments and elections
of Party officials and members to offices in Party and mass organizations
and adjust general Party policies and directives to local conditions.
The Okrug Party Committee is required to hold a plenum at least once every
3 months; such plenums, like plenums of the Central Committee, do not
exercise any real political power and are held merely to give formal
approval to local programs and policies presented by the First Secretary.
Party organizations in cities of okrug subordination are
believed to be miniature replicas of okrug Party organizations. A city
Party Conference comprised of delegates elected at meetings of primary
Party organizations elects a City Party Committee. The Committee in
turn elects a Bureau and Secretariat. In practice however, the appoint-
ment of Party Secretariats at this level is strictly controlled by the
appropriate okrug Party apparatus. The activities of city Party organiza-
tions mirror the work of okrug Party organizations on a smaller stage.
Urban and rural obshtina Party cammxttees exist as an
intermediate focus of administration between the primary Party organiza-
tions which they control, and the okrug Party apparatus, to which they
are subordinate. They are elected directly by the primary Party organiza-
tions under their jurisdiction. An Obshtina Party Committee is an
operative Party organ headed by a Secretor-- it has no bureau or apparatus.
It controls all primary Party organizations in the obshtina, except those
in large industrial enterprises state farms and machine-tractor stations,
which are controlled directly by the Okrug Party Committee.
I 13-
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Part II
establish
SECRET
ry Party organizations, the basic Party units are
ery enterprise, village, military unit, school, office,
or other work center where there are not less than 3 Party members.
Theoretically, they serve as a link between the working masses and the
Party, but in reality they are one of the numerous instruments for the
political control of the population. Smaller Party organizations or
groups can be formed within a primary organization with more than 100
members, with the approval of the city or obshtina Party committee under
whose jurisdiction the primary organization falls. Smaller Party
organizations based on shops In factories or brigades in collective farms
can also be formed within primary organizations with less than 100
members.
The membership meeting, convened once a month, is the
equivalent of the Party Congress or Conference at the lowest level. For
the conduct of daily work the general meeting elects annually a bureau
of not more than 7 persons including one or more secretaries. A primary
Party organization with less than 15 members elects only a secretary for
its executive. If groups exist within a primary organization, each
elects a "chief", whose election must be confirmed by the bureau of the
primary organization. The functions of the primary Party organizations
include the following: agitation and organizational work among the masses
vflIm 10.
he xmplementation of Party directives; recruitment and training of
new Party members and candidates for membership; mobilization of workers
to prevent waste, fulfill plans strengthen state and labor discipline
and develop "socialist competition"; and elimination of corruption,
bureaucracy, and inefficiency in economic enterprises and on farms
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Volume
Government
The present governmental system in Bulgaria is an imitation of the
type of government in the USSR; it is completely subservient to the
dictates of the Bulgarian Communist Party, which in turn is wholly
responsive to the orders of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
The Bulgarian Constitution, adopted in December 1947, provides for
the division of all governmental power into executive, legislative, and
judicial branches. In actuality, all power is concentrated in the
Communist Party, which is above all governmental agencies and has absolute
authority over every phase of national life. All Important decisions are
made by the Party leadership and then passed on to the appropriate agencies
for nominal approval. Thus the 3 branches of the government serve
merely as executive and administrative arms of the Party.
Within the government, only the Premier, 2 First Deputy Premiers
and 5 Deputy Premiers possess any real authority. The powers of these
top executives stem largely from their positions in top Party agencies;
all of them are members or candidate members of the Party's Political
Bureau (Politburo), the most powerful body In the country, or its Central
Committee. Neither the People's Assembly (state legislature) nor its
Presidium possesses any authority to modify actions of the central
executive. The units of local government the people's councils whose
members are popularly elected, merely implement the directives of the
central executive agencies. The judiciary exists primarily to impose
"class justice."
1 National government
The major legal entities responsible for control of the Bulgarian
national government are, in order of importance, the Council of Ministers
the Presidium of the People's Assenibly, the People's Assembly, and the
Supreme Court. Operating entirely within the framework set by the Communist
Party, these organizations direct and coordinate virtually all activities
within Bulgaria.
I 15
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Volume Two, Part II Bulgaria, Government
The Council of Ministers is the supreme executive and administra-
tive agency in the country. It is comprised of Premier (chairman) Anton
Yugov, 2 First Deputy Premiers, 5 Deputy Premiers 11 ministers, and the
heads of 7 specialized agencies (see Figure II. 3). The members of the
Council of Ministers are nominally appointed by and formally subordinate
to the People's Assembly; in practice, however, membership in the council
is determined by the Party Politburo, and appointees are generally
members or candidate members of either the Politburo or the Party Central
Committee. In 1958, Premier Yugov and 3 of his then 4 deputies were full
members of the Politburo. They constitute the most powerful group in
Bulgaria, the point at which the highest levels of the Party and government
are merged (see above Figure II. I). In addition to the ministries and
specia3ized agencies whose heads have ministerial rank, there are other
agencies not part of the Council of Ministers but directly subordinate
to it. These agencies exercise functions usually too limited in scope
to be assigned to a ministry; some of them, however, may be considered
too important to be entrusted to any ministry, and more direct control
by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers or one of his deputy chair-
men is desired. The relegation of certain functions to such agencies
also may serve to hold down the membership of the Council of Ministers to
practical proportions. The chief function of the Council is the adminis?
tration of policies decreed by the Cammunmst Party0 All government
agencies throughout the country are bound by the acts of the Council
controls the entire state administrative and economic apparatus either
directly through its ministries and other central agencies or indirectly
through subordinate departments and sections in executive commmttees of
local people's councils.
The Presidium of the People's Assembly is a largely honorific
body composed of a Chairman, 2 Vice Chairmen, a Secretary, and 15 members
I 16-
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FIGURE II. 3
COMPOSITION OF BULGARIAN COUNCIL OF MINISTERS:1960
PREMIER,
2 FIRST DEPUTY PREMIERS,
5 DEPUTY PREMIERS
_D_ OF:
MINISTERS OF:
STATE PLANNING COMMISSION
COMMISSION FOR ARCHITECTURE
AND TOWN PLANNING
LAGRICULTURE AND FORESTRY
DEFENSE
COMMISSION FOR CONSTRUCTION LEDUCATION AND CULTURE
COMMISSION FOR INDUSTRY
I COMMISSION FOR LABOR I
AND PRICES
I COMMISSION FOR
TECHNICAL PROGRESS
STATE CONTROL COMMISSION
SECRET
FINANCE
EFOREIGN AFFAIRS
FOREIGN TRADE
INTERIOR
INTERNAL TRADE
LI
JUSTICE
PUBLIC HEALTH AND
SOCIAL WELFARE
E TRANSPORTATION AND
COMMUNICATIONS
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Volume Two P
Bulgaria, Gov errmient
elected from and by the People's Assembly. The Chairman serves as chief
of state in such matters as greeting foreign dignitaries and receiving
credentials of foreign diplomats. Theoretically, the Presidium exercises
all the legislative powers of the People's Assembly when the latter is
not in session. .Its only significant function, however, is to act as
transmitter to the Assembly of legislative proposals originating in the
nominally subordinate Council of Ministers, assuring their rapid enact-
ment into law.
Supreme legislative authority is nominally vested in the People's
Assembly, a unicameral body popularly elected on the basis of one deputy
to 30,000 inhabitants for a term of S. years. In practice,4+
-16%,
4.1
essentially a policy ratifying and propagating device of the Council of
Ministers. It meets for only a few days in biannual sessions and is
severely limited in its legislative work, generally discussing briefly
and passing unanimously the few main draft laws placed before it.
The Bulgarian Supreme Court, the highest judicial agency in the
country, serves as the legal arm of the central executive. It administers
justice primarily in the interests of the state; the interests of
Individuals are admittedly secondary. The constitutionality of laws and
governmental orders are dealt with not by the Court but by the Presidium
of the People's Assembly, while the interpretation of the law is performed
by the Chief Prosecutor.
2. Local Government
Government below e national level In Bulgaria consists of
people's councils which exercise governmental authority in areas
corresponding to the following administrative-territorial divisions;
30 okrugs (districts eluding the Sofia, Plovdiv, and Varna city okrugs;
a number of large towns of okrug subordination; and 2,000 (1957) rural
and urban obshtinas (communes). The larger cities, in turn,are
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Volume Two P
Bulaaria, Governmen
subdivided into rayons ds), each of which has its own people's council.
(Far a listing of major administrative-territorial divisions, see Table
Deputies (members) of people's councils at all levels are
popularly "elected" from candidate lists prepared by the Communist Party
and Communist-dominated organizations.
People's councils are essentially intermediate and local agencies
of the central government,with the taEk of executing the directives of
the central government and securing the cooperation and participation of
the local populations. Local offices of certain central agencies -which
maintain liaison with people's councils exercise independently of the
latter certain important governmental functions. The extent to which
people's councils exercise initiative in handling local affairs is
limited since the scope of national legislation and directives of the
central government is so broad that it Includes practically all phases
of local governmental operations. People's councils are obligated to
carry out all instructions of the Council of Ministers, the individual
ministries and other central bodies, and are subject to the supervision
of all.
Each people's council at each level elects an executive committee
which is the real depository of administrative and executive power for
its area. The executive committee is comprised of a chairman, his
deputies a secretary, and the heads of the various departments, sections,
and services who manage the activities of the local administration (see
Figure II 4).
Executive committee members are invariably leading
members of local Communist Party organizations; "party groups" attached
to the executive committee and consisting of all Communists there
employed further ensure strict Party control.
The chief task of an executive committee is to supervise all
economic, social ? and cultural affairs of local significance in
9
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FIGURE II. 4
COMPOSITION OF TYPICAL LOCAL GOVERNMENT: 1959
PERMANENT COMMISSIONS
OKRUG PEOPLE'S
COUNCIL
OKRUG EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
DEPARTMENTS, SECTIONS,
AND SERVICES
1111111101111111M
S301A83S
0
32:1VA-13M
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1V83N39
S301A83S
rn
0
0
4111111111/11111/111.
38(11.-ino
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0
3
AINON093
41111111111.1111?11111116
1V_LIcIVO
1.01181SNO0
0
2
38nlino
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Table II. 3
a ve
nt
Major Administrative-Territorial Divisions of
Bulgaria: 1960
Administrative Division
Blagoevgrad 0.
Burgas 0.
Dimitrovo 0.
Gabrovo 0.
Khadkovo 0.
Kolarovgrad 0.
Kurdzhall 0.
Kyustendil 0.
Lovech 0.
Milchaylovgrad 0.
Pazardzhik 0.
Pleven 0.
Plovdiv 0.
Plovdiv City 0.
Razgrad 0.
Ruse 0.
Silistra 0.
Sliven 0.
Smolyan 0.
Sofia 0.
Sofia City 0.
Stara Zagora
Tolbukhin 0.
Turgovishte 0.
Turnovo 0.
Varna 0.
Varna City 0.
Vidin 0.
Vratsa 0.
Yambol 0.
Control Center
Blagoevgrad
Burgas
Dimitrovo
Gabrovo
Khaskovo
Kolarovgrad
Kurdzhall
Kyustendil
Lovech
Mikhaylovgrad
Pazardzhik
Pleven
Plovdiv
Plovdiv
Razgrad
Ruse
Silistra
Sljven
Smolyan
Sofia
Sofia
Stara Zagora
Tolbukhin
Turgovishte
Turnovo
Varna
Varna
Vidin
Vratsa
Yambol
Coordinates
Latitude Longitude
42 - 01 23 - 06
42 - 30 27 - 28
42 - 36 23-02
42 ? 52 25-19
41 ? 56 25-33
43 ? 16 26-55
41 ? 39
c ? 22
42-17 22 - 41
43 ? 08 24 ? 43
43 ? 25 23 . 13
42 ? 12 24 ? 20
43 ? 25 24 ? 37
42 ? 09 24 ? 45
42 ? 09 24 ? 45
43 ? 32 26 ? 31
43 ? 50 25 ? 57
44 ? 07 27 ? 6
42 ? 40 26 ? 19
41 ? 35 24 ? 41
42-41 23-19
42 ? 41 23-19
42 ? 25 25 38
43 ? 34 27-50
43 ? 15 26 - 34
43 ? 04 25-39
43-13 27 - 55
43-13 27-55
43 ? 59 22 ? 52
43 ? 12 23 - 33
42-29 26 ? 30
accordance with higher directives from the constitutional government.
Traditionally, it has performed the following functions: coordination
of the work of its departments sections and services; direction and
control of the local enterprises and state properties in the area of
jurisdiction of the people's council; and direction and control of the
work of people's councils at lower levels and within the territorial
diction of its people's council.The committee makes decisions by
=pie majority vote the chairman
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sues ordinances based on
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Part II Bulgaria, ve ent
these decisions. All such activity, however, must be in accordance with
directives of the central government and are only nominally in accordance
with the decisions of the council which elects the committee. Each
executive committee is responsible both to the people's council elected
at that level and to the next higher executive committee (or Council of
Ministers). Each section and department is subordinate both to the
committee at the same level and to the corresponding agency (section,
department or ministry) at the next higher level. The higher organs
are vested with the right to resolve disputes arising out of such dual
subordination.
In January 1959 the administrative-territorial structure of
Bulgaria underwent a sweeping reorganization. The 13 okrugs and 117
okollyas (counties) then extant were abolished and replaced with 30 new
administrative-economic okrugs. The obshtinas, administrative areas
encompassing groups of villages, were retained as the basic territorial
units. This reform was but one of a series of measures aimed at
decentralizing economic management streamlining the central state and
economic apparatus and eliminating superfluous links in the admini t a
tive chain of command. The effect of these changes, at the local govern-
mental level was to increase the jurisdiction and responsibility of the
executive committees of people's councils. Operational control over
much of the economy was transferred from the various ministries to the
new okrug executive committees. At the same time, however, centraJized
planning financing, and accounting were further strengthened. The
management and control functions of okrug executive committees were
extended particularly in regard to
prises coil ecti e and state farms
networks ? f'utll responsibility for
administrative services is being r
executive committees and transf err
committees.
industrial and construction enter-
and the wholesale and retail trade
providing the population with
rcvved front the jursidiction of okrug
to urban and rural obshtina executive
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Bulgaria Eco
on
D. Economic Administration
Bulgaria, next to Albania the most backward of the Soviet satellite
countries, is about the size of Ohio and has an estimated 1960 population
of 7,858,000. Although substantial progress has been made in the
industrialization of the country since World War II, more than 70 per
cent of the labor force is still engaged in agriculture. Amon- the
satellite states, Bulgaria outranks only Albania In industrial output.
Light Industry and food processing account for most of the industrial
production, but the difference between the total value of consumer
goods production and that of producer goods has narrowed considerably
since the end of World War II. Mining accounts for about three-fifths
(1957) of the output of producer goods, a much greater proportion than
is found in the more industrialized countries of East Germany and
Czechoslovakia. Although industrialization will probably continue,
diversification is likely to be curtailed. In view of the country's
limited resources and the government's servile adherence to Soviet policy,
Bulgaria will probably concentrate on agriculture and the mining and
processing of ores.
Since their assumption of power in September 1944, the Bulgarian
Communists have adopted Soviet types of institutions and policies designed
to gain control of the production and distribution of goods and services.
All industries businesses, and mineral resources have been nationalized,
with the result that the socialized sector (including cooperatives)
accounts for practically all of Bulgaria's industrial production. The
state also owns all railroads, highways, and communication facilities,
and completely controls all domestic and foreign trade and the banking
system By mid-1956 collectivization of agriculture had proceeded
further in Bulgaria than in any of the other satellite states, with 77
per cent of the peasants and 75 per cent of the arable land in collective
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Volume Bulgaria, Eco nond. Administration
farms. In 1960 according to figures made available by the State Planning
Commission, 95 per cent of the arable land was collectivized; the remaining
5 per cent are orchards in the mountains No other satellite state has
approached this percentage of collectivization.
The centrally coordinated direction of the Bulgarian economy is based
on national economic plans which Implement the policies set by the
Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party under the guidance of the USSR
and in collaboration with other bloc members. Because members of the
Party's policymaking group also hold top positions in the government, they
both formulate economic policies and administer their execution. Indirect
Soviet control over Bulgarian economic affairs has been exercised mainly
through the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CEMA)--formed to
promote long-range Soviet plans for economic development of the satelli es--
and through trade credit, and technical assistance agreements.
1. Centralized Plannirlg and Control
The Moskva-coordinated policy decisions and directives are trans-
lated into economic plans by the State Planning Commission, appointed by
and subordinate to the Bulgarian Council of Ministers. On the basis of
plans presented by ministries, state and cooperative enterprises, and
local executive committees, the State Planning Commission drafts a national
economic plan which sets the goals for the planning period and allocates
resources to meet the goals The goals are defined for national income
and its distribution between investment and consumption and targets are
set for employment, production, and trade. The prices of most commodities
are also prescribed, and estimates are made of the amount of the popula-
tion's income which will go for purchases of commodities bank savings
government bcnds and direct taxes Economic plans in effect attempt
to coordinate all economic activities and economic relations of the
people and institutions of the country as well as the country's economic
I tiz
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a Economic A
i.stration
relations with other countries. The State Planning Commission submi s
the final draft plan for approval to the Council of Ministers which in
turn, presents 3t for routine approval to the People's Assembly. The
State Planning Commission coordinates and supervises the operation of the
plan while individual ministries are responsible for ensuring that
enterprises under their jurisdiction fulfill plan requirements.
In addition to the control exercised by the State Planning
Commission and the production ministries, the Bulgarian government has
adopted other specialized Soviet style institutions for economic control.
The most important of these are the Ministry of Finance and the State
Control Commission. The Ministry of Finance prepares the state budget
which is the basic instrument designed to carry out the government's
financial and fiscal policies. Revenues are channeled through the budget
and expended for such purposes as investment, military r equir enients and
social and cultural needs. Taxes not only are a means of providing
revenues for these purposes but also act as
,.?.tri.ce for siphoning off
consumer purchasing power. By discriminating against private enterprise,
primarily in agriculture, taxes also act as a tool for further socializa-
tion of the economy.
The Ministry of Finance also exercises financial control over all
state economic organizations and institutions primarily through the
activities of the National Bank and Investment Bank both of which it
controls. In 1951 the banking system was reorganized to give the govern-
ment firmer financial control Inter-enterprise credit was abolished and
the National Bank became the bank of
the sole source of short-term
credit and the accounting center of the state Because all organizations
which conduct operations connected with goods and services must conduct
their finances through the National Bank most receipts and expenditures
are ascertainable by the Bank
tting it to exert control over
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enterpriSe activities.ng-term mv
Bulgaria, Economic Administration
e financed and controlled
by the Investment Bank. It collaborates in the establishment of the
investment plan which it must finance; it verifies the cost of the
investment and the fact that it will be coordinated with the economic
plan.
The State Control Commission is the highest agency of fiscal and
audit control. Although some of the functions of the Ministry of Finance
overlap with those of the Control Commission, the functions of the latter
are independent of those of the Ministry, more inclusive and more thorough.
Actually, the State Control Commission makes on-the-spot inspections to
obtain information on the execution of the financial plan and oversees
the economic aspects of the administration of economic units.
2. Industrial Administration
Three years after its seizure of power in December 1947, the
Communist regime nationalized the Bulgarian industrial establishment.
Large and medium-sized industrial enterprises were consolidated -snd put
under the control of the Council of Ministers and the handicraft sector
was organized into state sponsored and controlled cooperatives.
By
1953 87.9 per cent of gross industrial production was accounted for by
the state sector and 10.7 per cent by cooperatives and only 1.4 per cent
by the private sector. Light industry and food processing account for
most of the industrial production while mining accounts for three-fifths
(1957) of the output of producer goods.
Bulgarian industry is organized on 3 leve national government
industry, local government industry, arid handicraft cooperatives. Prior
to the reorganization of economic management in January 1959 the various
industrial ministries within the Council of Ministers directly controlled
all industrial enterpri
operational chief directorates which presumably had subordinate local
of nationwide significance Through their
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Bulgaria. Economic Administration
offices throughout the country, the ministries exercised extensive
jurisdiction; they were empowered to take all actions necessary to the
functioning of the enterprises under their control. All other enterprises
were considered to be of local Interest and were under the jurisdiction
of the Ministry of Light Industry. The day-to-day operation of such
enterprises, however, was vested in the okrug executive committees.
In January 1959, the Bulgarian regime announced a major economic
reorganization, aimed at decentralizing economic management streamlining
the central administrative apparatus, and eliminating superfluous links
in the administrative chain of command. All industrial ministries,
including the ministries of Heavy Industry Light Industry, Electrifica-
tion and Water Supply, and Construction and Building Materials, were
abolished and the responsibility for overseeing the day-to-day operations
of enterprises formerly subordinate to these ministries was transferred
from Sofia to local levels. In place of the abolished ministries
Committee for Industry and a Committee for Technical Progress were
established within the Council of Ministers. These committees deal with
the main problems in the development of industry, such as plan fulfill-
ment, specialization, rationalization and the introduction of new
techniques and technology. They are also responsible apparently, or
e overall superN
sion of nati
nally signif
strial enterprises,
which are operationally subordinate to okrug executive coniiirtittees. As
in the past local industrial enterprises are created by the executive
committees.of people's councils with the consent of the Bulgarian Council
of Ministers. They are controlled by the departments of local executive
committees which in turn are responsible to the Council of Ministers
The handicraft cooperativesheaded by local cooperative unions under
the direction of the Central Cooperative Union which is subordinate to
the Council of Ministers.
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Administration
la, Economic Administration
Bulgaria is primarily an agricultural country. Although only 40
per cent of the land area is arable agriculture employs nearly three-
fourths of the total labor force. Conditions in general are favorable
for a diverse agricultural economy. All major crops which are
characteristic of Europe and the United States (except citrus fruit) may
be grown in Bulgaria. Grain crops occupy about 87 per cent (1957) of the
sown area, wheat and corn being the most important. About one-third of
the Bulgarian land area is forest, most of which is suitable only for
fuelwood.
Beginning in 1945 the Communist government reorganized Bulgarian
agriculture in conformity with Soviet methods: collectivization; govern-
ment control of distribution; establishment of state farms and machine
tractor station; and establishment of production and/or delivery quotas.
Collectivization of the Soviet type, based on the administrative
machinery of the extant cooperative movement, began in earnest in 1945
following passage of the "Farm Workers Cooperative Law." In 1948 the
government established a network of machine-tractor stations equipped with
machinery acquired from the peasants through condemnation and a collectivi-
zation drive was mounted. By. March 1960, 95 per cent of the arable land
had been collectivized.
Although the 600 odd collective farms in Bulgaria are patterned
after the kolkhozes of the USSR, the Bulgarian type differs in that a
collective farm member retains an equity in the land that he contributes,
for which he receives an annual remuneration in the form of rent. The
laws governing membership in the collective fix the minimum membership
period at 3 years. State farms, owned and operated by the government
comprise only 4 per cent of the arable land in Bulgaria. Although
established as model, large-scale echanized farms (s I ml I ar to the Soviet
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Volume Two P
sovkhozes), efficiency has remained low because of =competent management
and the general indifference of the workers. Almost all of the complex
agricultural machinery in Bulgaria is held by the state-owned and operated
machine-tractor stations. The services of the MTS are available to
collectives and private farmers at rates set by the state. Discriminatory
rates charged to the private farmer for MTS services are major weapons
in the hands of the state for furthering the socialization of agriculture.
The principal agricultural control agency in Bulgaria is the
Ministry of Agriculture which directs the agricultural and forest economy
for the state, cooperative, and private sectors. State farms and machine
tractor stations are controlled by local offices of the state farm and
machine tractor station directorates of the Ministry. Day to day super-
vision of the state sector of agriculture is vested In the agricultural
departments of okrug executive committees which are also subordinate to
the Ministry of Agriculture. The collective farms are controlled by the
agricultural departments of the obshi-Ana executive committees which, in
turn are controlled through the okrug agricultural departments by the
Ministry of Agriculture.
E. Control Force
The Bulgarian regime maintains its domination of the country through
the agency of Soviet support,and the services of some 413,000 persons
who constitute the control force. These include all those who have
administrative positions in Party or government, managerial posts in
the economy, officer or NCO rank in the armed forces, or who, because of
professional or technical training provide specialized support to the
state and its subordinate institution (see Table II. 4)
Mbst important among this group are some 3,000 persons who make up
the primary control force. These are the most important leaders of the
Party and of the civil government as well as the general or flag officers
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Volume Two Part II Bulgaria. Control Force
Table
Bulgarian Control Force: 1960
Category
Party Administration
State Administration
Economic Administration
Industry
Construction
Transport and Communi-
cations
Agriculture
Commerce
Services
Education
Health
Other Housing, Public
Utilities, Police and
Fire Services)
Armed Forces
Total
..%neow 41.-.19.ndma
v1 toas
Number
27,000
53,000
114,000
151,000
( 69,000)
( 12,000)
11,000)
8,000)
14,000)
(109,000)
( 31,000)
( 11,000)
68.000
413,000
Per Cent
of Total
6.5
12.8
27.6
(16.7)
( 2.9)
( 2.7)
( 1.9)
( 304)
36.6
26.4)
16.5
100.0
7 ? 5
(2.7)
Each of these is responsible for control of one or
another facet of activity at the national level and although there are
marked differences among them officials at this level comprise the basic
decision-making segment of the nation. Next in influence is the inter
mediate control force, numbering about 103,000, whose responsibility
extends only to specific geographic areas or branches of state and economic
activity. Typical members of this group are heads of regional Party and
civil administration, national managerial personnel of a given branch of
the economy, directors of regional public service institutions, or field
grade officers of the armed forces. Least powerful are the members of
the lower control force of which there are some 308,000.These provide
professional and technical services,supervise the direct performance of
work, or hold NCO rank in the armed forces. Members of this group have
only
ted authority, which does not usually extend beyond a given
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La. Control Force
institution or specific agency of government. They derive their principal
importance from the fact that it is at this level that direct and personal
contact exists between the regime and the various segments of the public
The primary control force is almost entirely concentrated in Sofia,
except for a few persons in okrug administrative centers. The inter-
mediate control force is more widely distributed among the major urban
centers while the lower control force is to be found in lesser urban
centers as well. Comparatively few of the control force are located in
rural areas since the duties which they perform are chiefly administrative
and industrial There is no firm information about the sex and age
composition of the control force, although it may be surmised that males
predominate, particularly In the primary and intermediate control force
segments, and that those over 40 years of age are In the majority. It
is probable that membership in the Party is higher among the control
force than in any other segment of the population.
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III. Czechoslovakia
A. introduction
Since the Communist coup d'etat in Czechoslovakia in February 1948,
stress on the necessity of consolidating state power and defending it
against "class enemies" within and without has given the Communist Party
of Czechoslovakia a Stalinist character, as yet hardly relieved by the
post-Stalin currents from Moskva and some neighboring satellites, especially
Poland.
The theory of the "people's democracy" with its recognition of the
peculiar problems of Communist rule under non-Russian conditions affected
the actions of the Czechoslovak Party only in the period before the coup.
After the coup the leadership shifted to a complete identity of interests
between the Soviet Union and themselves and hailed the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union as their infallible guide. Czech Party leaders have
since maintained their ultra-orthodox stand; they continue to view the
Soviet Party and USSR as the center of world communism and the model
for all their activities.
As a result of this Stalinist position, the regime has encountered
practical difficulties in realizing its aims. Strict political and cultural
controls and a "temporary" lowering of living standards after 190
alienated the population. Aunew course" adopted in 1953 has since led
to gradually improved living conditions and a degree of relaxation in
ether fioldne These ilinitad measures have not succeeded, however, in
gaining public acceptance for the regime.
The Party leadership, purged of all non-Czech or non-Slovak, non-
proletarian, and its intellectual elite has displayed no serious ideologi-
cal or personal differences since 1952. Soviet approval of the Ctech
leaders and the apparent lack of necessity for Soviet interference have
undoubtedly contributed greatly to unity and stability and the generally
smooth operation of Party and government.
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Volume Two. Part II
Czechoslovakia. Introduction
The internal unity of the leadership, its loyalty to the Soviet
rulers and their reciprocal endorsemenu of the Czech leaders, together
with the strict controls exercised over a passive population by the Party
and government, have thus far frustrated forceful expression of widespread
public dissension. There is little doubt, however, that the Party's
popular support is weaker than it was in 1948 and that developments within
the bloc since the death of Stalin have increased the difficulties of
maintaining control.
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Volume Two Part II Cz echo slovaki, Communist Party
B. Communist Party
All political power in Czechoslovakia is held by the Communist Party
of Czechoslovakia. In theory, as well as in practice, the regime is a
dictatorship of the Party, which seeks to establish a socialist, or
Communist, society.
Although the source of power in the state is constitutionally the
"people,? only the working class has been regarded as "reliable" in theory,
and only Party members In practice. Within the Party, its members theoret-
ically have supreme authority and elect their leaders, but through
"democratic centralism" the leadership has gathered all power In its own
hands. At the same time, the Party is willing to accept the help of
non-Party elements provided they share its purposes and are willing to
subordinate themselves to its leadership. The survival of 4 non-Communist
Parties (the People's Party, Czechoslovak Socialist Party, Slovak Revival
Party, and Slovak Freedom Party) has not therefore contradicted the one-
party concept. They are mere shadow parties which, together with other
mass social organtzations, maintain the fiction of a "National Front."
The Communist Party alone possesses real power, limited may by intra-
Party rivalries, by orders emanating from the Soviet Communist Party,
and by the possibility that unduly harsh economic policies might provoke
disturbances like those resulting from the unpopular currency reform In
June 1953.
1. Growth
On 1 January 1960 the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSC)
had an estimated total membership of 1,425,000, or 10.5 per cent of the
total population and 15.3 per cent of the adult population (18 and over),
see Table III. 1). The Czechoslovak Communist Party is the fourth largest
in the world numerically (the Chinese, USSR and Italian Communist parties
being larger) and the largest in the world relative to the population of
the country.
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Part II
Date
1946
1948
1948
1950
1956
1958
1960
(Mar)
(Feb)
(Aug)
ran)
June)
an)
(Jan)
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C z echo slov
Table III. 1
.a, Coimnunist Party
Growth of the Czechoslovak Communi t Party:
1946-1960
Total
Number Number
Per 1,000 Per 1,000
Membership Total Population Adult Population
1,159,164
1,400,000
2,418,199
1,899,423
1,444,000
1,422,199
1,425,000
96.0
114.1
197.2
153.9
109.7
106.0
104.8
134.2
160.1
276.5
217.0
158.7
153.7
153.0
Since 1945 Party membership has experienced periods of sharp rise
and fall, reflecting the adjustments of Party leaders to changing foreign
and domestic situations. In the months immediately after World War IT
membership grew rapidly from less than 50,000 in May 1945 to 713,000 in
August 1945. At the time of the Communist coup d'etat (February 1948)
membership In the Party had risen to approximately 1,400,000. During the
6 months following the coup the Party mushroomed, largely as a result of
the merger of the Social Democratic Party with the Communist Party. By
August 1948 Communist ranks had swelled to a peak membership of 2,418,199
an Increase of 73 per cent over February of that year.
After August 1948, Party membership began a downward trend,
continuous to 1957 at an average annual rate of almost 5 per cent. The
sharpest drop occurred between August 1948 and February 1951 During
this period a ban was imposed on the admission of new members and several
mass purges were conducted to weed out those who had entered the Party for
self-advancement, personal security, and other reasons inconsistent with
the ideals of Party purity and militancy. By January 1949 more than
100,000 members or 4.4 per cent of the total, had been expelled. About
22 per cent of the remaining members were demoted to candidate status
(introduced In November 1948) to ensure their Party "education" and loyalty.
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Cz echo 8.LoV
a ?
In 1949 Soviet pressure for a purification of satellite parties after
the Tito-Cominform split provoked a second, more drastic, purge. Between
January 1949 and February 1951 Party membership fell by 28 per cent.
Although the ban on membership was lifted In the spring of 1951,
the net decline in Party ranks continued at a reduced rate. Between
February 1951 and June 1954 the average annual. rate of decrease dropped
to about 3 per cent. The most significant decl e in this period occurred
during 1951 and 1952 when the purge of prominent Communist officials,
including Rudolph SlansIcy, the Secretary-General of the Party, was in full
swing. While there have been no mass purgings since 1952 the continued
expulsion of "hostile elements" reflects a renewed emphasis on strict
membership requirements and the need for maintaining discipline. In the
period 1954-1957 the average annual rate of decrease was less than 2
per cent ? Since 1957 Party membership has remained relatively constant
The slight increase evident in the last few years reflects a change in
recruitment policy iriitiated in 1955. Since then Party leaders, conceivv4
that a continued decline could seriously damage the strength of the Party,
have repeatedly criticized Party organizations for failing to recruit new
members.
2. Distribution
The geographic distribution of Party membership reflects the
eadershipts evaluation of the importance of various groups in Czechoslovak
society-and a desire to place Communists in what it considers strategically
important occupations. Variations in the incidence of Party membership
among the administrative divisionsof the country is therefore a useful
index for assessing the significance of an
The largest concentrations of Party members are in highly
d industrialized areas sites of major government control
in areas which contain large mUi tary contingents. Party
incidences are higher in urban c enters than in rural areas, and signi-
cantly higher in highly industrialized areas Brno and Ostrava Krajs)
centers
.
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Volume Two Part IT
0%.,Er1AP4
riaokirrovve,...k4 'Ow Irr
L 1%0 bar 4.,
than in predominantly agricultural areas (Presov Kraj). Areas which con-
tain important government control agencies (Praha Kraj) or large military
establishments also have much higher Party incidences.
It is estimated that 105 of every 1,000 persons in Czechoslovakia
are members of the Communist Party. In general, the incidence of member-
ship is significantly higher in Bohemia and Moravia (the Czech Lands) than
in Slovakia. There are 125 Party members per 1,000 total population in
the Czech Lands compared to 55 in Slovakia. The Czech Lands, with 71
per cent of the total Czechoslovak population, have 85 per cent of the
total Party. membership. Slovakiats share of the total population
(29 per cent) has remained nearly constant since World War II, while
its proportion of Party membership has increased slightly, from 11 to 15
per cent, since the Communist coup dtetat in 1948. Among the krajs, it
is estimated that Praha and other krajs in the northwestern and eastern
Czech Lands have the highest incidences; the lowest incidences are
probably found in krajs in the southern Czech Lands and in Slovakia.
3. gomp2sition
Although statistical vagueness on the part of the regime prevents
a definitive breakdown of the occupational and social composition of the
Czechoslovak Communist Party, an estimated distribution of Party member-
ship by selected occupations based on the fragmentary data thus far
published, is presented in Table III. 2.
The ratio of ful7-time Party employees to total Party membership
is believed to have declined in recent years, largely as a result of
concerted efforts by the regime in 1956 and again in 1958 to
the apparatus and to eliminate superfluous links in the administrative
hierarelly. It is estimated that the Party bureaucracy (professionals who
comprise the staff of the Party apparatus) now approximates 80,000 or
5.6 per cent of total Party membership.
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Volume Two Part II
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Czechoslovakianmiuni art
Table III. 2
Occupational Composition of the Czechoslovak
Communist Pay: 1960
Number
Per Cent Per Cent
Occupational Group j,ousands1 of Party of Group
Party professionals 80, 5.6 100.0 1
Military and police 84V. 509 28.02/
Workers and employees 1,157 81.2 24.6
Cooperative farmers 104 7.3 10.8
Total 1,425 100.0 1005h/
IV As of June 1956; Includes Party members in all
police units (regular and security police, frontier and
interior guards) of the Ministry of Interior.
12/ Per cent of total population.
According to data reported at the National Party Conference In
1956, about 6 per cent of total Party membership was t.. =vomese; f^r^4act
and police, and Party members comprised 28 per cent of total military and
police personnel. Announced reductions in Czech armed forces since 1956
have probably resulted in a decline in the number of Communists in the
military and a 1.-iop In Party membership in the combined military/police
category, although the incidence of Party membership is probable at least
as high as in 1956. In 1956 the Czech Minister of Defense reported that
65.5 per cent of all officers in the armed forces were Party members, the
same percentage as estimated for the USSR armed forces.
Continual complaints concerning the social composition of the
Party since 1948 have been characterized mainly by dissatisfaction with
the number of workers in the Party. Apparently the correct social
composition is only achieved when workers predominate and when other strata
of the population are represented on a more or less "profile" basis. In
spite of the professed attention to proper social composition and the
concerted efforts since 1955 to recruit young workers into the organization
1.7
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Volume Two Part II Czechoslovakia Conuntinist Party
the precentage of workers and unskilled laborers (36.3 per cent in 1956)
has continued to decline since the coup, while the percentage of white-
collar workers has increased. The main reason appears to lie in the mass
promotion of workers to white-collar jobs, an Important part of the
process through which the Party has consolidated its power over the
administrative and economic apparatus. Thus, while workers and empolyees
together comprise an estimated 81 per cent of total Party membership, the
vast majority are members of the extremely large, inflated bureaucracy.
Party leaders are plagued not only with this inherent Imbalance
in social composition but also with a static and aging Party membership.
According to one report In 1958, 91 per cent of the members had joined the
Party between 1945 and 1948. The same source stated that prewar members
formed 1.5 per cent and persons admitted after the coup, 7.5 per cent of
the total strength.
