SUBCONTRACTOR'S MONOGRAPH HRAF-60 WASH-7 A REGIONAL HANDBOOK ON THE INNER MONGOLIA AUTONOMOUS REGION

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• Collection: General CIA Records
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• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 301
• Document Creation Date: December 23, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 2, 2014
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: January 1, 1956
• Content Type: REPORT

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SUBCONTRACTOR'S MONOGRAPH
HRAF-60 Wash-7
A REGIONAL HANDBOOK
ON
THE INNER MONGOLIA AUTONOMOUS REGION
PRINTED BY
HUMAN RELATIONS AREA FILES, INC.
Box 2054 Yale Station, New Haven, Connecticut
. In Fulfillment of Performance Requirement
HRAF Subcontract HRAF-10 Wash-1
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A REGIONAL HANDBOOK
ON
THE INNER MONGOLIA AUTONOMOUS REGION
Compiled by
The Far Eastern and Russian Institute
University of Washington, Seattle
Contributors
Kun Chang, Perry Chang, Chang Yin-t'ang, George Cheney,
Robert Crawford, Helen Hsiung, Paul Hail, Edith Lagaweir,
Jung Pang Lo, Albert Mann, Robert Miller, Antoine Mostaert,
Raymon Myers, Udo Posch, Yang Cheng Shih, Frances Wang,
George Wong, Martin Yang
Seattle, Washington
1956
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PREFACE
This monograph is one of a series produced under HRAF Subcontracts.
It has neither been edited nor evaluated by HRAF. The views and opinions
expressed are those of the authors.
Monographs in this series are reproduced as working papers for
further HRAF research.
C. T. Hu
HRAF Research Associate
For Far East
Milton D. Graham
HRAF Research Coordinator
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This is Subcontractor's Monograph HRAF-60 Wash-7 produced
for the Human Relations Area Files, Inc. under Subcontract HRAF-10
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A Regional Handbook
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Autonomous Region
This is not a Subcontractor's Monograph. It is a pre-publication
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Preface
The topic of the present handbook is the Inner Mongolia
Autonomous Region, which now constitutes an integral part of Com-
munist China. ? The establishment of the Autonomous Region preceded
even the consolidation of the People's Republic of China; it has, since
then, been changed and added to, and comprises at present a geo-
graphical area which is a novelty in Chinese history. Parts of the
traditional Inner Mongolian provinces have been detached and incor-
porated into other provinces; territory which traditionally belonged
to Manchuria has been added. The latest change, which took place in
June 1956, was the addition of certain sections of former Ninglisia
province. It cannot even be taken for granted that the present
boundaries of the Region arc final; a future addition of certain sec-
tions of Chinghai province is altogether possible. It has to be
mentioned that the latest change took place at a time when most of
the sections of this handbook had already been finished, so that it
has not been taken into account throughout. Material pertaining to
the Alashan and Edsingol Mongols will also be found in the Regional
Handbook on Northwest China.
Reference is made to the prefaces of the General Handbook on
China and of the other regional handbooks of the Far Eastern and
Russian Institute of the University of Washington with regard to the
general approach and the working method employed in the compila-
tion of this handbook. In the case of the Mongolian handbook we had
the great privilege of having on hand extensive contributions of the
Rev. Antoine Mostaert C. I. C. M. , the foremost authority on the
region. Robert Rupen, who worked on the handbook of the Mongolian
People's Republic, has assisted us with much valuable criticism.
Editorial work on most of the sections was done by Margery Anneberg.
November, 1956
Hellmut Wilhelm
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Table of Contents
1. Sociological
7.?
General CharaCter of the Society
Robert Miller
Historical Setting
J. P. Lo, Robert Miller
i?
Geographical Background
Chang Yin-t'ang
I s.
z.?111 r31-1. 1
7111:L21!M $o32
' ?ru N?L-?k???,
CI .476
Ethnic Groups 1 02
George Cheney, Robert Miller
Languages 121
Kun Chang, Udo Poach
Social Structure 1 40
George Cheney, Robert Miller, Antoine Mostaert, Martin Yang
Family 1 61
George Cheney, Antoine Mostaert
Social Values and Patterns of Living 1 83
Antoine Mostaert, Frances Wang
Artistic and Intellectual Expression 221
Albert Mann
Education 267
Robert Miller
Religion 281
Robert Miller, Antoine Mostaert, 'Martin Yang
Public Information 309
J. P. Lo, George Wong
Health and Sanitation 3 18
Helen Hsiung
Public Welfare
Helen Hsiung
? 330
Attitudes and Reactions of the People 340
George Cheney, Martin Yang
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Constitutional System
Robert Miller
Structure of Government
'. Robert Miller, Antoine Mostaert
Political Dynamics
3.?. Lo
Page
357
367
?
393
64,
.. GENERAL CHARACTER OF SOCIETY
I. Introduction
Socio -Cultural Segments in Inner Mongolia
A. :Cultural-Geographic Groups
I. Mongol
a. Ttimet and the, Ordos
?
b. Chahar
c. Western Manchuria
Public Order and Safety
Yang Cheng Shih
428
d. The Barga region
e. Silingol
2. Chinese
Foreign Relations
Robert Crawford, J. P. Lo
436
a. Han Chinese of the Western IMAR
b. Han Chinese of the Eastern 'MAR
c. Moslem Chinese
Subversive Potentialities
449
B. Social Classes of Mongols and Chinese
Edith Lagawier
1. Mongols
2. Chinese
Propaganda
466
3. Mongol-Chinese differences
J. P. Lo
III. National Integration
A. The Republic and Mengchiang
Biographies of Key Personalities
489
B. National Integration of Local Levels under the Chinese
J. P. Lo
People's Republic
C. Summary
3. Economic
?
Additional Readings
Agriculture and Animal Husbandry
500
Ramon Myers
Trade
530
Perry Chang
1
Communications
539
Paul Hsti
?
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GENERAL CHARACTER OF SOCIETY
I. Introduction
. -
Inner Mongolia has traditionally been an area, of mixture and
contact between two types of soiety, betN.;ve.en two cultures. To
the Chinese it has been an area of promise's; promises of a new
territory for agricultural ekploitation and promise of increased
trade. To the pastoral and nomadic people-s' who have time and
again inhabited the region, 'Inner Mongolia has also offered
promises; promises of a base for the control of China, prom-
ises of control over trade passing through the region or near
enough to it to be subject to raids, and promises of a ready sup-
ply of agricultural produce and luxury goods. For both Mongols,
as the last nomadic group to establish itself in the region, and
border Chinese, it has been a region which never entirely ful-
filled its promises. The Mongols found that proximity to the
Chinese gradually brought dependence upon thein in many ways.
A gradual erosion of traditional Mongol patterns led some Mon-
gols in the area to adopt agriculture and Chinese habits. Some
Mongol groups attempted to better their position vis-a-vis other
Mongols by aiding the Chinese in pacifying the border. Through-
out the period of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) one Mongol leader
after another tried to establish a dominant position among the
Mongols so that the promises of the region could be brought to
fruition. The Chinese, on the other hand, unable to dominate the
region completely and thus make it safe for the expansion of
agriculture, penetrated the life of the nomads through trade, and
carried their agriculture northeastward into the Manchurian
border region.
The problem of the regions viewed historically, lies pre-
cisely in the fact of its inability to support only agriculture or
only pastoral nomadism. It is a region' which demands a mixed
economy, a region which forces a mixed culture. Until the con-
quest of the Mongols by the Manchus, and the establishment of
the Ch'ing Dynasty (1645-1911), the Mongols' had an alternative to
this demand. If they were unable to dominate the Chinese, they
could withdraw into the steppe, obtaining their necessary seden-
tary goods by periodic raids. In contrast to the Chinese, the
Mongol was mobile, and attachment to the region could be
broken quickly and easily.
The Manchu conquest, however, struck at the heart of this
mobility. It fixed the Mongols to certain territories, and in ef-
fect began the integration of the frontier into a cultural, sub-unit .
of China proper. The problem was no longer, "Who shall dom-
inate the frontier?" It became, "How can nomad and farmex live
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together in the region?" The solution to this question is still
being sought.
?
The Inner Mongolia of today is a zone,in transition; a group
of social units in flux, a "model area" which is cited by the
Chinese Communist government as an example to a11 other
, ?
"minority. areas. It is a testing ground for techniques and con-
cepts which are to be extended to other. nationality regions if ?
,
they prove satisfactory in this one. Itmay become, as a region,
a vital economic and cultural gear in the total Chinese machine;
it may, however, prove to be a region where the gears fail to
mesh.