Mbr l
omovPift
In 1958, 6.5 per cent of all Party members
were under 26 years of age, while 12.7 per cent were over 60. In January
1958 the distribution of total Party membership by various age groups
was as follows:
The
dur
AzeGroup
18-.25
26A-34
35-44
45-60
Over 60
Number of Party Membership as
Party Members Percentage of Age Group
92,443
304,351
339,906
504,880
180,619
6.2
16.2
21.7
19.2
10.7
Total 1,422,199 15.3
number of Party members between 35 and 45 years of age has declined
g the last decade while the number over 45 has increased. The
increasing dominance of older people appears to be most pronounced
rural areas. Efforts to recruit young people for Party membership have
met
th little success.
III
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Volume Two. _art II
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Czechos
Contn'uriist P
4. Organization
The structure of the Communist Party closely parallels the hier-
archical arrangement of administrative-territorial divisions. Each level
of administration--national Slovak, kraj (region), okres (district) or
city, and obec (village)--has a corresponding Party organization. In
addition, basic Party organizations are formed in all enterprises, farms
agencies, institutions, and military units In which there are at least
3 Party members.
The formal organization and division of powers within the Communist
Party of Czechoslovakia reflect the principle of "democratic centralism":
on the one hand, the election of all Party organs from the lower echelons
up the accountability of those organs to their electorate, and the free
discussion of Party policies by members before implementation; on the
other, strict Party discipline and the subordination of the minority to
the majority and the unconditionally binding nature of directives of
higher organs upon the lower. In practice, the democratic features
of this concept are virtually inoperative leaving the dictatorial
features as the chief characteristic of Party organization and operation.
a. Central Party Organs
Under the 1952 Party Statutes as-:revised by the Eleventh
Party Congress in 1958 the Political Bureau (Politbureau) stands at the
apex of the Party pyramid. Comprised of 7 members and 2 candidate
members, the Politbureau commands a position of unquestioned ascendancy
in the Party. As the top governing organ, it determines Party policy and
tactics and, in effect, holds the reins of power In the state. No
electoral relationship exists between the Party rank and file and the
members of the Politbureau. Although formally elected by the Central
Committee of the Communist Party, new members are co-opted, and the role
of the Central Committee is limi ted to ratifying the choices of the
incumbents
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Czechoslovakia.Co t Party
The only other Party organ with real authority is the
Secretariat, the administrative arm of the Politbureau and controlling
instrument of the Party. Although its powers in directing day-to-day
Party work are extensive, it implements rather than makes policy and its
acts are subject to review by the Politbureau. The Secretariat is
primarily a device to transmit the orders of the Politbureau to all lower
level Party organizations and to see that they are implemented. Headed
by Party First Secretary, Antonin Novotny, who presides over and directs
the work of the 4-6 Secretaries, the Secretariat supervises the work of
secretaries in all lower Party organizations. Each secretary is in charge
of one or more divisions and/or commissions of the Central Committee
(see Figure III. 1). Members of the Secretariat are chosen by the
Politbureau, then "elected" by the Central Committee of the Party.
The Party Control Commission, another body formally chosen by
the Central Committee but actually appointed by the Politbureau is the
disciplinary arm of the top Party leaders. It checks upon all lower
Party organs, reviews appeals from disciplinary actions of lower Party
committees, and prevents Party officials from abusing their powers.
The Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party,
despite its vast statutory powers as the Party's chief executive agency
and the fact that it formally elects the Politbureau, Secretariat,and
Control Commission has steadily diminished in importance since the coup.
The fact that the Central Committee has more than 100 members, when
coupled with its infrequent meetings (every 6 months), suggests that
its significance is largely honorific. Its many formal powers have
been taken over by the Politbureau and Secretariat leaving it with only
one important function: reporting executive activities to meetings of
Party members or delegates.
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AUDITING COMMISTO-N1
COMMISSION FOR
WOMEN'S AFFAIRS*1
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FIGURE: flI.I
ORGANIZATION OF CENTRAL APPARATUS OF CZECHOSLOVAK COMMUNIST PARTY: 1960
CENTRAL COMMITTEE
CONTROL COMMISSION
111111101101111111?11 11111?????IM
11?111?111?111101.1??
POLITICAL BUREAU 1
SECRETARIAT
01111?1111NOMMO
IONS
AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA
AGRICULTURE
CADRES
EDUCATION,
SCIENCE, AND ART
* Appears to be on a lower level than the divisions.
INDUSTRY,
FINANCE AND TRADE
INTERNATIONAL
JUST;CE AND LEGISLATION
MASS ORGANIZATIONS
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NATIONAL COMMITTEES
ORGANIZATION
SECURITY
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Volume T, Part
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Czechoslovak14,_ ommunist Part
According to the Party Statutes, the "supreme organ" of the
Party is the Party Congress which is to be convened by the Central
Committee at least once every 4 years. Composed of delegates elected
by kraj Party conferences (in turn elected by lower level conferences),
the Congress theoretically elects the Central Committee and Central
Auditing Commission, hears and approves the reports of these agencies,
and determines Party policies and the rules by which the Party is governed.
Actual3,y, the Congress does not function in any real electoral or
legislative sense. It is merely a rally of Party and state functionaries
gathered to ratify policies proclaimed by the ruling group.
The Central Auditing Commission, "elected" directly by the
Party Congress, is essentially a bookkeeping agency, checking all Party
organizations in economic and financial matters. It has nothing to do
with policy or its Implementation.
Pnrty has also made use of
.1.1A ciAJAA_Lv...w.. t .e ongress,
another form of national Party participation the National Party Conference.
Composed of delegates elected by kraj committees rather than by kraj
conferences, the National Conference is not so representative of Party
membership as the Congress and includes only higher echelon Party officials
Convened between Congresses, the National Party Conference acts as the
endorsing body for actions of the Party's central executive agencies.
b. Slovak PaKty_Organs
The Party Statutes provide for a special organization of the
Slovak Communist Party, which is defined as a territorial organization of
the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. As a concession to Slovak sentiment,
a provision was incorporated in the Statutes providing for a Slovak Party
Congress, a Slovak Central Committee with a Pol tbureau, Secretariat
and Control Commission, and a Slovak Central Auditing Commission Thus.,
there exists in Bratislava a close replica of the central Party structure
III 12
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Volume Two Part II Czechoslovakia. Communist Party
The Slovak organs, however, are completely subordinate. In agreement
with national Party agencies, they direct and control the activities of
the 6 kraj Party organizations in Slovakia.
c? I2mnItIEL111_2AltY_Prgans
The pattern of lower-level Party organization reflects and
paral3els that of the governmental structure. At least 3 and sometimes
layers of Party administration can be distinguished. Below the national
and Slovak levels are the kraj (regional) Party organizations, which in
turn are broken down into okres (district) and city Party organizations.
Party organizations in the larger cities are equivalent to kraj Party
organizations, while their subunits in the form of borough (ward) Party
organizations have the status of okres Party organizations. Below the
level of the okres and city organizations are, in some cases, local Party
organizations. Subordinate to okres or city Party agencies they are
established wherever basic Party organizations are too scattered or too
numerous to be supervised directly by okres or city Party organizations.
The lowest level of the pyramid consists of the basic Party organizations
set up in all enterprises, villages, offices, and other establishments
where there are at least 3 Party members.
At the kraj level, the equivalent of the National Party
Congress is the Kraj Party Conference. It is comprised of delegates
elected by okres and city conferences and is convened by the Kraj Committee
every 2 years. It elects the Kraj Party Committee (43 to 63 members),
which in turn "elects" a Bureau of 9-11 members, a First Secretary, and
2 Secretaries. Actually, the appointment of the First Secretary as well
as of other leading Party officio..Ls in the kraj is within the patronage
of the central Party apparatus, and its "recommendations" are accepted
as a matter of course. The First Secretary presides over both the bureau
and the administrative apparatus In his organization. The responsibility
TTT
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Volume Two, Part II
a, Conm7inicrE P 1014-Ar
of these organs is to the next higher bureau and secretariat, not to the
committee which elected them. Kraj bureaus and secretariats are patterned
after the national organs, whose orders they carry out. Their main duties
are to supervise the organizations directly below them, approve appointments
and elections of Party officials and Party members to offices in Party and
mass organizations, and adjust general Party policies and directives to
local conditions.
Okres and city Party organizations are miniature replicas of
kraj organizations. An Okres or City Party Conference, comprised of
delegates elected at meetings of basic Party organizations, elects arl.
t.
Okres or City Party Committee. The Committee In turn elects a Party
Bureau of 7-11 members, a First Secretary, and 1-3 Secretaries. In
practice, however, the appointment of Party Secretariats at this level
is strictly controlled by the appropriate kraj Party apparatus. The
activities of okres and city Party organizations mirror the work of kraj
Party organizations on a smaller stage.
Small, geographically-organized local Party committees (local,
joint-local, and borough) exist In rural and urban areas where basic
Party organizations cannot be easily controlled without an intermediate
Locus of administration between them and the okres and city Party
committees. They are
Party organizations.
or city organizations
Party organizations.
Basic Party organizations are established in any enterprise,
institution, village, or other establishment where there are not less
than 3 Party members. In establishments with a relatively large number
of Party members, shop or section organizations may be established as
elected either directly or
Local Party Committees are
indirectly by the basic
subordinate to okres
which, through them, control the activity of basic
subunits of the basic organizations. A basic organization with more than
100 members may set up branch organizations; within the basic or branch
organizations smaller Party groups may be created.
-III. 14
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Volume Two, Part II Czechoslovakia, Communist Party
The membership meeting, convened once a month, is the
equivalent of the Party Congress or Conference at the lowest level. It
elects a Party Committee of members (3-5, in organizations with no
more than 20 members; a chairman, in organizations with no more than 5
members). Since basic Party organizations have no bureaus, their committees
particularly their chairman and officers have a measure of real power
and responsibility before members. On this level, however, power to make
decisions is so restricted it can be shared with the members themselves.
The functions of basic Party organizations include the following: agitation
and organizational work with the people and local press to fulfill Party
directives; mobilizing workers to prevent waste, fulfill plans, strengthen
state and labor discipline, and develop 'socialist competition"; checking
on the leadership in enterprises and government agencies, watching for
shortcomings, and pressing for the remov-
tr.
ciyom..^.4.
L
LUI-1 ?,0 1.J. ad C r
%mei Olio&
recruiting and training new Party members and candidates for membership.
III 15
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Volume Two Part II
Czechoslovakia. Government
C. Government
In Czechoslovakia since February 1948, government has been limited
to the role of the administrator of policies decreed by the Communist
Party of Czechoslovakia, which in turn is wholly responsive to the orders
of the Communist Party of the Soviet ThIJ.on. The formulation of policy,
as well as the supervision of each step implementing such policy, is in
the hands of the Czechoslovak Communist Party but is subject to Soviet
guidance. The execution of policy is the function of the government.
Although it lacks the popularly based decision-making powers associated
with Western-type governments, the government resembles in structure
that of the First Czechoslovakia Republic (1918-1938), modified by
separate legislative and executive organs for Slovakia.
Within the government, only the President, Prime Minister, First
Deputy Prime Minister, and the 4 Deputy Prime Ministers possess any real
authority. The powers of these top executives stem largely from their high
Party positions; all 7 of them are members or candidate members of the
Partyts Political Bureau (Politbureau), the most powerful body In the
country. Neither the state legislature (the Czechoslovak National
Assembly), nor the "separate" Slovak National Council possesses any
authority to modify actions of the central executive. The units of local
government, the national committees whose members are indirectly appointed
by the Party, merely implement the directives of the central executive
agencies. The judiciary exists primarily to impose "class justice."
1. National Government
The major legal entities responsible for control of the national
government are, in order of importance, the President of the Republic
and Presidium of the Cabinet, the Cabinet,
eI1 III
Yirloaftemors %ALLA CAA .1.4. Li 1. v..;?
Presidium of the National Assembly, and the Supreme Court. Operating
entirely within the framework set by the Communist Party, these offices
- III 16 -
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Voliune Two part II
Czechoslovakia Government
and organizations direct and coordinate virtually all activities within
Czechoslovakia
Supreme executive power is vested in the President of the Republic
and in the Presidium of the Cabinet. The presidential office, the most
significant structural difference between the Czechoslovak and USSR
governments and between the Czechoslovak and other Soviet satellite
governments, is weak in constitutional powers but extremely influential
because of the position of its incumbent, Antonin Novotny, as First
Secretary of the Communist Party and member of the Partyls Politbureau.
Formally elected by the National Assembly, the President makes Cabinet
appointments and is nominally head of state.
The Presidium of the Cabinet, formally subordinate to the
Czechoslovak Cabinet and, through the Cabinet, to the National Assembly,
was established simultaneously with the multiplication of ministries In
1953 and is, In effect, an "inner cabinet." It is composed of the Prime
Minister, Wiliam Siroky, a First Deputy Prime Minister, and 4 Deputy
Prime Ministers. Five of these persons are full members and the sixth
is a candidate member of the Politbureau of the Communist Party. Thus,
the President and the Cabinet Presidium constitute the most powerful
group In Czechoslovakia, the point at which the highest levels of the
Party and Government are merged (see Figure III. 2).
The Czechoslovak Cabinet although appointed by the President
and formally subordinate to the National Assembly, is the most important
legislative and acirp nistrative agency in Czechoslovakia. It is comprised
of the members of the Presidium ministers, and heads of special agencies.
Of the 31 ministers and officials of ministerial rank 26 are Communist
Party members and 21 are members or candidate members of the Central
'ttee o the ?.I.....
losl
ovak
.2
1/40/...o.t.LiaLLA..4.a.
Par
The current organizational
structure of the Cabinet includes 21 ministries and 4 specialized agencies
SEC
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LOCAL
COMMITTEE
41111111111111111111ft
o
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FIGURE III. 2
ORGANIZATION OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK COMMUNIST PARTY AND GOVERNMENT
COMMUN 1ST
011111M111111111111111
SLOVAK
CONFERENCE 2
E KRAJ
CONFERENCE
414
rCITY, OKRES
CONFERENCE
?//
r
/11' =IMO
/
LOCAL
CONFERENCE
BASIC
1 ,
,
,
I
ORGANIZATION /
PARTY
CZECHOSLOVAK 1
CENTRAL
COMMITTEE
SLOVAK CENTRAL
COMMITTEE
KRAJ
COMMITTEE
CITY, OKRES
COMMITTEE
11111111111111
/1 COMMITTEE
MEM III=11 MIME MEW
POLITICAL BUREAU
OF
COMMUNIST PARTY
CZECHOSLOVAK GOVERNMENT:
PRESIDENT
I PRESIDIUM OF CABINET I
SECRETARIAT
rPOLITICAL
BUREAU,
SECRETARIAT
BUREAU,
SECRETARIAT
BUREAU,
SECRETARIAT
SECRETARY
CHAIRMAN
I, An interim deliberative body,The National Conference, is elected by Regional Committees and also has the power to
elect Central Committee members.
2. Slovak Party and Government Organizations direct the activities of the 6 Kraj Party and Government Organizations
in Slovakia, Elsewhere Kraj agencies are subordinate directly to Czechoslovak agencies.
3. Exist where basic organizations are too numerous to be supervised directly by City or Okres Committees ; they are
elected either directly, by basic organizations , or indirectly, by Local Conference.
evriptvr
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?
GOVERNMENT
CZECHOSLOVAK
CABINET
SLOVAK
BOARD OF
COMMISSIONERS
KRAJ NATIONAL
COUNCIL
MUNICIPAL ,OKRES
COUNCIL
LOCAL NATIONAL
COUNCIL
MANAGEMENT
'MEM /MID
r?MEM IMMO OM 1114
I CZECHOSLOVAK I
I NATIONAL I
ASSEMBLY
L J
?
?
1.1.1" "Imm. ml
N SLOVAK NATIONAL
I COUNCIL
L 1
T.
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
1
KRAJ NATIONAL
COMMITTEE
MUNICIPAL ,OKRES
COMMITTEE
1
LOCAL NATIONAL
COMMITTEE
PRODUCTION UNIT
KEY
Control or supervision
Formal election
Formally elected by party membership
or general electorate
Indirectly elected or appointed
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Volume Two, Part II gzechoslovakiai Government
whose heads have ministerial ranks (see Figure III. 3). In addition,
there are numerous offices and commissions not part of the Cabinet but
directly subordinate to it. These are the Prosecutor General, Chief
Arbiter, Central Mining Office, Commission for Relations with Foreign
Countries, Commission for Settling Border Areas, State Office of Social
Insurance, State Wages Commission, State Population Commission, and State
Statistical Office. The acts of the Cabinet are binding on P31 government
agencies throughout the country. It controls the entire state adminis-
trative and economic apparatus either directly through Czechoslovak
ministries or indirectly through its subordinate Slovak Board of
Commissioners.
The Presidium of the National Assembly is a largely honorific
body composed of a chairman, Important only as a national figurehead
representing the "legislative" branch of the government, and members
elected by the National Assembly. Its may significant function is to
act as transmitter to the Assembly of legislative proposals originiating
in the nominally subordinate Cabinet, assuring their rapid enactment into
law. An Inner Presidium, and extra-Constitutional device comprised of
the chairman and vice chairmen of the Assembly, performs a similar
function. However, it is the only channel for bills "demanded" by mass
organizations and is thus the real directing force of the National
Assembly.
The National Assembly, the unicameral Czechoslovak legislature,
is constitutionally the most Important government agency.
In practice
it is essentially a policy--ratifying and propagating device of the Cabinet
Its members are elected by a nominal process of direct universal and
equal suffrage. All statutory law is issued in its name.
SEC RET
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CHA
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FIGURE 111.3
COMPOSITION OF CZECHOSLOVAK CABINET (COUNCIL OF MINISTERS)
R MAN
PRIME MINISTER,
DEPUTY PRIME MINISTERS
STATE COMMITTEE
FOR
CONSTRUCTION
STATE COMMITTEE
FOR DEVELOPMENT
OF AGRICULTURE,
FORESTRY, AND
WATER CONSERVANCY
1 .STATE COMMITTEE
FOR TECHNICAL
DEVELOPMENT
111111111111
STATE PLANNING
COMMISSION
1Also one minister without portfolio
AGRICULTURE
CHEMICAL INDUSTRY
COMMUNICATIONS
CONSTRUCTION
CONSUMER GOODS
INDUSTRY
EDUCATION AND
CULTURE
FINANCE
FOOD INDUSTRY
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
FOREIGN TRADE .1
FOUNDRIES AND
ORE MINES
FUEL
GENERAL
ENGINEERING
HEALTH
HEAVY
ENGINEERING
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INTERIOR
INTERNAL TRADEI
JUSTICE
?1 NATIONAL DEFENSE
POWER AND
WATER ECONOMY
STATE CONTROL
TRANSPORT
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Volume Two Part II Czechoslovakia, Government
The Czechoslovak Supreme Court, the highest judicial agency in
the country, serves as the legal arm of the central executive. The
constitutionality of laws and governmental orders are dealt with not by
the Court, but by the Presidium of the National Assembly. The inter-
pretation of the law is performed by the Prosecutor General, a Cabinet
official. Members of the Court are appointed by the President of the
Republic upon the advice of the Cabinet.
2. Slovak Government
Although Slovakia has a governmental structure similar to that of
the central government, its institutions are completely subservient to
the government in Praha. Except that there is no Presidium in the Slovak
Board of Commissioners (Cabinet) and no Supreme Court, the powers of
Slovak agencies are similar to those of Czechoslovak organizations.
The Board of Commissioners, the most important legislative and
administrative agency in Slovakia, is comprised of a chairman, a first
deputy chairman, 2 deputy chairmen, 14 commissioners, and the heads of
2 specialized agencies (see Figure III. 4). Under the direct control of
the Czechoslovak Cabinet which appoints its commissioners, upon the recom
mendation of the Slovak National Council, the Board has a peculiar dual
function. It directs the activities of agencies and enterprises within
its area of competence, and, more importantly, it transmits orders from
the central government to lower administrative agencies in Slovakia.
While it is clearly above the 6 Slovak kraj councils In authority, it does
not break completely the direct line of control between the central
government and the kraj councils.
The Board does not function in all fields. Czechoslovak
ministries which do not have Slovak counterparts are as follows:
Chemical Industry, Defense, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Trade Foundries
and Ore Mines, Fuel, General Engineering, Heavy Engineering, and Power
- III. 21 -
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FIGURE 111.4
COMPOSITION OF SLOVAK BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS
IZED AGENCIES
SLOVAK BOARD OF
COMMISSIONERS
COMMISSIONERS
COMMISSION FOR
CONSTRUCTION
PLANNING COMMISSION
AGRICULTURE
BUILDING MATERIALS
INDUSTRY
COMMUNICATIONS
CONSUMER GOODS
INDUSTRY
EDUCATION AND
CULTURE
FINANCE
FOOD INDUSTRY
HEALTH
INTERIOR
JUSTICE
LOCAL FUEL AND
PETROLEUM
INDUSTRY
STATE CONTROL
TRADE
TRANSPORT
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iume l'eviart II
and Water Conservancy. In these fields Czechoslovak ministries operate
for the most part from Praha directly through the local councils.
The Slovak National Council, constitutionally the most important
government agency in Slovakia, is actually an advisory body with a few
legislative powers and no power to control Slovakiats administration.
Its limited authority is indicated by its inability to name the Board
of Commissioners without prior approval of the Cabinet, and is emphasized
by the fact that all its laws must be signed by the Prime Minister at
Praha. Final authority to veto Slovak legislation lies with the
Czechoslovak Cabinet.
3. Local Government
Local government in Czechoslovakia is based on a three-level
system of national committees--kraj, okres, and local corresponding
to the territorial administrative units of the country. No elections have
been held for national committees since 1948. Committee members are
apparently appointed by the next higher committee on the proposal of
the Communist-dominated National Front organization at that level. In
addition to the three basic layers, there are also special types of national
committees. Central national committees for Praha and Bratislava have
the same status as kraj committees and are directly subordinate to the
Czech Cabinet and Slovak Board of Commissioners respectively. Munialpal
national committees in each kraj center and in some other large cities
are equivalent to okres committees. Borough national committees created
in Praha and Bratislava are equivalent to okres national committeeswhile
borough committees in other large cities have the status of a local
national committee. National committees are obligated to carry out all
directivesand instruct ions of the Cabinet the individual minx stries, and
other central bodies and are subject to the supervision of all ? Each
national c
ttee Atfk=e-sh 142vaal amlame.1--= m c.fmnrall which is e real
III 23 -
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:Volume Two Part II gzi._L_Itc.L.loslovaakiat_Government
depository of administrative and executive power in its area. Council
functions are extensions of ministerial functions of the central
government to the local level, thus facilitating the complete subordination
of the councils to central agencies. The Council is comprised of a chair-
man, his deputies, and the heads of various functional and branch depart-
ments who manage the activities of the local administration (see Figures
III. 5 and III. 6). Many of these persons also hold important positions
in local Communist Party organizations. Each council is responsible both
to the committee appointed at that level and to the next higher council
(or Cabinet of Board of Commissioners). Each department is subordinate
both to the council at the same level and to the corresponding agency
(department, ministry, or commission) at the next higher level. The
higher organs are vested with the right to resolve disputes arising
out of such dual subordination.
As a result of the trend toward decentralization of economic
management begun in 1956, the jurisdiction and responsibility of the
councils of national committees have been increased. By 1958 kraj, okres,
and local councils were directly managing one-third of the entire national
economy. Al]. state farms and nearly a33 bulk-buying of agricultural
produce were under their control. The Jurisdiction of the councils was
Also extended in regard to local industry, health, education and welfare
services, road transport and maintenance water supplies and installations,
and trade. In addition, their responsibility for the a1i ocation of
material, financial, and manpower resources was also increased. In line
with a recent reorganization of the territorial and economic structures,
announced in January 1960 further categories of industrial enterprises
will be transferred to the control of local authorities. By Janutuly 1961
all enterprises f less than nationwide significance are to be under the
direct supervision of kraj okres and local councils
II 24
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FIGURE III. 5
COMPOSITION OF TYPICAL KRAJ (REGIONAL) GOVERNMENT
PERMANENT COMMISSIONS
FUNCTIONAL
DEPARTMENTS
KRAJ NATIONAL
COMMITTEE
KRAJ COUNCIL
BRA NC
0
AWON093
SECRETARY
DEPARTMENTS
-o
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0
3tIVA13M
180dSNVNI
AINON003
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FIGURE III. 6
COMPOSITION OF TYPICAL OKRES(DISTRICT)GOVERNMENT
PERMANENT COMMISSIONS
OKRES
NATIONAL COMMITTEE
OKRES COUNCIL
FUNCTIONAL
DEPARTMENTS
RANCH
SECRETARY
3SN3A30
-n
rn
rn
-n
-n
0
z5
111111111111111IMMIP
41111111111
_LOMAISNO9
SEC RET
NOLIVOnCI3
3eini.-Ino
-n
rn
rn
DEPARTMENTS
0
ANION003
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-u
IT
it)
38VA-13M
rn
AellS110N1
_LI/12:10dSNV231
zo
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Czechoslovakia.
Volume Two, Part II Administrative-Territorial Divisions,
4. Administrative-Mskatim&O. Divisions
At the present time, Czechoblovakia is divided into 19 krajs
(regions) and 2 cities (Praha and Bratislava) or national subordination
(see Table III. 3). Krajs are subdivided into 270 okreses (districts)
and a number of cities of kraj subordination. Okreses control the
activities of the smaller towns and approximately 14,000 obeces
(villages)--the smallest territorial units. The larger cities are
subdivided into boroughs (wards).
This administrative-territorial structure is currently undergoing
a sweeping reorganization. The basic three-level hierarc4y--kraj, okres,
and ?bee-$-4,611 be retained, although the number of krajs and okreses
will be reduced and the borders of the former redrawn to correspond to
major economic areas. The new territirial arrangement, presented below,
will consist of 10 krajs (7 in the Czech Lands and 3 in Slovakia) and
108 okreses.
Kral Name Kral Center Number of Okreses
Central Bohemia
Central Slovakia
East Bohemia
East Slovakia
North Bohemia
North Nbravia
South Bohemia
South Moravia
West Bohemia
West Slovakia
Praha 12
Banska Bystrica 12
Hradec Kralove 11
Kosice
Usti-on-Elbe 10
Ostrava 10
Ceske Budejovice a
Brno 14
Plzen 10
Bratislava 12
This reform, the most recent in a series of measures aimed at
decentralizing economic management, streamlining the central economic
apparatus, and eliminating superfluous links in the administrative chain
of command will also involve changes in the national committee system
and in the organizational structure of the Party. The present central
national committee in Praha will be renamed the "national committee
for the capital." It will enjoy the status of a kraj national committee
and will direct 10 borough committees (equivalent to okres committees)
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Volume Two, Part II
Administrative
Divisions
Bazska F3ystrica
Kraj
Bratislava
Kraj
Brno Kraj
Ceske Budejovice
Kraj
Gottwaldov
Kraj
Hradec Kralove
Kraj
Jiblava Kraj
Karlovy Vary
Kraj
Kosice Kraj
Liberec Kra.,
Nitra Kraj
Olomouc Kraj
Ostrava Kraj
Pardubice Kraj
Plzen Kraj
Praha Kraj
Presov Kraj
Usti. Nad Labam
Kraj
Kraj
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Czechoslovakia
Administrative-Te
?
Table III. 3
Mal or Administrative-Territorial
Divisions of Czechbslovakia:
January 1960
Subordination
Slovakia
Slovakia
Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovakia
Cz echoslovald.a
Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovakia
Slovakia
Czechoslovakia
Slovakia
Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovald.a
Czechoslovakia
Czechoslovakia
Slovakia
Czechoslovakia
Slovakia
Control
Center
Coordinates
Latitude Longitude
Bazska
Bystrica 48 - 44 19 09
Bratislava
Brno
Ceske
Budejovice
Gottwaldov
Hradec
Kralove
Jihlava
Kre.lovy
Vary
Kosice
Liberec
Nitra
Olomouc
Ostrava
Pardubice
Plzen
Praha
Presov
Usti Nad
Lab em
48'O9Zilina
49 - 12
48 - 59
49-13
50 - 13 15-50
49 - 24 15-35
50 - 13 12 - 54
48-4221 - 15
50 - 47 15 - 03
48 - 19 18 - 05
49 - 35 17 - 15
49 - 50 18-17
50 - 02 15 - 47
49 - 4513-22
48 - 22 19 - 31
49 - 00 21 - 15
50 - 40
49 - 13
17-07
16-38
14 - 28
17 - 40
14 -;? 02
18 - 44
in Praha. The 10 boroughs, in turn, will be subdivided into wards. The
central national committee in Bratislava apparently will be abolished.
Bratislava, Brno, Ostrava, and Plzen will have city national committees
with the rank of okras conmilttees. Subordinate to each city committee will
be several borough national committees, having the status of local
national committees. Local and urban national committees will serve at
the lowest levels of administration. Urban national committees will be
set up in kraj and okras centers and other towns and subordinated to okras
committees. Local committees will continue to function at the village
el.
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The new
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Motional committees
have 80-250 members while
their councils will consist of 15.-].8 members; okres committees will
have 60-120 members and their councils, 12-15. Also the size of kraj
and okres Party committees will be revised upwards and the number of
members of their bureaus will be increased. The transition to the new
national committee system is to be completed by 1 July 1960.
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Volume Two Pa
D. Economic A
on
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Czechoslovakia
Since the Communist seizure of power in 1948, Czechoslov
a
shifted its economy from one of semi-private enterprise to a system based
on centralized state planning and extensive public ownership of the means
of production. Almost all industry, except for small handicrafts, is
state owned. The state also owns the transportation, communications,
finance, and most of the distribution systems. Although moderate land
reform programs were instituted immediately after World War II, a
thoroughgoingreorganization of the farming structure began with the
collectivization movement of 1949. In January 1960, Antonin krovotrOr
First Secretary of the Communist Party, reported that 84 per cent of all
agricultural land in Czechoslovalda was in the socialized sector.
In accordance with Communist ideology, the free market as a coordinator
of economic activity was replaced by centrally coordinated direction based
on national economic plans. Under these Diana
netnrnminnevh4v4+ Umm
been mobilized to strengthen the industrial and military power of the
state. Investment has been channeled, for the most part into producer
and military goods rather than into camsumer goods industries housing,
and agriculture. To meet Communist goals the economy has been reoriented
along Soviet lines under the framework of the Czechoslovak Five-Year
Plans. By 1953 all significant Soviet economic institutions had been
adopted in Czechoslovakia.
Economic policy is determined by the Politbureau of the Czechoslovak
Communist Party, under the influence of the Soviet Union and in collaborar.
tion with other members of the Soviet bloc. Because the members of the
Party's policy-making group also hold the top positions in the government
they both formulate policy and administer its execution. Indrect
Soviet control over Czechoslovak economic affairs has been exercised
mainly through the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (C]XA)-formed
1.30
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Czechoslovakia. Eco
Administration
to promote long-range Soviet plans for the economic development of the
satellites--and through trade agreements and Soviet consultants assigned
to Czech ministrie
o observe and supervise the implementation of pre-
scribed economic policies
1. Centralized P1and Control
The Moskvaimicoordinated policy decisions and directivesare
translated into economic plans by the Czechoslovak State Planning
Commission of the Czechoslovak Cabinet It is composed of a President
(a Deputy Prime Minister),his deputies, the heads of some economic
ministries, prominent scientists and technologists, and the Chairman
of the Slovak Planning Commission. Its members are appointed by the
President of the Republic upon recommendation of the Cabinet.
The State Planning Commission exercises control over all economic
and administrative activities in the state. It furnishes a guide list
of ky Azuemsto _ ,..%?-?
Lain= piLdnalii_i_we
Anwin Cale.
%A 1G la Girl. tegiLy....a. %V
of elmnrionli-C ministries, to be
translated into goals for their subordinate enterprises Theoretically,
each enterprise estimates its maximum output and minimum expenditures for
each operation in the production process. These estimates are then
forwarded to the planning departments of the appropriate ministries
where all plans are reconciled. The ministry programs are then translated
into quarterly and monthly plans for each type of industry. Meanwhile
a final, revised draft is prepared by the State Planning Commission and
presented to the National Assembly for enactment into law. In this way
targets are established for investment, production and other aggregate
measures for economic sectors as well as goals for social health and
cultural a ervic es ? The final plan currently for five-Tear periods
although ten- andfifteen-year plans are envisioned constitutes a set
of control figures, which becomes the basis for the allocation of national
resourc es. By means of a chain of command extending from the ministry to
the enterprise manager, the state supervises fulfillment of planned goals
III 31
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olume Two. Part II
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Czechoslovakia Economic A
on
arming for agriculture is much less detailed than fo
The State Planning Commission issues directives which establish goals for
crop and livestock production, yields, and delivery quotas. Goals for
state farms are as directly by the Ministry of Agriculture, while
those for cooperative and private farms are set by local Communist
authorities. Local agricultural plans proceed from the plans of okres
Party and government committees. The latter plans are breakdowns of
kraj plans which have been developed by kraj government and Party
committees together with the Ministry of Agriculture.
In addition to the control exercised by the various production
ministries the Czechoslovak government has adopted other specialized
Soviet-type institutions for economic control. The most important of
these are the state budget, the Ministry of Finance, and the Ministry
of State Control. Centralized control of the economic system is facill
by the 8tate budget which brings all state revenues and expenditures
under central authority and gears the state financial program closely
to the national economic plan Revenues, obtained mainly from sales
taxes on consumer goods and profits from state-owned enterprises,are
aflocated by the budget to finance state
ated
stment military expenditures
and other public outlays. Taxes are used to restrict consumption
discourage private enterprise, and encourage state-controlled economic
activity. A supplementary control over economic activity is provided
by the Ministry of Finance Banking is centralized under the state-own
National Bank Investment Bank, and Savings Bank all of which are
subordinate to the Ministry of Finance ? All organizations must channel
their transactions through this unified system. Investment in plant and
equipment occurs through interest-free grants distributed by the State
Investment Bank on the basis of centrally established detailed plans
III 32
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Volume Two. P
Short erm credit is gr
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banks to meet working requirnents of
enterprisesin accordance with their approved production plans The
Ministry of State Control another important economic control agency, was
created in 1951 when increased emphasis on heavy industrial production
and a high rate of investment necessitated more stringent controls over
the factors of production. Functioning as the government's main fiscal
auditor, it searches out enterprises guilty of financial masmanagement.
2. Industrial Administ ation
Nationalization decrees in 1945 brought most of the basic
industries in Czechoslovakia into the state sector. On the eve of the
Communist takeover, state-owned industry employed 64 per cent of the
industrial labor force. Immediately following the coup in February 1948,
all industries employing 50 or more persons were nationalized National-
ization moved so rapidly that by the beginning of 1949 the socialized
sector
cluding ed, locally owned, and cooperative enterprises,
encompassed all but 3.6 per cent of the employed persons in industry.
Large numbers of small producers as well as medium and large producing
firms were liquidated because of alleged inefficiency. Many other
enterprises were later taken over or d?iven out of existence mainly by
discriminating tax and credit policies. By the beginning of 1956 the
socialized sector of industry contributed 96.2 per cent of gross
industrial production, state enterprises, 92.8 per cent, cooperatives
3.4 per cent while the private sector accounted for 3.8 per cent
The major control elements in Czechoslovak industry are the
industrial ministries,the heads of which are members of the Czechoslovak
Cabinet Prior to 1951 the central government exercised control over
industry through large networks of intermediate agencies which trans-
mitted directives from ministries to the actual operating unite
In 1951 this practice was dropp
III
favor of the creation of chief
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Volume Two Part II Czechoslovakia, Economic Administration
directorates within each ministry which were to absorb the functions of
the abolished intermediate agencies. Each chief directorate supervised
a given geographic area, branch of production, or specific problem, such
as supply or construction. The aim of this reorganization was to centralize
control over economic sectors formerly enjoying considerable independence,
to simplify the administrative apparatus, and to bring individual plant
managements into a more responsible position vis-avis the central govern
ment. Under the direct control of the chief directorates were the national
enterprises?the basic economic production units. In some cases, several
enterprises or auxiliary organizations (non-productive units set up to
perform planning, marketing, and research functions for the production
units) were subordinate to a main national enterprise which, in turn
was controlled directly by a chief directorate. Where a large concentration
of similar enterprises was involved, an association was formed, with
subordinate enterprises and auxiliary organizations. It too was in the
direct line of control of a chief directorate. Genrea117 speaking
industrial management was organized on 3 levels: ministry, chief
directorate, national enterprise. However, groupings of subordinate
enterprises into one unit often resulted in a fourth layer of administra-
tion at the production level.
The existing pattern of organization In the economic production
units is built around the all-embracing responsibility of the manager.
Managers of main national enterprises, and of national enterprises
designated as economic production units, are appointed by and responsible
to the ministers of the industries involved. Managers of subordinate
enterprises are appointed by and responsible to managers of main enter-
prises. The manager bears full responsibility for the work of the
enterprise as a whole for the fl,lfillment of the quantitative and
qualitative indices of the state planned tasks, for the correct and
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Cze hos ov
ion
onomic Administrat
economical expenditures of resources and for the correct organization
of labor. Immediately subordinate to the manager are the chief of
production, who functions as his first assistant, and the chiefs of the
planning enterprise economy, commerce administration, technical control
security, and cadres divisions. Shop chiefs and section foremen are
subordinate to the chief of production.
In certain sectors of the economy, national enterprises
as and auxiliary organizations may be established by kraj and
okres national committees, with the consent of the appropriate ministers.
Such production units are subordinate both to the councils of the national
committees and to the respective ministers. Enterprises of local industry
are under the jurisdiction of the national committees, at all levels
which establish them and appoint their managers
In June 1956 the first of a series of measures was taken aimed
at decentralim na pinem^m4^ m nk
nt and planning, and reducing the
excessive size of the administrative machinery. Some ministries and
other central agencies were abolished and their functions divided among
new central bodies and local authorities Moreover,the organizational
structure of the remaining ones was simp
Much of the ministerial
authority and responsibility for planning organization,ages recon
0 Loa-U?V to.Wn a L 1U.
-ery ove
was transferred to the enterp
A more drastic reorganization of the economic structure occurred
in the spring of 1958. Industrial ministries were reduced to small
-sing, Lid
credits gradually
e and local governmental levels.
supervisory bodies; day to day decision making
aferred to individ
al enterprises ? On 1 April 1958 $01 chief directorates (178 in Decembe
1957)
were abolished and functions related directly to enterprise production
emoved from the responsibilityof the ministries.The 1,417
rial enterprises (excluding local and cooperative industries) were
ped into 929 including 316 main national enterprises 126 branch
III. 35
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Cl
Czechoslov
Economic Administration
national enterprises subordinate to main ones, and 487 enterprises united
Into 67 associations. During the course of this decentralization,
37,000 persons were dismissed from their posts in ministries and subordinate
organs.
In January 1960 the regime announced its decision to revamp and
simplify the entire administrative-territorial structure of the nation,
as a further step in the process of economic decentralization. Under
this plan, new kraj boundaries will be redrawn to conform to major
economic areas and kraj governmental authorities will have Increased
responsibilities for control of the economy within their jurisdiction.
Industrial enterprises of national significance will continue to be
controlled directly by ministries In Praha. Enterprises of kraj, okres,
or local importance, however, will be directed by the appropriate national
committee council. In addition, kraj and okres councils will assume a
large share of the responsibility for the effective location of industrial
enterprises in their areas and for the elimination of differences in the
level of development between individual okresses and obeces. The transfer
of industrial enterprises to local governmental jurisdiction is to be
completed by 1 January 1961.
3. Agricultural Acliiii nistration
Prior to 1949 the ownership of agricultural land in Czechoslovakia
was almost entirely in private hands Most of the farm land consisted of
small and medium-sized holdings owned and worked by individual peasants;
may some larger holdings, mostly forest lands, were under government
control. Beginning in 1949 the structure of land ownership changed
radically as the Communist drive to "socialize" agriculture began.
As envisioned by the Communists the socialization of agriculture
means eventual public ownership of all private holdings centrally organized
production and distribution plans and cooperative farming Effective
control of all agricultural resources by the regime provides means for
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Volume Two, Part II Czechoslovakia Economic Administration
supplying agricultural commodities for the urban and industrial population
at relatively law prices, for overcoming the shortage of agricultural
labor, and for increasing agricultural productivity by applying the factors
of large-scale production.
The socialization of agriculture in Czechoslovakia has been
gradual compared to that in the Soviet Union. As in some of the other
satellite countries, it has been characterized by periods of rapid
collectivization followed by periods of retrenchment during which gains
were consolidated. At the end of 1957 the socialist sector, comprised
for the most part of unified agricultural cooperatives (collective farms),
state farms, and machine tractor stations, had 65.5 per cent of all
agricultural land. By mid 1958 the figure was almost 72 per cent and in
January 1960 it was 84 per cent (including 65 per cent in collective
farms and 19 per cent in state farms). The private sector, which includes
private farmers and the two lowest forms of cooperatives, has only 16
per cent of the agricultural land but nearly half of the permanent
agricultural labor force (excluding seasonal workers, brigade leaders,
engineers, other technical personnel, and administrative personnel).
The regime is still heavily dependent upon the private sector for
marketable agricultural produce.
Private farms, as well as state and collective farms, and
machine tractor stations, are under the supervision of central planning
authorities, although the extent and form of control exercised by the
regime varies considerably. The socialist sector is controlled indirectly
by the regime through local governmental authorities; the private sector
is indirectly controlled from the center by means of discrimmnatory tax
and credit policies and manipulation of the price system
The most xmportant agricultural control agency in Czechoslovakia
is the Ministry of Agriculture Goals for crop and livestock production,
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yields,and delivery quotas are established by the State Planning
Commission. Operating within this framework, the Ministry of Agriculture
is responsible for the overall supervision of the agricultural economy.
It formulates production and investment programs in accordance with
planned goals and directly assigns goals for state farms
State farms, patterned after Soviet sovkhoz
under the direction of the Ministry of Agriculture s
have been operated
ce 1953. Other
ministries however, have supervisory functions particularly the Ministry
of Food Industry, which exercises supervision in connection with specialized
livestock breeding and fattening farms attached to certain food processing
instalations. On 1 January 1957 the supervision and responsibility of
directing state farms was transferred to the kraj national c ttees.
A small central unit was maintained within the Ministry of Agriculture
to provide a control link with the central government and to provide
basic directions and solve construction, production, and management
problems The director of each state farm was given full responsibility
for the property and his jurisdiction of operation was expanded. Today
state farms represent the leading enterprises in every branch of
agriculture. They claim the highest yields of essentially all crops and
animal pro duc
Their higher delivery quotas, apart from ideological
considerations, attest to the government's interest in fostering and
developing state farms The per unit cost of production for a state
farm however, probably higher than for any other type of agricultural
production unit in Czechoslovakia
Four types of collective farms ed agricultural
cooperatives) exist in Czechoslovakia
Beginning with
form (a preparatory committee) and theoretically progre
Types II and III, the Soviet model kolkhoz, or Type IV
attained ? Since 1950 the central statistical office has not included
e I he lowes
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the land in the "lower types" (I and II) in the socialist sector. By
the end of 1956, 98 per cent of all collectives were of the higher,
socialized types (III and IV). For the collective farms, the administrative
chain of command extends from the Ministry of Agriculture to the departments
of agriculture and bulk buying of agricultural produce in kraj and okres
national committee councils. The agricultural control responsibilities
of local councils has increased in recent years to the extent that they
now age and direct virtu1 ly all state and collective farms and
the Soviet-type machine tractor stations, under guidance of the Ministry
of Agriculture.
Collectivization has not resulted in a proportionate increase in
agricultural production in the collective sector. Some success has been
achieved in grain production, but results have not been satisfactory in
categories of crop production requiring a large labor force such as
potatoes, sugar beets, and livestock. Funds for subsidizing collective
farms still make up a significant portion of the annual state agricultural
budget. In 1952, only 14.1 per cent of the collectives fulfilled their
plan and were able to pay their members the planned remuneration per
working unit; 44.2 per cent did not produce enough to cover the cost
of the work of their members. The situation has improved somewhat
since then.
II 39
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Volume Two P
Czechoslovakia
E. Control Force
On 1 January 1960 it is estimated that the Czechoslovak Control
Force numbered approximately 938,000 persons or about 6.9 per cent of
the total population and 20 per cent of those employed in the socialized
sector of the Czechoslovak labor force (see Table III. 4) Like the USSR
Control Force it is, composed almost exclusively of persons with command
responsibilities or In staff positions requiring specialized knowledge
which would enable them effectively to exercise supervisory responsibilities
in times of crisis.
The individual segments of the control force exercise varying degrees
of responsibility. The Communist Party control force, comprised of
75,000 full-time Party professionals, is the most important and influential
element. Through their positions in the only effective decision-making
group in Czechoslovakia these people are able to control and shape action
by all other agencies of governmental, military, economic, and social
administration. They range in importance from the members of the central
apparatus, who exercise nationwide control over every aspect of life in
Czechoslovakia, to full
agricultural areas.
The second most mm
e secretaries of Party groups in remote
t component of the Czechoslovak Control Force
is made up of the 82,000 persons working in state administrative agencies,
including national Slovak kraj, okres, city, and obec governments. At
each level the workers in the organs of state administration are under
the guidance of corresponding Party organs and are, in effect, the
primary executors of the Party? s will in relation to the population.
The highest echelons of this control force component rank just below
the central Party apparatus in power and prestige; at the lower levels of
the administrative hierarchy the differential increases
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Czechoslovakia Control Force
Table III. 4
Composition of the Czechoslovak
Control Force: 1960
Communist Party
State Administration
Military
Economic Administration
Industry
Trade, Supply, etc.
Transport and Communications
Construction
Agriculture
Services
Education
Health
Housing and Public Utilities
Finance and Credit
Others
Total
Number
75,000
82,000
134,000
358,000
(225,000)
1 42,000)
3
37,000)5,000)
19,000)
179,000)
80,000)
14,000)
11,000)
5,000)
289,
elailIMINI101111011iONM~111111111110~111N10
938,000
The mili ary control force
eludes an estimated 134
Per Cent
of Total
8.0
8.7
1403
38.2
30.8
100.0
(24.0)
( 4-5)
3-9)
3-7)
( 2.1)
119.1
8.5
1.5)
1.2)
0.5)
officers and
NCOs of the armed forces and security agencies. They command the major
instruments of repression and coercion at the disposal of the regime and
thus would play a significant role in a crisis situation.
The largest single segment of the Czechoslovak Control Force is made
up of the 358,000 persons in economic administration. They manage or
provide technical services for economic enterprises in the fields of
industry, trade, transport c ozrnunic at ions, construction, and agriculture.
Persons with nationwide responsibility in the economic sphere,such as
the heads of industrial ministeries are included not in this category but
in the state administration control force.
The services control force consists of 289,000 workers in such
activities as education health, housing and public utilities Mmibers
of
hi
group supe
agen
ponsible for supplying these services
and provide technicalpport for such activities. Under normal conditions
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Czechoslovakia Control Force
this group has little significant command responsibility and is the least
Influential component of the control force. In wartime, however, its
authority and responsibility are considerably increased.
Nearly all members of the Czechoslovak Control Force live and work
in urban areas. Praha contains the majority of persons with nationwide
responsibility; lesser concentrations are found in the kraj centers.
-III.42
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Eat Germany
A. Introduction
East Germany, the so-called German Democratic Republic s, like
6 other nations in Eastern EUrope, a satellite of the Soviet Union.
The basic reason for its existence lies in the fact that Soviet armed
forces support it and that the principal authorities in politics and
government accept the direction given them by Soviet sources. In
politics all guidance comes through the agency of a single political
party, highly centralized in organization and barely responsive to
public opinion. The governmental machinery uses a democratic facade
to hide its dictatorial actions. Most of the economy is directly
controlled by the state without the countervailing forces of compet-
itors labor unions, or the general public being able to play a part
All public discussion is east in molds originating in the Soviet Union
and the Soviet lead is followed even in such matters as the design of
uniforms for the armed services.
Suoh an emphasis upon the great resemblance of East Germany and
the Soviet Union should not be taken as a denial of differences
between them or between East Germany and any other satellite. Each
of the nations in the Soviet bloc is the product of a long course of
development during which each has reacted in its own way to its
problems and has built up a national pattern of life. East Germany
is perhaps more striking in this regard than any of the other
satellites . As the successor to at least a part of the old German
Reich East Germany has inherited a population imbued with German
national traditions and accustomed to acting as part of a great power.
But East Germany has also inherited only a part less than 25 per cent
of the population of that great po
inder live under a
regime which is much more responsiveto popular wishes and to a great
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yolame 7wo.,_ Parke IT
East Germany. Intrgduction
degree, more deeply imprinted with Germany $ past. The regime in at
Germany has had to take account of these facts. At least some of the
forme of government have had to be adjusted to allow a token represen-
tation for accustomed forces and the application of Soviet policy has
had to be made with regard not only for local opinion but also for the
opinion of that 75 per cent of all Germans who live in West Germany.
There have been some successes in this process, principally from
the point of view of the Soviets whose insistence upon their own
policy has been backed by the presence of substantial force and
whose reserves elsewhere have enabled them to disregard the loss of
support among East Germans and of good will among West Germans.
Locally, the people are mollified by the fact that some attention
is paid to their needs and wishes, for no regime can totally and
continuously affront the popular will and survive. In West Germany,
some have been pleased by a continuing, if sometimes thin strain of
references to a coon, German past, while some voters, 3.2 per cent
of those who cast valid ballots in the 1953 elections to the Bundestag,
respond to the appeals of the West German Communist Party, which follows
the lead of East Germany.
There have also been failures. The full application of socialization
has been delayed principally because of on the part of the
populace, and this has marked a falling short of Soviet plans. The
East German people have also given subs tial indication of lack of
support for the regime both singly and in groups as in the wave of
strikes and riots which took place on June 17 1953, and in the
clandestine form of a movement of population to West Germany. Thi
movement has brought about a steady decline in East German population
despite a favorable relationship between birth and death rates, and
has deprived the country of a substantial part of those in the younger
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Volume Two. Part 11 Eapt Germpoiy, SoplaXist Unity Party
working age groups. And, finally, East German and Soviet attempts to
win meaningful support in West Germany have failed. People in that area
have been alienated by the abundant evidences of the subservient nature
of the East German regime and have not responded en masse to the appeals
of Marxist-Leninist socialism or of German tradition offered them in a
frequently imperfect amalgam by the East.
If these tendencies are projected into the foreseeable future, the
East German regime can be characterized as one which will, because of
the support of the Soviet Union, retain a firm control of the country.
But it will never be more than a makeshift in meeting the goals set
for It by the Soviet Union or in satisfying the overwhelming majority
of its own people and more than a bare 3 per cent of the West Germans.
East Germany's continued existence rests entirely upon forces external
to itself: those of Soviet support and of international disagreement
over the reunification of Germany. Pending some change in these
factors the present regime will continue in power, perhaps generating
shreds of support for itself through manipulation of appeals to German
national tradition or to the long-standing socialist current in German
thought and through as close conformity to Soviet policies as local
situations will permit.
B. Socialjrst Unity Party
The Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SEW, which is the leading
party in East Germany, was formed in 1946 after the merger of the
Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (Communist Party of Germany?KM)
and the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (Social Democratic
Party of Germany?SPD) under pressure of Soviet occupational author-
ities. The SED joins with other parties and a number of mass organ-
izations to present a joint list of candidates on the ticket of the
National Front des Demokratischen Deutschland (National Front of
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Volume Two, Par East East Germany. Socialist Unity Party
Democratic Germany) in all elections, with announced results approaching
absolute unanimity among the voters. In spite of the fact that the SED
deputies in all elected assemblies are in a minority (usually holding
about 35 per cent of the seats), all major policies are controlled
the SED and all political discussion is framed within its Marxist-
Leninist terms of reference. The other parties in all essentials
conform to its lead.
Note: There are 4 organized non-Communist political
parties in East Germany: the ChristlIche Demokratische
Union (Christian Democratic Union--CDU), which inherits
the traditions of the pre-Hitlerlan party of similar name;
the Liberal Demokratische Partei Deutschlands (Liberal
Democratic Party of Germany--LDPD), representing the long-
standing tradition of German liberalism; the National
Demokratische Partei Deutschlands (National Democratic
Party of Germany--NDPD), founded in 1948 to marshal
support among former Nazis and military men forbidden
until then to join political parties; and the Demo-
kratische Bauernpartei Deutschlands (Democratic Peasants'
Party of Germany--DBD), founded in 1948 in an effort to
win support for the regime among the small farmers.
by
In the outward forms of its organization the SED is a party the
policies of which are determined by persons freely elected by its
members. Although it supports a Marxist-Leninist policy and aims at
the complete socialization of the economy, it justifies these policies
by reference to the wishes of its members. In actual point of fact,
the SED is a centralized organization, the leaders of which set policy
and replenish their ranks with no more than formal observance of the
Party's constitutional modes of action.
1. Membership of SED
a. Growth in Membership
The Socialist Unity Party (SED) was founded in 1946 by
the merger, under Soviet pressure, of the Communist Party (KPD) and
the Socialist Democratic Party (SPD). Despite the fact that 52.3
per cent of its 1,298,415 members had come from the SPD, inheritor
of the traditional trade union oriented socialism of Germany, the new
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Volume Two Part II East Germany. So4alist Unity Party
party followed a consistently Communist line. In its early years,
however, membership policies were such as to encourage enrollment and
the building of e Large and somewhat amorphous organization in contrast
to the typically centralized and elitist group usually favored by the
Communists. As a result, by 1948 the 2,000,000 Party members accounted
for 10.5 per cent of the total population (see Table IV. 1). Since many
of these were former members of the SPD, and thus influenced by a more
democratic form of belief, or had joined purely for opportunistic
reasons, the SED leadership began a policy of restricting entry and of
clearing the rolls of those considered untrustworthy. By 1950, 250,000
persons (or 12.5 per cent of the previous total) had been removed
leaving 1,750,000 on the lists. With that year an even harsher policy
was applied and steps were taken to reduce party ranks to 1,230,000.
In the following years an increase took place, in large part occasioned
by the relaxation of tension after Stalin's death By 1957 this
movement had reached its peak with 1,570,000 members. From that time
to 1960 SED membership remained comparatively stable, dipping to
1,472,932 In 1958, and rising slightly to an estimated 1,500,000 in
1960. This is equivalent to 87 per 1,000 total, or 116 per 1,000
adult, population, and is evidence of the fact that the SED is still
less an elite organization than the Communist Party is in the Soviet
Union with 40 per 1,000 total population and 60 per 1,000 adult
population. This does not, however, indicate that the SED membership
is less firmly controlled by central Party authorities, or that any
greater possibility of deviant action by a portion of the members is
thus opened.
b. Regional Distribution of Membership,
Although no information on the regional distribution of the
SED membership has been published since 1948 available information
strongly indicates that it is distributed in a fashion similar to those
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East Genitally, Socialist Unity Pcirty
Table IV. 1
Membership of SED: 1946-1960
Number of Number per 1,000 Number per 1,000 Adult
Year Komi:wafts Tot4 Population Population a8 )
1946 1,298,415 71 100
1948 2,000,000 105 146
1950 1,750,000 95 129
1953 1,230,000 68 93
1954 1,413,313 78 107
1956 1,520,000 86 117
1957 1,570,000 90 121
1958 1,472,932 85 114
1960 1,500,000 87 116
of the Cammunist Parties in other Satellite States. According to data
on the occupational composition of the SED membership, most members
work in the state sector of the economy which is located primarily
in virban areas. Fragmentary data also indicate that they are concen-
trated in highly industrialized regions and in the administrative centers
of the country. As a result, the highest ratios of membership per 1,000
population are probably found in such places as East Berlin, Leipsig,
Dresden Karl-Marx-Stadt and Halle. The lowest ratios are to be
expected in the predominantly agricultural areas of Mecklenburg and
the adjacent northern provinces.
c. Occupational Composition of Membership
Data on the broad occupational grouping of SED membership
indicates that white-collar workers constitute the largest single
component in the Party (see Table IV. 2). Furthermore, since 19580
their numbers have more than doubled while total membership was
decreasing 16 per cent, reflecting the increasing age of the Party
and its resultant bureaucratization. Conversely, non-agricultural
bench workers have decreased from 41.3 per cent of total membership
to 38.3 per cent or, in absolute numbers, have decreased 27 per cent.
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Occupational
Grow
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Eat Ge
Table IV. 2
Soci
Ocgunational Comvopition of SED
MORNmphip: X9501 1958
Fnp1oyees
Non-agricultural Workers
Agriculture
Collective Farmers
Individual Farmers
Small Farmers and
Farm Workers
AgrIvltural Workers
Other
Total
a
profess
1950
Number
315,000
772,750
na
na
101,500
136,500
63,000
411.250
1,750,000
Per Cent
18.0
41.3
na
na
5.8
7.8
3.6
23.5
100.0
Unity Tarty
958
Number Liu Cent
636,307
564,133
na
42,715
30,931
43.2
38.3
na
2.9
2.1
na na
na na
204.737 _1,3.9
10472,932 100.0
Includes members serving in the armed forces, Party
onals, and groups for which data are unavailable.
As is the case throughout the Soviet and Satellite world, Party member-
ship in the countryside is weak.
d. Age an0 Sex Compo9ition of sEp
There is no current information available showing the age
and sex distribution of members of the SED but it is believed that data
released in 1958 are still applicable. At that time 76.5 per cent of the
SED were males and 23.5 per cent females. SED males, therefore totalled
20.3 per cent of all males over 18 years of age while on]4.? 4.7 per cent
of all females over 18 were members of the Party.
In 1958 the overwhelming majority of the SED were over 40
years of age with the largest component, 33 per cent, being in the
ages 50 to 64. Only 7.7 per cent of members were under 24 years of
age. If the number of Party members in each age group is compared
with the total population in such ages, it will be seen thatpartici-
pation was highest among those from 40 to 49 years with 19.1 per cent
being enrolled in the SED. At both extremes of the age scale
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Volume Two. Part II East Germany. Socialist Un tv Party
participation was low. Only 5.7 per cent of the population aged 18 to
24 belonged to the SED, and only 3.0 per cent of those over 65. Of the
total population over 18, 11.4 per cent were Party members.
Such a distribution of ages would indicate that the SED is
heavily weighted with persons who may be presumed to have had direct
personal experience with German politics in the period prior to 1933
and whose attitudes were molded then. It also reflects the age
distribution of the East German population which includes dispro-
portionate numbers of persons over 40 years of age. Furthermore, the
low participation rate of those under 30 may reflect the SED's lack
of success in appealing to younger people.
Age
Age Group Number
18-24
25-29
30-39
40-49
50-04
Over 65
Total
Table IV. 3
Composition of SED Members 1958
Per Cent of Total Per Cent of Total
Membership Population in Age Group
113,416
110,470
324,045
368,233
486,068
70,700
7.7
7.5
22.0
25.0
33.0
4.8
472,932 100.0
5.7
10.4
16.5
19.1
13.1
3.0
Organization of the SED
The basic pr
democratic centrali
11.4
ciple upon which the SED is organized
Outwardly democratic
for election of leadership by the membe
in operation.
that of
in that it provides
s it is rigidly central
tic
All lower organizations are firmly under the control of
the national apparatus
the central unit of whic
only nominally subordinate to any agency of the
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perpetuates itself through a policy of cooptation. Decisions taken by
this body are not subject to question by lower authorities or by the
membership and must be considered absolutely binding. Party authority
extends not only to its own affairs, but also into all other spheres
of life. It is common practice for persons holding Party posts at
all levels also to hold posts in civil government, economic management,
or mass organizations, acting as channels through which Party decisions
are conveyed to those working in these fields. (See Figure IV. 1 for
examples of interrelationship of Party and government.) In cases of
conflict of interest between the interests of the Party and of other
agencies, it is the former which prevail.
The SED is not, however, totally free from the need to respond
to outside pressures. It must take account of the state of public
opinion, never pressing its policies so far as to generate widespread
discontent which might lead to open opposition. Nor can it go so far
In meeting public opinion as to depart from its basic Marxist-Leninist
orientation for that would entail a conflict with the Soviet Union,
which through its exercise of its paramount military and economic
power, sets the basic policies for the SED to follow. As a result,
SED policies sometimes exhibit signs of response to varying forces,
but In general the Party conforms to a "democratic centralist" policy.
a. National Organization o.f the SED
In public pronouncements, especially those designed to
have persuasive or propaganda effect the national organization of
the SED (see Figure IV. 2) is presented as the agency which concentrates
and coordinates the policy wishes of Party members basing its actions
upon their democratically determined opinions. The central offices
of the Party exist to serve the members and to give proper formulation
to the needs of the country and its workers. Yet in actual operation
IV 9
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PARTY
NATIONAL PARTY
CONGRESS
1PROVINCE PARTY
CONFERENCE
44
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FIGURE IV. I
INTERRELATIONSHIP OF PARTY AND GOVERNMENT: EAST GERMANY
/
DISTRICT PARTY
CONFERENCE r
LOCAL PARTY
CONFERENCE
PRIMARY PARTY
ORGANIZATION
PROVINCE
PARTY
COMMITTEE
// DISTRICT PARTY /
// I COMMITTEE
LOCAL PARTY
COMMITTEE
SECRETARIAT
PROVINCE PARTY
BURO AND
SECRETARIAT
1--- LEADERS OF 7
PROVINCE
1 EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
DISTRICT PARTY
BURO AND
SECRETARIAT
LEADERS 0--F- 1
DISTRICT [_
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE j
LOCAL PARTY
SECRETARIAT
LEADERS OF -1
COMMUNE
GOVERNMENT
EXECUTIVE: COMMITTEE
,Ty AND/OR SECRETARY
OF PRIMARY PARTY
ORGANIZATION
TOFCOUNCIL
MINISTERS
PROVINCE
EXECUTIVEEXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
DISTRICT
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
,
COMMUNE
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
MANAGEMENT
, ..
CONTROL OR SUPERVISION
ELECTION
0 LIP D
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AGENCY OR
ENTERPRISE
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FIGURE zr. 2
CENTRAL APPARATUS OF THE SED; 1960
CENTRAL COMMITTEE
CENTRAL CONTROL
COMMISSION
POLITBURO
SECRETARIAT
CENTRAL AUDIT
COMMISSION
AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA
OPERATIONAL DIVISIONS
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
AGRICULTURE ?mmil. INTERNAL AND FOREIGN TRADE
ALL GERMAN AFFAIRS
ARCHIVES AND LIBRAF77.7
BUREAU FOR WEST GERMAN AFFAIRS
CADRES
CHURCHES
ECONOMY AND ECONOMIC ADMINISTRATION
EDUCATION AND CULTURE
SECRET
!INTERNAL PARTY ADMINISTRATION AND SUPPLY
LABOR, PUBLIC WELFARE AND HEALTH
ORGANIZATIONAL
PARTY FINANCES
PLANNING AND PUBLIC FINANCES
!RAILROADS, TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATIONS
STATE AND LEGAL AFFAIRS
STATE SECURITY
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East G
Socialist Un
all power to make effective decision is located in the central apparatus
of the Party and local units have no reason for existence but to give
effect to centrally made decisions. The role of the national organ-
ization of the Party thereby increases to the point of overriding all
others and of overwhelming any possibility of opposition.
(1) The Politburo
The central agency of authority in the SED is the
Politburo. This body consists of 9 regular members and 5 candidate
members. It is the principal policy shaping and decision making group
in the Party, exercising influence on all levels of Party and govern-
mental action. Since the members of the Politburo hold other posts
in public organizations, or in government and Party agencies, coordi-
nation at the very highest levels is assured. There is a formal
subordination to the Central Committee and to the National Party
Congress, but the Politburo is subject to few limitations in its
shaping of decisions. The most important single person in the present
Politburo is the First Secretary who also holds the governmental post
of Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and is thereby the
most influential person in East Germany. It is clear from the pattern
of past action that the Politburo of the SED follows policies adopted
by the corresponding unit in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
but the exact mechanism whereby instructions are transmitted cannot
be clearly determined. The Politburo although the most important
agency of control in East Germany, is therefore not an independent
force in political affairs, but is controlled by the Soviets through
their preponderance of military force and through a commonly shared
ideology and philosophy of government.
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Socialist U
(2) Secretariat
The Secretariat, composed of a First Secretary
(incumbent-Walter Ulbricht) and 7 secretaries, is the next most
powerful body in the SED.. It has responsibility for day-to-day
party administration, acting through 19 operational divisions
in supeivision of specific fields of activity. Together with
the Politburo, the Secretariat is chosen by, and theoretically re-
sponsible to, the Central Committee, but it is guided only by the
Politburo and makes few concessions to the wishes of the membership.
Although the Politburo is more powerful in determination of policy,
the Secretariat, acting through the operational divisions, is able
to shape Party work in all lower echelons of government and economy,
as well as politics. It has important responsibility in the fields
of propaganda and agitation through which it influences to some degree
even those most uncommitted to the support of the regime. The First
Secretary, Walter Ulbricht, is also a member of the Politburo as
well as Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers.
(3) Central Committee
The Central Committee, composed of 110 members and
44 candidate members, is, according to Party statute, the body which,
in Intervals between meetings of the National Party Congress, assures
a continuous control over the activities of the Party to maintain
conformity with democratically determined policy. In point of fact,
the Central Committee serves principally a consultative function.
It is too large, and its members too widely dispersed in the various
areas of the country in which they have important local governmental
or Party positions, to carry out this task effectively. Meetings of
the Central Committee take place too infrequently to permit it to
do more than confirm decisions already taken by the Politburo or
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East Gyrowny. P99 040 unucx_razizz
Secretariat Only rarely, and particularly in times of crisis has
it any effectiveness as a decision-making institution.
(4) Central Audit Commission
The Central Audit Commission is elected by the Party
Congress but is under actual control by the Politburo. It directs
Party finances and administrative procedures in the fields of
accounting control of dues collections, party expenditures, Party
property, financial control of semi-independent SED enterprises
(such as publishing agencies), and in management control of the
technical efficiency of such SED functions as communications, records,
and investigations. Similar audit commissions are set up on Bezirk
and Kreis levels, and are supervised by the Central Audit Commission.
(5) Central Control Commission
The Central Control Commission, elected by the Party
Congress, but controlled by the Politburo, has the responsibility of
maintaining the internal security of the SED It consists of 8
members, 5 candidate members, and a chairman who is also a member of
the Politburo. It examines the cases of those accused of infraction
of Party rules and departures from the Party line, principally on
appeal from the smaller commissions attached to Bezirk or Kreis Party
organizations. Penalties of suspension from Party or official duties
reduction to candidate status or of expulsion may be imposed. In
many cases there is close although unofficial, coordination with
organs of the Ministry of State Security.
(6) National Party Congress
The National Party Congress which is made up of one
delegate (with full voice) per 1,000 members and one delegate with
advisory vote per 1,000 candidate members is elected not by the mem
directly but by the Bezirk Party Conf
IV. 14
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which in turn are indirectly
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Volume Two. Part I I
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East Germany, Socialist Unity Party
chosen. It meets at least once every 4 years in order to set Party
policy and choose officials. Theoretically it is the highest policy-
making body in the Party and the organ whereby members make their
wishes known. Actually, it meets too infrequently, and its pro-
ceedings are too much under the control of the Politburo, to be
effective. Its chief function is to act as a sounding board for
the enunciation of new policy and to provide a formal approval for
the self-perpetuating and non-responsible Party authorities.
b. Intermediate Organization of the SED
The S in order to maintain control over the basic
units of the Party, is organized at levels intermediate between the
central apparatus and the primary groups of members. These levels
correspond to the major civil divisions of the government. Thus
there are 14 Bezirk (province) organizations, and 215 Kreis and
Stadtkreis (district and cities of district rank) organizations.
Each of these repeats in its general forms the pattern set by the
national apparatus, with such differences as the smaller number of
members and varying importance of economy in the region make necessary.
Despite formal proclamation of large rights of independent action for
Party agencies at the lower level, each one is closely controlled by
higher authority, the province organizations being directly subordinate
to the national Party and in turn exercising a comparable supervision
of the district bodies. The responsibility of these organizations to
the membership, theoretically a major determinant of Party action,
is entirely external, as all decisions on basic matters come from
above.
(1) Buro
In each of the 14 provinces and their subdivisions,
the 192 districts, and 23 cities of district rank, of the East German
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Republic, the most important agency of the SED is the Buro. There are
from 9 to 11 members and 3 to 5 candidate members in the Province Buro
and from 7 to 9 members and 2 or 3 candidates in the District Buro.
They usually hold other posts in addition such as those of Party
First Secretary Chairman of the Executive Council (chief local civil
administrative functionary), Chairman of the Party Control Committee,
Chairman of the Executive Board of Trade Unions, Chief of the local
office of the Ministry for State Security, and the First Secretary
of the City Party Committee of the seat of the province or district
government. The head of the executive body of the Free German Youth
(FD.3) is usually a candidate member of the Buro. The Buro 's activities
are closely controlled by national Party agencies which set the policies
which the Buro has the duty of applying. Each member, though nominally
chosen by the Party Conference, must be confirmed in his post by the
Politburo and changes in Buro membership are frequently made by
higher authority without preliminary consultation wIth the Party
Committee which has statutory power in the field. In spite of such
limitations on its independence, the Buro is the most powerful local
agency and its head, the First Secretary, is the most influential
personage in the area.
(2) Secretariat
The principal operative organ of the Buro is the
Secretariat. It is composed of the First Secretary, who is also a
member of the Duro and, thereby, the most important single party official
and of a varying number of rank and file secretaries. The Secretariat
supervises Party activity through the agency of some 8 operational
divisions in the provinces and 4 in the district. Each of these
divisions is guided in its work by a corresponding division of the
national Secretariat. The First Secretary heads an operational
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Volume Twogrt II
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department charged with supervision of the State apparatus and the SED
press, cooperation with the State police, the State security police
and the public prosecutor. Each of the other secretaries supervises
an operational department in the field of mass organizations, youth
organizations, agitation and propaganda, economic affairs, agricul-
tural affairs, culture and education, public administration, and
Party activities. As is the case with the Buro members, all officials
in the Secretariat are subject to confirmation by national Party
authorities.
(3) 12=7...gaittal
The Party Committee, consisting of 60 regular members
and 15 to 17 candidate members in the Province and of 35 to 45 members
and 9 to 12 candidates in the districts, is elected by the Party
Conference. A large proportion of its members hold Important full-
time positions in local Party and governmental agencies which, as
in the case of the national Central Committee, reduces their function
to one of consultation and of providing formal approval for the acts
of the Buro and Secretariat.
(4) Audit Commission
The Audit Commission carries out at the local levels
those functions of financial and administrative supervision performed
by the Central Audit Commission at the national level. It supervises
the receipt and expenditure of Party dues, the management of Party
property, and the operation of semi-independent Party enterprises,
as well as reviewing the functioning of communications, record-keeping
and investigative agencies. It is elected by the Party Conference
but is under actual control by the Buro
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Part II East Germany. Socialist Un?ity Pa,rtv
(5) Control Commission
The Control Commission, with 5 members and 2 candidate
members, formally elected by the Party Committee but actually controlled
by the local Buro, has the function of assuring conformity by Party
members to the decisions and policies of the Party. It does so
through the investigation of members' actions imposing penalties,
ranging from reprimands to expulsion, against those guilty of deviant
actions.. There is close, but unofficial, coordination between
the Control Commission and the Ministry of State Security.
(6) Party Conference
The Party Conference, elected by delegates to the
Party Conferences at the next lower level and not by the members
directly, is theoretically the most important local Party body.
Actually it meets too infrequently to do more than give a stamp of
approval to the actions of the Buro and Secretariat and to go through
the forms of electing Party officials. It plays no part in making
policy, or even in offering suggestions for needed changes, limiting
its work to the hearing of a few days of speeches by Important officials
proclaiming the virtues and wisdom of the Party system.
c. Primary Party Organizations of SED
Primary Party Organizations (Grundorganisationen) of the
SED are formed in each economic enterprise, governmental or public
institution, or locality in which 3 or more members are to be found.
In large enterprises or institutions sub-sections may be formed. Each
such group elects a secretary and, should the size of the Primary Party
Organization warrant, a number of others as assistants Each person
elected must be confirmed by higher Party organs. Since Party policy
prefers that Primary Party Organizations be formed among those sharing
IV. 18
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Volume Two, Pt I East Gerroany, Civil Government
a common work situation, the principal duties of such a group are
connected with the operations of the agency or enterprise in which its
members work acting as watchdogs over Party interests. Furthermore, a
Primary Party Organization has the duty of guiding members in their
personal life and political training. Although Party policy is
supposed to be determined by the needs and wishes of its members,
primary organizations have no influence on shaping policy and its
members are not encouraged to discuss larger matters in any critical
sense.
d. Trepds in SED
Membership in the SED has not grown markedly in the years
It is likely that, as former members of the Socialist
since 1954.
Party leave the SED, a decline will take place in the future. The
regime has sought to counter this through efforts to expand the MI
and to win over the young people of the state to support the Party.
The probability of success is not great. The average age of Party
members will therefore continue to rise. The SED, in spite of efforts
to bring a representative sample of production workers into its ranks,
will continue to be predominantly made up of employees, thus remaining
an agency of a power elite newly risen to power on the ruins of Hitler's
Germany through the support of the Soviet Union and under the cover of
a so-called socialist policy.
C. Civil Governmentt
Government in East Germany, like the SED possesses all the outward
characteristics of a democracy, based upon the will of its citizens
and devoted to the furtherance of their freely expressed opinions.
In actual practice, however, the East German government is a highly
centralized organism, controlled by a small inner group of leaders,
who also hold high posts in the SED and is only minimally responsive
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Volume Two, Part II East Germany Civil Government,
to popular pressures. Officials are actually named by the SED and
elections are but formal ratifications of this action. Public opinion
may be expressed only so long as it indicates complete agreement with
governmental policy. Although non-Communist parties exist and have
their members in elective posts they have a paper existence and in
all essentials conform to SED policies. All these factors are
operative in every level of government from the central bodies in
East Berlin to the most remote rural Gemeinde (commune).
Forms of organization and interrelationships of institutions at
all levels are much alike. A rural commune is administered through
bodies which are simplified copies of those governing the whole
East German republic. Furthermore the entire system of government
is quite similar to those in the Soviet Union and in the other 6
European satellites. Concessions to traditional forms are made,
principally in titles given to specific offices and in other externals,
but this does not affect the realities of governmental operations.