The constant failure of Chinese and Mongol to reach a lasting
modus vivendi on other than local levels characterizes the last
two hundred years in the region. Chinese pressure met Mongol
intransigence or withdrawal; the region maintained a living di-
chotomy of government, religion and social organization. In the
economic realm, despite the extremes of agriculture and pas-
toral nomadism, however, the lines of demarcation were shift-
ing, becoming blurred. Mongols became farmers; Chinese mov-
ing farther out into the region varied their agricultural tech-
niques, began to use more and more draft animals. The border
gave rise to large Chinese trading organizations, and within the
organizations, to men whose wholA lives were devoted to under-
standing Mongol life and psychology. Such men brought to the
Mongols goods which pastoral nomadism cannot:produce, and
eventually, many items which the nomads gave up producing. The
border Mongols adopted the Chinese language, gradually ac-
czipted more and more of the local Chinese way of life, took on
much of the national outlook of their Chinese neighbors. The
Mongols who became farmers often sought to be accepted as
Chinese; others held stubbornly to traditional Mongol economy
and culture, dreaming of a day when they should be strong
enough to re-establish an independent Mongol regime. Between
these two extremes, local, class or individual interests led
Mongols to align themselves with Chinese against Mongols. Chi-
nese officials and Mongol nobility to join forces against Chinese
and Mongol commoners, or Mongols to react as a group against
Chinese.
The Manchus began the integration of the frontier, but not by
intent. Manchu policy, throughout most of the dynasty, was di-
rected toward maintaining division between the Chinese and the
Mongols as groups, and between Mongols themselves. The Man-
chu court sought to centralize in itself the loyalties of the Mon-
gols, leaving to the Mongol nobility the problem of governing on
a local level. Among the Mongols of a particular area, terri-
torial ties assumed a growing importance, and local differences
became more pronounced. Within the largest political Unit, the
3
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League, disparate groups of Mongols were frequently joined to-
gether; thns-'en the League as a supra-local organization was
weakerVed.
Initiii Manchu policy toward the Chinese in the frontier re-
gion was aimed 'at control and maintenance of balance on the
border. The Manchus realized that Chinese advance into the
border region would create continuing disturbances, that the
delicate balance of cleavages between Mongol groups might be
tipped by joint opposition to the Chinese. Until their control of
China was solidified, and until Mongol loyalties could be counted
upon, the Manchus attempted to prohibit any Chinese movement
into the steppe. They could not prevent a slow seepage of agri-
culturalists, however, and controls over merchants were inef-
fective, as the merchants rarely settled among the Mongols in
any case. The process of linking Mongol and Chinese in the
frontier continued through the exchange of commodities. Even-
tually, in the 1800's, Manchu ,control broke down completely,
and Chinese settlement was not only permitted but encouraged.
In fact, Mongol unity was no longer a great threat, and the
Manchus recognized in law a development which had been con-
tinuing for some time.
There were reasons other than political, however, which kept
the region dismembered and divided. Chinese immigration
could not proceed rapidly in areas where the lines of communi-
cation were lacking. The border areas could be colonized, and
the major routes traversed, but the Chinese farmer lacked the
rnobility to depart far from major transport routes, and the
contact with "civilization" that they represented. While in the
western parts of the region lack of arable land, problems of
irrigation, and slow development of the lines of communication
held migration close to the border, the Manchurian part of Inner
Mongolia absorbed enough Chinese during the 1800's to fill the
market requirements for both Mongol territories in Manchuria
and export down the Liao Valley to the sea. It was not until the
opening of Manchuria by the railways, in the early 1900's, that
the tremendous influx of Chinese into the area overwhelmed the
Mongols. Thus another contradiction within the Inner Mongolian
region was set up?pressures on the Manchurian Mongols became
most strong, and their already significant departure from Mon-
gol norms (i.e., acceptance of agriculture, adoption of agricul-
ture, dependence upon rent, et cetera) was increased. The
Mongol-Chinese dichotomy, which once could unite, at least
psychologically, all Mongols against the Chinese, became com-
plicated by a trichotomy: agricultural Mongols versus nomadic
Mongols, nomadic Mongols against Chinese settlers, and agri-
cultural Mongols against Chinese settlers. This trichotomy was
expressed differently in the different parts of the region, and
4
?
local problems assumed primary importance rather than, the
total problem of Chinese advance and concomitant Mongol decul-
tur alization. -
The lack of communications, prior to the late 1800!s and the
twentieth century, would have been of little importance in sepa-
rating the mobile Mongol groups, however. But the Manchu in-
sistance upon fixing the Mongols to 'certain territories rein-
forced this lack. Thus Mongol travel between widespread groups
wa.s curtailed; again the local interests were heightened. Over
the period of the Manchu Dynasty, Mongol groups in Manchuria
developed interests and patterns of behavior which divided them
from Mongol groups in the western part of Inner Mongolia; tra-
ditional divisions between Mongols were reinforced; dialectical
differences and differences of dress marked one Mongol off
from another. Even within the same general area, such as in
the Ordos, groups of one local unit (the banner) developed di-
vergences of tradition from other banners. Along the border,
where the settlement of the Mongols and the effects of Chinese
contact had proceeded quite far, Mongol groups battled over
territory suitable for agriculture rather than pasturage.
As a whole, then, the region was composed of many regions,
of diverse cultures and of conflicting loyalties. Until the estab-
lishment of the Republic in 1912, integration of the various peo-
ples and cultures of the region on a national level was negligible.
Throughout the period of the warlords, the Nationalist govern-
ment, the Japanese war and the Mengchiang period, conflicts
whose roots were long in the past were accelerated; seeds which
had been germinating for centuries began to sprout. Upon the
essentially locally oriented Inner Mongolian people, Chinese,
Mongol and "tribal" allke, burst national and international
forces, from which there was no escape, and with which there
must be compromise. The region was demanding its fulfillment
as a region, demanding a solution to the age old question of
dominance or mixture. The compromise which emerged rose in
part from the Inner Mongol cultural sub-groups themselves; it
began to take form under the Japanese-dominated Mengchiang
government; and it solidified in the form of an imposed national
pattern, the Chinese Communist envelopment. The Chinese
Communists recognized the region for what it was?an appen-
dage of the North China economy, and recognized the Mongols
for what they were?a specialized part of the total Chinese pat-
tern in the border. With Communist incorporation, the ten-
dencies within Inner Mongolia toward national integration were
given a new direction, a direction which may release the poten-
tial of the region.
5
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Socio-Cultural Segments in Inner Mongolia
?:11
A. Cultural-Geographic Groups
-1. Mongol ; ? ? !
aY Ttirn.et and the Ordos
-?Within the territory today called the Inner Mongolian Auton-
omous Republic, five areaS manifesting significant" cultural
diffe-rerices may be distinguished. In the west (Suiytian), the ter-
ritorier;-of the Ordos and the Ttimet have seen centuries of en-
croachment by Chinese settlers. Mongols in the two regions
have been hemmed in economically and in some cases, notably
among the Ttimet,? have abandoned nomadic herding in favor of
settled agriculture. In the Ordos region, nomadism has moved
toward the center, to the less fertile sections, and has given
way to Chinese or Mongol farming on the fringes.
These economic pressures have left their cultural mark. The
Turn.et, for the most part, have restricted the use of their
language to the family and use Chinese in their outside contacts.
In some cases, Mongolian has been completely forgotten. Chi-
nese clothes and ceremonies, Chinese house types and food have
become characteristic of Tilmet life. The ultimate expression of
this sinicization of the Tiimets is the Ttimet Mongol who leads
the IMAR?Ulanfu, who does not speak Mongolian.
The Mongols of the Ordos have clung closely to their old ways
of life. Perhaps a key characterization of this resistance to
sinification is to be found in their historical relationship to
Chingis Khan. It is among the Ordos that the Chingis Khan leg-
end continues in its fullest flower; it is they who have guarded
the imaginary tomb of the Khan (cf. section on Religion). Where
the Ttimets have lost their "Mongolness" in all but name and
(until the incorporation of Suiytian into the IMAR in 1954) poli-
tical administration, the Ordos Mongols have retained much of
the old social organization, the old beliefs in Lamaism, and the ?
economic dependence upon herding. Yet elements of Chinese
culture have crept in: the princes have adopted Chinese names,
wear Chinese clothes, eat Chinese food and build their settled
dwellings in Chinese style.
The Ordos has been a region of constant pressure for the
Mongols. In the past, this 'pressure has been met with with-
drawal or revolt. In only a few cases has revolt in the Ordos
been directed against the_Mongol ruling hierarchy; for the most
part the ideal has been to reclaim from the Chinese what had
formerly been Mongol possessions, and to assume again the
position that befits the guardians of the tomb. But it is an area
of indecision arid vacilation as well. Despite the pressures of
Chinese settlers and the loss of much former Mongol land, it
was the princes of Suiytian who eventually threw in their lot with
4
?
the Nationalists, against the .Japanese-Mongol, coalitionded,by
Prince Te during the Sino-Japanese conflict. Old suspicions and
rivalries undoubtedly played a part in this choice,; but the more
immediate reasons were opportunistic. The Suiyttan princes
sought to seize onthe weakness of the Chinese, at that time,. to
wring concessions from the Kuomintang, and to ingratiate them-
selves in the favor of the Kuomintang offic41dorn, -the assumed
victors in the struggle. These princes submerged theivmem-
ories of numerous rebuffs from the KMT officials, pushed aside
the irritations caused to the ordinary herdsman by Chinese im-
migration on their lands, and opposed Prince Te. Nationalist
promises of autonomy were taken more seriously than future
hopes of independence.
b. Chahar
The Tumet and Ordos cases represent two Mongol reactions,
withdrawal and acceptance, to a history of Chinese political
domination and economic envelopment. Farther east, in the
Chahar territory, these two reactions fused, and developed
significant variations. Some Chahar Mongols retreated farther
and farther north with their herds while Chinese advanced from
the south as farmers, and from the cities of the south as trad-
ers. Here and there the Mongols were overtaken, settled down
into a semi-nomadic existence, and gradually became influenced
culturally by the Chinese. In southern Chahar, four settlement
patterns developed under this contact situation: the village, the
hamlet, the herding camp and the temple farm. Herding camps
were, for the most part, temporary; they con3isted of a few
tents, and were established only when pasture around the village
was insufficient. The old nomadic, shifting pattern was not com-
pletely overcome, however, by establishment of mud and timber
dwellings. Even such constructions were often dismantled and a
new location found, because of the superstitions about unlucky
sites. Herding, combined with trade of animals and animal pro-
ducts, remained the dominant economy.
The old Chahar Mongol political structure had been modified
by the Manchus shortly after 1638. The old Chahar nobility,
particularly the ruling princes, were stripped of their power,
and a Manchu appointee was placed over the administrative unit,
the eight banners. A Mongol was appointed by the Manchus to
take the place of the hereditary princes, gaining his place by
seniority within the banner officialdom. A regular hierarchy of
officials was established, ranging from the Mongol chief of the
banner to the daruga, the leader of ten families of the banner.
At times the ten families might be scattered in a number of vil-
lages, thus approximating what is today called the "adminis-
trative village. "
Almost no C:haliar Mongols farmed. Indeed, they scorned the
7
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that ftrinlLe }hull nunttail lluitil tto tliihines-mlitakim? amid
fracurn thurn calulp allantas car nun-tt.. Atm (1ilman-1a ammaers also
tthe alliinente atilniiiii-Mnatfanis fin the utegaral?ti1 'g1l
(t1.1oxil13 uturruitimes ihistimastauti flut1u?r lilt
lint:hymen (0 1rntuui ariLd Min 1101 Witnte dints statergebentrl,
ffunfliar aiernentail tthe'4311.1ingutars aff ttive itianngollsfi leff=r3 trae
avihutt lbantitts..zui 1.1-mid,-re? a if/it:1104y 3=IaattS V.,'"XZE=Ca
was (LLLctJIL111I.1I thetwe en t-the tt.wo , a?t tante-2; Ditilleing tie=agra...151?
tthe (Mine ue piroliiwFdi mud iiitrllflp3M=11rna1itS 1/10nrlimIs
sitnitIteam (Gianni= triltio gmatticlintteil fli ttuaLte as zattii-aiLe
itizints? tra-thun- than ai par Lve nte:ciments (0-1 the iittn-iemmitnIs
wames Nlalk (Imo ducts ,v?tiztre dililt1 thy !Borne to (otheir liduagols:;
=eat alma aikins if iLlorniitht minuils .vamte zualto giiati Roc valy turd
(other l'auligoad? thondb mot :as za:regtihr. gmarriTine . Some oemtetrai
the titati if thrtinnituntation, MILLI uttIMB f10:1* Lpi?-?-t0;51t.' "13
fEcttC:di U. ? Money =Id jiix(eittittik lbecarhe the itya-EhrlIs (al
Itathel.-- than Itimeatndk ;alone., ;as ?with the TIMM! ala7aracrac
Witiiin the Cluihur (communities, m 11iijh(ti-eigInw--! (off Elio-61'2a-6','`LL'711-?
siiii(tredilon grew ?up? pri.L.nandly iajtan ro_02itat-zoil :status
_the (taeargy? the .,.n_enullaa- tab-a-ta ,.weate nouraakelea, Nw-i-Trn (Lau-1101,
air:a-divas if-rutling =um LUI tearnrnon ?wrirn the ItiRpe.l.r Ittn.t.4117-7.1 iC?,,7511.
t'ffiktit agar= WITTile the tole dliaeatimti-atron Foeiw.feen
ino'hatb?y atuti (cinrn-ixan..a? ,14tiTIB !head true,, it r rotriteame ,was aU -
=Lost raegltigiible (coaripaated to the rdola.xcal :status (of iffozz. irThr?aaL
tin the ineur'rn of the farriifly ;and tended a:id= ae IUbIts,, crw-
kimelu.? the (old pite-(r.ns aeati 13\way.
th=i, a Thaaance between Crizin.-s-id iviongtoil ctu.Thtares
'had theen inea0hell tin rv eastDi1Lffe, WX411. Tt!h bcc socia -
(enanottlic (simuctune (EA taw adarfgols ,Arasapiren? Tthatagb ielarDo ,r ate. d
by rialtaltitii.013 tof ClthleA41::` kEllattZtraa it:atures.. Bat Tae-re ,-21-1e Mongol 4
Nweake? tin eTlect, tholdinv 'their (own and even?, to some exte,it,
Lacrrrrnatni-
IVestetun Mandiurraa
A ;area mu the 111d... aaas ?n the satitheasa, ia ,74:3,-,?me,-
westetin LWlatidhnria Tihis th; the ,area w.ere 'centuries Mon-
Tali ;amid Cidinese lailmers Ira:ye been nal (closest conta,c... is the
alx,tra aoloniz-ation has (come in 7v...-alvPs, roarcular
Oy fro.= tune Itate 18,01rs to the 1-,p:resent.. At is -7.1--.1;atzle.; von-
tuider,er3 ttoraturloa? the =.0.st sinicimed Mongols.. The iew who ner-
(Eist ibeeli ?nailed into tfae 1-----torin.tain:s7, the rest
lhavseiatlopr. tea aginiatatttre ?23. tato or dialke become sc.mi-a,g
tar;a1, artaral. 'Tile %villages (cif the ;aga-52(.7...ulttizal Mon.gOt5.
mate szainaely (.5.1isaguidhab1e ?rom the 'e-rage Irallage in North
china The:10\w the (Great -wpm .
iirng th iguei of Mongol and Chinese were the
sne in -these I.-Llage:B. The crops na II.eied ithose of North
China. iiraolezne.nts 'were rnou&t ffrona the Chinese at
t
?
?
village fairs, since no Mongol specialized in the'makini of iron
ploughs and hoes. Trade at fairs was impartantas'a-mearis of
supplementing home-produced commodities; although simie
villages were more self-sufficient than others'. Here; as in all
the Mon'gorregions, the itinerant Chineseftrader was wellknovni.
Patterns of.life in these villages,Aldwever'',differed..iIii'some,
the-majority of the landlords were Mongols,l'while'ChineSelre-
quently were tenants or hired laborers. Hired farm labor was
almost never Mongol. In one village, Gashaat;-located?in the
present Nairnan banner, the richest Mongol in the village' had
accepted Chinese values; he considered wealth to lie in land,
gold and silver. In a Kharachin village of the same general
region, the process of "de-Mongolization" had proceeded so far
that a rich Mongol invested not only in land, but in shops and
real estate in nearby villages and as far away as Peking. Where
Mongols of Gashaat almost all possessed some land, poor Mon-
gols of the Kharachin village worked for the monastery nearby,
became soldiers, or traveling story-tellers, or left the village.
The Kharachins had been among the first Inner Mongol groups to
collaborate with the Manchus during their rise to power in the
16001s, and it was the Kharachins, in the late 1930's, who sup-
plied many of the Mongol intellectuals who worked with the Chi-
nese Nationalist government.
Traditional social organization had lost its hold among many
Mongols in the area, but in the realm of intra-family relation-
ships, much remained. Mongol-Chinese intermarriage (for-
bidden in 1801 by the Manchu Dynasty in an edict later relaxed)
was resisted by informal sanctions. In those cases in which the
breakdown of the traditional had proceeded the farthest, inter-
marriage of Chinese male and Mongol female did occur, but
usually between a trader and a poor Mongol girl. By the time of
World War II, however, many Mongol men were marrying Chi-
nese women. Still, marriage of a Mongol girl to a Chinese man
was resisted.
Two patterns of relationship between Chinese and Mongols
may be characteristic of this area. Where social and economic
dislocation of the Mongols had proceeded far, tension was pro-
nounced. Mongols who had accepted most of the Chinese value
system were frustrated at their inability to fulfill the statuses
and roles demanded by that system. Though much that was Chi-
nese had crept into Mongol life, differences were still felt, in
language, attitudes, religion and costume.
The second pattern shows less tension. Here, the dislocation
had not yet gone so far as to emphasize the weakness of the
Mongols in the face of continued sinicization. The Mongols were
economically equal, or almost so, to their Chinese competitors;
they held to most of the traditional social organization, felt less
9
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- need to compete on Chinese terms.- Thus, in such areas; less
conflict developed, and the Mongols continued to, feel Mongol,
not.in contrast to Chinese but in relation to other Mongols.
d. The Barga.region-
In the far north and northwest of the region (the former
-,,Barga) cultural and ethnic mixture has introduced elements not
,..to be found in other parts of the IMAR. T1-4s area, geographic-
?ally.,ali-nost entirely west of the Great Hsingan Mountains of
? Manchuria, includes urban peoples, forest tribes and.steppe
nomads. The urban group includes Chinese, Russians,,Koreans,
Dagurs and other Mongols. The forest peoples,, primarily Tull-
gus, have a culture built on hunting, and have recently been
induced to enter lumbering activities. The steppe group is com-
posed almost entirely of nomadic Mongols.