1. National Goverment
Civil government at the national level in East Germany, like
the corresponding levels of the SED, has an organization which is
formally democratic and parliamentary, but which works in a centralized
and totalitarian fashion. All acts of government, despite the demo-
cratic facade, are conditioned by the fact that primary decisions
and policies are set by the SED theoretically a non-governmental
organization of citizens possessing no priority over any other group.
a. Presidium of the Council of Ministers
The principal authority in the government of the East German
republic is the Presidium of the Council of Ministers (see Figure Iv. 3)
This body is in form a steering committee for the larger Council of
Ministers and is made up of the Minister-President (Chairman of the
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CHAIRMEN
COMMISSIONERS
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FIGURE tur. 3
EAST GERMAN COUNCIL OF MINISTERS: 1960
EPRESIDIUM
CHAIRMAN (MINISTER PRESIDENT)
FIRST DEPUTY CHAIRMAN
8 DEPUTY CHAIRMEN
3 MEMBERS
M I N
TER S
STATE
SECRETARIES
G.)
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EastVo]Tuxne Two. Part II GerMWS.A.glx11.Q2x2rnmal
Council of Ministers), the First Deputy Chairman of the Council, 8
deputy chairmen, and3 rank-and-file members of the Council of Ministers.
This body has the function of providing a continuing control over
policy which the larger and more unwieldy body of the Council of
Ministers cannot conveniently exercise. Although there is token
representation of the 4 non-SED parties, the major influence on the
actions of the Presidium is that of the SED, exercised through the
5 members who conjointly hold high posts in Party organs. The most
Important person in this group is Walter Ulbricht who, although he is
only First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and thus
second-ranking member of the Presidium, is also First Secretary of
the Party. He is, therefore, the single most important official in
East Germany, joining as he does high governmental and Party posts.
Grotewohl, the Minister-President, and highest civil official, occupies
only a secondary position in the Politburo and is not a member of the
Secretariat. Thus, his rank is lower and his influence less. These
2 instances, and those of other members of the Presidium of the
Council of Ministers who hold Party posts, illustrate how closely
Party and governmental actions are linked and show that there is no
real separation of functions between them.
Basically the Presidium's task is to apply policy adopted
by Party officials to the very highest levels of government. It sets
the agenda and determines the times of meeting for the Council of
Ministers, and to a large extent predetermines the decisions to be
taken by the latter. Many decrees and regulations which are formally
issued by the Council of Ministers have actually been drawn up by the
Presidium.
-IV. 22 -
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Volume Two) Part II
East G
Clvi Go er
b. Council of Ministers
In addition to the Minister-President, First Deputy
Chairman and 8 Deputy Chairmen who are in the Presidium of the Council
of Ministers, there are 15 ministers (3 of whom are also in the Pre-
sidium), 3 commissioners, 3 state secretaries, the chairmen of the
Central Commission for State Control and of the State Planning Com-
mission, and the President of the German Bank of Issue in the Council
of Ministers. Attached in an advisory capacity are 9 central agencies,
whose chief responsibilities are in matters of scientific, cultural,
and propaganda nature.
Each Ministry is organized into several specialized
divisions, in addition to a central division with general administra-
tive functions. The minister, his deputy, and the division chiefs
constitute the collegium of the ministry, deciding many matters by
common action. In spite of the wide formal jurisdiction granted to
a ministry, its powers are greatly limited in practice. Important
policies are formulated by agencies of the SED, elaborated by the
State Planning Commission and adopted by the Presidium, leaving little
for the determination of the ministries except administrative detail.
Some central agencies, such as the ministries of Cammuni
cations, Transport, and State Security, maintain regional offices
independent of local government agencies, but most act in local
situations through the administrative departments at those levels.
Although a number of ministers are members of the puppet
non-Communist parties the chief influence upon decisions taken by
the ministries is that of the SED. Surveillance of ministry activities,
both by higher Party agencies, and by Primary Party Organizations in
governmental institutions is constant and effective.
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Volume Two, Part II
East Germany?, Civil Government
c. Legislative Assembly
The legislative assembly of East Germany is composed of
2 houses, the Volkskammer and the Landeskammer. The former is elected
by the voters in direct,
candidates never run and
Landeskammer, elected by
universal elections in which opposition
no "coalition" candidates ever fail. The
the Bezirk or provincial assemblies, is a
powerless token survival of the traditional German federalist system
of government.
There are 466 members of the Volkskammer, 400 from the
14 Bezirke with full voice, and 66 from East Berlin with a consultative
voice (1958). Only 117 of these are members of the SEL), while 208 are
listed as members of the other 4 parties. In addition there are 53
from the Free German Trade Union Federation, 29 from the Free German
Youth, 29 from the Union of Democratic Women of Germany, 18 from the
Cultural Union, and 12 from the Union for Mutual Assistance of Peasants.
All candidates are presented as participants in the National Front of
Democratic Germany, a nominal coalition of political parties and social
organizations whose aim is stated as that of preserving democracy in
East Germany. Despite the formal position of minority in which the
SED finds itself, the Volkskammer is as fully under its control as any
other agency of government. No hint of opposition to SED policies
disturbs the smooth and formal performance of its duties.
According to the constitution, the Minister-President is
chosen by the Volkskammer, as leader of the largest party, and the
Volkskammer must approve his choice of ministers. Failure to approve
a government measure would, as in the case of other parliamentary
regimes, mean the fall of the cabinet and perhaps new elections. All
measures must have the approval of the Volkskammer in order to become
law. In practice,however, the Minister-President is the agent of
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Volume Tjo. Part II East Germarwy. Civil Goverment
and chosen by, the Politburo of the SED, government measures never fall
to pass unanimously, and most legislation is issued by the Presidium of
the Council of Ministers, in the name of the Council and with only token
confirmation by the Volkskammer.
The Landeskammer has no effective function to perform, other
than that of seconding the Volkskammer's formal approval of government
measures. They act together in choosing the President of the East
German Republic, an official of purely ceremonial function. The
present holder of that post, Wilhelm Fleck, is an honored but power-
less survival of the second rank leaders of the pre-Hitler Communist
Party of Germany.
2. Intermediate Levels of Governirkmt
The administration of the 2 intermediate levels of government,
those of the Province (Bezirk) and of the District (Kreis), is carried
out through institutions and with processes modeled after those at the
national level. (See Figures IV. 4 and IV. 5.) Names of institutions
number of officials, and the territorial scope of action vary, but the
basic presuppositions of government are the same, Including a controlling
role for the SED and its agencies. As at the national level, there is
a facade of democracy behind which control is actually highly central-
ized and dictatorial.
a. Council
The principal authority in local administration belongs to
the Council In the Province this body consists of a Chairman, a First
Deputy Chairman, 4 deputy chairmen and from 7 to 10 rank-and-file
members. In the District there are but 3 deputies and from 5 to 8
members. These bodies correspond in general to the Council of Ministers
in the national government Each member has responsibility for super-
vision of one or more of the 13 administrative sections of the local
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FIGURE X. 4
EAST GERMAN PROVINCIAL ( BEZIRK) GOVERNMENT :1960
LASSEMBLY
BEZIRK
Al
4
I
L j VOTERS
N
BEZIRK COUNCIL
CHAIRMAN
5 DEPUTY CHAIRMEN
7-10 MEMBERS
ADMINISTRATIVE SECTIONS
AGRICULTURE a FORESTRY
COMMUNAL ECONOMY
CULTURE
EDUCATION
FINANCE
INDUSTRY a CRAFTS
LABOR a VOCATIONAL EDUCATION
LEGAL MATTERS
MACHINE TRACTOR STATIONS
PHYSICAL EDUCATION a SPORTS
TRADE & PROCUREMENT
TRANSPORT AND CONSTRUCTION
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ECONOMIC
COUNCIL
* Elect
Control
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FIGURE 11.5
EAST GERMAN DISTRICT (KREIS) GOVERNMENT: 1960
KREIS ASSEMBLY
A
VOTERS
KREIS COUNCIL
CHAIRMAN
3 DEPUTIES
SECRETARY a 5-8 MEMBERS
ONINNVid
0
0
ADMINISTRATIVE SECTIONS
* Elect
Control
1VOISAHd
AN_LS(10N
D
rn
co
0
0
Ca)
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0
D
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ON11.031100
9NISVH3Hild
3eirtnn3ni9v
AtilS321elad
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Volume Two, Part II East GermanyA civil Governwnt
government. They are guided in their actions by the corresponding
ministries of the central government and are subject to confirmation
in their posts not only by higher officials but also by agencies of
the SED. Party supervision is exercised even over those who are
nominally members of one of the other paper parties. Many leading
officials also hold important posts in the local SED, and are subject
to its discipline. Finally, all actions of local councils are subject
to control by the Council of Ministers and, in case of District adminis-
trations, by the Province Council. Responsibility of the Councils to
the elected Assemblies is quite nominal.
b. Aseembly
Nominally, control of local government is in the hands of
assemblies (Bezirkstag or Kreistag) elected through universal, direct,
secret balloting, which have, according to the constitution, the right
to choose local officials and set policies. In actual practice the
assemblies exist only to give a formal approval to the acts of the
Council and to provide a forum for enunciation of new policies. Action
is firmly controlled by the SED, despite the formal fact that a majority
of deputies are members of the puppet non-Communist parties.
c. Stalading.gommissiam
As a device for giving a broad impression of popular
participation in the work of local government there have been set up
a number of so-called Standing Commissions, composed of deputies to
the Assembl4es and aided by non-official persons with special com-
petence in one or another of the fields of local activity. These
Commissions correspond to the administrative sections of the Council
and are supposed to advise and assist in carrying out its duties.
They have no right of control, but may ask questions and offer sugges-
tions. In some cases they may aid in securing palliative changes in
-IV. 28 -
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Volume Two. Pgrt IX East Germany, Civil Government
the work of local government, as well as in securing cooperation from
experts among the general populace.
3. Communal Administration
There are 9,502 Gemeinden (communes) in East Germany. These
units, which may be wholly urban, wholly rural, or mixed, are the
basic administrative units through which the populace at large is
governed. Forms of administration and organization are siwilar to
those at higher levels, and the difference between constitutional
theory and practice are as striking. Management of local affairs is
in the hands of the chairman of the local council, who is assisted by
a secretary and an executive committee the number of which varies in
accordance with the size of the commune. Each member of the latter
group has responsibility for one or more phases of local administration
within a framework of basic rules and regulations set by higher agencies
of government and Party. The Council of Ministers and the Bezirk and
Kreis Councils may suspend or annul actions taken by the commune
administration. The Communal Assembly (Gemeindevertretung) is, on
the model of those in provinces and districts, nominally the control-
ling agency of local affairs. Patterns of Party membership in the
Communal Assembly are like those on higher levels in that the SED Is
in the minority. In actual practice however, the Communal Assembly
is a powerless organization, serving as a forum for policy declarations
and as a means of giving formal approval to local measures, and the
SED's control over its actions is not hindered by any consideration
of the Party's minority status. Standing commissions exist in the
communal administration for the purpose of seeking a broader public
support of governmental policies. Their effectiveness is limited.
- IV 29
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Volume Tyo, Part II East Germany. Civil Goverment
4. East Berlin Administration
The Soviet policy has been to give East Berlin a special
position in order to maintain the fiction of adherence to Berlin's
status as a city under joint Four-Power occupation. Administrative
separation of the eastern part of Greater Berlin came about in 1948
after failure of the Soviet effort to take control of the whole city.
The present system of administration is based upon measures taken in
1953 to apply to East Berlin the principles whereby East German local
government was reorganized in 1952.
East Berlin is not however, officially a part of East Germany.
Its administration is called that of a city government, the functions
of which are largely those of a typical German municipality. Actually
the East Berlin administration has many of the privileges of a Province
(Bezirk) and its legislative and judicial structure is like that of
the East German central government (see Figure IV. 6). The role of
the SED in East Berlin is comparable to that which it plays in East
Germany, for the Party uses the same means of implementing its policies
and has the same structure.
a. East Berlin Magistrat
The executive authority in East Berlin is the Magistrat
(city council) which corresponds in general function to a Bezirksr t
Its chairman, the Oberburgermeister, is the chief local official. He
is assisted by a secretary, 8 deputy mayors, and 7 rank-and-file members.
The Oberburgermeister supervises the following departments of the city
government planning commission finances, press office, youth, church
affairs, policejustice, commission for state control, post and tele-
communications and statistics. The secretary is in charge of a
number of general administrative departments. The other members of
the Magistrat supervise additional departmentsmost of them counterparts
IV- 30
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FIGURE IV. 6
EAST BERLIN GOVERNMENT (MAGISTRAT) :1960
OBERBORGERMEISTER
SECRETARY
8 DEPUTY MAYORS
7 MEMBERS
PEOPLE'S
ASSEMBLY .4
DEPARTMENTS OF CITY ADMINISTRATION
* ELECT
CONTROL
0
-n
cn
3HVA-13M
-n
-n
0
cn
cn
rn
0
0
rnl
cn
SECRET
7V213N30
0
3
0
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rn
0
S3ONVNIA
N01.1.0f12:LLSNO0
3mniino
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Volume Two, Part II East Germany, Civl Government
of East German administrative entities: general administration, local
industry and crafts, traffic, labor and vocational training, city
planning, construction, trade and supply, agriculture, health, welfare,
housing, education, art, and sports. In some functions, such as those
of the planning commission, the police, the postal and telecommunication
agencies, and the statistical organs, the East Berlin government proba-
bly has only nominal powers of supervision, following the lead of
corresponding organs of the East German government.
The city government of East Berlin has no jurisdiction
over the central agencies of the East German government located on its
territory, but, on the contrary, it is subordinated for practical
purposes to agencies of the "German Democratic Republic."
b. East Berlin_Legislature
The East Berlin legislative body, the People's Assembly
(Volksvertretung), consists of 180 members, the majority of wham are
not members of the SED, but it conforms in all essentials to the
policies laid down by that Party. It has theoretically the power to
choose city officials and to enact legislation to meet city needs. It
limits its actual functions to confirming in office those offici1s
who have already been selected by the Magistrat, acting under guidance
of the SED, and to the formal enactment of most East German statutory
law. Its existence serves only to give a facade of popular acceptance
to the regime and to maintain the fiction of East Berlin as an auton-
omous unit in German political life.
Standing.Cammissions
It is probable that, following East German models, standing
commissions are formed in Fast Berlin staffed by members of the People
Assembly and aided by experts or specially interested persons from the
general populace. These commissions have the duty of examining the
IV 32
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Volume Two Part II
East Germany. Ci
Government
work of governmental institutions, making suggestions for improvements,
and of explaining to interested members of the public the policies and
changes which tight be involved.
5. Judicial Sul=
The judicial system of East Germany is organized in territorial
units parallel to those of the civil government. A system of regular
courts includes the Supreme Court in East Berlin and courts in the
provinces and districts. Judges of the Supreme Court are elected by
the Volkskammer for a term of 5 years and those in inferior courts
are appointed by the Minister of Justice for 3-year terms. Special
courts, functioning as sections of provincial or district courts,
operate as juvenile or traffic courts, and one section of the
Leipzig Bezirk court has jurisdiction over patent cases. Labor
courts are organized at provincial and district levels. Contract
courts, at the Bezirk and national levels, are subordinate directly
to the Council of Ministers.
State attorneys in the provincial and district levels are
administratively subordinate to the Attorney General, and not to the
Minister of Justice. They have the duty not only of prosecuting
criminals, but also of supervising the operation of courts and of the
regular administration.
The functioning of courts at all levels is under close control
by governmental and Party authorities. Steps have been taken to
remove judges handing down decisions unfavorable to the regime and
replacements have been selected from among untrained but zealous
supporters of the state. Popular acceptance of the legality and
justice of court proceedings is not high.
Br 33
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Volume Two, part II
Eat Germany. Civil. GovernIppnt
6. Administrative-Territorial Organization,
East Germany is divided for administrative purposes into 14
Provinces (Bezirke). The latter are made up of 192 Districts (Kreise)
and 23 cities of District rank. The smallest unit of local adminis-
tration is the Commune (Gemeinde), which may be rural, urban or
mixed. There were 9,502 Communes (Gemeinden) on January 1, 1959.
see Table IV. 4)
Province
(Bezirke)
Table IV. 4
Administrative Territorial Divi
ons: East Germa
Cities of
District
-(hreis) Number of Communes
Rank Districts (Gemeinden)
Cottbus 1
Dresden 2
Erfurt 2
Frankfurt
am Oder 2
Gera 2
Halle 2
Karl-Marx-
Stadt
Leipzig 1
Magdeburg 1
Neubranden-
burg
Potsdam 2
Rostock
Schwerin 1
Suhl
East Berlin 1
NEP OMR
Total 23
14
15
13
9
11
20
21
12
20
14
15
10
10
8
4.11111 OM=
192
757
834
812
495
636
761
717
643
788
665
867
492
623
411
1111111.111111101
9,502
IV 4
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Province
Control Center
Cottbus
Dresden
Erfurt
Frankfurt
am Oder
Gera
Halle
Karl-Marx-
Stadt
Leipzig
Magdeburg
Neubranden-
burg
Potsdam
Rostock
Schwerin
Suhl
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CoorclinAte
T at
Long.,
51 46
51 03
50 59
52 21
50 52
51 30
50 50
51 20
52 07
53 34
52 24
54 05
53 38
50 36
52 31
14 20
13 45
1102
14 33
12 05
12 00
12 40
12 20
11 38
13 16
13 04
12 07
1123
10 42
13 24
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VOX4p0 Two. Part II East Germany, Economic System
The eastern sections of the city of Greater Berlin are not
de jure part of East Germany. Their international status remains
that of a portion of a city under the Four Power occupation. East
Berlin Is, however, the de facto capital of East Germany and apart
from a few governmental and administrative anomalies, such as the
fact that the 66 deputies elected by East Berlin to the East German
parliament have only a consultative voice, it is governed as a
constituent part of the country.
D. Economic System
Fast Germany, as a Marxist-Leninist country, has as its ultimate
goal a completely "socialist" state in which all means of production
are owned by society. It is hindered from complete realization of
this atm by the fact that the ruling class wish to extend their power
over the larger and economically more important section of the country
which makes up 1,ra3 Federal Republic of Germany (Deutsche Bundesrepublik
--DBR) In which the major elements of the economy are controlled by
private persons or groups. The East German ruling class cannot afford
to affront West German opinion by too rigid an application of their
beliefs. Furthermore the East German people, possibly because of
the existence of the safety valve of flight to the West, have been more
resistant than other countries of the Soviet bloc in failing to achieve
complete socialization.
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volupcio Part II
ER.gtt Germany, EconcipAp Syptqm
In spite of these limiting factors, the SED has not swerved from its
chief end. By 1958 the
commanding heights" of the economy were firmly
in 41.1migm Iftamir%Ac. of "= "r"="74m= that ",vm-tv .PlowlaA---lse areas of small scale
production were held privately and these were under increasing attack.
The prospects for the future were that they would disappear, more
slowly than they had elsewhere in Eastern EUrope, but with all delib-
erate speed.
1. Industrial Control
Before 1939 the eastern sections of the German Reich were
predominantly agricultural. Natural resources were insufficient for
extensive development of most of the major branches of economy. Fuel
supplies were limited chiefly to low grade brow coal unable to meet
the competition of the readily available bituminous deposits of Western
Germany. Some important industrial installations did exist in the
area around Berlin, a large population nd communications center as
well as the national capital, and in the areas of Land Sachsen and
Thringen. Here important industries requiring inputs of n.A.
lay - 1 es el
labor, but only small amounts of raw materials, developed in such fields
as precision mechanics and optics. The war brought extensive damage
to productive facilities and was followed by widespread looting, under
the name of reparations, on the part of the Soviet authorities.
Following that, movements of population and an economic policy not
supported by a majority of the people brought further disruptions.
The founding of the "German Democratic Republic" in 1948 and its
being "granted" control over its own economy took place, therefore,
In an area in which both the material resources, and the popular will
necessary for a smoothly functioning industrial system, were lacking.
In spite of these limiting factors, the East German regime
has continued to press toward an industrialized economy which would
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Volinge Two, Part II
East Ge
be highly autarkic in respect to raw materials and socialist in form
of ownership. By 1958 they had attained a marked degree of success
in both endeavors. Much use was being made of sources of raw materials
which had been left untouched in pre-1939 Germany, and the process
of socialization of industry had gone so far that 88.3 per cent of
the workers, producing 92.15 per cent of the total industrial product,
were in publicly owned enterprises. The proportion of workers and
of total product in the public owned sector varied by branch of
production from 100 per cent of the electric power industries (both
workers and production) to 64.7 per cent of the workers and 72.2
per cent of the product in the clothing industry.
Control over the state-owned sector of industry has been
modeled closely upon that exercised in the Soviet Union. Until
1958 each major branch of industry was controlled by an economic
ministry, the head of which was a member of the Council of Ministers.
Smaller enterprises, principally producing consumer goods or utilizing
by-products and small raw material resources, were managed by provin
cial or, in the case of the smallest plants, district administrative
bodies. Administration of industry was complex particularly since
the intermediate levels between the ministries and the producing
enterprises were numerous and inefficient. Despite all efforts of
the Council of Ministers, d particularly of its planning and
coordinating organ, the State Planning Commission, industrial pro-
duction suffered from over -control and a great deal of under-
fulfillment.
In 1957 the Soviet Union adopted a system whereby many
planning and coordinating functions were devolved from central
authorities in Moskva to local authorities In the republic and/or
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Volume Two, Part II
East Gerjnany, Econolafi.malan
oblast capitals. Following the lead of the USSR, the East German regime
adopted a similar form of organization.
In general outline, the steps taken in East German parallel
those of the Soviet Union, although they differ in detail. The 8
ministries which had formerly controlled the major share of the
German industrial establishment (Chemical Industry, Mining and Smelting,
Heavy Machine Construction General Machine Construction, Coal and
Power, Food Industry, Light Industry, and Labor and Vocational
Education), together with their main administrations were abolished.
Control over the operations of enterprises subordinate to these
ministries was delegated to 74 Associations of State Enterprises
(VVBs) which were formed on a category basis and geographicafly
located at or near the major concentrations of their respective
enterprises.
The central government retained control over those VI
the heavy industrial sector through their subordination to the
State Planning Commission (see Figure IV. 7) This agency, therefore,
in addition to its planning function for the entire economy, now has
operational control over heavy industry and acts as a supreme economic
council in this sector. The number of its departments was increased
to include basic industry and machine construction consumer goods
traffic and regional planning. Other departments are concerned with
long-range planning, material balances and allocations investments
finances and prices and other similar activities.
The State Plsnning Commission coordinates the operations of
4 IP%
light and
economi
committee
councils
food industry enterprises through the newly formed provincial
councils which are subordinate to both the provincial executive
and to the b
?
on
.4..4
V.1.44%;;J.
econam.106i
composed of the le ad ing officials at the provincial level
- IV .58
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FIGURE 33r. 7
INDUSTRIAL SUBORDINATION IN EAST GERMANY 1960
LCOUNCIL OF MINISTERS
STATE PLANNING
COMMISSION
VVB
Control
Coordination
V V B Association of
State Enterprises
VVB (B) Provincial VVB
VVB (K) District VVB
VEB State Enterprise
4?111111.M?
[,VVB
VIIImagmo
EEE
VEB
VEB
ECONOMIC COUNCIL
VVB(B)
El]
SECRET
VVB (B)
VEB
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PROVINCE
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
DISTRICT
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
_ STATE PLANNING
COMMISSION
VEB
VVB (K)
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Volump No, fart II ggst Getmoy, Economic System
directs the operations of VVB (B)s in the non-heavy industrial field
subordinate to them. The provincial executive committees also contain
functional departments which administer economic activities not sub-
ordinated to VVBs, including ones for handicraft and private industry.
Although VVBs subordinate to the central government are supposed to
coordinate their activities with the provincial economic councils,
it is believed that what coordination exists is exercised through
SED rather than government channels.
wilo0.12000-41ftew ?
aTikomeNsmit-lorranes ciefvekwiewlm 445 4-
ii t? La 1G k..1 J. 01 ?01 94.0 to G V G va G 4714.4.S%-1. J1,10.11?...L.
district State Planning Commission which is dually subordinate to
the provincial economic council and to the district executive
coommittee. It plans for all agencies subordinate to the district
executive committee and directs the operations of VVB (K)s sub-
ordinate to it Industry at this level consists for the most part
of local consumer goods municipal services local construction and
building materials,d water management The district planning
commissions, like the provincial economic council, cannot interfere
in the operations of enterprises and organizations subordinate to
central organs. Coordination 'Ale required by the enabling act
for VVBs, is probably limited and exercised again primarily through
SED channels.
Although as noted above publi
industry plays the
major role in the economy, private enterprises still exist. In some
fields such as that of clothing production, they are of importance
but ma
branches of industry are almost totally socialized.The
regime has consistently pressed for a conversion of the remaining
private plan
into semi-public ones in which the State participates
tn.' and then strIvescontrol by
supply of raw materials and their output Only
IV 40
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Volume Tyo, pwl
tactical considerations have prevented the State from using its power
to bring about a complete socialization of the economy
2. Agriculturak.g22=1
At the end of the war steps were taken by the new regime in
East Germany to confiscate all large land holdings. Most of the land
was then distributed to former tenants or laborers and by 1950 the
bulk of the land was held in units of lessthan 50 acres. Since this
was not the most efficient distribution of land for it did not permit
roper utilization of machinery and investment
since it gave what
the regime regarded as too much support to the idea of private owner
ship of the means of production, a campaign was begun to bring about
the collectivisation of land. Although the Soviet pattern was followed
in most details, it was impossible to bring about a completely collec
tivized agriculture. By 1960 46.4 per cent of the land was held by
some 9,520 so?called cooperatives and 8.0 per cent by state farms
making a total of 544 per cent of the land in the socialized tor.
In the organization of collectives substantial concessions had to be
made to peasant reluctance to give up the land The principal conces
sion was that payment to members at the end of a crop year is based
in part upon work done and in part upon the amount of land each member
contributed a token recognition of peasant wishes which was not granted
in the USSR. These cooperatives controlled by communal district,
and province authorities as well as through agencies of the Ministry
of Agriculture and of the SED were given various benefits not
available to private farmers and every effort was made to win more
member In actual operation these units are not cooperatives,in
that the members have no independence of action and are limited to
ormal
PP-
n measures of government and Party
IV 41
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Vcilwow No, Part II
East Germany. Econo
The state farms are usually large, specialized units devoted
to a single crop or some activity such as livestock breeding or seed
production. These are directly subject to the Ministry of Agriculture.
Private farmers continue to hold 45.4 per cent of the land.
Holdings generally are less than 50 acres, although there remains a
significant number of larger farms. All private farms are under heavy
preAMIllftga
-
the government to make deliveries of various agricultural
items on a scale which placed a greater burden on the larger farms.
These are under the additional burden of paying a higher rate than
the ow =rs of smaller farms for the use of machinery from the 600-odd
Machine-Tractor Stations, which have a near monopoly on major agri-
cultural Implements. The regime has the clear goal of forcing the
larger farmers into such a position that they will join the collectives,
after which it would be possible to apply similar pressures to the
small farmers. It cannot, however, act too harshly in this, for a similar
policy, when applied in the period prior to 1953, brought about ser
disruptions in agricultural production. Therefore, a more cautious
procedure ha v been adopted, acting against one segment of the farm
population at a time and holding out to the smaller peasants some
intimation that perhaps they might be exempt.
Except for declining number of obsolescent tractors and other
machines remaining in the hands of private farmers from pre-World War
II days, all major agricultural machinery in East Germany is controlled
by the 600-odd Machine-Tractor Stations (MTS) controlled by agencies
of the Minister of Agriculture. These organizations carry out work
on the land under contract with both collective and private farms.
Efficiency of the Machine-Tractor Stations is not high and there are
often interruptions to the supply of fuel and spare parts. In 1959
the regime instituted a policy of transferring machinery from the MTS
?
IV. 1+2
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Vo3rupip Two, Part, II
to the collective farms in those areas in which at least 80 per cent of
agricultural land is in the "socialist sector." This parallels the
action of the Soviet Union in selling MTS machinery to the kolkhogy
in an effort to simplify agricultural administration.
Prospects are that the East German regime will continue to
press for the collectivization of agriculture, but that it will seek
to present the process as a voluntary move on the part of the peasants.
It is prevented from moving too rapidly by fear of serious disruptions
Nip mow
+-he fobd supply, ,esim obi.%
as occurred in 1953, as Well as by the
possibility of loss of any possible influence among the peasantry
of West Germany. As a result, East Germany lags behind all countries
of the Soviet bloc save Poland, in which special forces have been
operative, in degree of collectivization.
E. Control Force
The East German regime maintains itself In power and controls the
actions of the populace through the agency of a control force numbering
1,145,000 (see Table IV. 5). This is equivalent to 14.1 per cent of
the labor force and to 6.7 per cent of the total population. The
control force includes all persons who because of their administrative
positions, military rank, or specialized technical training direct or
advise others in the performance of one or more activities of life.
The control force includes persons at widely disparate levels of power,
ranging from the First Secretary of the SED to a foreman in a small
toy factory, or from the Chairman of the Council of Ministers to the
principal of a rural school. Each one, however, has by virtue of his
job some degree of authority or influence over the actions of others
The control force may be divided into 3 major components according
to the extent of the influence each possesses. The primary control
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Volume Two. Part II
X Force
force, numbering less than 10,000, includes those persons who hold
positions In the central agencies of the Party or the civil government
or who are flag or general officers in the armed forces and militarized
police. At this level of power a person in the control force exercises
influence over national institutions and throughout the whole territory
of the republic. There are, of course finer internal divisions of
for the First Secretary is more influential than a member of the
cabinet or than a general officer of the armed forces. But, in general,
they share a national responsibility.
The intermediate control force, with approximately 270,000 member.,
includes those persons whose responsibility is limited either to control
of a specific branch of activity or to administration of one of the
major areas of the country. Typical members of this group are the
chief administrators of the 14 provinces, heads of important regional
aggregations of economic enterprises field and company grade officers
of the armed forces, persons at the sub-ministerial level in the Council
of Ministers, or directors of territorial units of social service
agencies.
The lower control force includes more than 865,000 persons. Their
chief duty is to carry out direct supervision of the activities of
state and economic agencies. Among them are clerical workers in the
state administration, NCO's in the armed forces, supervisory workers
within factories and collective farms and certain professionally and
technically trained persons who although without formally ascribed
rights of command are importan
activities of others.
The primary control force is largely composed of males
of the SED, and is probably slightly older than the general
It is overwhelmingly located in urban areas, principally in
Influences in determining the
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mbers
population.
East Berlin
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Category
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C
Table IV. 5
German Control Force: 1960
Party Administration
State Administration
Economic Administration
Industry
Construction
Transportation and
Communications
Trade
Agriculture
Military Command
Services
Credit and Insurance
Education Culture
Health
Others (Housing, Public
Utilities, Police and
Fire Protection, etc.)
Total
Number
80,000
200,000
530,000
40,000
295,000
1,145,000
(265,000)
( 35,000)
( 53,000)
( 80,000)
( 97,000)
( 30,000)
( 97,000)
(1220000)
( 460000)
With most of those In other cit
be fourd
ea. *NW
Per Cent
of Total
7.0
17.5
46.3
3.4
25.8
(23.1)
( 3.1)
( 4.6)
( 7.0)
( 8.5)
( 2.6)
( 8.5)
(10.7)
( 4.0)
100.0
he province capitals.
The intermediate control force is also largely male and membership in
the SED is high. Age composition probably shows a prevalence of the
persons past 40 years of age. It is again an urban group, although
it is distributed somewhat more widely throughout the country. The
lower control force probably has a higher proportion of female members
than the others, although not as many as the sex composition of the
population would suggest. Membership in the S is lower than in
the primary or intermediate groups, but higher than in the general
population. It is possible that the level of education in this group
is higher than the average of the upper levels particularly since
power on those levels is granted as an attribute of political service
and not of technical or professional skill. The lower control force
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S EGRET
YolVVRE_Ttfo. Pt II East Germany
1 Tor90
is more evenly distr ibuted throughout the country, in both urban and
rural locations than the other groups, but, because of the character
of occupations of the majority of its members, it is also largely
urban in composition.
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V. Hungary
A. Introduction
Hungary, like 6 other nations of Eastern. Europe, is a satellite of
the Soviet Union. Unlike those nations it has made a violent armed
effort to escape from Soviet control and, having failed, suffers the
consequences. This is part of a pattern of Hungarian historical
experience for it has made similar efforts against the Turks almost
500 years ago and against the Austrians in 1848 only to fail and to be
forced once again into subjection. The present failure to assert
national independence is probably the most bitter, for after the previous
revolts the conquerors left many areas of traditional Hungarian life
untouched, but the Soviets and their Hungarian puppets, support an
ideology the realization of which would bring deep changes in all spheres
of life. Political expression is channeled into fixed and externally
shaped forms foreign to the Hungarian way of life. Only faint and
superficial remnants of traditional Hungarian forms of government mask
the basic lines of Soviet models. Economic Institutions repeat Soviet
counterparts. The Hungarian peasant, after centuries of striving for
land of his own, now finds himself forced into an alien collective
farm upon which he is as much a serf as he was under the Hapsburgs.
Only a small segment of the Hungarian people actually accept this
order of things as right and just. It was clearly demonstrated during
the October November events of 1956 that the majority wanted to be rid
of Soviet controls in order to follow a more truly national path. Now
that the former controls have been reimposed, the nation finds itself
deeply antagonistic to those who govern it. They obey, it is true,
and, furthermore, they do it well enough to assure a reasonably smooth
operation of the state and the economy. But they obey not through
conviction that it is morally right to do so but through the need to
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Volume Two t Part II Hungary, Hungarian Socialist Workers' Part
maintain life, both personal and national, whatever the cost. There
have been some benefits, principally in the form of a somewhat improved
standard of living, which have come to them through obedience, but it
is evident that neither benefits nor obedience have generated a true
attachment to the present regime.
The regime exists. It will exist as long, and as far, as Soviet
bayonets stand behind it. Once they are removed, it will fall. The
people, moved both by memories of the bitter past and by realization
that Soviet force is overwhelmjng, can only continue giving outward
obedience while malting the outcome of events which they cannot control.
B. Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party
The ruling party in Hungary is the Hungarian Socialist Workers'
Party. This body is a direct descendant of the Hungarian Communist
Party, founded in 1918 by a group of returned prisoners of the Russians.
For a period of 4 months in 1919 the Communist Party, in uneasy alliance
with the Social Democrats, held power in Hungary but it was forced out
by a conservative counter-revolution led by Admiral Horthy. From 1919 to
1944 the Communist Party was illegal in Hungary. Its members were
scattered refugees in deep underground and its activities were limited
to a pointless groping for some shred of support. The invasion of the
Soviet armies in 1944 brought with it a number of Communist Hungarians
who took advantage of the support of the Soviet Union to build up their
party. They did not meet with great success, as evidenced by the fact
that the first post-war elections, the least heavily influenced of
any in all Hungarian history, returned a majority for the non-socialist,
agrarian oriented Small Holders' Party, and left the Communist with
less than 20 per cent of the vote Increasing Soviet pressure was
employed to "correct" the situation and by June 1947 the Communists had
taken full control. In I4iy 1948 the forced merger of the Social
Democratic Party and of the Communist Party was brought about much
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Volume Two, Part II Hungary, Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party
against the wishes of the members of the former body, and the new
organization was renamed the Hungarian Workers' Party and under its
control Hungary was quickly converted into a standard member of the
Soviet bloc. Rigid controls were imposed and strong measures were
taken against opposition groups in the population and against possibly
deviant members of the Party. AS was the case in the Soviet Union, the
period after the death of Stalin saw a relaxation of some of the harsher
forms of control and some measures were taken to meet the evident wish of
the people for a larger area of independent activity. This era
culminated in an uprising of the whole population, save for a few
thousand confirmed supporters of the regime, which for a few days late
In October and early in November 1956 seemed destined to take Hungary
out of the Soviet-Satellite Bloc. Nbskva Intervened however, and Soviet
troops were used to crush the uprising. This effectively destroyed
the Hungarian Workers Party and all real support for its policies. The
reorganization of the Party which took place after the revolt did
nothing to alleviate the situation- a new name was adopted, that of the
Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party, a few new people (or rather
resurrected tools of the Soviets) were put in positions of power, and
the regime continued to follow a policy based upon considerations other
than those of winning popular approval of its programs.
The Party exists by virtue of Soviet support and the cooperation
of those too deeply committed to leave it. It maintains its hold on
the country only because all realize the overwhelming force which would
be directed against any effort to take another course. It represents
no important segment of public opinion and has no future beyond the
day when Soviet force ceases to support it
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Hungary. Hungarian Socialist Workers Party
1. Wmbershi.
a. Total Membership
Membership In the Hungarian Socialist Workers! Party reflects
the low estate in which it has found itself since the revolt of October
1956 for only slowly has it been able to recruit half as many members
as it had in September 1956 (see Table V. 1). In 1948, at the time of
the forced merger of the Social Democratic Party there were 1,500,000
members. Action was begun to rid the Hungarian Workerst Party of those
who, through their belief in a democratic, trade union-oriented
socialism, might prove susceptible to oppositionist thinking. At the
same time measures were taken to purge the Party of those long-time
members of the communist Party whose devotion to the Soviet Union and
its plans for Hungary might be less than total. Within a year the
number had fallen to 1,000,000 and by 1950 there were only 800,000. In
1952 membership was at its lowest for this period, an estimated
762,000. A small increase occurred after that, following the slight
relaxation which occurred throughout the Soviet Bloc after the death
of Stalin. In 1954 there were 864,000 members and candidates, a figure
Year
1947
1948
1949
1950
1952
1954
1956
(Sept
1956
(Dec)
1958
1960
Table V. 1
IIIIMINIMMIIIM?111?11.1010110.11.111????