The Mongolian nomads of the district are a mixed group of
Buryats, Dugars, and Eastern and Western Mongols. (Cf., Eth-
nic Groups Section). The various Mongol groups are almost en-
tirely nomadic herders, mOntaining their old social and econ-
omic organization with slight modifications. The Dagurs com-
bine farming and herding. Dagurs living in the Buteha (Butkha)
banner (in the eastern part of the region) have an economy
based on farming, supplemented by logging and hunting, some
herding, and a small amount of fishing.
The Dagurs, historically thought to have had a typical Mon-
golian type of stratified social organization, have lost almost
all traces of it. Extended family and kinship ties remain im-
portant, but above the village level the administrative hierarchy
was staffed by Chinese. There was no nobility. Each village was
a self-contained unit, connected to another only by kinship ties.
Within the village, some stratification existed, based on age,
sex, and to some degree, wealth. Families tended to live in the
same house until the size of the group demanded expansion.
There was no priesthood, no organized church; the religion be-
ing personal and shamanistic.
Among the Buryats, kinship, particularly in its clan aspect,
was important. Original customs were retained, paralleling the
customs of Buryats in their homeland. Some slight differences
among Buryats resulted from the two waves of migration which
took place at different times and from different regions. The
first wave to arrive were Lamaist (Tibetan Buddhists), herders
and kin-oriented. The influence of Russian culture had been
slight before their migration, and had affected only dress and
perhaps some material elements of culture. In religion, social
structure and economy the first migrants were unaffected. The
second group differed from the first only in its longer exposure
to Russian influences, with some effect on language, and in that
it was Shamanist. These people, too, were herders, with a kin-
10
C
?
based social organization.
In this mixed area, where Chinese and Russian farmers,
herders and nomadic hunters all met, some interchange of
material and non-material culture .traits was inevitable. Chi-
nee' settlers were forced by the nature of the land to adopt ex-
tensive farriiirig. Russians and Dagurs combined animal hus-
bandry and agriculture. Hunters and herdsmen formed economic
ties with urbanites and rural farmers. The Chinese were re-
stricted by the Manchu and Nationalist governments from acquir-
ing large amounts of land, and many turned to trade and small
manufacture. While the higher levels of government were staffed
by Chinese, the later during the Republic by some Dagurs, local
officials were predominantly Mongol. Outside the cities, the in-
fluence of the central government was rarely felt until Japanese
domination became effective. In the light of the persistence of
traditional patterns in this district, and a relatively government-
free existence combined with the mobility of the nomadic econ-
omy, it is significant, perhaps, that in this district successful
movements for autonomy developed. Among the nomads border-
ing on Outer Mongolia, cultural ties with the Outer Mongols
were strong?which may have been the reason that in Barga
persistent Pan-Mongolism appeared.
e. Silingol
The final cultural-geographic region in the IMAR stretches in
a narrow band along the southern borders of Outer Mongolia. It
is an area within which, without intensive development, only
pastoral nomadism could sustain itself successfully. Here has
remained the stronghold of traditional Mongolian culture, the
least influence from Chinese cultural patterns. Within this area,
the most "pure" Mongols were located in the banners of the
Silingol League.
In 1919 a Russian observer noted this in the following words:
If. . . the Southern Mongols of Silingol. . . are the same sort of
nomads as the people of Khalkha. Traveling from Khalkha (Outer
Mongolia) into the Silingol League, the difference in the manner
of life is impossible to notice. " (Baranov, Airnak Tsetsen Khan)
Ties there are to China, even in this "pure" region. Political
bonds had been created during the Manchu Dynasty, and ex-
tended during the early days of the Republic. Economic ties
were established through the Chinese trader, whose lifetime
was spent moving throughout the banners, bringing the goods
desired by his clients. Yet it was from these banners that the
drive toward Mongol nationalism developed in the late 193 O's,
with Japanese support.
The leader of this drive was a noble, Prince Te, who
dreamed of the former greatness of the Mongols, but who had
learned much through his Chinese education. His was the grand
t
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vision of a united "Mongolia for the MOngols"; his aim was the
introdu-ction -of'modern'industry and modern subjects in new
- ;
schoolsto.blend the old with certain aspects of the new
ThrOugh.this means, the Mongols were to be brought.into't4e
modern world Without loss of their essential "Mongolnesti..",In
the' early. period of Japanese pressure on Inn,er Mongolia and
North China', Prince Te sought guarantees from the Nation-alist
gov'ernrn'ent of China that would secure for the Mongols the right
to be Mongols. But the implication of Nationalist rebuffs and
promises meant only one thing to the traditionalists?ultimate
assimilation, loss of the Mongol way of life. Desperate, desir-
ing to unite the Inner Mongols in a last stand against cultural
submersion, Prince Te and his followers turned to the Japanese,
who had ostensibly restored Mongolian control of West Man-
churia. In this alliance, he was opposed by another group in the
west, who chose to lead their people according to another Mon-
gol tradition: temporary alliance with China in the hope of gain-
ing concessions. These leaders, too, were traditionalists, hop-
ing to gain eminence of position among the Mongol leaders by
allying themselves with the victor.
Prince Te's group, assisted by the Japanese, established an
",autonomous" area of Inner Mongolia, called Mengchiang. It
was in Mengchiang that the pattern of the future began to show
itself. The Mongol nomad, in effect, saw more clearly than the
sinicized Mongol or the Chinese in the area the only solution to
the age-old conflict. Combining with the semi-nomadic and
sedentary Mongols of the area, with the Chinese farmers and
traders, the Mongols like Prince Te, representing the nomads,
succumbed to Japanese advice and the realities of the situation.
All groups became incorporated as specialized segments of the
larger totality within Mengchiang. While tradition was strong,
and the social structure of each segment was not touched direct-
ly, .the herding economy was given new "market-oriented" aims;
attempts were made to reform the religion and simplify the
religious hierarchy; new schools were introduced, with such
subjects as world geography, Mongolian history, Mongolian
language. The Mongols were encouraged to continue to be Mon-
gols, but they were disabused of their sole claims to the area?
henceforth, the ideal was to be "cooperation of all peoples" of
the area for the good of the whole. The whole, in this case, was
defined as Chinese, Mongol, Moslem, Japanese and Manchur-
ians (i.e., peoples of Manchuria). Upon this pattern the Mongol
and Chinese Communists built when they became the integrating
authority in the region.
?,
4 t?
?
?
2. Chinese
a. Han Chinese of the Western IMAR
The Chines.e in the IMAR are a more unified group than the
Mongols, exhibiting less significant differences from a geo-
graphic viewpoint. It is also difficult to discern differences
an-long the Chinese of the region because of lack of material.
Tentatively, then, we can make only certain broad distinctions
between Han Chinese of the Western IMAR, Han Chinese of the
Eastern (Manchurian) IMAR, and Chinese Moslems. A finer
distinction might be drawn between rural and urban Chinese,
but there are actually little data to draw upon.
Han Chinese of the Western IMAR are mostly from Shansi,
Shensi and Hopei. Whatever differences there are among them
derive from their provinces of origin and their local contacts
with different Mongol groups. Unlike the immigrants to Man-
churia, the Chinese in the Western IMAR were frequently migra-
tory. Immigration pushed to the limits of cultivable land in the
arid regions,. and one dry spell would force a retreat. Famines
in the home provinces combined with favorable conditions out-
side of the Great Wall would bring a return to Inner Mongolia.
This pendulum swing gradually came to a halt; some families
and individuals settled down, backed by commercial develop-
ments in the border cities, and began to consider the area to be
their home. Toward the end of the 1800's, all except the far
north and northeastern parts of Inner Mongolia were politically
and economically dominated by the Chinese.
If anything characterizes the Chinese settlers in the western-
most part of Inner Mongolia (i.e., the Backloop or Hou-tiao), it
is the dependence upon irrigation. Many irrigation projects were
undertaken by private investors and landlords, and after the
Revolution, by provincial warlords and the National government.
The effect of such projects was to make Western IMAR a region
of rapidly growing population, and thus a region.of considerable
instability.
Political instability was furthered by the existence of local
governmental institutions outside of the normal political organi-
zation of the National and provincial governments. One such
quasi-political organization was the Catholic Church (mentioned
below) and another, the Lung-wanglao-she (Venerable Associa-
tion of the Dragon King). This association was characteristic of
North Chinese villages, and was brought by the immigrants into
Inner Mongolia. Basically, the concern of the association was
propitiating the Dragon King, ruler of rainfall and water in gen-
eral. The temple of this association was frequently the seat of
'political administration under the Republic, but it had performed
a role in political administration even during the Ch'ing Dynasty.