LtmlatE2h12_2fLitmgarlan Workers Party:
1-947-1960
Number Number
Per 1,000 Per 1,000
Number Total Population 18 Years and Older
650,000
1,500,000
1,000,000
800,000
760,000
864,607
900,000
103,000
380,000
403,000
71
164
109
85
80
90
91
11
39
41
- V. 4 -
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102
232
153
122
117
130
131
15
56
59
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Vo ]ne Two Part II Hun gay Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party
which remained approximatelyationary for two years. After the
uprising in October 1956 Party ranks declined sharply. In early
November, In fact, the machinery had fallen to pieces and only those
few thousand who had too deep a commitment to the regime or its ideology
to risk an open break remained with it. At the end of 1956 there were
103,000 persons on Party rolls. Thereafter the ranks grew, but only
slowly as steps were taken to assure the reliability of new members and
to Investigate their position during the October days of 1956. In
September 1958 the announced membership was 380,000, and by the time
of the Party Congress late in 1959, only some 20,000 had been added to
bring the total to 402 456. Such a total means that 4.1 per cent of
the total population and 5.9 per cent of that, over 18 are members.
b. Regional Distribution of Rbmbership
There is only fragmentary Information available concerning
the regional distribution of members of the Hungarian Socialist Workers'
Party 130,000 (13.2 per cent of total membership and 6.8 per cent of
the city's population) were located in Budapest In mi 1953. The
remaining two-thirds of the membership is undoubtedly thinly scattered
throughout the nation, roughly parallel to the degree of urbanization
and industrialization, and that in agricultural areas tend to be
concentrated in administratiV-e-centers.
Occupational Composition
According to a June 1959 announcement by a member of the
Central Commattee, the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party
Hung
predominantly made up of workers (see Table V. 2). It is unclear
whether this refers to present occupation or to social orgin. In the
latter case,the 60.9 per cent who are "workers" would include a large
number who though coming from a working class background now hold
administrative positions.The same stricture would apply to the 12.8
per cent listed as peasan
None of the categories given correspond
V. 5
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Hungary. Hungari
Socialist Workers' Party
with those used to list the Hungarian labor force; therefore it is
impossible to determine the incidence of Party membership per 1,000
employed persons in any category.
Fragmentary data, however, indicate
that it is highest among the office employees and intellectuals
little lower among the workers, and lowest among the peasants.
Table V. 2
Occu.ational Social Ori in Cam osition of
Membership of Hungarian Socialist Workers/
Party: June 1959
Category
Workers
Peasants
Intellectuals
Office Employees
Students, Housewives,
Pensioners etc.
Total
Number
253, 950
53,380
31,690
50,460
27.520
417,000
Per Cent
of Total
60.9
12.8
7.6
12.1
6.6
100.0
d. Age-Sex Composition of Membership
Data supplying the age or sex of members of the Hungarian
Socialist Workers' Party are few, and most date from, the period before
the uprising of October-November 1956. It is possible to determine
that between 55 and 60 per cent of the members at the beginning of
that year were over 36 years of age, while 28.7 per cent were women.
No Information gives the age composition in the years
it is estimated that women comprise only about 15 per
Party members.
since 1956, but
cent of total
On the basis of such an estimate, and given the 1960
membership of the Party
probably some 10.0 per cent of all Hungarian
males over the age of 18 and less than 2 per
females in the same age category are members
Workers' Party.
AT. 6 -
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cent of all Hungarian
of the Hungarian Socialist
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Hun ar un tartan SocialWorker
2. _QEzai....,tIhsst.o.ttt.jtji.unjg.j...aran._Workers' Party
Although the organization of the Hungarian Socialist Workers'
Party is, according to Party statute, designed to give expression
to and implement the wishes of all members with regard to the shaping
of political life, it is in actuality merely the instrumentality with
which the policies and plans of a small group are applied to the whole
country. This state of affairs in the Party has been particularly
marked since 1956 when the present rulers forcibly suppressed the Nagy
regime which, among other aims, had attempted to make the machinery of
state and politics more responsive to popular wishes rather than to a
small group of Iftrxist-Leninist oriented politicians.
a. National Organization
(L) Political Committee
The chief policy and decision-making body in the
Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party is the Political Committee, a body
composed of 11 members and 2 alternates. In the words of the Party
statute, "It guides and leads the party between the meetings of the
Central Committee.fl In reality, because of its day-to-day control of
Party work, it is the chief policy making body in the Party, far
overshadowing the Central Committee to which it is nominally responsible.
The Political Committee has freedom to shape policy only within the
limits of the larger decisions made by the Presidium of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Control of
the action of the Political Committee was particularly close during the
period 'last after the uprising of October 1956 when it was evident that
Soviet authorities were issuing direct and detailed orders to Hungarian
Party agencies. Members of the Political Committee also hold high-level
posts in government, public or other Party agencies and thereby
exercise a major influence in the operation of these bodies (see
V. 7
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Volume Two art II
Socialist Workers' Party
Figure V. 1). The most important member of the Poll cal C oxnmittee is
Janos Kadar, who is also First Secretary of the Party Secretariat
and a Minister of State without portfolio) in the civil government.
Hadar, by virtue of such a position and combination of offices, is
the most influential person in the country; Istvan Dobi, President of
the Presidential Council and thus titular head of state d Ferenc
Mbennich, Premier, are much less important figures
(2) Secretariat
The Secretariat, headed by First Secretary Janos
Kadar and with 4 additional secretaries, is responsible for supervising
the implementation of decisions taken by the Political Committee.
Although the Secretariat, as well as the Political Committee, is
nominally responsible to the Central Committee, they act first, looking
to the Central Committee later for a token approval of their actions.
Detailed information about the internal organization of the Secretariat
is lacking particularly since the reorganization of the Party after
the 1956 uprising, but it is probable that each member of the Secretariat
is responsible for supervision of one or more operational divisions
in the various specific fields of public and economic life. These
operational divisions have the duty of amplifying policies adopted by
the Political Committee to fit a given situation and of checking the
way in which decisions are carried out. They also guide the corresponding
divisions of local Party bodies in their work.
(3) Central Committee
The Central Commattee to which both of the bodies
described above are theoretically subordinate has 53 regular and 9
alternate members These have as a rule important positions In
Party and governmental agencies, both at the national and the local
level. All members of the Political Committee and of the Secretariat
are also members of the Central Committee. Because of the responsible
-V. 8
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NATIONAL PARTY
CONGRESS
COUNTY PARTY
CONFERENCE
CENTRAL
COMMITTEE
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FIGURE V. I
HUNGARIAN PARTY-GOVERNMENTAL INTERRELATIONSHIPS
POLITICAL COMMITTEE
7 LEADERS OF COUNCIL
OF MINISTERS
SECRETARIAT
COUNTY PARTY
COMMITTEE
COUNTY POLITICAL
COMMITTEE
AND SECRETARIAT
LEADIRS OF
COUNTY EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEES
DISTRICT PARTY
CONFERENCE
DISTRICT PARTY
COMMITTEE
COUNCIL OF
MINISTERS
DISTRICT POLITICAL
COMMITTEE
AND SECRETARIAT
LEZETS-OF
DISTRICT EXECUTIVE1
COMMITTEE
[DISTRICT
-----+ EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
COMMITTEE OF
PRIMARY PARTY
ORGANIZATION r
SECRETARY OF
PRIMARY PARTY
ORGANIZATION
PRIMARY PARTY
ORGANIZATION
SECRET
VILLAGE
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
...._.), ELECTION
0 CONTROL
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VILLAGE
ASSEMBLY
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ERS
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Hui:wary, Hungarian SocialistWorkers' Party
nature of their other positions and the physical location of some In
centers outside Budapest, the members of the Central Committee cannot
exercise the continuing supervision of Party work which is theoretically
the duty of the Committee. Its meetings are therefore forums for the
enunciation of policy and for ex-post-facto ratification of decisions
of the Political Committee and the Secretariat. The power- of electing
national Party officials, granted it by the Party statute, is exercised
only In ratification of a slate of candidates pre selected by the
Political Committee.
(4) Central Control Committee
The 9 members of the Central Control Committee, who
are elected by the Central Committee (at the nomination of the Political
Committee), have the duties of watching over the political actions,
moral integrity and loyalty of Party members. They are to wage "war"
against all forms of undisciplined factional corrupt, and ?unpart
activity. They are to be particularly on guard against the Infiltration
of the Party by undesirable elements and may institute investigations
of Party members accused
from simple reprimand to
confirms similar actions
Party organizations.
(5) Central Audit Committee
The 7 members of Central Audit Comma
of deviation and can Impose punishments ranging
expulsion from the Party The Committee also
begun by the Control Commissions of regional
the same manner as the Central Control Committee
the audit of Party financial activitie
tee elected in
e responsible for
Including the receipt and
accounting of dues management of Party property, and the control of
Beim Independent Party activities. This committee may also have the duty
of supervising Party record keeping and management practices ? Similar
bodies in lower Party organizations are under its s ervision.
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INEw0ELLAtalaggElgn Socialist Workers' Party
(6) Party Congress
The Party Congress, which according to the Party
Statute is to meet at least every 3 years, is theoretically the
controlling agency In Party affairs, setting policy and electing
officials. In point of fact, the Party Congress serves only to provide
a further forum for officials and a means of giving a surface coloration
of approval to their actions. The Congress, elected by county and
precinct Party organizations is composed of delegates with full voice
in the proportion of one for each 1,000 members of the Party, and of
delegates with consultative voice for each 1,000 candidate members.
The most recent meeting was held in December 1959.
b. Intermediate Levels of Partj Organization
There are 2 levels of authorities between the national
apparatus of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party and its 16,805
"cells." They correspond to the counties (Negyek) and districts (Jaras)
into which the country is divided. They share many organizational forms,
on a reduced scale, with the national Party apparatus. They have
theoretically wide powers of control of local activities but the highly
centralized nature of decision-making in the Party reduces the role of
local agencies to the unquestioning application of policies handed down
to them
(1) Executive Committee
Principal authority in county and district Party affairs
belongs to the Executive Committee. This body, with from 9 to 11
members In the district and from 15 to 20 in the county, is nominally
elected by a local Party Committee, but its members are subject to
confirmation by higher Party agencies and there is probably a high
degree of pre-selection which nullifies any local freedom of choice.
Within limits determined by national, or, in the case of district, by
county authorities, this Executive Comma tee sets local policies.
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arian SocialiSt Workers'Part
It is usual for at least some of its members to hold other posts in
Party, government, or economic institutions, thus providing channels
for Information about and control of other spheres of public life.
(2) Secretariat
Day to day control of Party activities at these levels
is in the hands of a Secretariat, with at least 3 secretaries who are
nominally elected by the Party Committee of the membership, but actually
chosen by the Executive Committee at the suggestion of higher authorities.
Each secretary has responsibility for supervising Party work In one or
more fields of activity. The exact division of responsibility among
the secretaries has not been made public for the period since 1956.
Principal authority in the Secretariat is in the hands of a First
Secretary who, as member of the Executive Committee and as the major
continuing official, is the chief personnage in local Party and
governmental affairs.
(3) Party ,Committee
The Party statute provides that basic control of
local Party affairs in the intervals between meetings of the Party
Conference is in the hands of a Party Committee. The body numbers
from 25 to 31 members and from 5 to 25 alternates In the district and
from 31 to 41 members and from 5 to 25 alternates In the county. Its
members as a rule have other responsible posts, often at some distance
from the county and district seats, and it is Impossible for them to
meet for longer than is necessary to lend formal approval to the actions
of the Executive Committee and Secretariat. There is probably a degree
of pre-determination on the part of higher Party authority as to who
shall be selected for positions on the Party Committees.
- V. 12
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Volume Two. Part II Hungary, Hungarian Socialist Workers Party
(4) Control Committee
Both county and district organizations of the Party have
Control Committees attached to them. Like the similarly named body
in the vvatie"'"11 =.17.017"..n."537 this h s the duty of carrying on surveillance
of Party members to guard against ideological deviations and the
Infiltration of undesirable elements. It may initiate action against
persons accused of such crimes and, subject to confirmation by a higher
ranking Control Committee, impose sanctions ranging from a simple
reprimand to expulsion. It is probable that there is close, though
unofficial, liaison with local organs of the security police.
(5) Auditing. Committee
At both county and district levels there is an
Auditing Committee. Its duties are similar to those of the national
Auditing Committee, namely, the supervision of Party financial operations
and, probably, of reviewing record keeping and management procedures.
(6) Party Conference
The Party Conference is, according to Party statute the
highest local organ of the Party, elected by the members and controlling
actions of the officials The meetings are, however, infrequent and the
Party Conference serves principally as a forum for the enunciation of
new policy and to give a surface stamp of approval to official action.
As a further barrier to prevent the Party Conference from becoming a
true exponent of the wishes of the membership, it should be noted
that delegates are elected by lower ranking Party Conferences and
not by the membership directly.
3. Primary Party Organization
The Primary Party Organization (PPO), numbering 16 ,805 in
December 1959, is the basic unit of the Hungarian Socialist Workers'
Party. It may be organized in plants (or their subdivisions)city
Pr
villages,cooperatives, offices, institutions and armed
-V. 13
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Volume Two Part II
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Hungary, Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party
force units, wherever at least 3 members of the Party are to be found
Although the Party is claimed to be an organization controlled by its
members with the PPO as the nucleus from which such control stems,
the list of functions set forth by the Party statute makes It clear that
the PPO is basically an agency for the final implementation of tasks
assigned it from above. Among the duties listed are: (a) the implementa
tion of resolutions of higher Party units, distribution of Party
literature, collection of Party dues; (b) agitation in productive
enterprises for efficiency, production competitions, discipline,
establishment of producers' cooperatives and raising of production
by individual farmers; exercising of cultural and social leadership
among workers; (d) indoctrination of members and criticism of cases of
indifference, neglect, or revisionism; (e) supervision of management of
state enterprises, agricultural cooperatives and retail trade agencies.
In state institutions, the PPO has no right of direct ccntrol of
managerial actions, but it may make representations to higher Party
organs who can then enter the case.
Each PPO elects a committee with a 2-year term to manage its
affairs. Those PPO. with less than 10 members elect a secretary only.
All such persons must be approved by higher Party organs. Within
the PPO, groups may be formed for propaganda and educational purposes
under the leadership of Party activitists.
4. Trends in the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party
Before 1956 the Hungarian Workers' Party (as it waS then
named) had departed in its membership policies from the line laid
down by Lenin that the Communist Party should be a small, disciplined
group of convinced supporters of Mhrxism as interpreted by Lenin. The
pre-revolt Hungarian Party had expanded into an amorphous body of
those who were moved through conviction or, which is more probable
through a desire to serve their careers to join the Party. The revolt
V. 14
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Volume Two, Part II ENEMAIT1.INDEREIRBA22121121.2dorkers1 PartM
in October November 1956 demonstrated with overwhelming force the real
lack of true devotion to Party alms and made it clear that only Soviet
influence had enabled it to hold power. After 1956 the Party adopted
the policy of careful control of its ranks in order to insure against
the presence of deviationists. It could not, however, cease all efforts
to win over the workers, thus giving a semblance of legality to its
regime and making some concession to the theory that it is the avant
garde of the working class. The chief center of its power remained, in
spite of these efforts, in that group whose personal fortunes and
security were indissolub1y connected with the pre-revolt regime. These
were the members of the new privileged class, the government, economic,
and army bureaucrats.
This group is likely to remain in control in Hungary during the
foreseeable future, for it is the only segment of Hungarian society
upon which the Soviet Union can rely for the maintenance of its influence.
There may be attemps to mask this by appeals to a wider public, particu-
larlythrough various mass organizations to which a coalition color can
be given, and some of the rigidities of control from above may be masked
by an increase in speed and flexibility in dealing with minor matters
appealed to higher Party authorities from lower agencies. Total member-
ship may grow somewhat, particularly since the difference between the
pre-1956 and post-1956 membership is so striking as to vitiate arguments
that the Party represents the workers of the country, but the control
positions are going to remain i the hands of the present small group of
convinced Communists and supporters of Soviet policies. A repetition of
the October-November 1956 events is most unlikely.
-V. 15
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Volume Two, Part II Hungary, Government
C. Government
The governmental structure of the Hungarian People's Republic shares
with that of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party a wide difference
between constitutional provisions as to the distribution of power and its
actual exercise. The government is, on paper, a constitutional democratic
and parliamentary republic, ruled by persons chosen by and responsible to
the electors. Elections are universal and the ballot is secret. Freedom
of the people to engage In political activity is assured by a constitution
clearly granting a wide range of rights and liberties. In practice, the
government is a strongly centralized organization controlled by agencies
of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party and scarcely responsive to
popular pressures. There is no public opposition movement and all
candidates for elective office are presented by the Party or have its
specific approval. Many governmental activities, particularly the meetings
of the representative assemblies, are carried only formally and all real
decisions are made by persons not directly subject to public control.
Such a state of affairs does not however, deprive the national government
of Hungary of all significance, for it is a national agency which has the
power to guide and direct in some degree all persons in the country.
1. National Government
a. Council of Ministers
The principal executive authority in the country is that of
the Council of Ministers. (See Figure V. 2) It consists of a President
(Prime Minister), a first vice-president, 3 ministers of state without
portfolio, and 17 ministers in charge of the various departments. The
Council of Ministers may issue decrees and resolutions as a corporate
body or as individual ministers. These decrees and directives actually
constitute the bulk of legislation and the role of the Parliament in
this process is limited to a passive confirmation of ministerial action.
v. 16
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PRESIDENT
1VNOIIVN
0
IMOdSNVEll
0
3SN3d3a
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FIGURE 3E 2
HUNGARIAN COUNCIL OF MINISTERS: 1960
MINISTERS
AmisnaN
co
0
PRESIDENT
FIRST VICE-PRESIDENT
3 MINISTERS OF STATE
(Without Portfolio)
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At:IlSrlaN
-n
rn
rn
N913?:JOA
4111111?111111?1116
MINISTERS
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0
01.1.S3INoa
3uni-ino
NOLLOMAISNO0
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Volume Two Part II Hungary. Government
To a large degree the power of the Council of Ministers
rests upon the extra-constitutional fact that its leading members are
also highly placed officials of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party.
The Prime Minister, Ferenc naennich, is a member of the Political Committee
of the Party, while Janos Kadar, a Minister of State, is also First
Secretary of the Party which makes him the most powerful single person
in Hungary.
The ministries do not follow a uniform pattern of organization.
Some of those which were in existence before the Communist seizure of
power have retained their old internal structure. In others, particularly
those In the economic field, structure has been conditioned by the need
for controlling widespread production aotivttiee. Each ministry has a
planning section, which supervises, coordinates, and revises the plans of
subordinate agencies in order to present a plan to the President of the
Council of Ministers and to the President of the National Planning Board
for further consideration. Various control organs of the ministry assist
in the supervision of financial, political and personnel matters. The
ministers and heads of major subdivisions of the ministries are regularly
chosen from Party ranks, or after consultation with Party authorities.
The authority of the minister is limited to the implementation of policies
already thoroughly outlined by Party as well as governmental agencies.
b. Presidential Council
The Presidential Council is the collective head of state. It
has a president, the ceremonial head of state, 2 vice presidents, a
secretary, and 17 members. All are nominally elected by Parliament for
a 2-year term. In the Interval between meetings of the Parliament the
Presidential Council has interim legislative powers, promulgating edicts
subject to later confirmation by Parliament, and it can call elections or
convene Parliament appoint and recall dirllamatic representatives, grant
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Volume Two, Part II
Hungary. Government
pardons, and supervise the work of local administrative agencies. In
actual operation, the Presidential Council is a device for providing
formal representation of Parliamentary control over governmental actions
while all major decisions are made by the Council of Ministers.
c. National Assembly
The National Assembly or Parliament, is an elected organ with
a membership of 338 deputies with full powers and 171 alternates. In the
words of the 1949 Constitution, Vit7 exercises all rights deriving from the
sovereignty of the people and determines the organization, directions,
and conditions of the government." It usually meets twice a year, upon
call by the Presidential Council. Sessions are short, limited to the
hearing of a major governmental figure and to the passage of resolutions
approving decrees and other governmental acts. There is no debate over
matters of substance and opposition votes are never cast. This method
of procedure effectively nullifies the National Assembly's theoretical
power to control governmental action and to elect the major officials of
state. It does enable the leading figures of the regime to claim the
backing of the elected representatives of the people, without forcing
them to undergo the dangers of possible adverse parliamentary action or
of failure to justify their actions.
d. Central PeRple's Control Committee
The Central People's Control Co
ttee consists of 10 members
elected by the Parliament for the purpose of carrying out investigations
of the operation of government agencies to detect corruption, malfeasance
and other irregularities. It has the power to investigate but not to
apply sanctions or give orders directly. If cases requiring action are
uncovered it is the Central People's Control Committee which informs the
requisite authorities who then take action.
2. Inter
There
Administration
'ate
2 levels of administrative organs which stand between
- V. 19
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Volume Two Part II
HunAarx, Goverment
the national government of Hungary and the purely local institutions.
These are the 19 counties (negyek) and 5 cities of county rank, and the
128 districts (Jarasok) and 57 towns of district rank. Each is
administered through agencies which are modeled after those of the national
government and all forms and procedures are similar. (See Figures V. 3and
V. 4). Like the national government, the intermediate levels of administra-
tion, although claimed to give expression to the wishes of the people, have
more the function of giving local application to policies determined at
higher levels and without public discussion. In all cases of dispute or
of doubt the deciding voice lies with the representatives of the Party,
whose control is maintained by an extensive system of "Interlocking
directorates" (membership of Party leaders in high government Institutions)
a. Executive Committee
In each county and district continuing control over local
administration is in the hands of an executive committee, composed of
from 9 to 17 members, of which there is a chairman, 2 or 3 vice chairmen,
a secretary, and a number from the rank and file. Each member is
responsible for supervision of one of the administrative sections which
control activities of subordinate economic, cultural and administrative
institutions. As a rule one or more of the leading officials holds
M
A.
Important post in the local Party organization. Formally, the Executive
Committee is subordinate to the elected Council, but the latter's powers
are, in practice, quite small Each of the administrative sections, in
addition to its control by the Executive Committee and, in form, by the
Council is required to follow the directions given t by the corresponding
ministry in the national government or
by the county administrative section.
b. Council
The elected booty corresponding to the National Assembly is
called a Council. There are from 30 to 60 members in the district and
case of district administrations,
V. 20
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FIGURE I 3
COUNTY (MEGYE) ADMINISTRATION: 1960
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
CHAIRMAN
3 VICE CHAIRMEN
SECRETARY
ADMINISTRATION
AGRICULTURE
BUILDING
COMMERCE
COMMUNICATIONS_I
CROP COLLECTIONS
FINANCE
ADMINISTRATIVE SECTIONS
SECRET
HEALTH
INDUSTRY
MANPOWER RESERVES
vl
PHYSICAL TRAINING
AND SPORTS
PLANNING AND STATISTICS
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TRAINING AND POPULAR1
EDUCATION
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FIGURE 3/ 4
DISTRICT (JARAS) ADMINISTRATION: 1960
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
CHAIRMAN
2 VICE CHAIRMEN
SECRETARY
ADMINISTRATION
AGRICULTURE
BUILDING
AND COMMUNICATIONS
COMMERCIAL
FINANCE
ADMINISTRATIVE SECTIONS
SECRET
HEALTH
INDUSTRIAL
MANPOWER RESERVES
PHYSICAL TRAINING
AND SPORTS
PLANNING AND STATISTICAL
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Volume Two, Part II
Hungary, Government
from 70 to 100 in the county all elected through universal direct
balloting. Meetings are infrequent and supervision by Party agencies is
strong, and the constitutionally granted power of the Council to choose
local officials and control administrative action is, in effect, purely
formal. Council meetings serve officials as forums for making announce-
ments of new policy and for obtaining a surface approval of their actions.
c. Control Committee
At both district and county levels, there are Control
Committees, whose duty it is to supervise the performance of governmental
functions, reporting any derelictions to the proper authorities. In
theory, these bodies are elected by the Council, but,in practice,they are
appointed by the Executive Committee with the advice and consent of the
local Party organization.
d. Permanent Committees
In each district and county are a number of so-called
Permanent Committees, usually corresponding to the administrative sections
of the local Executive Committee. Members are also deputies to the local
Council chosen because of their special knowledge of or interest in, the
work of an administrative section. These committees are also aided by
volunteer workers, called activists, from the general public. The
Permanent Committees have only the power to observe and to make proposals.
Their chief functions are to offer a way through which expert assistance
from the public can be obtained and to suggest palliative changes in the
work of local institutions.
3. Local Administration
Rural Hungary is administered through the agency of 3,202 town-
ships (Kozsegek). In major outlines, the system of administration at
his level is like that in the county and district. Provisions which
seemingly permit a democratic control of local affairs are nullified by
?ID
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Volume Two Part II Hungary, Government
the close controls imposed by higher administrative and Party agencies,
although there is a somewhat less pervasive control at this level, as
each unit is so small and so separated from the others.
a. Township Executive Committee
Each township is administered by an executive committee which
at the lowest level consist of a paid chairman and secretary, a vice
chairman (paid only if the population of the township is over 3,000), and
2 to 6 other members (exact number set by district axutive committee).
In townships with population from 3,000 to 10,000, the executive
committee has subordinate to it sections for finances, general administra-
tion, and for industry, crop collection, trade, and agriculture. Those
with more than 10,000 population have a fourth section dealing with
training, education, public health, and welfare. Each section is
supervised by a member of the executive committee as well as being subject
to control of the corresponding section in the district administration.
b0 Township Council
The township council is made of from 21 to 101 members, elected
by the voters. The same wide difference between actual and theoretical
rights of elected bodies noted at all higher levels is to be found here.
The council hears reports and gives its formal approval. Only in some
cases in which it suggests minor, palliative changes, does it have any
measurable influence upon local affall-s.
Permanent Committees
As at higher levels, the township administration is assisted
by a number of so--called permanent comimittees, made up of deputies to
the council with the assistance, on an unofficial basis, of those who
have special knowledge or interest in a given field of action. These
committees have value as offering a means by which some of the more
interested members of the general public can take part in the control of
- V. 24
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Volume Two. Part II
Hun_Aary., Gov errunent
local operations, although they do not provide opportunity for criticism
of major policy or for more than minor readjustments in local administra-
tion.
40 Administrative-Territorial Divisions
The major administrative territorial divisions of Hungary (see
Table V.3) are its 19 counties (hegyek) and 5 cities (Budapest, Debrecen,
Miskolc, Pecs, and Szeged) of county rank. The latter are directly
Table V. 3
Hungary: Adndni strative- Territorial Divisions: 1960
Administrative
Division Districts
Capital
Budapest
Cities of County Rank
Debrecen
Miskolc
Pecs
Szeged
Counties
Bac s-Kiskun
Baranya
Bekes
Borsod-Abauj
Zemplen
Csongrad
Fejer
Gyor-Sopron
Haj du-Bihar
Heves
Komaram
Nograd
Pest
Somogy
Szabolcs-Szatmar
Szolnok
Tolna
Vas
Veszprem
Zala
Total
8
7
8
11
3
6
5
6
6
3
5
11
8
10
6
6
5
135
Coordinates
Cities Control Center Latitude Longtude
Budapest
1 Debrecen
1 Miskolc
1 Pecs
1 Szeged
2
2
2
1
1
1
2
2
62
Kecskemet
Pecs
Bekescsaba
Miskolc
Hodmezovasarhely
Szekesfehervar
Gyor
Debrecen
Eger
Tatabanya
Salgotarjan
Budapest
Kaposvar
Nyiregyhaza
Szolnok
Szekszard
Szombathely
Veszprem
Zalaegerszeg
-V. 25 -
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47-30 19 - 05
47-31
48 - 06
46 - 05
46 - 15
21 - 38
20 - 47
18 - 13
20- 09
46 - 54 19 ?-? 41
46-05 18 - 13
46 - 39 21 - 05
48 - 06 20 - 47
46 - 25 20 - 20
47 - 12 18 - 25
47 - 41 17 - 38
47 - 31 21-38
47 - 54 20-22
47 - 33 18 - 26
48 - 07 19-48
47 - 30 19-05
46 - 21 17-47
47 - 58 21 - 43
47 - 10 20 - 11
46 - 21 18 - 42
47 - 14 16 - 37
17 - 05 17 - 54
46 - 50 16 - 51
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Volume Two Part II HurIggry, Econopic Adinini Ation
subordinate to national authorities and are governed by city administ a
tions whose organization is comparable to that of counties. Budapest
is subdivided into 7 urban districts. Except for Szeged these cities are
the administrative centers for a county, although the county administra-
tion has no jurisdiction over them.
The counties are further divided Into 128 districts (Jarasok)
and 57 cities of district rank. The latter are, like the cities of
county rank with respect to national agencies, directly subordinate to
the county government and may serve as centers of counties or districts.
The lowest level of administration is to be found in the 3,202
townships (Kozsegek), some of which, because of rural settlement patterns,
have much more than 10,000 population.
D. Economic Administration
Before 1945 Hungary was, as it had been for centuries, primarily an
agricultural country. It had played an important part in the Austro-
Hungarian Empire as its chief producer of grain, but its industry-had
been unimportant and chiefly light. Between World Wars I and II, as a
result of the territorial and economic changes following 1918, it was
forced to undertake some new industrial development, particularly electric
and telecommunications equipment, while agricultural production suffered
somewhat from unfavorable world conditions and from loss of markets in
former Austro-Hungarian territory.
The economy before World War II had developed without major interven-
tion by the state. Both in agriculture and in industry private ownership
was the rule, and many of the industrial firms had connections with
foreign capital, principally German. Despite pressures from the rural
population for a wider distribution of land, the overwhelming portion of
tillable land remained in the hands of large landowners, most of wham
were the nobility. World War II witnessed the defeat of the former
V. 26
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Hung u.gssaczmic Administratim
Hungarian ruling class and brought great changes to both fields of
activity. The large estates were abolished, their land being distributed
to former tenants and landless laborers. Many industrial enterprises
were confiscated on the ground that they were German-owned and thus
enemy property, while other owners were accused of complicity with anti-
national forces, failure to pay taxes, or of exploitation of labor and
were forced to cede their property to the state.
In addition to the influences of a sweeping reform of the land system
and the socialization of industry, Hungary felt the impress of Soviet
economic policy, both with regard to "reparations" which were demanded
in recompense for damage allegedly done In the USSR by Hungarian forces
and with regard to a growing integration of Hungary into the Soviet
economic orbit. Many existing installations were disrupted by this, while
other plants were constructed under forced draft in order to meet Soviet
demands; very often these plants made use of high cost resources or
mere planned on a scale entirely unsuited to the country. Management
methods were modeled after those of the USSR and workers' interest were
frequently disregarded.
Agricultural production also suffered. The new,smaller farms, while
giving their owners a sense of triumph, satisfying a long-standing urge
for the acquisition of land, marketed a smaller proportion of their total
crop than had the large estates. Deficiencies in supply of fertilizers
and machinery worsened the situation. In common with industry and trade,
agriculture suffered from serious inflation, failures in supply and
distribution, and from the applicat on of exceedingly doctrinaire views
by the state; such as collectivization, which was one of the main goals
of the Communist regime.
As a result of these policies of nationalization and of integration
of Hungary into the Soviet economic system,the economy of the country had
- V. 27
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Volume Two, Part _II Hun_gary,
by 1956, developed in a distorted manner. There was much resentment among
the populace, a resentment which found expression in widespread strikes
and economic dislocation at the time of the revolt in October-November of
1956. The following reconstruction was not easy, in spite of some relaxa-
tion In agriculture and of large Soviet subsidies in other fields. However,
by the beginning of 1958 losses had been made good and production was
beginning to rise above 1956 levels.
The Hungarian economy is now one In which industry is almost totally
socialized, but only 60 per cent of agriculture is collectivized or other-
wise state controlled. Although the time limits for completion of the
process may have been lengthened, the regime has as its final goal total
socialization of agriculture, as well as industry, and it is only for fear
of provoking serious dislocations in food supply that it has shown so much
self-restraint.
10 Industrial Control
The central planning authority of the Hungarian Economy is the
National Planning Board, which lays down regulations and directives for
production planning. Under its control, the industrial ministries draw up
estimates of expected production, given plant capacity and other factors.
Marketing and supply agencies provide estimates of requirements, and the
National Planning Board coordinates them in order to arrive at a balance.
Once a plan has been put into effect, only the National Planning Board
can change it.
The National Planning Board Is kept informed of high level Party
and government decisions through Its Chairman who is a member of the
Council of Ministers and thus cognizant of high-level policy making. It
does not have direct supervision of the financial operations of industry,
which are the province of the Ministry of Finance, of its accounting
division, and of the State Bank. Operational control of Industry is in
the hands of the ministries, of Metallurgy and Machine Industry, Heavy
- V. 28
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Volume Two Part II Economic 'on
Industry, Light Industry, Food Industry, and Construction. In order to
make the ministries' control more effective, each is divided Into
directorates which are in charge of broad groups of Industries. The
directorates are in turn subdivided into industrial trusts, each of which
consists of a number of enterprises which produce similar end items.
Within each industrial enterprise, except for the very smallest,
control rests with a triumvirate composed of the manager, the first
deputy manager (highest ranking technician), and the chief accountant.
The manager is responsible for the assigned segment of the overall
economic plan, improvements in production and administration, control of
the employees, and proper distribution of wages. He is appointed by the
Ministry, usually after consultation with Party officials. The first
deputy manager is responsible for quality of production, economy of labor,
and employee training. As a rule his technical training for the position
is higher than that of the manager, who owes his position to his political
and administrative skill. The chief accountant is guardian of the
financial affairs of the enterprise and has the right to protest against
any measures which might harm the interests of the state or the economic
plan.
In industrial enterprises there are so-called plant councils of
from 15 to 21 members. One-third of the members are elected by the
workers and the remainder by a plant committee dominated by the manager,
deputy manager, chief accountant, the Party secretary, and the secretary
of the Youth Federation. The plant council has a theoretical subordi-
W9,01
.1.14=06.0
to the trade union and is concerned with both labor and management
affairs. It is in practice a means of providing a veneer of consultation
with the workers and was Instituted by the government in order to replace
the Workers' Councils which sprang up spontaneously during the revolt in
October-November 1956.
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There is little evidence that the regime has attempted to
institute measures providing for a decentralization of industrial
management which might be compared to those undertaken In the USSR since
1957. This failure to make at least a token enlargement of the economic
powers of local government probably stems in part from the situation
which followed the 1956 revolt in which it was governmental policy to
tighten its controls in order to overwhelm the centrifugal tendencies
then manifesting themselves. Furthermore, Hungary is a small country
with little of the marked regional differences characteristic of the
USSR, and problems of management from the center are correspondingly less.
2. Agricultural Control
As noted above, Pre-1945 Hungary was characterized by the preva-
lence of large-scale landholding, chiefly by the nobility, whose lands
were worked by a mass of near landless agricultural workers. The breaking
up of the estates In 1945 met a favorable response among the majority of
rural inhabitants, to wham ownership of land had been a historic, if
seldom realized, goal. To the regime, however, this land distribution
was only an interim solution of the problem, for the new rulers of
Hungary, following theexample of +110 USSR and the teachings of the
Communist Party, sought as their goal the collectivization of all land
and state control of its product Measures, ranging from persuasion
through application of discr
atory tax rates to outright administrative
t were used to bring this about At the same time, however, the
regime could not apply its policies too vigorously for fear of disrupting
the supply of agricultural products,the 1=
from the rema
climate of the
of foodstuffs
collect vizat
portion f which came
ing private farms. Furthermore, shifts in the ideological
regiiiie, when coupled with the need for a continuing supply
gave rise to a series of fluctuations as to just how far
s pushed. As a result the rate of collectivization
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Volume Two Part II
has been quite irregular. In September 1950, for instance, 4.3 cent
of all farm families were in collectives and in April 1953, 16.5 per
cent of families, with 26 per cent of the country's arable land, were
collectivized. The relaxation of tension that followed Stalin's death
permitted peasants to withdraw from collectives at the end of the 1954
economic year and reduced collectivIzation to 9 per cent of all families,
although the amount of arable land under collectivization remained the
same as it had been in 1953.
A new approach by the regime was then undertaken attempting to
provide collective members with some substantive inducements to stay.
This met with some success, for by July 1956 22 per cent of the arable
land and about 14 per cent of all rural families were In the collectives.
In addition to the collective farms, the "socialist" sector in
agriculture included a rising percentage of land in the form of state
farms, directly owned by the state without any of the collectives' out-
ward trappings of cooperative control. At the end of 1955, 13.1 per cent
of all arable land was in state farms.
The disturbed state of the country after the revolt saw a sharp
decline in the proportion of land held by collectives, as many peasants
sought to return to a system of private holdings. On December 1 1956
only 7 per cent of land remained in the collectives, and the total
"socialist" sector of agriculture, Including state farms, amounted to
18.4 per cent Promises were made by the regime that forced collectivi-
zation would not be undertaken again, but within a year the policy had
changed. By the beginning of 1958 collective farms held 9.7 per cent of
the land, and the total socialized sector, 21.3 per cent. By February
1, 1960 about 66.2 per cent of the tilled land was under "socialist
production'including 51.9 per cent "cooperatives," and the policy
of the regime seemed to envisage a further and fairy rapid extension
of this proportion.