It took care of everything pertaining to village government:
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waterways and .irrigation, crops, charity work, legal suits,
schools, temple feasts and temple revenue. Real masters of a
villagewere the members of, the board of the association. In the
absence of strong local governments and a strong central gov-
ernment in the region, such an association could function almost
independently of the constituted political authorities, and fre-
quently Old. (Cf. Religion Section. )
Outside of the compact irrigated areas, such as the Hou-t'ao
and around the eastern part of the Yellow River, farmers in
Western Inner Mongolia lived in dispersed and isolated farm-
steads. There were few large villages in any of the rural dis-
tricts. This isolation, different from conditions within the Great
Wall, brought about a loosening of interpersonal community ties
between families. Community activity centered about periodic
repair of the irrigation canals and use of a community mill es-
tablished in a central place.
Other characteristics of Chinese in this area are also related
to the circumstances of cultivation. In some parts of the area,
fields are allowed to lie fallow far as much as a year at a time,
a definite contrast to practices in North China.- Fields are larg-
er than within the Great Wall, and in many cases, migratory
and temporary farm labor is employed in the harvest. The set-
tlers farther in the north of the region, having a relatively free
choice of land, sometimes chose foothills and the middle por-
tions of hills, terracing them, rather than clustering on the flat
lands which might be less rich.
Social mobility was perhaps somewhat easier in this frontier
region than within North China proper. There was a greater
possibility that a family might become landowners with a short
time, despite a well developed absentee-landlord system which
exploited many tenants. Such exploitation together with the
dependence upon irrigation projects gave rise to another phe-
nomenon of the border?the development of irrigation projects
by the Catholic Church. With such development the Church made
converts and built up a quasi-political organization, interceding
for its adherents with the provincial and National governments,
aiding its members with loans or animals, and concerning itself
with the civil and economic affairs of Church members. (Cf.
Social Structure, Religion.)
b. Han Chinese of the Eastern IMAR (Manchurian section)
Han Chinese in the eastern part of the region show significant
differences from their counterparts in the west. The eastern
area is an area of old Chinese settlement, and perhaps some of
the differences which occur are traceable to the long term in-
fluence of frontier residence and mixture with Manchu popula-
tion. Whatever the cause, the HansChinese in Eastern IMAR
have a more equalitarian outlook on life, and the family struc-
k
?
?
ture is less traditional. Authority was distributed within the
family.at 'annual family gatherings,;-one Male member was desig-
nated' to be manager of the economy for the year and the
,
job was held in rotation by male members: Women had a much
larger voice in 'deciding isniciirtant family matters. Both paternal
aunt and maternal uncle' were 'consulted on the? marriage o-fm
children, and they might haN're' the deciding voice'. The m'afernal
uncle was responsible for fatherless children; and it Was the
mother's family which took care of their Welfare and education.
Han Chinese had also adopted certain amusement's and values
of the frontier; horse riding ability, physical strength, ability
to shoot, were highly regarded by Chinese in the region'. Hospi-
tality was greatly valued, and homes in the country districts
extended friendliness and hospitality to travelers and strangers
whenever they needed a place to rest. Mutual trust was taken
for granted.
Occupations, other than farming and trade, which set the
Chinese of the Eastern IMAR off from their western cousins are
hunting, logging, fishing, ginseng collecting and gold prospect-
ing. In all, the Manchurian area offered more to the adventurous
and the true frontiersman, and it seems to have bred a more
adaptable individual. There are, probably, regional differences
in the Eastern IMAR between Chinese, but little data exist upon
which to base a discussion. In the far north, the Barga district,
Chinese farmers were very few until recently, and most Chi-
nese engaged in trade or the varied occupations mentioned above.
In the southeast area, an area of long-term settlement, farming
was the major occupation, and perhaps family organization and
patterns of behavior were more traditionally Chinese. In the
southeast area, a continuous influx of settlers from Shantung
and Hopei might well have contributed to keeping the traditional
forms more rigid, while farther north, there was less rein-
forcement of the traditional patterns. (For further data on Chi-
nese in the Eastern IMAR, compare Northeast Handbook, Social
Values and Patterns of Living.)
c. Moslem Chinese (Hui)
A third segment of the Chinese population of the livIAR which
exhibits certain cultural peculiarities is the Moslem community.
Located primarily in the cities, such as Kuei-sui (Hohehot),
Pao-t'ou, Kalgan and so forth, the Moslems form tight religious
communities centered about the mosque. The size of the com-
munity rarely reaches more than about two thousand households,
the average being more in the hundred to three hundred range.
Moslem life in the area is related to the mosque; families are
tenants of a mosque and pay ground or house rent to it, as well
as making other contributions. The mosque is the controling
organ and the source of social control. Tenants cluster around
15
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the mo_sque? and a new community is formed when the size of
the group gi-ows too large to be within hearing range of the call
to service fro.rn the mosque. A community has a council of
elders, ,elected by the male members of the community. The
elders manage, the affairs of the mosque other than religious,
and exercise strong indirect influence over the whole community
through ;the moral and religious authority of the ministrant of
the mosque (ahung or chiao-chang).
Characteristics of Inner Mongolian Moslem communities,
which distinguish them from other Chinese Moslem groups, are
as follows: the settlements,are fairly recent, dating from the
end of the Ch'ing Dynasty or more recently; mosques have, us-
ually, only two major officials; mosques draw less revenue from
real estate and more from monthly contributions of their ten-
ants; the community is relatively homogenous, with little non-
Moslem intermarriage; Islamic ritual is rather strictly ob-
served. On this latter point, for example, there is no ancestor
worship and the important yearly festivals of the Han Chinese,
such as New Year's Day, midsummer and midautumn, are not
observed. Matrimonial and burial customs differ from those of
the Hans, and the family system and marriage allow the Mos-
lems to ignore some of the traditional Chinese regulations in
these social areas. (Cf. IMAR Religion, and Northwest Hand-
book, Family and Social Structure.)
B. Social Classes of Mongols and Chinese
1. Mongols
In addition to the differences to be seen between cultural-
geographic regions, Mongol society historically has been strati-
fied. An upper class, hereditary nobility, tracing its descent
from Chingis Khan or one of his brothers, rested upon a lower
stratum of commoner and freeman (Darkhan). Paralleling this
secular division, and closely intertwined with it, were the
ranks of the clergy. The nobility, in theory, held absolute
power over those commoners within their control. It was the
nobles who set the time for migration, the nobles who were re-
sponsible for collecting the taxes from their "constituents, " the
nobles who held the official positions. Through the nobles, whole
banners were plunged deeper and deeper into debt vis-a-vis the
Chinese merchants. The interests of the most sinicized nobles
were far more personal than "Mongol, "although here and there
a noble eschewed personal privilege and attempted to better the
lot of his people.
The children of nobles were those who obtained education and
provided the modernized Mongol intelligentsia. Other nobles and
their children assumed the highest ranks in the clergy, linking
the secular and sacred realms. In time, a large group of nobles,
?
?
?
too numerous to obtain official positions, not ambitious in re-
:,
gard,to clerical orders', became a floating population, hardly
distinguishable on an economic basis from the ordinal), com-
moner.. The nobility as a:whole, however, _Maintained its tra-
ditional privileges, and thehigher ranks found more in common
"
with the higher ranks of clergy and Chinese officialdom than
with the Mongol commoner.
- ? ,
In nomadic areas, there was less,social distinction between
noble and commoner than in the settled or semi-settled Mongol
communities. The :noble in a nomadic area might wear Chinese
clothes and adopt a Chinese name, but he still lived in a yurt
(though he might have a palace built in Chinese style), still
owned herds and counted his wealth in numbers of animals, still
enjoyed traditional Mongol foods and ceremonies. In the more
sinicized areas, the nobility often abandoned the outward ves-
tiges of "Mongolness, " even to the extent, in completely settled
areas, of counting his wealth in gold bullion and land. It has
been pointed out that among the Chahar, where the traditional
nobility had been eliminated during the early years of the Man-
chu Dynasty, the old noble/commoner distinctions had been
superseded by an official/non-official dichotomy. For the most
part, however, the old lines still held sway, and the demands of
the nobility were suffered, sometimes unwillingly, because of
their legitimacy in Mongol terms.
The clergy represented, in some degree, a class apart from
all others. The upper ranks of the clergy had interests opposed
in many ways to those of the nobility and the ordinary Mongol.
The higher clergy was "monastery-centered", it was sedentary,
oriented toward Tibet as the home of the religion, concerned
with acquisition of stable wealth as well as herds. It was econ-
omically nonproductive to a much higher degree than all but the
highest nobles, and engaged in economic activities, such as land
exploitation, trade and usury to an extent most nobles could not
achieve. Such activities put the clergy in an intermediate posi-
tion between Chinese and Mongols.