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Volume Two, Part
EconmAs.Aggall&EAUgn
The "collective farms" are nominally cooperatives owned and
managed by their members. In actual practice, the cooperative features
are purely external ones, and all major decisions are predetermined by
Party and governmental officials. Each collective is controlled by
higher authorities through the agencies of local government the financial
system the supply and procurement system,and the Party. Members of
the collectives are paid from the "profits" of the enterprise- the sums
remaining after all taxes and obligations to the state had been met and
after reserves for investment had been set aside. In an attempt to ease
the transition from private landholding, members receive a certain sum
in recompense for the land they had contributed, but the bulk of the
payment is conditioned upon performance of set norms of work.
The state farms are controlled by a large and complex bureaucracy.
Most are directed by the Ministry of State Farms, but others are super-
vised by the Ministry of Food Industry, or by the Ministry of Agriculture
Workers on all such farms are paid a wage usually based upon amount, of
work performed rather than upon hours expended.
Both collective and private farms are serviced with major
agricultural machinery by the Machine-Tractor Stations (MTS)4 These
institutions, subordinate to the Ministry of Agriculture
ork under
contract with rates being so graduated as to favor the collectives over
private farms Their efficiency is not considered to be high and there
is undoubtedly a great deal of loss occasioned by their bad management
Charges for their services provide a means of bringing under state control
a larger portion of agricultural production than might otherwise be the
case, so their continued existence is viewed as advantageous to the state
No transfer of MTS functionsto collective farms on the model of the USSR
has been undertaken
Agricultural policy of the Hungarian regime has shown a number of
fluctuations of attitude toward private o
V. 32
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hip of farms. It is
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Part II Hungary. Control Force
currently in the midst of a period in which efforts are being made to
extend collectivization, thus reaching its avowed goal of complete
socialization of the economy. Although the future may see some relaxa-
tion in the pressure put upon the remaining free peasants, it is not
expected that any other goal than eventual socialization will beundertaken.
E. Control Force
Hungary is controlled by the present regime through the agency of the
roughly 487,000 persons who constitute the control force of the country.
Among them are all those who through their administrative or military
ranks, or because of their professional or technical training, direct,
control or coordinate vital governmental, military, social, or economic
functions. This is equivalent to 4.8 per cent of the total population,
or 7 per cent of those 18 years and older, and to 16.1 per cent of the
labor force.
This group may be divided into 3 major components upon the basis of
the extent of the power each wields. The most powerful, numbering less
than 2,000, is the primary control force, made up of the most Important
leaders of Party and government and of the general officers of the armed
forces. Each person at this level of authority is responsible for control
of nationally significant activities and, although there are marked differ-
ences in power among its members, the primary control force is the chief
locus of decision-making in the country. Typical positions held by the
members of the primary control force include those of first secretary of
the Party, 'Frame Minister, or Chief of Staff of the Army. Next in power
are the approximately 110,000 members of the intermediate control force
who have responsibility for control of only one branch of activity or of
a limited geographic area. Among this group are such persons as the heads
of local Party and Civil administrative bodies, national managers of the
transport system, directors of regional public service agencies
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Part II Hungary Control Force
or field grade officers of the armed forces. The least powerful of all
are the more than 375,000 persons who make up the lower control force.
These provide professional and technical services, supervise the direct
performance of work, or hold non-commissioned posts In the armed forces.
The typical member of this segment of the control force would be an
engineer
schools,
in an industrial enterprise, a supervisory teacher in the public
a clerk in a government office, the head of a collective farm,
or a corporal in the armed forces.
The control force is predominantly an urban group. The primary
control force is concentrated in Budapest, with a few representatives
in the county seats. The intermediate group is to be found in Budapest
and in the county seats, and a few in the district seats. The lower
control force has some of its members in rural areas, but most are city
dwellers. Little is known of the age and sex composition of the control
force but it is probable that only a small proportion, less than 25 per
cent are women, and it seems likely that the largest age group are those
over 40 years. The proportion of men and of those over 40 may be higher
in the primary control force. Party membership of those in the control
force probably follows a similar pattern.
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ParteTwo II
Catezory
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glimaxml.ggassliaLeg
Table V. 4
Hungarian Control Force: 1960
Party Administration
State Administration
Economic Administration
Industry
Construction
Agriculture
Transportation and
Communications
Trade, Supply,
Procurement
Military Command
Services
Education
Health
Other
(Public Utilities,
Housing, Police and
Fire Services)
Total
Number
21,000
20,000
232,000
63,000
151,000
(137,000)
( 17,000
( 28,000
( 26,000)
.24,oco)
(103,000)
( 20,000)
( 28,000)
487,000
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Per Cent
of Total
403
4.1
47.6
13.0
31.0
100.0
(28.1)
( 3.5)
508)
( 503)
( 4.9)
(21.2)
1- 1 I
a+ ? -L.
507)
,4gaagigeikgW,4mazxw=kWmW=7d=a=;sa..:_,,,,,
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Volume Tw91 part IT
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VI. Poland
A. Introduction
Poland is in a state of transition, the outcome of which is
uncertain at the present time. Its geographic location between its
two historic enemies, Germany and Russia, continues to strongly influence
its political, economic and social development--with the ideological
ties with both countries serving at times to heighten its dilemma?
While its foreign policy is generally in accord with that of the USSR
and, therefore, with the other East European Satellites, its domestic
policies are no longer based primarily on Soviet as opposed to Polish
Interests. The Gomulka regime is striving to find a "Polish Road to
Socialism" which is at once both acceptable to the Polish people and
tolerable to the Soviets. The year 1959 witnessed a continuation of
the struggle of the regime to placate both interests, but by the year's
end, the Soviet interests appeared to be gaining the upper hand.
As in all Communist countries the conflict was expressed largely
in economic terms. Ever since October 1956, the Gomulka regime has
been pulled in two directions. On the right were the economists and
officials who favored strict control, and orthodox Marxism. On the
left were the so-called liberals who felt that the answer for Poland's
troubles was to increase initiative on the county and factory level.
Initially, Gomulka's answer was somewhere in the middle ud "worker0
councils" with a considerable degree of managerial authority were formed.
Emphasis was placed on economic Incentives consumer goods production
was increased substantially and investment policies were changed in
favor of light industrial projects.
Coupled with the ideological ferment and sense of freedom from
Soviet domination these moves relaxed central control only to the
degree sufficient to create confusion, but not sufficient to create
VI
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Volume Two. Pa I
Poland. introductioq
local initiative or incentive. The errors in agricultural planning,
1959's meat shortage, for example were symptomatic of fumbling in other
parts of the economy. Industrial production was increasing, but Communist
officials admitted that the rising curves covered up maladministration
and rampant corruption. The standard of living was rising but at a
cost the regime considered excessive.
Unwilling to go all the way and replace central control with the
open market mechanism the regime began to retrench. Even before 1959
workers councils were transformed into facades of Party control. The
ministerial apparatus was extensively reorganized and strengthened its
control over local affairs.
A crisis appears to have been reached early in 1959. In February
the regime spoke proudly of increased production for 1958 and of increased
target plans for 1959 and the years ahead. But by late fall Gomulka was
appearing before his lieutenants to speak in shrill tones of the troubles
the country faced. The propaganda apparatus was turned on full blast
calling for a thoroughgoing adminmstrative housecleaning. Before the
country really knew what was happening, tough-line economists and heavy-
handed former Stali
high places.
To what extent these moves
st administrative bosses had bee
brough
back to
presage a return to the policies and
practices of earlier years remains unclear at the present time. The
pendulum has swung in opposite directions before. The Gomulka regime
may best be pictured, perhaps as attempting to maintain a precarious
balance on a see-saw with a restless Polish population on one end and
the ubiquitous Khrushchev on the other,with the queasy Polish economy
as the fulcrum.
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B.
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Poland is politically in a state of transition, the outcome of
which is uncertain at the present time. The almost daily fluctuations
in policy veer from stern admonitions reminiscent of the former Stalinist
regime to appeals for popular support characteristic of pre-war Poland.
It is clear, however, that the Polish state can no longer be considered
a wholly reliable Soviet satellite. While its foreign policy is gener-
ally in accord with that of the USSR, its domestic policies are no
longer primarily based on Soviet as opposed to Polish national interests.
Its Communist Party, the Polish United Workers' Party, is no longer
relatively immune to popular opinion and simply an obedient servant
of the Soviet Party. The Polish Party is striving to find a "Polish
road to Socialism" which is at once both tolerable to the Soviets and
acceptable to the Polish people. The question whether these two power
constellations can be appeased remains moot.
1. Growth
A Communist Party has existed in Poland since 1918 under a
variety of names. Originally it was called the Communist Workers Party
of Poland but In 1925 It was renamed the Communist Party of Poland under
the Comintern. Sometime in 1938 it was dissolved by the Comintern and
almost all of its leaders, most of wham were then residing in the Soviet
Union were executed. It was reestablished in 1942 as the Polish Workers
Party d after a forced merger with the Polish Socialist Party, it
was given the title of the Polish United Workers Party.
On 1 January 1960 the Polish United Workers' Party was reported
to have a total membership of 1,018,409 comprising 3.5 per cent of the
Polish total population or 5.6 per cent of the adult population.
Membership in the Polish Party has varied considerably since the end
of World War II (see Table VI 1) In 1944 according to official
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Volume Two, Par1 II
Poland. United Worke
sources, there were only 20,000 members of the Party, including 12,000
for the "native" element and 8,000 for the "Soviet" element. In the
subsequent period, both elements were virtually submerged in the influx
of new members. In 1945 the Party's doors were opened to all who wished
to join and the membership increased 11 times by the end of the year.
In the following 2 years the Party began an intensive recruiting drive
of persons considered essential to its aims, particularly persons in
positions of influence and prestige. After the virtual dismemberment
of the only major opposition group, Polish Peasant Party headed by
MikoIajczyk, the Cammunists forced the Polish Socialist Party to
join its ranks which then numbered over one million. Following the
merger, Gomulka was charged with indiscriminate recruitment and building
up a personal following in the Party and was expelled from the Party.
By 1950 the purge had been extended to the Party as a whole and more
than 200,000 had been dropped from its ranks. Between 1949 and 1954
the Party based the recruitment of new members on quality rather than
quantity and the size of the Party remained relatively constant.
Following the death of Stalin, the "thaw" witnessed a new
upsurge in membership, reaching a high point of 1,440,134 in January
1956. The turmoil in the Soviet Union which followed Krushchev's
denunciation of Stalin at the Twentieth Party Congress in February of
that year quickly reached Poland. The Polish Stalinists appeared to
have the situation well in hand until the workers' uprising in Poznan
in June. The schisms revealed by the uprising and the isolation of
the leadership from the realities of life permitted Gomulka to move
from non-membership in August to the post of First Secretary at the
October Plenum of the Central Committee.
Since 1956 Party membership has declined drastically as both
Staliniats and revisionists were purged and thousands left the Party
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Volume Two, Part II
Table VI. 1
Poland, United Workers Party
Growth of the Polish United Workers' Party:
1946-1960
Date
1946
1948
1950
1956
1957
1958
1958
1959
1960
Jan.
Dec.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Jan.
Sept
Jan.
Jan.
Total Number per 1000 Number per 1000
Membership Total Population Adult Population
555,888
1,442,000
1,240,965
1,440,134
1,376,651
1,261,151
1,023,577
1,023,425
1,018,409
23
60
50
52
49
44
35
35
35
36
91
77
81
77
70
57
57
56
on their own volition. Gomulka, speaking shortly after his return to
power, welcomed this trend. "If we had half as large a Party but one
composed of conscious, militant Party members, completely devoted to
the cause of socialism the Party would have great power in the country.
Perhaps the greatest difficulties would not reach higher than our knees.
Now, despite our large membership, the difficulties sometimes reach our
shoulders. By 1959, Party officials were proudly reporting that they
had purged more than 100,000 and admitting that almost 400,000 had left
the Party voluntarily. At the same time, a low keyed recruitment program
was initiated and more than 120,000 new members were admitted. Neverthe-
less, by 1960, the Party experienced a net decline of 424,000 or almost
one-third of its 1956 membership. As Table 1 indicates, however, since
September 1958 total membership has remained almost constant. Unless
unforeseen events occur, it is expected that the Polish United Workers
Party will remain slightly more than one million strong throughout 1960.
2. Organization
In its basic organizational pattern, the Polish Party follows
the structure of the Soviet Party and is consequently quite similar to
all other Communist Parties. The guiding organizational principle is
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Volpme Two, Part II
PolandA United Workers' Partz
"democratic centralism": nominal horizontal subordination, real vertical
control At each level there are elected delegates to meetings (on all
except the lowest level, indirectly elected) at which committees are
selected and which, in turn, select an inner core of officials who
comprise the Party apparatus who really operate the system. The major
difference between the Polish and other national Parties is the fact
that the Polish commAtees exercise more of their extensive statutory
powers and, as a result, occupy a more important position in the Party
power structure.
a? Pasig.EgEIX.21MATAZAii2412
The lowest organizational unit of the Party is the Basic
Party Organization (POP). Every Party member must belong to a POP.
Since 1954, the POP has been set up fairly consistently on the basis of
places of work as opposed to the previous mixture of residence and place
of work. POPs are established in all industrial enterprises state
farms, offices and institutions, military units, etc., where there are
at least 3 Party members. POPs in productive institutions and establish-
ments are responsible for the proper functioning of the place of work
in which they are formed. They are required to exercise political
control over and influence the work of management, particularly in
matters relating to key production problems, supply and distribution
and personnel policies. POPs in ministries bureaus and state insti-
tutions do not however, have this right of control They are expected
to bring to the attention of management all shortcomings they uncover
and at the same time to report the same information to superior
Party bodies. Officials of these POPs are appointed by the Party
Central Committee apparatus (see below)
The structure of POPs varies
h their size. In an
organization with more than 100 members, Party branches may be formed
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Voluve Two, Pftrt II
,Poland. United Workers' Party.
Party branches with less than 15 members elect a first and second
secretay at a general meeting of members: a larger unit with between
15 and 100 members elects an executive of 3 to 7 members which, in
turn elects a first and second secretary from among its members. A
POP with 100 to 400 members elects at a general meeting a committee
consisting of from 7 to 11 members; and one with more than 400 members,
a committee of from 15 to 23 at a meeting of delegates from Party
branches. These committees elect an executive of 7 to 9 people and
a first and second secretary. All such elections are supposed to take
place annually, except for the largest POPs which elect every 2 years.
The Party apparatus at the POP level consists of the secretaries,
particularly the full-time officials of large POPs, and their staff
assistants.
b. Interms.diate Party Organizations
The intermediate organizations in the Party hierarchy
above the POP and below the national level are the county (powlat)
and province (volvodship) organs, each with their own committees and
executives. On the nnivr147 level there
are
Party organizations in towns
with county status, in wards in large cities, or in the county proper;
the latter are responsible for the activity of all the widely scattered
POPs in rural areas and urban settlements. Province Party organizations
exist in all provinces and in the cities of Warszawa and Lodz.
The general meeting is theoretically the highest authority
in the POP. Similarly, in the county and province Party organizations
a biennial conference of delegates from their subordinate units has
the highest legal status. The county conference, consisting of del-
egates elected at POP meetings, elects a committee of 21-33 members
and 7-11 alternates, which, in turn, elect an executive of 7-11 members
and secretaries. Here the power of the conference has ended for the
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Volume Two, Part II
Poland. United Workers'Party-
committee it has elected "acts in accordance with resolutions of higher
Party authorities under the direction of the province committee." This
is the essence of "democratic centralism," which, although it theoret-
ically makes the committee responsible to its electorate (the conference),
in fact prescribes the control of higher bodies ov6r lower ones.
The same structure is found on the province level where
a biennial conference of delegates from county conferences elects a
committee of 29-51 members and 11-15 alternates. The executive chosen
by the committee has, in the past, consisted of 11-15 members and 3-5
secretaries, one of whom is designated first secretary. The province
committee and its executive operate under the direction of the national
Party apparatus. Control is so complete that the national authorities
determine the composition of the province committees and must confirm
the election of all secretaries before they take office. Meetings of
the committees are supposed to be held at least once every two months.
The executive of the committees meet more frequently.
The Party apparatus at the county and provincial levels
consists of the executives and the executive secretariats (departments
and commissions of the committees).
c. National Party Organization
The Party organization on the national level is similar
to that on the local It consists, in inverse order of importance,
of the Party Congress, Central Auditing Commission, Central Commit ee
Central Control Commission and the Politburo and Secretariat (see
Figure VI 1).
(1) Party Congress
A Party congress is the equivalent of the general
meeting or conference at lower levels and is therefore theoretically
the highest Party authority in the country. In practice the authority
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FIGURE 31.1
ORGANIZATION OF CENTRAL APPARATUS OF POLISH UNITED WORKER'S PARTY
CENTRAL COMMITTE E
M=MIMO IMMO OMMINO 411111.1110 MINIM OWN, MINIM 011011111Se 1111=M10 minma aisimm en ammo oimmem ammo ammo MENEM 011111MM MOM, =MEM 41IMMINIP INIMEMP MIMI, IMMO MINIM, MIENNIP 011111111111. MINIM OMMID OWN= OMINID MINIM ellIMM MINIM
CENTRAL CONTROL
COMMISSION
MINNINO 011M11 Mine 1111111?1^ 1111111?11 111MINNE
POLITBURO
TIERETARIAT
MINIM ININN?111 SnIM 4?11=0 IMMO 110 0/1?11 "M'M ..11.11ra 4.1
CENTRAL AUDITING
COMMISSION
CADRE BUREAU
DEPARTMENTS
AGRICULTURE
ECONOMICS
GENERAL AFFAIRS
ORGANIZATION
PROPAGANDA
WIMINIO OMEN, ONIMMINI
COMMI SSIONS
end
FCONSTRUCTION 8 HOUSING
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
CULTURAL AFFAIRS
[----
EDUCATION a SCIENCE
MINORITIES
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SPORTS, TOURING
a PRE-MILITARY TRAINING
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YOUTH AFFAIRS
NATIONAL COUNCILS
a LOCAL ADMINISTRATION
JUSTICE AFFAIRS
TRANSPORT
SOCIAL AFFAIRS
PUBLICATIONS
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Volume Two, Part II Poland, United Workers' Party,
of the congress is severely limited and it serves mainly as a sounding
board for the Politburo and Secretariat.
A Party congress, composed of delegates chosen at Party
conferences at the provincial level and at major economic enterprises
in accordance with rules established by the Central Committee is held
every 4. years. It receives and approves reports from the Central
Committee, adopts a program and Party statute, and elects a Central
Committee and Central Auditing Commission. According to the statute
it also establishes the Party line and tactics and may make decisions
on all other matters, these decisions in fact, however, are made by
the Politburo and Secretariat.
(2) Central Auditing Commission
The Central Auditing Cammission elected at the
Party congress, is the Party s efficiency expert. It examines the
financial and managerial activities of the Party apparatus and is
legally responsible for the proper functioning of the apparatus. It
submits proposals on these matters to the Central Committee (actually
to the Secretariat upon which it is supposed to check). The functions
of similar commissions at the provincial and county level are analogous.
(3) Central Committee
According to the Party statute the Central Committee
is the highest Party authority in the intervals between Party congresses.
in fact, however, the Central Committee delegates its duties and author-
ity to its own executive organs: the Politburo, Secretariat and Control
Commission. The Central Committee is not, however, the supine organ
which is found in other satellite parties.
The Central Committee consists of approximately 75
members and 50 alternates who are required to meet at least once every
4 months. In the past, such meetings were called primarily to
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Volume Two, Part II
Poland, United ,Worlsers Party,
rubber-stamp major policy decisions of the Politburo. Since
meetings have been more frequent and have lost much of their
stamp character. At the March 1956 meeting, for example, at
two alternate members disagreed so violently with the Soviet
ative, N. S. Khrushchev, that they were expelled, only to be
1954,
rubber-
least
represent-
readmitted
shortly thereafter because of serious Party opposition to their expulsion.
At the July 1956 session voting was no longer ,pro forma but a real
contest in which leading Politburo members sought the support of Central
Committee members much as the Soviet leaders vied for the support of
members of the USSR Central Committee in June 1957 (which resulted in
the ouster of Molotov, Malenkov et. al ). While it is an open question
whether the Central Committee will ever again have the power of decision
it enjoyed in 1956, available
to its former mute state.
The Central Committee
and Central Control Commission.
evidence indicates that it has not returned
(4)
elects a Politburo, Secretariat
Central Control Commission
Although elected by the Central Committee, the Central
Control Commission operates under the aegis of the Politburo and Secre-
tariat. Its primary function, and one much exercised since October,
is guarding the "purity of the Party ranks. ." In other words, the
Control Commission is the disciplinary arm of the apparatus. It checks
on the observance of Party discipline and serves as both prosecutor
and judge in cases involving infringements of the Party's ideological
and programatic principles, subversion of the Party unity, etc. The
Central Control Commission is the Party agency which conducts the
verification or purges of membership. At less than the national
level it works primarily through provincial control commissions attached
to the province Party coiznittees.
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Volume Two, Part II Poland, United Workers Party
(5) The Politburo and Secretariat
According to the Party statutes: The Central
Committee creates a Political Bureau to direct the work
of the Central Committee in the intervals between plenary
sessions and a Secretariat to direct current work, partic-
ularly in the areas of organization of control over execution
of Party decisions and selection of cadres.
The Politburo and Secretariat are in fact the highest Party authorities.
The Politburo is primarily a policy-making body under
the leadership of the First Secretary, Gomulka. Each of its members
usually has one area of responsibility which includes both Party and
governmental affairs on a nationwide basis. The majority of its members
usually hold down full-time jobs in the top echelon of the government
apparatus, the Presidium of the Council of Ministers; the remainder
are usually members of the central Party Secretariat. As such, the
Politburo is the pinnacle of both the Party and government power
structures.
The Secretariat, also under the leadership of Gamulka,
is basically the administrative arm of the Politburo. It consists of
the secretaries "elected" by the Central Committee, their assistants
and the departments and cammissions of the Central Committee. Each of
the secretaries has his own small staff of officials consisting of
highly qualified political workers. Each of these staffs (also known
as secretariats) oversees the execution of policy within the general
area of the particular secretary responsibility. Under these staffs
function the 5 departments and 12 commissions of the Central Committee.
Each of the departments is headed by a director who
is usually a candidate member of the Central Committee. Department
directors often are in a position to control government ministries,
particularly when the ministry is headed by a person of lower rank in
the Party hierarclAly. In addition the possibility of the department
director conducting independent field checks through subordinate
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Volume Two, Part II
Poland Uni ed Wo k
departments in the provinces strengthens his hand in dealing with
government agencies. Each department is subdivided into sections each
headed by a chief. The sections have a senior instructor and one or more
instructors who act as field trouble shooters. The power of these section
instructors in the field coming from the central Party apparatus is
usually far greater than the head of the institution or enterprise under
scrutiny. The General Affairs Department performs housekeeping functions
for the national apparatus. The Agriculture Department exercises general
supervision over the planning and operations of government and non-
government agricultural agencies. The Propaganda Department is in charge
of ideological guidance for the entire Party and state apparatus. The
Organization Department supervises Party personnel and Party organiza-
tional activity, including all Party elections and meetings. The Economics
Department exercises general supervision over all non-agricultural economic
activity in Poland, mainly through the numerous Party Commissions (see
below). Another department (not shown in Figure VI. 1), only nominally
under the Secretariat, is the Chief Political Directorate in the Armed
Forces. Although the payroll is believed to have came from Central
Committee funds, the directorate has been more under the control of the
Minister of Defense than of the Secretariat.
Gomulkais major innovation in Party organization
following his return to power has been to reduce drastically the
number of full-time employees in the Party apparatus, some reports
indicate the cut may have been as high as 70 per cent, and to work
through Party Commissions instead of regular departments. The Party
Commissions, 12 of which are known to exist on the national level
and similar -umbers on the local scene, are his organizational devices
to provide the Party leadership with direct contact with the so-called
"social active. Headed by an official in the Party apparatus their
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Volume Two, Part II
ed
membership is made up almost exclusively of Party members in key public
positions, specialists and government administrators in their respec-
tive fields. This innovation while reducing the number of direct
orders issued by the Party apparatus and at the same time, providing
for an exchange of views between the Party official and workers in
the field, has not been as successful as the regime would wish. In
fact, a number of the commissions, such as the one for Cultural Affairs,
have been completely ineffective.
The commission approach to problem-solving_in the
Party apparatus is an outgrowth of the aktiv. The staff officials
working in the Central Committee apparatus form the bulk of the
Central Party Active, a body not mentioned in the Party statute.
Together with ranking members of the Party intelligentsia, they
normally meet at the instigation of the Politburo to be sounded out
on Important matters being considered by the regime. It provides
a forum for the regiirte of the ranking Party professionals and, as
such may at times play a more important role than the Central
Committee itself.
3. Distribution and Composition
The geographic distribution of the Polish Party among the
various administrative territorial divisions is extremely uneven.
Katowice and Poznan Voivodship Party Organizations have the largest
memberships, and Bialystok, the smallest (see Table VI. 2). Of more
significance however, e the variations in the incidence of Party
membership per 1,000 population for they reflect directly the regime
own estimate of the importance of the given area. Within this context,
Warszawa City is pre-eminent with an incidence of 61 Among the
voivodships, Bydgoszcy ranks the highest and Bialystok the lowest.
Territorial variations in the incidence of Party membership
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Volume Two, Part 11 Poland. United WorlsereLPartz
reflect variations in the occupational composition of the area labor
force. Areas with high incidences have relatively large numbers of
persons in occupations the regime considers sensitive; conversely,
those with low incidences, a labor force engaged in less sensitive
occupations. The extent to which the Incidence of Party membership
varies by occupations can be seen from the fact that in 1956 (the
last date for which relatively accurate information is available),
Party members comprised more than one-third of all administrative
personnel In the country, but less than 5 per cent of the peasantry
were Party members. In that year some 70 per cent of the Party
membership worked in the socialized sector of the economy where
they totalled 16 per cent of the workers and employees. Almost 30
per cent of metallurgical workers belonged to the Party and more than
20 per cent of the railroad transport and metal processing labor force
were Communists 'Ale only 10 per cent of construction workers were
members of the Party. Party professionals totalled approximately 5
per cent of total membership.
Between 1948 and 1956 the total membership of the Party
remained constant. Considerable turnover in membership took place,
however, and the social composition of its membership was drastically
altered. In 1948, for example bench-workers comprised 60.5 per cent
of total membership, but by 1956 they accounted for only 45 per cent
(see Table VI. 3). While the number of bench-workers and peasants
were declining by approximately 25 per cent, the number of white=
collar workers was almost doubling. The bureaucratization of the
Party continued after Gomulka return to power and the intelligentsia
now constitute the largest single social group in the Party. While
white-collar workers declined by more than 26 per cent between 1956
and 1959 the number of professionals as opposed to clericals
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Dist button of
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Poland. United Workers' Party,
Table VI. 2
he Po ish United
orkers Part
Administrative Division:
Administrative
Division
Bialystok V.
Bydgoszcy V.
Gdansk V.
Katowice V.
Kielce V.
Koszalin V.
Krakow V.
Lodz City
Lodz V.
Lublin V.
Olsztyn V.
Opole V.
Poznan V.
Rzeszow V.
Szczecin V.
Warszawa City
Warszawa V.
Wroclaw V.
Zielona Gora V.
Total
Membership
21,500
85,000
42,900
130,700
51,700
22,300
66,000
39,300
52,100
33,500
28,700
32,900
101,700
39,400
26,900
67,500
60,300
91,900
24.100
1,018,400
1_960
Social Com
Table VI. 3
Number per 1,000
Total Population
19
50
36
40
28
33
26
56
32
18
32
36
42
24
36
61
34
42
31
osition of the Polish-
United Workers' Party: 1948-1959
Number "Per
Soci4 Gro (In thous) Cent
Workers
Peasants
Intelligentsia
Inc. Officials
Others
Total
8'73,000 60.5
243,000 16.9
292,000 20.3
January 1956
Number Per
(in thous.) Cent
648,000
175,000
582,000
na na (225,000)
34.000 2.3 35.000
1,442,000 100.0
1,440 000
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45.0
12.2
40.4
(15.6)
2.4
100.0
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January 1959
Number Per
(in thous.) Cent
428,000 41.8
125,000 12.2
00,000 42.0
(242,000) (23.7)
40,000 4.0
1,023,000 100.0
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Volume Two, Part
Poland. United Workers'Party
actually increased by 7.6 per cent. Despite serious attempts by the
regime to reoruit more persons from the production lines and fewer
from the front offices, the long-term trend toward a Party of essen-
tially managerial personnel with token representation among "workers"
is self evident.
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Vq.ume Two, Part II
PolandaGove_rnment
C. Government
The government of the Polish Peoplels Republic is closely patterned
after that of the Soviet Union, although points of divergence resulting
from particularly Polish solutions to specific Polish problems, espe-
cially after Gomulkals return to power in 1956, still exist. Variations
from the Soviet norm in Poland follow the French governmental system.
The process of transforming the Polish Government into a typical
"Peopless Democracy" proceeded more slowly than in other East European
Satellites. But since 1947 the essential feature in the structure
and functioning of government has been the same; the staffing of all
key positions by trusted members of the ruling Party. As a result,
government is largely limited to the status of an administrative
mechanism for the implementation of Party policy.
1. The National Government
The national government of Poland consists essentially of
4 agencies. In inverse order of importance, they are the Sejin, Council
of State, Council of Ministers, and the Presidium of the Council of
Ministers.
a. The Se:1m
The historic name of the Polish national legislative
assembly is its only remaining distinctive feature; in virtually all
of its activities it is almost indistinguishable from the legislatures
of the other East European Satellites. Essentially a powerless body,
meeting usually twice a year for sessions lasting a few days, the
.Seim formally designates the Chairman of the Council of Ministers
and, when required, approves the appointment of ministers. It also
simply passes with little or no alteration a number of legislative
bills presented by the Council of Ministers and approves decrees
promulgated in the interval between its sessions by the Council of State.
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Volume
Poland.CTor3
What substantive work is accomplished in the gglig is
performed by commissions of its members, both permanent and temporary.
Of the seven-odd standing commissions only two (legislative and
budgetary) have any real Importance. The Legislative Commission must
clear all drafts of laws before they can reach the Seim floor,while
the Budgetary Commission must examine the entire state budget before
it can be approved by the Seim. The other commissions principal
function appears to be limited to keeping informed on needs and
accomplishments in their respective fields.
In spite of its ostensible functions as a legislative
body, and in spite of the constitution which claims that it is "the
highest organ of state power," which "exercises control over the
activities of other organs of state power and administration," the
only vital function of the Seim is that of a forum through which the
regime can explain the meaning and purpose of important measures to
the population. Most of its formal legislative powers are usually
exercised by the Council of State and the Council of Ministers, whose
orders and decisions though nominally administrative acts issued to
implement existing legislation are often of such scope as to consti-
tute new legislation, thereby even further encroaching on the formal
powers of the Selti. The Seim, is simply a device whereby the regime
maintains the fiction of indirect popular support for its policies
and acts acpressions of disagreement with government policies by
members of the L'ajni have occurred since 1956, particularly in regard
to Church-State relations, but the aelm has always hewed to the Party
line and it remains a creature of the regime.
b. The Coun? of Ste
The Council of State of the Polish People's Republic
equates in organization and function with the Presidium of the USSR
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Volume Two, Part II
Polamia Government
Supreme Soviet. Composed of a chairman, 4 deputy chairmen, a secretary
and 9 members, it is elected at the first session of a new ,Seim and is
theoretically accountable to that body. The statutory powers of the
Council of State are extensive. Its chairman and secretary must sign
all acts of the ,SeJui before they are promulgated, and the Council can
issue decrees which have the force of law when the .gedm Is not in
session. It can declare martial law, order mobilization and even
declare war. In actual practice, most of these functions are exercised
by the Council of Ministers or its presidia which act on the initiative
of the central Party apparatus, but the end products (decrees, instruc-
tions, decisions, etc.)are issued in the name of the Council of State.
The most important responsibility of the Council of State
is supervision of the network of the People's Councils which are
elected at the provincial, county, city, and village levels.
c. The Council of Ministers
The Council of Ministers of the Polish People's Republic
is constitutionally the leading executive and administrative organ of
state power. Legally it is responsible to and reports on its activ-
ities to the ,Seim and, when the ,Sejm is not in session, to the Council
of State. In practice, the Council of Ministers is subordinate only
to its Presidium which is the chief executive agency of the state.
The Council of Ministers constitutes the central core of
the state apparatus. It consists of the Chairman of the Council of
Ministers, deputy chairmen, the Chairman of the State Planning Commission
and Economic Council and 22 ministers (see Figure VI. 2). One of the
major functions of the Council of Ministers is to coordinate the
activities of the individual ministries and to give direction to the
state apparatus on all le-els. It is responsible for the execution
of all legislation, prepares the national budget and economic plan.
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FIGURE "Sir1.2
COMPOSITION OF POLISH COUNCIL OF MINISTERS: JANUARY 1960
PLANNING
COMMISSION
CHAIRMAN
DEPUTY CHAIRMEN
CHAIRMEN OF
MINISTERS OF
ECONOMIC
COUNCIL
AGRICULTURE
HEALTH
IBUILDING 61 BUILDING MATERIALS INDUSTRY I
CHEMICAL INDUSTRY
COMMUNICATIONS
CULTURE a ART
I
INTERNAL AFFAIRS
INTERNAL TRADE
JUSTICE
LABOR a SOCIAL WELFARE
EDUCATION
FINANCE
LIGHT INDUSTRY
MINING a POWER
IF0,00 iNDUSTRY a PURCHASES NATIONAL DEFENSE
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
SHIPPING a WATER ECONOMY
FOREIGN TRADE
FORESTRY a TIMBER INDUSTRY
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TRANSPORTATION I
I, WITHOUT PORTFOLIO
- VI. 21 ?um--
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Volume Two, Part II Poland, Government
It initiates legislation, conducts foreign relations and oversees the
Polish military establishment. It also directs the work of the presidia
of the local People's Councils (see below). In all its activities, the
Council of Ministers is closely supervised by the central Party appara-
tus which is required to "give direction to and check on the activities
of Party members occupying leading positions of national Importance."
Each of the ministers is in charge of a specific branch
of the state administration. In their work they are assisted by one
or more deputy ministers who are known as under secretaries of state.
In the majority of cases, an under secretary is responsible for a
well-defined part of the ministry or particular function within it.
Together with other key officials of a ministry, the under secretaries
form a ministerial collegIum. These bodies are only advisory in
nature, but all major problems of internal policy, operation, and
control must be submitted to them for consideration. The collegiumts
decisions are not binding upon a minister, but he must report his
disagreement with it to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers.
All ministries have some features of internal organization
in common but only those dealing with economic affairs have a uniform
pattern of organization. The economic ministries are subdivided into
central boards (equating with Soviet chief directorates), functional
departments and service organizations. Central boards control, coordi-
nate and direct all operations of a particularly closely related
economic enterprises or, less frequently, a group of similar enter-
prises located within the same geographic region or, occasionally, a
group of dissimilar enterprises grouped together for administrative
reasons. Central boards are in turn subdivided into branches and
sections. Functional departments such as planning, investment and
personnel,have no operational responsibilities. They are required
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Volume Two,? Part II
Poland. Goverment
to inform themselves on the state of affairs within their respective
fields of competence and serve as staff adjuncts to the minister.
Service organizations support both the central boards and functional
departments in such fields as budgetary accounting. Both the functional
departments and service organizations are made up of divisions, and
these, in turn, are subdivided into offices.
The non-economic ministries are organized in a somewhat
similar fashion, but no overall pattern exists and their organization
varies. In general, they do not possess central boards, although some
have operational departments which have directing controlling and
adjudicating functions with respect to provincial and local adminis-
tration, the school system, etc. They also have a prevalence of
bureaus rather than departments and occasionally bureaus and departments
which are not subdivided.
Vertical/y, the ministries present a highly centralized
structure, particularly in economic affairs. Possible conflicts with
agencies of provincial and local administration are largely resolved
by the fact that the presidia of people's councils, which concentrate
under them most administrative functions of local and regional govern-
ment, are organs of both the central and local administrations and
their offices are in practice regarded as field units of particular
ministries. Local branches of certain ministries, such as Communications,
National Defense and Transportation, operate entirely independent of
provincial and local governments.
d. The Presidium of the Council of Ministers
The true chief executive agency of the Polish Government
is the Presidium of the Council of Ministers. This Presidium is
compo sed of the Chairman and Deputy Chairmen of the Council of Ministers,
the majority of wham are also members of the Party's Politburo. Each
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Volume Two, Part II Poland, Government
member of the Presidium is apparently responsible for the functioning
of one branch of state administration consisting of a number of
ministries or other central agencies. As such, he maintains continuous
control over ministries or agencies in his sector, explains and brings
up at Presidium meetings all matters pertaining to them, and supervises
the execution of Presidium decisions within his sector.