The Church and the clergy maintained the Lamaist traditions
of Mongol society, and by incorporation of Shamanistic observ-
ances and customs, much of the pre-Lamaist tradition. But the
Church also served as a channel through which the Mongols
might be drawn more and more into the economic and political
web of Chinese culture. The Church, through its sedentary
monastery, formed a nucleus for trade and administrative of-
fices; its officials entered into trade relations with Chinese,
rented land to Chinese farmers and merchants, sent some of its
monks on trading expeditions, and frequently on a prolonged
residence in Peking. In the final analysis, the upper clergy and
the highest nobility had much in common; a high noble was often
17
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a "reincarnation, " or an upper rank official in the monastic
hierarchy .' His relatives in the ,Secular world were frequently
rulers-of banners or officials of leagues.
At the bOttom was the:Conimoner. Exploited by nobility and
`clergy, he Sometimes found more in common with the Chinese
farmer living ri'exCto' him than he did with his own upper classes.
Yet there was a tremendous cultural gap, crossed more often by
the sedentarization of the Mongol than by the Mongolization of
the Chineie.
Wheie the Mozigol held his own ground economically and
socially, firm ties sometimes developed between the two. A few
times, in the history of Inner Mongolia, these ties proved more
firm than those between Chinese and Chinese or Mongol and
Mongol. Thus occasions are known where Mongol commoner and
Chinese peasant rose against Mongol noble and Chinese land-
lord, seeking to escape from the pressures which both were
exerting upon the lower classes. The cases are few, but they
are significant and indicativerof the possibilities of class inter-
ests surmounting traditional enmities.
Z. Chinese
(For Traditional Chinese Classes, see China General, Social
Structure.) Among Han Chinese in Inner Mongolia, traditional
classes were somewhat fluid. The tenant farmer could look for-
ward, in most parts of the region, to becoming a landowner
within a fairly short time. The peasantry was not the only dom-
inant class; merchants played a significant role. Where the
Chinese peasant, for the most part, represented an economic
and at times political threat to the Mongol herdsman or farmer,
the merchant was, on the surface, a benefactor. Backed by a
city-based organization, the itinerant merchant became an ex-
pert on the psychology of the Mongols, knowing when to refrain
from.dernands for payment, at times aiding with loans, some-
times marrying a Mongol girl. Friendships were often close
between 'the merchant and his clients. There were local differ-
ences,_however. In the western part of Inner Mongolia, i.e.,
Stii.iitan, the merchant was reputed to be a blood-sucker, ruin-
inj by -dragging them deeper and deeper into debt, pil-
ing interest upon interest. In the eastern part of the region, the
merchant treated his Mongbl debtors on a sustained yield basis,
never:exhausting them but never allowing them to become corn-
pletelir'free-3 from his control. In the complex and multi-faceted
cultnrse Of:the' border, the merchant sometimes played a dual
role; ailandliird vis-a-vis the Chinese tenant, and as capitalist
iii trade irenetires or irrigation projects.
Chinese officials in Inner Mongolia formed a group apart.
Their intereits were sometimes oriented outside of the region,
toward national affairs, and they often had little desire to better
?
1
the ,region which they adminiStered. Higher officials, however,
might at times 'Oppose the designs of middle Officials", whidh-'
- - -
were almost always -exploitative. Th middle officials sought
- -
personal gain; their aim beingto ekact-more out of the province
than wasput into it. Because of the peculiarities of the border
.
political administration, their ekactions fell most heavily upon
the Chinese peasant. In some casee, the offri'dialdom'Souiht to
. _
build up' a regional base almost divorced from the Central gov-
ernment, and for this purpose would cooperate now with Chinese
and now with Mongol nobility eager io make 'a deal. The officials
were, withal, still Chinese, and despite the links with Moniol
leaders, most often placed their weight behind Chinese in the
area when the issue was a clear-cue Chinese-Mongol dispute.
Despite the importance'of the Chinese 'merchant and the power
of the Chinese officials, by far the greater number of Chinese in
the region were farmers. Their way of life was affected by the
area into which they moved, with an unwilling soil in most parts
of the region. Where the soil was not fertile, some degree of
cooperation in irrigation was necessary. In the eastern and
northern parts of the region, intensive farming gave way to ex-
tensive; in the more remote parts, away from the cities and the
areas of irrigation, dispersed farmhouses rather than concen-
trated villages were the rule. In those areas where the Chinese
farmer lived side-by-side with the sedentary Mongol, much
social intercourse was carried on, but on the whole, marriage
remained within the group and did not cross lines. Politically,
the Chinese were little concerned with the Mongol nobility and
administration; they looked to the local and provincial govern-
ments under which they lived. In the eastern and northern parts
of the region, some blending of minor cultural traits took place;
in the west, the interpenetration of Chinese and Mongol customs
was slow, and for the most part, it was the Mongol who became
sinicized where the two were in day to day contact.
3. Mongol-Chinese differences
The differences between Mongol and Mongol, Chinese and
Chinese filled the region with overlapping goals, vaitks and
loyalties. In general, there was no supra-local pattern for
either Chinese or Mongol which could surmount these differ-
ences. In effect, Inner Mongolia was not one cultural region.
but many; not one political region, but many; not, one economic
or geographical region, but many. Still, in all parts of the re-
gion one basic difference is discernable?that between Chinese
and Mongols. At the bottom the difference was between values.
The Mongols, even though sedentary, still felt pride in being
Mongol. Mobility, herds, religion, traditional customs, were
still the Mongol ideals. These ideals were reinforced by the
constant pressure of economic competition posed by the Chinese
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farmer. But the loyalty to Mongol values could be overwhelmed
by class and local loyalties, and for some Mongols, especially
among the nobility and clergy, was replaced by loyalty to privi-
lege. Thus for these individuals, loss of Mongolness meant loss
of,positiozi, loss of prestige and a relatively luxurious existence.
While culturally they remained Mongols, mentally and materially
they ,tried to combine the best of both worlds; to be Mongol while
living on the same scale as the rich Chinese. At the other end of
the scale were the Mongols who had accepted all things Chinese
as good and desirable, but were forced back into Mongolness
because they were not accepted as equal to Chinese.
These lines of force expressed themselves in different ways.
In Barga there were attempts at autonomy and union with Outer
Mongolia. In Suiyitan, there was a withdrawal from the "Mongol
for the Mongols" ideal during the Japanese war, and an align-
ment with the Chinese Nationalists. In the Hsingan region, par-
ticularly in southeastern, there was cooperation with the Japan-
ese, who initially offered what the Chinese did not?equality and
fulfillment of desires for integration, rather than absorption.
After the fall of the Manchu Dynasty, Inner Mongolia lost all
semblance of over-all integration. During most of the Ch'ing
Dynasty, the Manchus had managed to maintain a dichotomous
and balanced structure in Inner Mongolia. In general, Mongols
were screened off from Chinese, not physically but through such
mechanisms as separate political organization, state-encour-
aged church, personal ties of noble to Manchu court, and restric-
tions on the Chinese settler. Toward the end of the dynasty, the
system began to break down; local interests came to the fore,
and it was apparent that the screening process had not stopped
the cultural envelopment of many groups of Mongols. Although
Chinese cultural and economic penetration had gone far into
Mongol life, still one thing could hold all Mongols together?
loyalty to the Manchu Dynasty. When the dynasty fell, the sec-
tional differences, historical antagonisms, and degree of accep-
tance of Chinese values made themselves felt.
Throughout the period of the Republic, "the Mongols" had
only nominal ties to the central government. On the whole, per-
sonal relationships between local and provincial officials and
Mongol upper classes played a more prominent role in deter-
mining Sino-Mongolian relations. The Tibetan Buddhist (Lama-
ist) Church, which once played an integrating role, itself was
rent by sectional differences. Local Mongol nobility found more
in common with Chinese officialdom, in many cases, than with
Mongol nobles from areas far removed. The people looked for
leadership to the nobility, and most often followed their lead.
If the leader was favorable to the Chinese, the commoner might
grumble and protest, but he suffered and made the best of it.
2..o
j
?
?
Local attempts at re-integration of the Mongols on a basis of
Pan-Mongolism were made, but they rarely reached beyond the
provincial level. The old Mongol dynamic had been effectively
blocked when the Manchus tied each group of Mongols to -a:par-
ticular territory. Over time, the territorial tie seems to have
superseded the concept of wide-ranging conquest.
III. National Integration
A. The Republic and Mengchiang
The lack of region-wide integration in Inner Mongolia was no
historical accident. It was the result of a deliberate policy
adopted by the Manchus on their entry into China, and was per-
petuated by the central government of China after the Revolution.
The Manchus had tried to keep Mongols and Chinese apart, and
had separated the Inner Mongols from one another politically and
territorially, but had never tried to impose "Manchu" customs
upon the Mongols. The Manchus were content to hold the com-
manding heights of Mongol social structure?the nobility and the
clergy?and to undercut the basis of the Mongol threat by cur-
tailing their mobility.
The government of the Republic embarked upon a more am-
bitious policy. Inner Mongols were to be convinced that they
were essentially Chinese, and were encouraged to become
Chinese. Mongol territory was carved up into new provinces,
and the Mongols in each were blocked from direct access to the
National government by provincial officials. A'determined effort
to attract and settle Chinese in Mongol lands was begun, with
the Mongols having no alternative but to retreat farther into the
less productive regions or to buy back what they had formerly
owned. In some cases the Chinese officials, in collusion with
Mongol princes, settled the disposition of the lands between
themselves; the people were driven into revolt against both.
During the late Manchu Dynasty, the system of expropriation in
eastern Inner Mongolia reserved for each Mongol family two
square li of land, and a proportion of temples. The remaining
land was graded and expropriated, then sold. The prince of the
banner received half the sale price?he was under no legal obli-
gation to pass on this revenue to his followers. The Chinese
who had previously made private arrangements with Mongols
fared no better, in many cases. They were "allowed" to buy the
land from the government at the rates which applied to virgin
soil, and unless they complied, their claims were worthless.
New forms of expropriation were developed by provincial
governors or warlords in Inner Mongolia during the early Re-
public. One of these was particularly used in Chahar, where
soldiers were moved in as colonists. Initially, seeds, draft
animals and agricultural implements were to be supplied by
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officials. The soldiers were to work half the day in the field and
half the day, at. military drill. After three years, the soldiers
,were.tp?be allowed to retire from the army and take up the land
cultivated. Thus the control of the government was constantly
present during the three years, and the rewards for faithful
service were dangled before the soldiers like a carrot before a
donkey.. The primary purposes of this "soldier-colonist" scheme
were two-fold; to relieve the central government of the financial
burden of an excessive standing army, and to solidify govern-
ment control of the frontier areas.
The traditional Chinese social structure was not to be dis-
turbed in this scheme. Indeed, one might say that an attempt
was made to reduce the fluidity of the border agriculturalists'
class lines. Officers were to receive larger amounts of land
than common soldiers, and were to become village leaders after
demobilization. Ordinary soldiers received less land, and were
destined to become the ordinary farmers. Under the government
scheme, the village pattern of life was supported, rather than
the "natural" growth which characterized large areas of Inner
Mongolian farming life, i.e., scattered and isolated farms.
Mongols were not forgotten in the schemes of the colonizers.
They were to have the option of becoming farmers themselves
on the same terms as the soldier-colonists, or were to be
granted special pastures in which to nomadize. If neither of
these schemes appealed, a subsidy was to be granted. In effect,
their area of free existence was further limited, and they were
to be drawn into more dependence upon the government or upon
Chinese cultural patterns.
In some areas these schemes remained in the paper stage,
but colonization in general was encouraged and the Chinese set-
tlers put down roots. The old patterns of life, however, com-
mon in China proper, suffered in the new environment. Regional
differences developed, and regional loyalties took hold among
the "old settlers." The tie to the central government was weak,
from provincial or regional official down to the transplanted
peasant. Extensive farming and the tenant f4rmer/absentee land-
lord system combined to weaken the traditional attitudes of the
farmer to his land and accoutrements. Among migrant laborers
(a phenomenon peculiar to Inner Mongolia agriculture in China)
and among tenants, many had no local loyalties?their homes
were in other provinces, and their, hearts were there as well.
Added to ,these factors, which militated against integration
even on the regional level, were the almost continuous periods
of troop movement, banditry, and general upheaval to which
residents in almost all parts of Inner Mongolia were subjected
during the period of the Republic. At times, Chinese farmers
found more protection from their Mongolian neighbors against
2.2.
?
bandits than from local, provincial or central government offi:-
cials. Parts of the region were, at times, controlled in fact by
bandits, eithez in defiance of all authority or in collusion with
Chinese officialdom. Bandit groups of both Mongol and Chinese
origin ranged the country, sometimes fighting one another,
sometimes plundering individually the rich caravans passing
through the region, again, Mongol attacking 'Chinese and 'Chinese
striking at Mongol. In most cases, Mongols were driven to
banditry in desperation over the occupation of their hereditary
grazing lands. Chinese and half-Chinese bandits were most often
criminals exiled from China, deserters from the armies, or
mixed Chinese-Mongols who were accepted by neither group.
This general state of disorganization and localism had to
reach an end. The end began with the encroachment of a new
power from the East. The occupation of Manchuria by Japan,
which brought the Mongols of Manchuria under her control,
brought with it a plan of organization which drew the Mongols
into a higher level of integration. From a relatively autonomous
regional or local pattern of relationships, the Mongols were
made part of the over-all governmental organization in Man-
churia. Ostensibly, they were shaping a new and integrated
Inner Mongolia, led by Mongols for the benefit of Mongols. In
the early stages of this development, Mongols staffed all the
governmental offices, from the top down to local levels. At the
top in each level were Japanese advisers, "helping" the Mongol
officials to fit their policies and plans into the over-all pattern
of Japanese military expansion. Schools were established, in
which Mongolian became the language of instruction. The monas-
teries were restricted in their activities, and the monks forced
to take an elimination examination, failing which they were re-
turned to secular occupations or the newly formed army. The
army itself, while under Mongol leaders, was modeled on the
invading Japanese army and advised by Japanese officers.
Economically, Eastern Inner Mongolia was exploited for the
benefit of the Japanese. When the Japanese had extended their
domination to major portions of North China and Western Inner
Mongolia, the total pattern emerged. Inner Mongolia was to be
treated as a region which was bound economically and politically
with North China. All "races" resident in the region were to
unite for the benefit of the region as a whole. The Mongols and
Chinese were now to be considered partners with the Japanese
(albeit junior partners) in the development of the region, rather
than contenders for the region.
What were the forms of integration during the period of Jap-
anese "forced fusion?" Politically, the traditional Mongol ban-
ners were maintained at the local level, but they were tied to-
gether with th,- Ch;.nese areas, under a central government
2.3
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It
concerned with making each pOrtion of the territory a Segment
of the greater whole. Under the directiOn of the unified govern-
ment,. industrial development, financial affairs, communication,
education, military Matters and public health were centralized.
The importance of the high level integration was expressed
thus, at the time of organization of the central authority for the
region: "We expect to make this area a paradise for seven mil-
lion people, having a common interest and welfare,. having close
cooperation and control over mutually important matters."
(Mokb Taikan, "Mengchiang". )
That such a centralized organization, which planned to inte-
grate all cultural groups, economic groups, classes and geo-
graphic areas into a unified whole was manipulated and erected
for the benefit of the Japanese invaders is of little moment.
Steps were taken, within the total Japanese plan, to implement
some of the types of cooperation and integration proposed. Of
most importance is the fact that for the first time since the
downfall of the Manchu Dynasty, some form of over-all organ-
ization of the region was contemplated. The region was not only
seen as a whole, but the people within it were, in principle, to
be treated as co-equal groups, and as supplementary and neces-
sary to one another if the region was to develop.
The life span of the unified government of the area was short.
It had not been supported by all the people, either Mongolian or
Chinese, but the seed had been sown. When the Japanese were
finally driven from the area, some of the mechanism and some
of the psychological preparation for further extension of the
concept of a unified Inner Mongolia remained. In different parts
of the region, local governments sprang up, but each was now
imbued with the idea of regional unity, rather than separatism.
A "Mongolia for the Mongols" idea still persisted, but alongside
of this attitude existed the feeling that some compromise with
the Chinese of the region must be found. Thus, some of the
leaders of these local governments sought to attach themselves
to the central power which could guarantee them that an attempt
would be made to treat the region as a whole, at the very least
as one province in'a new China. Little propaganda was needed to
make thorn listen to the proposals of the Chinese Communists.
For the most part, the opposition to unity with the newly formed
"Inner Mongolia AutonoMy Association" was found in those who
stood to lose privileges; high lamas, known anti-Communist
Mongol nobility,. Chinese landlords, pro-KMT Chinese officials,
or soldie.rs such as Li Shou-hsin, who had been most prominent
in the period of the Mengchiang.
A unification came, and with it Chinese Communism. Cen-
tralization and integration into the national pattern was intensi-
fied to a degree hitherto unknown in the region. The weight of
?
the central government, the irnmediacy'of its 'dernands.and_
wards was felt at the lowest levels; penetrating-2eV-en inta?the'
realm of the family.. The development,Of-the 'region
present territOrial form, and the extent of penetration Of Ihe
centralization and national-integratiOn was initially-sloyi, but
has speeded up with the solidification of control. . The-staternent
of the Chinese Communists that "Inner Mongolia is an integral'
part of the territory of China" is no idle boast.
B. National Integration of Local Levels under the Chinese
People's Republic
National forms of organization, interaction and orientation
have not been simply superimposed upon the region. Boundaries
have been broken down and groups recombined into larger units.