According to available information, the Presidium as a
whole considers and decides all political, economic, and social
questions of importance which lie within the sphere of responsibility
of the Council of Ministers. Its functions include: policy decisions
and directives for the guidance of ministers in all matters of impor-
tance; preliminary approval of all projected laws, decrees, orders
and decisions; review of drafts of the more important orders and
ordinances of individual ministries; power of decision in all matters
involving two or more sectors; direction of the activities of the
presidia of people's councils; establishment of the composition of
governmental delegations; approval of operational plans of ministries;
etc
2. Provincial and Local Government,
There are 3 groups of agencies which comprise the provincial
and local governmental apparatus. In inverse order of importance
they are the People's Councils, Presidiums of People Councils, and
Departments of People Councils . Each of these agencies works on
the principle of dual subordination: People Council to the elec-
torate and to the next higher People Council; Presidium to the
People CouncIl and to the next higherpresidium; and Department
to the Presidium and to the corresponding department at the next
higher level.At the apex of the People Council ramid stands
the Council of State of the Presidiums he Council of Ministers,
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Volume Two, Part II
and of the Departments the
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Poland, Government
$ and central boards In the
highly centralized Polish structure, the vertical subordination
always takes precedence over the horizontal.
a.People s Councils
Polish People Councils equate in organization and
function with Soviets of Working People Deputies (Soviets for
short) found in the USSR. People's Councils are established on all
levels below the national from villages to voivodships (provinces)
Membership In the 9,000-odd People Councils is chosen by direct,
universal equal and secret elections in which some freedom of
choice permitted. The number of People's Council members on each
level is fixed by law within a minamum and maximum for each body by
the Council of State in the case of provincial and county councils,
and by the next higher council for all other councils.
The role of People's Councils is twofold. With more than
200,000 members and possibly twice as many "activitists" (persons who
participate in one or more of their activities) they involve a large
segment of the population in their work including that part which
is least exposed to other government agencies the peasantry. As such
they serve as transmission belts through which the regime's plans and
programs reach the population. In addition, they serve as instruments
of "social control" over administrative organs of the local government
the presidiums and departments. Social control includes not only
investigation and reporting of any form of ?1 I smanagetnent, but also
the formulation of positive solutions to problems in community life
plan fulfillment, etc. In practice, however, criticism is largely
destructive and what po sitive approaches are proposed often run
counter to the policies of the regime and are quashed.
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VoAlime Two, Part II
Pol.and Gove7.ent
Legally, People Councils have the right to issue legal
enactments within the competence granted to them by specific laws,
elect and even to recall their own presidiums, form their own commis-
sions, direct the activities of their own agencies, pass upon local
economic plans and budget and oversee the execution of both. In
actual practice, however, they function much as the national Seim.
The Presidiuins and Departments have the same relationship to the
People's Council as do the Council of Ministers and Council of State
to the Seim
b. Presidium of People's Councils
Presidiums of People's Councils are the local counterparts
to the Council of State and equate with the Presidiums of higher level
Soviets in the USSR. Elected by the People s Councils on the initia-
tive of the appropriate Party Committee, Presidiums are composed of
3 to 9 members, headed by a chairman. Although they are officially
the executive and administrative organs of the People s Councils
analysis of their enabling acts implies that decisions of the presid-
iums may neither be changed nor cancelled by the councils.
Theoretically, presidiums are responsible for the direction
of all agencies subordinate to the People's Councils and for super-
vision and coordination of agencies of the central government located
within their territories. Their powers with regard to the latter,
however, are limited to requests for specific information, invitations
to attend meetings, and to establish coordination commissions. Officials
of these agencies on the other hand, are required to make available
to presidiums only such of their plans and decisions as are "of basic
importance to the local population or to economic development of the
aarea. Disagreements between these bodies are to be resolved by the
Presidiumsof the People Council at the next higher level in cooperation
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Poland Government
with the officials which exercise control over the agen?ies in
disagreement.
A similar situation exists in what is usually regarded
as the apparatus of the presidium the Departments of the People s
Council. Changes introduced following Gomulka's return to power
indicate that these agencies have become more working branches of
the central government administration, ministries and central boards
and are in practice, operationally independent of both People's
Councils and their Presidiums (see below).
In effect, the Presidiums of People's Councils, while
possessing significant statutory power, are basically coordinating
agencies for the broad range of activities the central government
considers important and direct only those activities of a housekeeping
nature in their respective territories.
Peo
As indicated above, these agencies are legally subordinate
to the People's Councils via the Presidiums of the Councils but by
and large operationally independent of them and subordinate only to
the corresponding departments at the next higher level Each
department is administered by a director appointed by the corresponding
department at the next higher level with the concurrence of the chairman
of the presidia. The number of departments or other agencies nominally
under the respective presidia their internal organization and every
detail of their activity, including hiring of employees is under
the ultimate or direct control of ministries and central boards in
Warszawa. A typical provincial departmental structure consists of
20-odd departments and specialized off4ces Figure VI. 3) while
a typical county apparatus has about 15 (see Figure VI
4). Generally
speaking the internal organization of these departments parallels that
VI 27
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FIGURE Ma .
COMPOSITION OF TYPICAL VOIVODSHIP GOVERNMENT :1960
PLANNING
COMMISSION
IPEOPLE'S COUNCIL
PRESIDIUM
SECTIONS
AGRICULTURE a FORESTRY
ARCHITECTURE 81 BUILDING
BUDGETARY-ECONOMIC
COMMISSION ON PRICES
COMMUNAL ECONOMY a HOUSING
CONSTRUCTION
CULTURE
IEMPLOYMENT 6 SOCIAL SECURITY I
FINANCE
HEALTH
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INDUSTRY
INTERNAL AFFAIRS
JURIDICAL 6 ORGANIZATIONAL
RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS
SCHOOL DISTRICT INSPECTORATE
STATISTICS
- V I . 28 -
TRADE
TRANSPORTATION
WATER MANAGEMENT
OTHERS
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FIGURE E.4M
COMPOSITION OF TYPICAL COUNTY GOVERNMENT 1960
PLANNING
COMMISSION
PEOPLE'S COUNCIL
PRESIDIUM
SECTIONS
AGRICULTURE & FORESTRY
ARCHITECTURE a BUILDING
BUDGETARY-ECONOMIC
COMMUNAL ECONOMY a HOUSING
EDUCATION
EMPLOYMENT a SOCIAL SECURITY
FINANCE
HEALTH
SECRE
INDUSTRY
INTERNAL AFFAIRS
JURIDICAL a ORGANIZATIONAL
STATISTICS
TRADE
TRANSPORTATION
OTHERS
- VI. 29 ?6??
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Volume Two, Part II Poland. Government
of their parent agency at the national level but with decreasing
complexity as one moves from the provincial to local levels. At each
level, the largest and most important enterprises and institutions
are administered by superior agencies, the less Important from the
given level, and the least important through subordinate departments
at lower levels.
3. Administrative-Territorial Divisions
Poland is divided into 17 voivodships (provinces) and two
cities (Warszawa and Lodz) of national subordination which are also
volvodship capitals (see Table VI. 4 for an alphabetical list of
these areas). Voivodships are subdivided into approximately 75
cities of voivodship subordination and almosu 400 powiats (counties).
The powlats govern towns, settlements and villages. The larger cities
are broken down into wards and some exercise direct control over
adjacent towns, settlements and villages bypassing the powiat level.
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Volume Two, Part II
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Table VI. 4
Poland, Governwent
Alphabetical List of Administrative Divisions of
the Polish Peo lets Re ublic and their Control
Centers: 1960
Administrative
Division
Bialystok Vil
Bydgoszcz V.
Gdansk V.
Katowice V..
Kielce V.
Koszalin V.
Krakow V.
Lodz City
Lodz V.
Lublin V.
Olsztyn V.
Opole V.
Poznan V.
Rzeszow V.
Szczecin V.
Warszawa City
Warszawa V.
Wroclaw V.
Zielona Gora V.
Control Center
Bialystok
Bydgoszcz
Gdansk
Katowice
Kielce
Koszalin
Krakow
Lodz
Lodz
Lublin
Olsztyn
Opole
Poznan
Rzeszow
Szczecin
Warszawa
Warszawa
Wroclaw
Zielona Gora
Cgordinates
Latitude Longitude
57
53
54
50
50
54
50
51
51
51
53
50
52
50
53
52
52
51
51
MOW
4111111.
AMID
411111111
4?11111110
AIM
.11!
MOP
SUM
011111116
08
09
21
16
53
12
03
45
45
15
47
40
25
02
25
15
15
06
56
23 - 10
18 - 00
18 -40
19 - 01
20 -38
16 - 11
19- 58
19 - 29
19 - 29
22 - 34
20 - 29
17 - 57
16 - 58
22 - 01
14 - 35
21 - 00
21 - 00
17 - 02
15 - 30
2,d/ V. is an abbreviation for Voivodehip (province).
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Volume Two, Part II PolwAa Ecown4aJdligaladauLIWkaa
D. Economic Administration
Poland is the largest of the East European Satellites in area,
population, and total output of goods and services. The westward shift
in Poland's boundaries and the postwar economic development program.
have transformed the predominantly agricultural economy of prewar
Poland into a semi-industrialized one. Over half of the Polish labor
force, however, is still employed in agriculture, and the industrial
technology of Poland remains far inferior to that of East Germany,
Czechoslovakia, and the USSR. With the exception of agriculture,
which has remained largely in private hands, the Polish economy has
been forced into institutions of the Soviet type and subjected to
economic policies and methods of management similar to those of the
USSR. Looser methods of state control and more independent policies,
however, have been introduced since Gomulka's return to power in
October 1956.
There are 3 sectors in the Polish economic structure: socialized,
cooperative, and private. With the exception of small private shops
with a total employment of less than 250,000, all units engaged in
industry, trade, transport, and financial activitIe5 are owned and
operated by the state. The cooperative sector, although legally owned
by cooperative members, is subject to operative control of state agen-
cies. In agriculture the private sector is dominant. State farms
include only about 13 per cent of agricultural land and collective
farms, about 1 per cent.
Poland has a planned economy modeled in most respects after that
of the USSR. Production goals of the major goods and services outside
agriculture are established in the State Plan on the basis of infor-
mation on the past performance of production units, the economic goals
of the government and the requirements of these goals in terms of
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Voluee Two, Part II Poland. Economic Adminision
available or prospective resources. Parallel to the production plan
is the financial plan which traces the flow of money and credit
current costs, and the means of financing various other expenditures.
Control over the formulation and supervision of the execution of these
plans rests with the central Party apparatus, the State Planning
Commission, and the Ministry of Finance. Direction of production units
is entrusted to the economic ministries, central boards and combines.
Within the state-awned and operated sector, the basic producing
unit Is the enterprise, the direction of which is entrusted to a
manager appointed by the state. Enterprises buy and sell goods and
services on their own account, subject to the financial supervision
of the state bank, and are generally expected to cover operating
costs from their sales. Investments, however, are mostly paid from
the state budget, and most of enterprise profits are channeled into
the budget. As distinct from enterprises which have a degree of
administrative and financial autonomy, institutions connected with
government operations or with cultural services are controlled directly
through the state budget.
Although private producers, workers, and consumers are not subject
to direct state orders, their operations are limited by a number of
restrictions. In agriculture, the principal restrictions are state
contracts and delivery quotas for a number of products. In other
areas licensing requirements and allocations of state produced
materials greatly restrict the scope and nature of production. Workers
are usually free to change their work, and consumers may choose among
goods available in stores, but wages, prices and the quantity and
assortment of the consumer goods are determined by the state. A free
market exists only for certain farm products and Imported consumer
manufactures.
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Volume Two, Part II Poland. Economic Administration
1. State Planning Commission
The basic principles of the state plan are established at the
highest government level (the Presidium of the Council of Ministers)
d, in fact, represent the goals of the Party as formulated by the
central Party apparatus. The details of the plan are then worked out
by a reconciliation of the policies and goals of the top planners
with the specific proposals of the production units. The work of
coordinating and formulating an internally consistent plan which takes
Into account both the government's desires and production possibilities
of enterprises is done largely by the State Planning Commission.
The State Planning Commission exercises control over the
entire administrative and economic apparatus of the state. In the
preliminary planning stage it must oversee the planning of all the
component parts of the government from local people's councils to
the ministerial level, and make the overall plan conform to the
general directives of the highest Party and government authorities.
After a plan has been approved by these authorities and ratified by
the annual Seim session, the State Planning Commission must make
certain that all economic agencies operate in conformity with the
general lines of the plan and comply with its detailed specifications.
Since Gomulka's return to power the all encompassing activities
of the State Planning Commission have been somewhat curtailed as
detailed planning for activities of purely local significance have
been transferred to local agencies. The production plan for major
commodities and materials and the distribution plan for these items
are still planned by this agency. It also coordi
the detailed
plans of all major undertakings in the country, as well as the overall
plan for provincial administrations.
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Volume Two Part II al2ra1d,..49onomic Administration
Thus, the State Planning Commission is the key agency involved
in planning, coordination, allocation of supplies, and control over the
entire economy. For its manifold purposes, it not only controls a
number of independent agencies at the national level, but also operates
a territorial apparatus attached to both the provincial and county
presidiums.
2. Ministry of Finance and State Bank
The Ministry of Finance and the State Bank are the other 2
major agencies which exercise control over all aspects of the economy.
The Ministry of Finance is almost the equal of the State
Planning Commission in its influence on the economy. It is the
agency which prepares and supervises the execution of the state budget,
the monetary counterpart of the national economic plan. The state
budget has 2 principal functions: to finance all activities of
government institutions, such as administration, national defense,
education and health and social insurance, and to provide to enter-
prises the financial means for economic development. The state budget
provides enterprises with investment funds via the investment bank,
working capital for new or expanding enterprises and even covers
planned losses on current account. In Its preparation of the national
budget, the Ministry of Finance must work closely with all ministries
and other agencies of the government down to the local level, partic-
ularly with the State Planning Commission. It has field offices
attached to the provincial and county presidiums.
The State Bank and its subordinate branches, which are
entirely independent of local governmental agencies, handle all
financial transactions between state enterprises. They also period-
ically examine the accounts of enterprises, approve or reject proposed
expenditures, control the size of enterprise cash balances and
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Volume Twot Part II
Poland, Economic 4cininistration
inventories, and extend short-term credits. They are also the mechanism
through which payments in the form of cash are made to workers, farmers,
and other persons outside the state-controlled sector. Their functions
are so all-pervasive that they control the amount of cash in circu-
lation and, thereby, the consumer goods market.
3. Industrial Administration
There are 2 types of industrial administration in Poland:
centralized for all important commodities; and decentralized for
commodities of purely local significance. The administration of
enterprises producing Important commodities runs from the economic
ministry, central board or combine, to the plant. Plants producing
less significant goods and service are administered by the appropriate
sections of the presidiums of provincial and county people's councils
(see Figure VI. 5).
The highest level of state economic administration, as opposed
to planning and control, consists of the 10 economic ministries and
other organizations of the same rank with some production respon-
sibilities. Each of these agencies is responsible for economic planning
and Investment policy in their respective fields; direction of subor-
dinate state, state cooperative and state-administered enterprises;
direction and supervision of the central offices of cooperatives, as
applicable; arbitration of disputes among subordinate enterprises;
manpower; and research. Particularly important enterprises are
subordinated directly to the ministry.
Ministries fulfill these responsibilities mainly through
central boards and combines. Central boards are responsible for
translating the principles of the national economic plan into goals
and basic indices for their subordinate units; for reviewing the drafts
of plans of lower units and combining them for integration into higher
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FIGURE Z.5
INDUSTRIAL SUBORDINATION IN POLAND: 1960
COUNCIL OF MINISTERS
MINISTRIES
ENTERPRISE
CENTRAL BOARD
CENTRAL BOARD
ASSOCIATION
OR TRUST
CENTRAL BOARD
ASSOCIATION
OR TRUST
ENTERPRISE
ENTERPRISE
SECRET
PRESIDIUM OF
PEOPLE'S COUNCIL'
SECTION
111111.111011111MIIIM
SECTION
TRUST
]ENTERPRISE
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ENTERPRISE
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Volvise Two, Part II
_Poland. Economic Admir4tration
departmental plans; for organizing and supervising the accounting
and operational reporting of their subordinate enterprises. Where
the number of enterprises on the lowest level is small, the central
boards administers them directly. If the number is largeIntermediate
administrative entities are formed, such as associations and trusts.
In such cases, however, the largest and most Important enterprises
are subordinated directly to the central board.
As in other Soviet-type economies the basic industrial unit
is the enterprise an entity comprising one or several plants and
generally, but not always, producing technologically related products.
Under the direction of state-appointed managers, enterprises are
responsible for the implementation of the various aspects of the
economic and financial plan and also engage in some marginal activ-
ities not specified in these plans. They are held responsible for
the results of current operations (production, purchases, sales, etc.)
and are usually expected to cover operating costs from their receipts
from sales In October 1956 workers'?linens and other workers
organizations gained limited prerogatives in the determination of
intra-enterprise operations. Since then most of these prerogatives
have been abolished or so emasculated as to make this form of control
nonexistent.
Some moves toward a decentralization of this type of adminis-
tration have been made in the last 2 years. Some central boards
which functioned as ministerial offices have been replaced by
combines and boards which function as economically independent agencies
Paralleling this administrative reorganization large numbers of
officials have been downgraded or transferred to production activities.
Given the modicum of success achieved to date it is Inhikely that
this trend will be intensified in the immediate future
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Volume Two, Part II Poland. Economic AdminigtraVion
4. Agricultural Administration
There are 3 sectors in the Polish agricultural economy: state
cooperative, and private. In contradistinction to industry, however,
the private sector is the largest and most important sector; with
about 85 per cent of the arable land, private holdings outproduce the
cooperative sector by about 20 per cent and the state sector by almost
60 per cent per hectare. The extent and form of control exercised by
the regime over agricultural production units varies from direct
operation of the state sector to indirect control of the private
sector through manipulation of the price system and taxation policy.
The paramount agricultural control agency is the Ministry of
Agriculture. It is responsible for the overall direction of agri-
culture in Poland. The scope of the activities of the ministry
include planning agricultural production to meet the requirements
of the state, cost-price and incentive analysis, development and
implementation of investment policies and programs, operation of
the state farm sector and of agricultural machinery production
enterprises, and the usual manpower and research functions.
The Ministry of Agriculture controls the operations of the
Polish state farm system, which emulates the Soviet povkhoz system,
through a number of regional offices attached to local presidiums
of people's councils. Although ideologically the most acceptable to
the regime, Polish state farms are far from being model agricultural
enterprises. Despite the advantages of higher input levels of
fertilizers and machinery, and relatively more fertile soil than the
private sector, crop yields and overall productivity on state farms
are lower.
Control over collective farms, while less direct, is
nevertheless pervasive. Nominally owned and operated by their members
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Volume Two, Part II Polapdt.Economic
collective farms are controlled through county sections of agriculture
and forestry which oversee their day-to-day activities. While ideol
ogicalXy less desirable than state farms, collective farms are more
preferable than individual farms to the regime. As such, they, too,
have received favored treatment from the regime in the form of lower
delivery quotas, more fertilizers and lower tax rates. Collective
farms have not been popular with the traditionally independent minded
Polish peasantry. Initially established
in 1948,
collective farms
were to have by 1955 a membership totalling 60 per cent of all
private farmers and 15 per cent of arable land. By the end of 1955,
however, only. 6 per cent of the farm holdings and 10.1 per cent of
agricultural land were in collectives. Then came October. Within
2 months, approximately 75 per cent of the collective farms had been
dissolved. Their influence on the Polish agricultural scene decreased
proportionally and has remained at a low level.
As regards the future of collectives, official directives
reaffirm the intention of maintaining state support. While the goal
of socializing agriculture is maintained, the realization appears to
be relegated to the distant future. Part of the necessary preparation
for ultimate realization lies in the lessening of the individualist...c
tendencies of the peasantry. According to Gomulka, "while we are
eliminating administrative pressure in the formation of cooperative
farms, the state should not renounce the use of various organizational
and economic measures which would promote the development of agricul-
tural circles, turn them into mass organizations and guide their
activities in the desired direction."
Agricultural "circles" existed in prewar Poland as voluntary
groups formed by the peasantry for the joint purchase of machinery
and tools and mutual help and were similar to the Western cooperative"
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Volume Two, Part II Poland Economic Administration
approach at the time. Under the present regime, "circles," although
voluntary, cannot dispose of their property (machinery, fees, and
land) once formed. They are required to carry out public and some
legal functions assigned to them by the government and are encouraged
to engage in collective farming on land leased from the state. The
appeal of the traditional cooperative approach and the preferential
treatment received from the state has brought tens of thousands of
wesoftw.11.Au?a the "circles." It is estimated that "circles" exist
.1.
in more than 40 per cent of Polish villages and include at least 15
per cent of the farms.
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Volume Two. Part II Poland. Control Force
E. Control Force
On]. January 1960 it is estimated that the Polish Control Force
totalled approximately 1,170 000 persons or almost 16 per cent of
those employed in the socialized sector of the Polish labor force
(see Table VI. 5). By definition, the Polish Control Force equates
with the Soviet in that it is composed almost exclusively of persons
with command responsibilities or in staff positions requiring special-
ized knowledge which would enable them to effectively exercise
supervisory responsibilities in a post-attack situation.
The degree of responsibility exercised by the various components
of the control force varies considerably. The most powerful segment
consists of the 30,000 full-time Party professionals. Within this
group, the members of the central Party apparatus exercise nationwide
control over all political, economic, social,and military activities..
On the local level members of the Party apparatus are equally
important within the geographic confines of their areas.
The 110,000 members of the state administration, comprise the
second most significant segment of the Polish Control Force. Composed
of employees of the national, provincial, city, county, and village
governments, this component is primary executor of the Party's will
in relation to the population. Members of the highest echelons of
the state administration rank just below the central Party apparatus
in power and prestige; at the lower echelons the differential is
greater.
The estimated 160,000 members of the armed forces control force
consists of the Polish officer corps and NcOs. They command the
major instruments of repression at the disposal of the regime and,
as such, would play a major role in a crisis situation.
VI 42
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Vo1ure Two. Part I
Coppogition
Cci.teaory
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Pol:ftnd, ConVbol Force
Table VI. 5
of the Polish control Forces 1262,
Communist Party
State Administration
Armed Forces
Economic Administration
Industry
Trade, Supply, etc.
Transport and
Communications
Construction
Agriculture
Services
Education
Health
Housing and
Public Utilities
Finance and Credit
Others
Total
Number
30,000
110,000
160,000
560,000
310,000
(340,000)
( 70,000)
( 60,000)
( 60,000)
( 30,000)
(160,000)
( 50,000)
( 20,000)
( 20,000)
( 60,000)
Per Cent
of_tatAl,
2.6
9.4
13.7
47.9
( 29.0)
( 6.1)
( 5.1)
( 5.1)
( 2.6)
26.4
(13.7)
( 4.2)
( 1.7)
( 1.7)
( 5.1)
1,170,000 100.0
The largest single segment of the Polish Control Force is employed
in economic administration. They range in importance from the head of
a regional heavy industry trust (persons with nationwide responsibility
in the economic sphere are included in the state administration category)
to a shift-foreman in a shoe factory. Given the economic dilemma the
Gomulka regime faces, it is upon the shoulders of this group, perhaps
more than on any other, that the ultimate viability of the "Polish
Road to Socialism" rests.
More than 25 per cent of the Polish Control Force are employed in
service occupations, such as education and public health. While
possessing relatively little significant command responsibility in
peacetime, their role is considerably augmented in warttme. Moreover, in
periods of internal turmoil, persons from this group are usually found
in the vanguard of dissident groups.
-VI.43-s
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Volume Two, Part II Poland. Control Force
Almost all of the Polish Control Force live and work in urban areas.
Warszawa probably contains the majority of persons with nationwide
responsibilities; lesser concentrations are probably found in the
provincial capitals.
VI._ 44
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Volume Two1, Part II
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VII. Rumania
A. Introduction
Rumania--caned the Rumanian People's Republic by Its Communist
masters--is ruled by a totalitarian regime imposed and maintained by the
USSR. The nucleus of this regime is the Rumanian Workers' (Communist)
Party which controls all aspects of the political, sociological and
economic life of the country. The Party is the creation of the Kremlin
and the chief Instrumentality through which the USSR has Introduced a
political and economic system modeled on its own. In leading Rumania
down the road to socialism, which is now scheduled to be reached by 1965,
the regime has met with considerable success when Imposing structural
changes that do not require mass support for their execution, although
it has encountered difficulties In carrying out policies in those fields
which require popular support.
Nevertheless, the regime has consistently shown itself to be one of
the strongest and most stable of the East European Satellites. The
underlying source of this strength has been the presence of the Soviet
Union on the scene. The main factors virtually precluding overt
opposition to the present rulers are the cowing and Isolation of a
traditionally apathetic people, the elimination of organized resistance,
and rigid Party unity.
The Communist regime in Rumania maintains its supremacy over a
basically hostile but passive population primarily through the action of
strong and efficient security forces, which in the last 2 years have
been strengthened through a drastic revision of the penal code which
now provides the death penalty for some 60-70 separate crimes. It has
also
initiated a drive for more Intellectual conformity and le
tightening controls over the various church and ethnic groups. In
order to gain more control over the traditionally recalcitrant peasantry,
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Part II Rumania, Introduction
it has added impetus to the collectivization drive. Since 1958, the
socialized sector of the rural economy has been Increased 29 per cent
and now includes 70 per cent of the agricultural lands.
The Party leadership has avoided taking extremist positions on any
issues. It has, for example, evaded taking definitive stands on such
issues as the changing status of Tito and the downgrading of Stalin.
In addition, no nationalist faction has been permitted to arise. The
absence of serious factionalism at the top levels has inhibited the
formulation of any opposition in the lower echelons. The process of
purging is continuous, however, and considerable acrimony exists among
the plant managers and other economic chiefs who are the regime's
scapegoats for its many and varied failures. Apathy on the part of
the lower Party echelons and the population as a whole is the greatest
deterrent to success.
In an effort to overcome the passive resistance of the population to
its programs and policies, the regime has recently undertaken a number
of steps to improve the living standards of the urban labor force, the
success of which are problematical. The regime remains Stalinist in
organization and outlook--but dull. Rumania appears to have bypassed
Djilas' "heroic era of Communism" and entered directly into its "epoch
of practical men."
1. 2 -
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ume Two Part II
atai+-1.1--??????????--
an Workers Party
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an Workers' Party
In Rumania a Communist regime installed by Moskva In 1945 exercises
all effective power Its main instrument is the Rumanian Workers' Party
which is ruled by a small clique of individuals in its Politburo and
Central Committee. Despite 2 major intervening purges, these are the
same individuals who led the Communist movement in the 1930's. Their
continued presence in the leadership symbolizes the stability and continuity
which distinguish the Rumainian Communist regime as one of the most
faithful to the K emlin and most trouble-free .-14.1 the ws,.+ European
Satellites.
The Rumanian Workers' Party, as presently constituted, is a lineal
descendant of the Communist Party of Rumania which was founded in 1921.
In 1924 it was outlawed and operated clandestinely for more than 20
years. In June 1944 the again legal Communist Party joined the Peasant,
Liberal and Socialist Parties to form the National Democratic Bloc
under the monarchy0 Four months later, charging the others with
collaboration with the Germans, the Communist broke with the bloc and
formed a purely left-wing organization cafled the National Democratic
Front (later called the People's Democratic Front). In December 1947,
through extensive use of the instruments of terror and repression and
with the support of the Soviets, the monarchy was overthrown and the
Rumanian People's Republic was established. Early in 1948 the Communists
forced a merger with the left-wing Social Democrats under the name of
the Rumainian Workers' Party and the country became in effect a one-Party
state
The Rumanian Wb kers' Party and its leadership are niarked by a
carefully colorless deliberately spiceless conservatism of action.
The ability of the leaders to survive all the twists and turns of the
Kremlin line which have spelled oblivion for many satellite chiefs appears
due on the one hand to the eradication of factionalism at the top and
VII 3
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Wawa. ?Two Part II
ap Worker,
prompt reaction to active signs of discontent from below, and on the
other hand, to the ability to remain apart from the mainstream of bloc
ideological controversies. By and large, they have taken enough action
to avoid the Kremlin's displeasure yet not enough to cause internal
repercussions.. As one Communist official expressed it to an American
newspaperman in 1958, "for us there has been no revisionism, no Titoism,
no relaxation, no tightening." Stalin's death produced few changes in
Rumania, and the regime remains essentially Stalinist in its policies.
1. Groivuh in Membership,
On 1 January 1960 it is estimated that the Rumanian Workers'
Part totaled approximately 750,000 or 4.1 per cent of the total
population and 5.9 per cent of the adult population of the country
(See Table VII. 1) Under the stress of opposing needs, the size of the
Party has fluctuated constantly since its inception. On the one hand
there has been the desire to increase numerical strength of the Party in
order to give it a semblance of popular support; on the other, there has
been the necessity to insure the political reliability and ideological
purity of its membership which has necessitated eliminating unreliable
eleesents
Ter
1944
1947
1948
1951
1955
1958
1960
Table VII. 1
Growth Of The Rumanian Workers* Party:
1944-1960
Apr.
Dec.
Feb.
Jan
Dec
June
Jan.
Number
1,000
750,000
920,000
720,000
595,398
720,000
750,000
Per Cent
of Total
Population
neg.
4.7
5.9
4.4
3.4
4.1
4.1
I 4
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Per Cent
of Adult
Populaction
0.1
7.1
8.8
6.5
4.9
5.9
5?9
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Part II Rumania, Rumanian Workers' Party
The rise from 1,000 members following its re-establishment in 1944
to 750,000 in December 1947 was achieved through wholesale enrollment,
often without scrutiny of the political and social background of new
members, in order to create the impression of mass support. (Indiscriminate
re-enlistment of hostile elements was one of the charges levelled at
Anna Pauker when she was purged in 1952.) The merger of the Communists
with the dissident wing of the Social Democratic Party in 1948 to form
the Rumanian Workers' Party brought the membership to a peak of about
eltelf1 r1,"Nort
74C.Wp1/4"/Wilo
Only 6 months after unification, the now self-confident regime
ordered a halt in recruitment and instigated a thorough examination
of its membership, The elimination of opportunists and hostile elements
reduced its membership by almost 23 per cent or 200,000 in the next
2 years. In May 1952 the Party leadership opened the membership rolls
again but on an individual basis and after careful screening of applicants.
The purge continued, however, for by the end of 1955 total membership
had declined by an additional 125,000.
Following the Second Party Congress in December 1955, admissions
exceeded expulsions and by June 1958 total membership reached the 1951
level of 720,000. No official membership figures have been published since
that date. Available evidence Indicates that in the months immediately
following the Second Congress membership decreased somewhat only to
Increase again as the time for the Third Party Congress (Summer of 1960)
approaches. Recruitment and purification continue to exist side by
side, with the former gaining ascendancy in periods of relaxation, and
the latter during periods of tension.
2. Distribution of the Party
While the Rumanians have never published information concerning
the geographic distribution of Party membership, analysis of delegate
listings to the Second Party Congress indicate that it is distributed
-VII.5
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Volume Two, Part II
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Rumania, Rumanian Workers Party
similarly to that of the Soviet Union. The highest concentrations are
found in urban areas containing major control agencies such as Bucuresti
where it Is estimated that almost 8 per cent of the total population
belong to the Party, and in major industrial centers, such as Ploesti
(see Table VII. 2). Lesser concentrations are found in predominantly
agricultural areas like Cralova where only 2.7 per cent of the population
are believed to be Party members.
Table VII. 2
VialaffIfmralirgraffarriseraIswarao
Distribution of Rumanian Workers? Party
Selected Adni Divisions:
1960
Number
Administrative Per 1,000
Division Number Total Population
Bucuresti City 105,000 78
Cluj R. 58,000 44
Cralova R. 42,000 27
Ploesti R. 68,000 47
Ploesti City 14,000 113
Stalin R. 47,000 50
Others 430,000 47
Total 750,000 41
3. Organization of the Party
Although officially it is the government and not the Party which
makes the laws, runs the state, administers the economy, and controls
the armed forces, meaningful charges are announced by the Party, invariably
adopted by the government, enforced through both the governmental and
Party organizations, and explained to the people through Party and Party-
controlled channels. Party organizations exist within every governmental
booty, supervising and guiding its activities and assuring fulfillment
of Party policy, and governmental officials are removed when they lose
Party standing.
6
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Volume Two, Part II Rumania Rumanian Workers? Party
Nominally, on both national and local levels, the Party and
government have separate though parallel apparatuses (see Figure VII. 1);
S.
actually they are linked by an identity of membership, especially at
the higher levels. Virtually all the higher officials and many of the
lower officials in the goverment are leading members of the Party.
The existence of a parallel Party apparatus, however, is of major
significance for it provides the top leadership with separate control,
communication and reporting channels over the government and population.
It is this apparatus upon which the regime relies in crisis situations.
Next to the Soviet Army perched on its borders, the Party apparatus is
the major bulwark of the dictatorship.
The Rumanian Workers Party is organized on the pattern of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union and operates by the same rules.
Under the principles of "internal Party democracy" and "democratic
centralism," leading organs are "elected" by a secret vote, and the
minority always submits (in theory) to the majority. Decisions of the
higher organs are always obligatory on the lower. In theory, the member
ship has the power to select the leadership through a series of indirect
elections and the leadership, in turn, is supposed to observe the wishes
of the electorate. In practice, the Party membership has little to
regarding the leadership and its policies and operations. They are
expected merely to confirm Moskva's choice of hierarchy, obey their
leaders, and enlist the support of the population for the decreed
policies of the regime.
The basic unit of the complex Party structure
cell or basic Party organization in factories, farms,
say
is the individual
and government
agencies. On the foundation of the primary organizations is built a
pyramid of higher Party organs with a steadily expanding territorial
jurisdiction: raions and towns, regiunes, and the national Party offices
?vile 7 ?
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NATIONAL
CONGRESS
REGIUNE
CONFERENCE
F
' T OW N OR RAION I
I
I CONFERENCEu-"
Le mi am =In mo ism a
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FIGURE ME I
ORGANIZATION OF RUMANIAN WORKERS' PARTY AND GOVERNMENT: 1960
POLITBURO OF PARTY
FRANiltio MEti?BERi-
LRUMANIANGOVERNMENT j
ONNO?10 MOMS ONNIMIP ON NNW*
BASIC PARTY
ORGANIZATION
COMMITTEE
z7'
COMMITTEE
I.
SECRETARIAT
LBUREAU
SECRETARIAT
BUREAU
SECRETARIES
r
BUREAU
1
I SECRETARIES I
aum amm mow mon mai
0
GOVERNMENT
COUNCIL
OF
MINISTERS
rEXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
MANAGEMENT
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TNNNNNN
1
r "1
I GRAND NATIONAL I
I ASSEMBLY 1
L
rMIND 11=111 11=1 RIM MI
REGIUNE
NNN
I PEOPLE 'S COUNCIL I
L me
Mal 1.16 sin
I TOWN OR RAION I
N, PEOPLE'S COUNCIL I
N LIM WIN OEM UMW MIN Mlle 4INIM UM 1111111111
ENTERPRISE
KEY
Control or Supervision
Formal Election
Direct Election
Indirect Election or Appointment
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Volum.e Two, Part II Rumania, Rumanian Worker s j.) a
a. National Party Agencies
At the national level, there are 6 major Party agencies:
in decreasing order of importance, they are the Politburo, Secretariat,
Party Control Commission, Central Committee, Central Auditing Commission,
and Congress.
(1) The Politburo
The Political Bureau or Politburo is the paramount
Rumainian control agency. Nominally elected by the Central Committee of
the Party and empowered only to direct the Party between the quarterly
meetings of the Central Committee, the Politburo actually runs the
country. Responsible to the Central Comnittee in theory, the Politburo
is really only answerable to Moskva It is composed of 10-15 members and
candidates who are mostly old-line leaders of the 1930s,/ who have been
coopted and hold their positions with Soviet approval. Each member is
responsible for a broad sector of the country's activity, such as economy,
defense, or internal security, even though he may have no formal
government assignment. In addition, each Politburo member holds one
or more key positions in the government mass organizations, or Party.
Since the real locus of power is in the Politburo, some Rumanian officials
refer to it in private as Lithe government.13
(2) Secretariat
Ranking next in importance to the Politburo, and exercising
a strong influence upon it, is the National Party Secretariat. It is the
agency in charge of the Party apparatus, supervising personnel matters
(including assignments), conducting current work and organizing the
fulfillment of Party directives.
Headed by the First Secretary of the Party and the other
2 secretaries, it consists of their personal staffs and the professional
Party workers in the 14 odd Directorates of the Central Committee
(see Figure VII 2) As in the Soviet Union, the most important section
-VII.9
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FIGURE 3ZII 2
ORGANIZATION OF CENTRAL APPARATUS OF RUMANIAN WORKERS' PARTY: JANUARY 1960
CENTRAL_ COMMITTEE
MID IIMMI INEMP MMI nom
CONTROL COMMISSION
OEM al= 111.M IMMO 11 =MD MIN WIMP
POLITBURO
SECRETARIAT
=MP 111111 dEN. IN=M1 MOM 111111111111 =MI WIMP OMIIMP MOO ./Mt =MO WIMP 11111 MIMI MID
S
=MEI SENO MOM Mlle I_ MUM NMI Mai
=IIIIMP MEM 'MOP 1==10
DIRECTORATES
rCENTRAL 1
AUDITING COMMISSION
AGRICULTURE
I FINANCE AND COMMERCE
/
EFOREIGN AFFAIRS-17
El- INDUSTRY
LABOR AFFAIRS
MASS ORGANIZATIONS
MILITARY AFFAIRS
SECRET
LMINORITIES
PARTY AFFAIRS
PLANNING
PROPAGANDA AND AGITATION
POLICE AND SECURITY
LTRANSPORT-7
AND COMMUNICATIONS
YOUTH AFFAIRS
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Volvme Two. Part II
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Workers? Party
of the central secretariat is the Directorate for Party Affairs which
controls appointments in all national Party agencies and has a veto over
appointments at lower levels. The Military Directorate of the Secretariat
is, at the same time, the Higher Political Directorate of the Armed
Forces which is responsible for the political orientation of the troops.
The Party hierar by in the Armed Forces, which operates on the basis of
unpublished regulations, functions Independently of the regular territorial
Party organizations but is expected to maintain close contact with than.
The reliability of Party officials in the Armed Forces is subjected to
more stringent political scrutiny than is the case for officials in the
civilian sphere. The other directorates control appointments In broad
sectors of the economic and social complex and are expected to ensure
both the reliability of supervisory personnel and their fulfilimc:nt of
Party directives in their respective areas of interest.
The national secretariat is believed to employ
approximately 5 per cent of the total number of Party professionals In
the country.
(3) Party Control Commission
Elected by the Central Committee upon the recommendation
of the Politburo/Secretariat, the Party Control Commission is the
disciplinary arm of the national Party organs. It is responsible for
ensuring Party "purity and unity," punishment of infractions against
both Party and state regulations, and acts as a court of second instance
for members appealing sanctions or expulsions imposed by regional Party
Control Commissions. The task of this 7 man body is difficult because
of the pandemic corruption in Rumania, opportunism in the Party, and
a general tendency to disregard Party directives by its members.
(4) Central Committee
The Central Coi,imi-ttee of the Rumanian Workers, Party is
"elected" at each national Party Congress The statutory powers of this
VII 11
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Volume Two., Part II Rumania. Rumanian Workers, Pextx
).00-man body are great. It is suippoaed to "lead all Party activities between
congresses; represent the Party in its relations with other Parties,
organizations and Institutions; organize and lead various Party institutions
and socially important enterprises; appoint the editors of central
newspapers . . and appoint and allot the forces and means of the Party
and administer its funds." It also is required "to direct the activities
of the central agencies of state power and of public organizations through
the Party groups at these agencies." In actuality these functions are
exercised by the 2 supreme Party agencies which are ^1-11-tr Inrwnir1=111T
subordinate to it: the Politburo and Secretariat.
(5) The Central Auditing Commission
The Central Auditing Commission is a little publicized
body "elected" by the national Party Congress to watch the top Party
agencies. Members of the Central Committee may not, at the same time,
belong to the Central Auditing Commission. Its main function is to
check on the efficiency of the central Party apparatus and to watch
Party finances. Together with its counterparts at lower levels it
receives complaints and acts as a countrywide barometer to detect areas
of popular discontent.
(6) Party Congress
According to the Party statute, the Congress is the
supreme Party organ; it is composed of an indirectly elected body of
regiune delegates (who are, In turn, representative of an indirectly
elected body of raion and town delegates) which supposedly represent
the general membership. It is required by the statute to meet every
4 Years in order to elect a Central Committee and Central Auditing
Commission, modify the Party program and statute, establish the current
line on fundamental problems of policy, and hear reports on (and approve)
the activities of the central organs between congresses. In practice the
VII 12
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EGRET
Two Part II Rumania, Rumanian Workers' Party
Congress has fulfilled only the latter function, rubber amping the
activities of the Politburo/Secretariat and Central Committee.
b. Intermediate Parti Agencies
The organization of the Party at the regiune, raion and town
levels is patterned after that at the national level. At each level
there is a conference which equates with the national Party congress, a
committee paralleling the Central Committee, and an executive consisting
of a bureau and secretariat at the regiune level and bureau and secretaries
at lower (the raion and town) level which are comparable to the Politburo
and national Secretariat.
The 17 regiune including Bucuresti City), 200 raion and
386 town Party conferences correspond to the national Party congress.
The regiune level conference is composed of delegates elected at raion
and town Party conferences and is normally required to meet biennially.
The raion and town Party conferences are composed of delegates elected
at basic Party general meetings and is supposed to meet at least
annually. The main function of conferences is to confirm the activities
of their executive arms during the intervals between their meetings and
elect new committees and delegates to the next higher conference (or
congress).
Regiune committes are elected at regiune conferences and are
supposed to meet once every 3 months. As is the case with the Central
Committee their statutory responsibilities are significant, including
fulfillment of higher Party directives and supervision of the xmplementa
tion of Party policy concerning education, expenditures of funds
personnel assignments, economic production, etc., within their respective
territories The committees, however,exercise only a fraction of their
statutory responsibilities
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Volume Two. Part II
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Rumania Rumanian Workers' Party
The Bureau and Secretariat of Regiune Party Committees,
corresponding to the Politburo and national Secretariat, are the primary
control agencies at their level. The executive organ is the bureau which
is composed of approximately 10 persons, including the secretaries of
the regiune organization?all of whom must be confirmed by the national
Secretariat. The regiune First Secretary heads the secretariat which
is organized like and has responsibilities similar to the national
Secretariat. Also, at the regiune level there are formed Party collegiums
which are the equivalent of the national Party Control Commission.
Raion and town conferences, composed of delegates elected
at basic Party organization general meetings, elect committees which,
in turn elect bureaus and secretaries who perform functions similar to
those at the regiune level. The first secretary of a raion or town
committee must be confirmed by the national Secretariat. Other members
of the bureau, including the lesser secretaries, must be confirmed by
the regiune secretariat. These organs are primarily responsible for the
activities of the basic Party organizations within their areas. Lacking
a formal secretariat, they work primarily through instructors attached to
the bureau who have face-to-face contact with lower Party organ officials.
The committees at the regiune and ralon levels have a total
membership of approximately 11,000. The bureaus, like the committes,
are composed of the leading Party government, economic and social officials
in the area, most of whom have full-time positions outside the Part
apparatus. Therefore, the secretaries, and particularly the First
Secretary, constitute the most powerful segment of the Party control
force at this level.
c. Local Party Agencies
The basic Party organization is the cell which is formed in
schools units of the armed forces, industrial enterprises, collective
farms, government institutions etc., wherever there are at least 3
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Volume Two, Part II Rumania, Rumanian Wbrkerst Party
Party members. The genera3 assembly of members at this level corresponds
to the conference at the intermediate level, but, because of its more
or less intimate contact with its officials and work situation, exercises
somewhat more of its extensive statutory powers. Heading a basic
organization is a bureau "elected" at the general assembly of members on
the recommendation of the raion or town bureau secretaries. Where a
basic organization consists of less than 10 members, a secretary and
deputy serve in lieu of the bureau. At basic organizations with less
than 100 members, Party work is usually performed by members on a
released time basis. At enterprises or institutions with more than
100 members, full-time Party officials usually hold secretarial posts.
At enterprises and institutions with more than 300 members, committees
are formed and shop or office basic organizations are established.
There are approximately 75,000 members of the basic Party organization
bureaus.
The 30,000 basic Party organizations serve as the rallying
point for the mobilization of the labor force for plan fulfillment and as
the Party's check on management. In government offices, their checking
functions are limited to reportage to higher Party agencies; in non-
government activities, they often usurp managerial functions for
they, too, are held responsible for the activities of the enterprise or
Institution In which they are formed.
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Volume Two Part II Rumania Government
C. Government
Perhaps the most striking feature of the Rumanian Goverment is
its similarity to that of the Soviet Union. In addition to espousing
the official ideology of the USSR, as interpreted by the Kremlin, the
Rumanian Government follows Soviet governmental patterns In internal
organization, operational procedures, domestic and foreign policies, and
judicial and penal practices. Applicable Soviet administrative
reorganizations are promptly enacted by the Rumanians.
According to the Rumanian Constitution, the Rumanian People's
Republic is a workers' state in which the basis of power resides in
the alliance between the working class and the working peasantry, with
the leading role belonging to the working class. The Rumanian Workers'
Party is, of course, the "vanguard of the workers." Therefore, the
Constitution states that "the Rumanian Workers' Party is the leading
force of all workers' organizations as well as of state organizations
and institutions." As the Government of the USSR is dominated by the
CPSU, so the Rumanian Government is dominated on all levels by the
Rumanian Workers' Party. The Party, through its Politburo, reserves all
policy-making matters for itself, appoints all key personnel to government
posts, and maintains organizations of its members in all governmental
bodies to supervise Implementation of its policies. The Goverment is
an instrument of the Party.
The fundamentally totalitarian nature of the regime which is
characterized by rigid centralization and hierarchical subordination
of lower government echelons to higher ones is obscured by the
democratic facade which envelops it. Despite assertions to the contrary,
there is no popular participation in policy formulation only in
iinplentation. The "democratically" elected governmental bodies
are essentially rubber-stamp organs for their nominally subordinate
executives which, in turn, play a similar role in relation to the
appropriate Party agencies
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Volume Two ? Part II
Rumania, Government
1. Central Government
The central government is patterned closely after that of the
Soviet Union. It consists of the Grand National Assembly and its Presidium,
which equate with the USSR Supreme Soviet and its Presidium and the
Council of Ministers which is organized and operates like its superior
counterpart in the USSR. Despite a certain overlapping of functions,
the Grand National Assembly and its Presidium constitute the weak
legislative branch of government and the Council of Ministers, the
executive branch. Theoretically, the locus of power lies in the Grand
National Assembly, to which all branches of government are directly or
indirectly subordinated. In reality, however, the most powerful branch
is the executive, as embodied In the Council of Ministers, which is the
principal administrator of Party policies. All branches of government
act on the initiative of the Party, and all key positions are staffed
by Party personnel.
a. The Council of Ministers
The Council of Ministers is described in the Constitution
as the "supreme administrative and executive organ of the Rumanian
Peoplets Republic." In practice, it is the heart of the governmental
system. The Councilfs power stems from the concentration within it of
the leading figures of the Party and its jurisdiction over most phases
of political economic, social and cultural life in the country
Although the Constitution subordinates the Council to the Grand National
Assembly its members need not be members of that body and are really
only responsible to the Party Politburo/Secretariat.
The Council of Ministers is a corporate body with collective
respoxasibility for implementing the directives of the Party. It i
empowered to issue binding resolutions, decisions, orders affecting
every aspect of the country's life direct and coordinate the work
of ministries and other government agencies, to prepare and execute
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Volume Toa Part II
Rumania, Government
the economic plans and state budget, organize and maintain the armed
forces, protect public order, exercise .Coreign relations, and to suspend
and cancel decisions and orders of subordinated ministries and local
governmental agencies.
The Council of Ministers consists of a President, 7 vice-
presidents, the chairmen of the State Planning Committee and State
Control Commission, and the heads of 15 ministries (see Figure VII. 3).
Whereas basic policy is made by the Party Politburo, policy implementation
is concentrated in the hands of the president and vice-presidents of the
Council of Ministers (the president and 3 of the 7 vice-presidents are
also Politburo members). The president's duties Include convening and
presiding over the sessions of the council supervising the work of
ministries and other central agencies, and signing and checking on the
implementation of the council's acts. He conducts his work through
an administrative staff, the General Secretariat. In his absence,
the president appoints one of the vice-presidents to fulfifl his functions.
The vice-presidents, in addition to coordinating the activities of the
central administration, have broad responsibility for some individual
sector, such as planning, agriculture, or heavy industry. Individual
ministers may also exercise considerable power, depending on their
positions in the Party hierarchy.
The Council of Ministers convenes ordinary sessions twice
monthly and in extraordinary session as needed. Problems which do not
come before it as a booty are resolved by the president himself. The
1E11
?
practice, coupled wiw..
?
GTh.1.1L4.
meetings, would suggest
that the bulk of the council's business is transacted between the president
Ad he head of th=
? .11.
?voireT
141. jir
ag
41.31i plk -;
COLACCAAVG4611.50 VW
win 4 , eye..
al 14.11.-41
are reserved for resolving interagency problems and for discussion of
general policy directives.
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FIGURE ILI 3
COMPOSITION OF RUMANIAN COUNCIL OF MINISTERS: JANUARY 1960
ECONOMIC
COUNCIL
PRESIDENT
VICE PRESIDENTS
STATE PLANNING
COMMITTEE
ESTATE CONTROL
COMMISSION
AGRICULTURE
ARMED FORCES
COMMERCE
CONSUMER GOODS INDUSTRY
EDUCATION AND CULTURE
FINANCE
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
FORESTRY
HEALTH AND SOCIAL WELFARE
HEAVY INDUSTRY
INTERNAL AFFAIRS
JUSTICE
LOCAL ORGANS OF STATE ADMINISTRAGL9--
PETROLEUM AND CHEMICAL INDUSTRY
TRANSPORT AND TELECOMMUNICATIONS
Comprised of heads of all agencies marked s " and of State Bank, Price Committee,
State Committee for Labor and Wages, Statistical Office and Central Council of Trade Unions. * * Believed imperative
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Part II Rumania Government
b. Ministries and Ministerial Agencies
Rumanian practice divides central government organs into
2 types: ministries and agencies with ministerial rank; and non
ministerial agencies under the Council of Ministers. As shown in Figure
VII. 3,there are currently 15 ministries and 2 agencies of ministerial
rank. Seven ministries deal with primarily economic matters: 5 respectively
with education and culture, finance, foreign affairs, health and social
welfare, and local organs of state administration (the latter is believed
to be inoperative); 2 with public order and safety, and one with
defense. The State Planning Committee and State Control Commission have
ministerial rank for they are the only 2 agencies whose jurisdiction and
duties cut across all economic sectors. The Economic Council is chaired
by a vice-president and includes In its membership the chairmen of the
State Planning Commission, State Bank, State Committees for Prices and
for Labor and Wages, Statistical Office, and the Ministers of Commerce,
Finance, and Local Organs of State Administration. Available evidence
suggests that it functions as a broad economic advisory or coordinating
agency for the president of the council. Non-ministerial central agencies
are divided into 2 categories: economic, such as the S
a
e Bank, and
cultural such as the Academy of Sciences. There are at least 8 economic
and 5 cultural non nisterial agencies subordinated to the Council of
Ministers.
The structure of ministries and non -ministerial agencies
is rigidly departmentalized and hierarchically organized. A collegiuxn is
the principal policy body of a ministry or agency. It is usually
composed of the minister or agency head, his deputies, heads of the general
directorates, and of the more important dir ectorates. giuxns meet
regularly twice monthly in their advisory capacity. The manister or
agency head is president of the collegium and directly responsible for
the formulation of policy detMl s and supervision of their execution
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Volume Two Part Ti
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within the establishment ? The specific implementation of policy decisions
within ministries or agencies is entrusted to the general directorates
which are actual operational branches, each In charge of a specialized,
technical field. The principal structural unit is the general directorate
which is subdivided into directorates, sections, offices, and service
branches. The number of general directorates varies according to the
scope of the establishment's activities. Directorates, on the other
hand, usually handle administrative affairs, although some are of a
functional nature. Sections and offices deal with special problems more
circumscribed in scope.
c. The Grand National Assembly
Under the Constitution, the Grand National Assembly is the
highest organ of state power and simultaneously the sole national
legislative body. In reality neither this body nor its Presidium
exercises the considerable statutory powers at their aisposal, but
only mechanically follow the dictates of the Party. Since the Hungarian
Revolution, the Communist regime has attempted to make the legislative
branch appear to be more than the rubber-stamp appendage of the executive;
the changes are only on the surface, however, and the executive continues
to dominate the legislative.
The Grand National Assembly is a unicameral organ elected for
a period of 4 years by all enfranchized citizens over 18 years of age
on the basis of one member of every 40,000 inhabitants. The Assethbly
meets twice a year for = fA days each time. The duties of the Assembly
according to the constitution include amending the constitution,
ratifying decrees, establishing national economic plans, approving the
state budget etc. Most sessions are concerned with ratifying Presidium
decrees, the budget elector-:I laws, and constitutional amendments, already
previously formulated as policies by the Party.
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Volume
Rumania Government
The assembly is headed by a president elected by the deputies.
Two vice-presidents and 4 secretaries together with the president form
the Bureau of the Assembly. The deputies themselves are organized into
8 permanent committees: foreign affairs, defense, education and culture,
agriculture and forestry, finance administration and judicial affairs.
These committees functions are strictly procedural: to clarify the
working of legislation at hand and to sponsor it before the full assembly
for approval
d. Presidium of the Grand National Assembly
The Presidium of the Grand National Assembly functions as a
standing conmittee of that body. Consisting of one chairman, 3 vice-
chairmen, one secretary and 14 members, the Presidium possesses the
statutory powers of the assembly when it is not in session. Legally, it
is viewed as "the collective president of the Rumanian People's Republic.?
Since its statutory powers are actually exercised by the Party Politburo/
Secretariat and the government Council of Ministers, the role of the
Presidium is largely ceremonial. Most of its activities are of the
nature of conferring decorations, approving appointments, and rubber-
stamping legislation prepared by the Party apparatus and Council of
Ministers.
2. Re,giune and Lo c al Government
Regiune and local government is entrusted to essentially similar
agencies operating In 4 principal types of governmental units: regiune
(province), raion (county), town, and camuna (township). The highest
territorial unit is the regiune which is defined as a strong territorial
subdivision upon which the central government organs rely in the
realization of Party and state policy (see Table VII. 3 and Map). The
regiune government is subordinate to the national government; Bucuresti
is a city of national subordination which makes it equal to a regiune
-VII 22
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Table VII. 3
Rumania, Government
AllAlabetical List of Administrative Divisions o
the Rumanian Peo le's Rtpublic
and their Control Centers: 1960
Administrative
Division
Bacau Rol/
Baia Mare R.
Buauresti City
Buauresti R.
Cluj R.
Constanta R.
Craiova R.
Galati R.
Hunedoare R.
Iasi R0
Oradea Ro
Pitesti R.
Ploesti R.
Stalin R.
Suceava R.
Timisoara R.
Regiunea Autonama
Maghiora
Control
Center
Bacau
Baia Mare
Bucuresti
Bucuresti
Cluj
Constanta
Cralova
Galati
Deva
Iasi
Oradea
Pitesti
Ploesti
Orasul Stalin
Suceava
Timisoara
Targul Mures
Coordinates
Latitude Longitude
46 - 34 26 - 54
47 - 40 23 - 35
44 - 25 26 - 06
44 - 25 26 - 06
46 - 47 23 - 36
44 - 10 28 =? 40
44 - 18 23 - 48
45 - 27 28 - 03
45 - 53 22 - 55
47 - 10 27 - 37
47 - 05 21 - 55
44 - 51 24 - 51
44-57 26 - 02
45 - 38 25 - 34
47 - 38 26 - 15
45 - 47 21 - 13
46 - 33 24-33
is an abreviation for Regiune (region).
Regiunes are subdivided into raions and cities of regiune subordination:
Bucuresti is subdivided into urban raions or wards. Raions are, in
turn, subdivided into towns of raional subordination and camuna, which
comprise one or more villages. As of the summer of 1959, there were 16
regiunes plus the city of Buauresti, 199 raions (including 8 in the city
of Buauresti), 171 cities and towns of regiune and raional subordination,
and 4,314 townships.
The machinery of regiune and local government consists of 3
series of hierarchically ranked agencies: People's Council, Executive
Committee of People's Council
and Sections of Executive Committee of
People's Councils (for the organization of a typical regiune government,
see Figure VII. 4). Each series is found at each administrative level:
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FIGURE J.L.S4
ORGANIZATION OF TYPICAL REGIUNE GOVERNMENT: JANUARY 1960
IPEOPLE'S COUNCIL
4111111111N11111111111111111111.111?11111111P
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
PRESIDENT
VICE-PRESIDENTS
MEMBERS
SECRETARY-1
SPECIAL SECTIONS
FUNCTIONAL
SECTIONS
ADMINISTRATION
CADRES SECTOR
LEGAL AFFAIRS
SECRETARIAT
INSTRUCTORS
AGRICULTURE
CONSTRUCTION AND
BUILDING MATERIAL
ECATION AND CULTURE
FINANCE
FORESTRY
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HEALTH AND
SOCIAL WELFARE
4111?11111111111?11111111MEMINIMINIMIlli
111111111111?111111111MIP
1.11?.. LOCAL MANAGEMENT
AND INDUSTRY
PLANNING
TRADE
OTHERS
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Volume Two, P
RumaniaGovernment
regiune, city, 'salon, town and township. Patterned closely after the
system found in the USSR, each People's Council consists of members
nominally elected by the people and equates in importance with the
Soviet or Council of Workers' Deputies in the USSR. Each council elects
an administrative body (executive committee) from among its members which
plays a role similar to that of the Soviet ispolkam or Soviet Executive
Committee. Finally, the executive committees form special and functional
sections to administer activities subordinated to it.
The councils, which are nominally subordinated to the Grand
National Assembly through the next higher council, are theoretically
the principal structural links between the central government and the
intermediate and local administrative subdivisions. In actuality, the
executive committee of any particular council rather than the latter
as a whole, forms the link because of its subordination to the next
higher executive committee up to the Council of Ministers. A third
chain of command runs from the central government ministries to the
special and functional sections of each executive committee. Each
agency, therefore, is dually subordinate: vertically to its counterpart
at the next higher level, and horizontally to the organ which formed it.
In case of conflict, the vertical subordination takes precedence.
a. People's Councils
The nominally supreme organs of state power below the
national level are the People's Councils composed of deputies elected
every 2 years on the basis of universal direct and secret ballot."
The current number of deputies in a people's council ranges from a
maximum of 100 at the regiune level to 65 and 45, respectively, on the
raion and township levels. For cities and towns, membership ranges
from 250 to 35 members.
Organizat!lonaliy, people's councils are made up of several
permanent 00m"1 ttees whose members are elected from among the deputies
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GovernmentII pmania
They are set up on a functional basis, each having specific responsibilities
such as commerce, planning, and education and culture. Permanent committees
are authorized to supervise and exercise surveillance over the functional
sections subordinate to executive committees. Actually, they perform
sirilarly to the stand-1 committees of the Grand National Assembly; that
is, they are weak tools of the executive. People's Councils meet at
varying intervals, more frequently at the lower than higher levels:
semi annually for regiune and raions, every 2 months for cities and
towns, and monthly In townships.
People's councils are devoid of all real power, which is
concentrated In tneir executive committees. Acting on the Initiative
of the Party, the booty politic elects the deputies, the deputies elect
and recall members of the executive committee, set up permanent committees,
and approve budgets and plans prepared by the executive committee for
enterprises and institutions under their jurisdiction.
b. Executive Committees of People' s Councils
The most Important body of a people's council is its
executive committee. Executive committees are the administrative bodies
f people's councils performing at the regiune and local levels
functions corresponding to those of the Council of Ministers at the
national level They exercise virtual control over the regiune and local
administrative apparatuses.
In theory subordinate to the people's council, the executive
committee is actually subordinate only to the next higher executive
committee and ultimately to the Council of Ministers. Its members,
elected from among the deputies of the people's council, remain in office
for 2 years unless the Party determines to recall them. The Council
of Ministers determines the size of executive committees at each level:
currently, each has a president, a number of vice-presidents, members,
and a secretary.
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Part II Rumania Government
Although the preside and vice-presidents exert considerable
influence, the secretary is by stature the most powerful official associated
with an executive committee for he is the channel through which the
Party exercises direct control. Formerly elected by the people's council
from among its members, he is now .)noin ed by the executive committee
itself on the basis of the Party's recommendation and no longer need
be a deputy to the people's council. Not all the power in executive
committees is concentrated in the secretaryship, however. Whereas the
secretary supervises the implementation of directives from higher
authorities, their actual implementation devolves on the president and
vice presidents. The president coordinates the activities of the
executive committee; convenes and presides over its meetings, signs its
decisions and administers its funds. The vice-presidents wield considerable
operational authority and work in direct liason with the heads of the
special and functional sections attached to the executive committee.
Available evidence indicates that executive committees are convened
about once every 10 days.
fpecial d Functional Sections of Executive Committees
In implementing the measures and ordinances relating to
the conduct of regiune, city, raion, town and township affairs, the
appropria
assist it
the heads
e executive committee forms functional and special sections to
The executive committee appoints, transfers, and releases
or chairmen of these agencies with the approval of the next
higher executive committee and in certain cases, the Council of Ministers
Functional sections are in effect equivalent on a small
scale to ministries of the central government.Each is responsible to
its respective executive coirtnittee for policy implementation in its
field more or less In the same manner in which each central ministry is
responsible to the Council of Ministers. Within the framework of
executive committees decisions the rection ^halm n participate in
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discussions of annual plans for their territories, investments, availability
of materials, production, labor, finance, and related matters. In
conjunction with the Party apparatus and the intermediate or local
office of the pertinent central ministry, the head of a particular
functional section suggests instructions to be issued the executive
committee and also supervises enforcement of these Instructions. Since
major industrial enterprises or construction projects are subordinated
to central ministries, section responsibilities are limited to supporting
the activities of local offices of central ministries in regard to those
enterprises or sites. They direct locally subordinated activities and
supervise, through sections formed at lower levels, plants and projects
subordinate to executive committees formed at those levels.
In addition to the functional sections, executive committees
have 5 special administrative sections. A "cadres" section recruits,
screens and hires personnel for the functional sections and controls
their activities; a section of instructors conducts the political and
ideological Indoctrination of the people's council staf1. A legal
section serves 2 functions: it apprises the executive committee of the
legality of its measures and Interprets the decisions and instructions
issued by central government agencies. An administrative section
concerns itself with such matters as efficiency reports, promotions and
disciplinary problems. A "technical secretariat" flu-A tions as the
executive committee's housekeeper.
The exact relationship between the executive committees and
the regional and local police headquarters is unknown. The regular
police are subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Affai rs and have no
organizationalrelationahip with less than central apvernment agencies. It
is bell ved, however, that they work closely with
)cal governments on an
informal basis. The security police, also subordinate to the Ministry of
Internal Affairs e believed to operate entirely Independent of local
governments
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Rumania Economic Administration
D. Economic Administration
Rumania is the secoild largest of the Soviet East European Satellites
and Is exceeded only by Poland In population. In its petroleum resources
Rumania possesses what is, perhaps, the most valuable single industrial
asset of the entire Balkans. The country is largely self-sufficient in
fuel and has a better balance of natural resources, both mineral and
agricultural, than have several other satellites. Despite these
advantages the Rumanian economy has developed slowly and unevenly. The
population remains predominantly agrarian; the standard of living
continues to be one of the lowst In Eastern Europe; and the economy,
which depends heavily on imports for indust.vilal equipment and products,
is plagued by a chronic shortage of foreign exchange. Rumania is short
of trained manpower, especially technical Rnd managerial personnel. As
a result her Industries are badly managed and productivity remains low.
The administrative structure of the Rumanian economy is similar to
that of the USSR. The Politburo and Coun:..il of Ministers determine
policy and exercise broad planning functions; the actual plans are
drafted by the State Planning Commission. When finally approved, the
State Plan carries all the force of national legislation and controls
all economic activity by establishing production goals for every branch
of the economy, allocates materials, controls product distribution and
utilization, and determines the amount and distribution of investments.
Since the economy is mixed, the extent of control exercised by the state
varies frombranch to branch. In industry, where the so-called socialized
sector (state and cooperative ownership) accounts for 99 per cent of the
product, state controls are direct and all-encompassing. In agriculture,
on the other hand, where the socialized sector accounts for only slightly
more than 70 per cent of the product, controls exercised by the state
are more Indirect all spheres, however, the interests of the state
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Vc3.ume Two, Part II
receive the highest prior
those of the private
1. Central Economic _Agencies
The State Planning Commission is the highest planning body in
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Rumania Economic Administration
are more likely to be met than are
the government. As a preparatory organ engaged in continuous study of the
conditions and prospects of the national economy, it coordinates plans
submitted by ministries and -,1111es, works out the annual and long-range
economic goals, and indicates to the Council of Ministers discrepancies
In the production, distribution and consumption of goods by state
enterprises. Within the framework of the Soviet-bloc Council for Mutual
Economic Assistance (CEMA) the State Planning Commission maintains contact
with Soviet and satellite planning agencies. Its internal structure
includes directorates for light and heavy industry, natural resources,
construction materials, agriculture, investments, transportation, and
foreign trade. Its officials include a chairman 2 vice-chairmen, several
deputy chairmen, and ministerial counselors. In addition to its staff
function at the national level, the State Planning Commission exercises
command responsibilities over planning agencies attached to regiune and
local organs of government.
The State Control Commission is the highest agency of fiscal
and audit control and, as such, has broad responsibilities in both
economic and non-economic fields. Its primary function is to oversee
financial transactions and the utilization of state funds. It also works
closely with the various components of the judicial system in detecting
violations of state regulations and in prosecuting the guilty. Information
on its internal structure is unavailable, but it probably parallels that
of the Council of Ministers with functional departments for each
ministry or branch of the economy..
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Rumanial Economic Administration
The only other agency which exercises overall control over the
Rumanian economy is the Ministry of Finance. This agency is responsible
for preparation of the fiscal equivalent of the state plan, the national
!Judget. The budget provides funds to state enterprises, for capital
Investments and increases in working capital in accordance with the
planned increases in the volume of production. Seasonal needs for
additional working capital are satisfied by planned extensions of short-
term credit. Long-term capital Investments are financed not only from
grants of funds through the state budget but also from the planned retained
earnings of the operating enterprises. Together with its subordinate
banks, and particularly the Rumanian State Bank, the Ministry of Finance
also maintains control over the day-to-day utilization of allocated funds.
In Karch 1957 the Council of Ministers created an auxilliary
body, the Economic Council, presumably to provide an overview of the
economy as a whole. Existing information suggests that this agency is
directly responsible to the chairman of the council and is charged
with the supervision of adherence to the state budget and of submitting
periodic reports on the national economy. Membership in the Economic
Council consists of its chairman, a vice-president of the Council
Ministers, the chairmen of the State Planning Commission, the State
Bank,State Committees for Prices and for Labor and Wages, the Central
Statistical Directorate, and the Ministers of Finance, Commerce and
Affairs of Local Organs of State Administration. The present status of
the latter agency and the Economic Council itself is unknown
2. Industrial Administration
Four ministries direct the operations of the Rumanian industrial
establishment which accounts for slightly over 50 per cent of the republic's
gross national product (excluding services) They are the Ministries of
Construction and Building Materials, Consumer Goods Industry (light and
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Part Ii Rumania Economic Administration
food Industries), Heavy Industry (metP13urgical, machine building, and
electro-technical industries and electric power), and Petroleum and
Chemical Industry. Within the limits of the economic plans established
by the agencies described above, the ministries plan production and verify
fulfillment by branches, and manage in general lines all activities of
subordinate enterprises and institutions.
A minister is in charge of each industrial ministry: he gives
orders and instructions according to existing legislation and the decisions
of the Council of Ministers, and also controls their execution. In his
work, the minister is assisted by a number of deputy ministers, heads of
general industrial directorates and functional directorates and members
of the Technical Council. The minister, deputy ministers and heads of
the chief directorates form the ministerial collegium, an advisory organ,
which hears reports by officials of the ministry and subordinate
enterprises and institutions and recommends to the minister specific
remedial actions. The Technical Council is also an advisory organ
responsible to the minister for scientific and technical developments in
the branches of the economy assigned to the ministry. Functional
directorates are staff organs in charge of planning, investments, supplies
and personnel of subordinated enterprises and institutions. Their
responsibilities are limited and they are not empowered to give orders to
field agencies of the ministry except through the intermediary of the
general industrial directorates.
The general industrial directorates are the basic organs of the
ministry in charge of groups of subordinated enterprises and Institutions.
They are operational organs involved in direct management functions,
including organization of production, plan fulfillment investment,
finance, technology, and supply and distribution. Directives from the
minister are given to enterprises and institutions only through the
general industrial directorates. The structure of industrial directorates
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Volume Two Part II
Rumania aI.JC onornc Administration
varies according to the branch of the economy they direct. In general,
they directly control the operations of the most important plants in
their respective fields, and control the operations of less significant
plants through field trusts and associations or comparable sections of
regiune executive committees. (For a schematic diagram of industrial
subordination, see Figure VII. 5.) Enterprises of purely regiune
significance are controlled by the appropriate section of heregiaae
executive committee; a similar situation exists for raion or city
industries. Where horizontal relationships exist, such as those between
ministerial trusts and sections of regiune executive committees, the
former has operational control and the latter, service functions.
Since 1953 the number of industrial ministries has been reduced
from 10 to 4 paralleling the merger of ministries in the Soviet Union.
Also paralleling developments in the Soviet Union, since 1957 there has
been some deconcentration of industrial management as regiunes have gained
operational control over more of the enterprises located within their
territories. This trend may be expected to continue, perhaps through
the transfer of ministerial trusts to sections of the regiune executive
committees.
3. AEX192.1IMEAT_AdPini s ration
Before World War II, Rumania was one of the principal granaries
of Europe. After the War Rumania lost substantial agricultural lands to
the Soviet Union (Bessarabia and northern Bukovina) and to Bulgaria
(southern Dobruja). Other agricultural troubles have included droughts,
the continuation of most of the traditionally backward farming practices,
and poor management. The latter element is, perhaps the most important
for it includes inefficient bureaucracy
adequate mechanization, and
insufficient investment and collectivization--all imposed on the rural
economy by the Communist regime. As a result agricultural production
is estimated to amount to only 75 per cent of the pre-war level
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GENERAL
DIRECTORATE
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FIGURE MI 5
ECONOMIC SUBORDINATION IN RUMANIAN PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC: 1960
ECONOMIC
COUNCIL
COUNCIL OF MINISTERS
MINISTRY
GENERAL
DIRECTORATE
TRUST
DIRECTORATE
GENERAL7
TRU, ST 7_
REGIUNE
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
SECTION
SECTION
TRUST
RAION
EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEE
SECTION I SECTION
EN TERPR I SES
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Rumania_,_ EcononicAc1ministratipp
The Ministry of Agriculture is responsible for the approximately
30 per cent of the Rumanian gross national produce (excluding services)
which the rural economy produces. In the rural economy the socialized
sector (state and cooperative ownership) is reported to encompass 70
per cent of rural families and agricultural land. State holdings are
divided among state farms Madb.j.ne tractor stations, subsidiary farms of
. ?
large industrial establishments, and other state organizations. Cooperative
holdings
inc
ude .collective farms - and agricultural cooperatives and
associations. The type and extent of control exercised by the Ministry
or Agriculture differs according to the type of ownership. In the state
sphere,
0 30 per cent of tic rural economy still in
private hands, it is :mo
e epitome of socialized agriculture, and machine
tractor stations e Soviet models. They are controlled
by the Ministry by means of the tegiune and local executive committee
sections for agriculture. The subsidiary farms of industrial enterprises
are operated
enterprises accord
exercises jurisdiction over the industrial
regulations issued by the Ministry of Agriculture.
The collective farms resemblethe Soviet kolkhozy in that land and
rertain of equipment are owned In common, and payment is made
according to work performed. They, together with the agricultural
cooperatives (where a peasant receives rent on his contribution to the
joint land fund as well as for his work) and agricultural associations,
the "lowest" but most numerous form of cooperative ownership (where
payments are based on agreements among members) are under the indirect
control of the radon sections for agriculture. This control takes the form
of differantial purchases prices and taxation policies. The Party takes a
very active role in the management of the rural economy and often usurps
strictly government functions.
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Volume Two Part II
Rumania Control F rce
E. Control Force
On 1 January 1960 it is estimated that the Rumanian control forc_
numbered approximately 875,000 pen7;ons or about 8 per cent of the t-tal
labor force (see Table VII. 4). Persons engaged In economic administration
comprise the largest single group of which Industrial administrators are
the most numerous. The full-time employees of the Rumanian Workers'
(Communist) Party constitute the smallest major group, but the mo5t
important in terms of power and responsibility.
Members of the Rumanian control force are persons with administrative
responsibilities or specialists in staff positions without command
responsibilities who could, because of their specialized knowIed&__
assume such functions in crisis situations. As Indicated above, hy
exercise varying degrees of command responsibilities.
1
? ?
bly not more
than 5,000 in their number, all of wham are in the central Pppare:t1r3 of
the Party or state administration or hold general or flag rank, are In
the primary segment of the control force; that is, have nationwide
responsibilities and may be expected to be familiar sinificant
portions of the Rumanian war plan. The majority of the primary control
force live or work in Bucuresti; smaller concentrations are probably
located at the regiune capitals and at headquarters of major military
commands. Members of the intermediate control forc nave citier geographic
or functional limitations to their command responsib'lit5s. Major
?
concentrations of this level may be found at the regiune capitals, Bucuresti
and field commands of the armed forces and security troop p ne lower
control force, which numbers approximately 650,000 or about 75 per cent
of the total control force, exercise direct, face-to-face ccntrol over
the act
vities of small groups of the population,
privates, and collective farmers.
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berihworkers,
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Category
SEC *It
-0
T
Rumania, Control Force
Table VII. 4
Rumanian
Workers? Party
State Administration
Armed Forces and Security Troops
Economic Administration
IndUstrY
Construction
Transport and Communications
Trade, Supply, Procurement, etc.
Agriculture
Sezvvices Admini rre-tton
Educaclo.:
Health
Housing and Public Utilities
Credit ana ,:Airance
Others
Total
In any given situation member
ontrqi_ ol4ce
Number
40,000
100,000
135,000
325,000
(165,000)
( 20,000)
( 30,000)
( 30,000)
( 80,000)
275,000
(100,000)
6o,000)
( lo,000)
( 10,000)
( 95,000)
875,000
Per Cent
of Total
406
11.4
1504
37.1
(18.9)
( 2.3)
( 3.4)
( 304)
( 9.1)
31.5
(1104)
( 609)
( 102)
( 1.2)
(10.8)
100.0
of the ?e,:,-'ty component of the control
force may be expected to exercise ,:c.?1
3.nd- ?Following in importance are
&forces, economic and
.majority of control force
the members of the state administ ati
services administrations. The 0
personnel live or work In urban a,
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