The basic dichotomy between Mongol nomads and Chinese re-
mains, but overlapping governments, Chinese and Mongol, have
been wiped out. On the national level, minorities are repre-
sented by pro-Communist minority members in the upper ranks
of government; on the local level, minorities have their own
areas or are joint participants in "coalitions. " The national
form of political activity and representation in People's Con-
gresses and People's Governments has been introduced from the
village or nomadic encampment to the level of the regional ad-
ministration. National laws are enforced in the region, applying
to Mongol and Chinese alike; although certain aspects of the laws
are applied with restraint where they would dislocate too rapidly
the traditional Mongol life. Thus the old Mongol nobility has
been allowed to retain certain privileges, and has not been uni-
formly condemned, as were Chinese landlords. The land reform
laws have been applied to all farmers, be they Mongol or Chi-
nese, but there has been less pressure on the herders. State
farms and state stock farms have been introduced, and an at-
tempt has been made to collectivize both herding, farming and
trade with more attention to agriculture. In carrying through
these national measures, local Mongol and Chinese officials,
volunteers and party workers have been urged to take part, and
the principal is constantly emphasized that all work is for the
mutual benefit of the participants and the nation.
In the realm of religion, special effort has been made to con-
vince the lower ranks of the clergy that their interests are more
similar to those of the lower ranks of society than to those of
the upper clergy. Some monks have been drawn into local gov-
ernment; others have been "encouraged" to take up manual labor
or return to secular life. On the national scene, Lamaism is
promoted, famous temples are being restored as national monu-
ments, and a few monks are being supported at state expense.
There is an attempt to use lamas to propagate the new ideas,
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making themin effect arms of the state propaganda machinery.
The economic activities,of the church have been greatly re-
stricted, and?cormer religious fairs and celebrationshave:been
made the occasion for showing propaganda films; organizing;
"drives",and.,emphasizing the relation of the people. to. the,nation.
Education has become a serious concern of the state. -Mon-
gols are taught in.Mongolian, ,Chineserin Chinese. Textbooks,
while written in Mongolian or other minority languages in the
Region, are approved at the national level, and emphasize
national concerns. Special effort is made to bring minority
students to "academies" in Peking and elsewhere for -higher
study, whore they are further indoctrinated with the idea of
"unity in diversity, "
The local militia, Mongol and Chinese, is an integral part of
the national army, and its chain of command parallels that of
other parts of China. The Inner Mongolia branch of the People's
Liberation Army was one of the first units from an autonomous
area to be used outside of the borders of the area.
Associations in the Region are not unique. The national or-
ganizations of youth, women, trade unions, Communist Party,
special committees for national campaigns, all are found in the
Region. In all of these groups, wherever possible, Chinese,
Mongol and other minority groups are joint participants.
Perhaps the most symptomatic of the incorporation of the
Mongols aud. the diverse sub-cultures of the region into the na-
tional level of integration is in the encouragement of cultural
patterns. Local folk art, dance, music and literary production
are encouraged and are taken into the nation as a whole. Through
touring troupes. films, mass media of communication such as
newspapers. magazines, radio, books, the folk culture of dif-
ferent groups in China is "nationalized, "made part of the know-
ledge of people in different parts of the country. Reciprocal ex-
changes of folk-dance teams between distant regions are com-
mon; films dramatizing the new developments in Inner Mongolia
are shown to people in Sinkiang.
C? Summary
In brief, Inner Mongolia as a Region, and the groups within
the region, are becoming specialized cultural sub-units of the
national whole, Within this region the segments of Chinese and
Mongol society which operated as local or regional units prior to
the Communist conquest are becoming segments of the over-all
Communist Chinese culture, The national pattern is extended
over and across cultural and local boundaries, and a leveling
process has begun which, if continued, will bring a larger area
of shared behavior between Chinese and Mongol in the region.
The integration into the national pattern does not mean the
z.tp
. _
loss, of all culturallidentity; "howevesr-.t ECOnorhfc specialization
is-stilLdontinuing; and-While an attemp-eiS made to settle the
nomads;. recognition of the natiohal'heed'foi: preducts that only
nomadism _can give inuantity-ys.not laCking'i The 'enCourage-
ment of-local variations,in the "lesthetfc" realm of traditional
arts perpetuates differences-, as does the encouragement of the
languages of minorities. Among the?IMorikold, in' particular, only
the clergy has been severely restricted. 'In-'their traditional
statuses and,roles;? the nomadic social structure has been rela-
tively,untouched.? The- settling of the'nornadi; however, cannot
fail to' have a significant effect upon the social organization; in
most areas where semi-sedentary or sedentary life has been
adopted by Mongols, the adoption of Chinese family and inheri-
tance patterns has been slow but sure'. It is also of interest to
note.that sinification of the settled Mongols has been historically
most rapid and thorough where the old nobility was destroyed or
submerged.
The process of integration?has not proceeded without resis-
tance. Traditional antagonisms between Chinese and Mongol
have persisted, and Chinese Communists have, in some in-
stances, treated the Mongols as inferiors. The old dream of an
Inner Mongolia under the complete domination of the Mongols
persists. The increasing pressure upon the nomads to become
at least semi-sedentary strikes hard at tradition. Among the
Chinese in the region, there cannot but be a feeling that they are
being treated more harshly than the nomadic Mongols and in
some areas, that they are being sacrificed to'the Mongols. Such
a feeling must be generated by differential treatment in regard
to such measures as collectivization and the glorification of
Mongolian heroes.
Without objective data, one cannot state how deep is the pre-
sent cleavage between Chinese and Mongol in the region. The
Communist policy, which gives at least a section of both Chinese
and Mongol peoples a chance to participate in patterns that are
essentially alien to each, establishes a new socio-cultural seg-
ment in Inner Mongolia. The Mongol and the Chinese Communist
have a value system, patterns of behavior, goals, statuses and
roles which set them off from traditionalists of both groups. The
extension of national patterns into Inner Mongolia, and the econ-
omic and political integration of the region into the nation as a
whole have been carried out with much skill. Many former areas
of conflict have, it is felt, been suppressed, if not eliminated.
The policy of treating the area as a specialized region of China
as a whole, rather than a series of regions which must be kept
apart, is realistic. That it is considered an experimental region
by the central Communist government is apparent from the fre-
quency with which it is referred to in regard to conditions and
.Z7
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practices instituted in other national autonomous regions. ?
.Inner'Mongolia is still diverse, etill an area of fluidity:. For
those of any group in the,area who accept the _Communist goals
and the ,new.cultural patterns which are being instituted, there
are many possibilitiet of advancing in status. New roles are
open, in the Communist party, in the new industries, in the con-
struction of lines of communication, in the various organs of
state power. For those who hold the vision of a new type of
society, there are few barriers. For the traditionalists, for the
individual who rejects the new, whose anti-Chinese or anti-
Mongol feeling is still strong, for those who long for the "good
old days" of nomadism or uncontrolled trade or gentry status,
the integration of the region into the national level is a straight-
jacket, from which the only escape can be through outside
agencies. From an objective standpoint, the changes will not be
so rapid nor so thorough as they superficially appear to be. The
national economy needs the products of the herdsman, and the
nomad may become a husbandman, but he will remain and with
him, many of the old traditions and cultural patterns. The in-
corporation of folk patterns of behavior into the national pattern
will perpetuate these older patterns, even though the content is
modified to fit the needs of the Communist government of the
moment. For the Mongols of the region, there is every indica-
tion that the centuries-long process of final integration with
China has come; if it persists and solidifies, the form may be
unpalatable and detested, but it will leave a formidable block in
the way of re-segmentation. If the Mongols are led to believe
that they can accept the new goals, and find that in reality the
acceptance will not really make them equal to Chinese, there
may well be a reaction toward the traditional,"Mongolness"; but
it is safe to predict that the reaction will not be a reversion to
the old social structure.
There is a combination of romanticism and pragmatism in
Mongol culture, which may work to the advantage of the present
regime. Glorification of the old heroes, together with a better
present-day existence, may well appeal to the Mongols, despite
the .gradual loss of their nomadic way of life. The fact that large
, ;
numbers of Mongols have adopted agriculture-plus-husbandry
argues that the Mongol is not constitutionally incapable of this
type of life; new areas of livelihood may be opened with the de-
velopment of transportation and industry which would be more
desirable than farming, and which in part might satisfy the tra-
dition of Mongol mobility. Glorification of the "pioneering" as-
pects of activity in the border region might appeal to the Mongol
tradition of hardihood, self-reliance, adventure. The individual-
ism of the Mongol may be encouraged to show itself in "emula-
tion" drives and "socialist competition." In short, the Mongol
is
,
element-in Inner_ Mongolia, ,given -intelligent handling by, the
present regime, may. well 'provide the drive necessary to,make
the region a cohesive unit.
The major threat to the stability of the region lies in the age-
old conflict between Chinese and Mongol, between different cul-
tures and aspirations. When the Manchus had conquered China,
they imposed upon the Mongols territorial restrictions which
crippled Mongol mobility. At approximately the same time,
Lamaism brought into the region institutional and cultural forms
which gave the Mongols a buffer against rapid sinicization. Both
the Manchu political control and the Lamaist socio-religious
institution arrived in Inner Mongolia at a time when old institu-
tional forms were breaking down and a vacuum, in effect, ex-
isted. To some extent, the situation has repeated itself in the
modern history of Inner Mongolia. Manchu political control was
not satisfactorily replaced by the Chinese Republican govern-
ment; Lamaism had developed numerous abuses and had been
under attack by Mongol reformists and Japanese imperialists.
If a new vacuum had not yet developed by the end of the Second
World War, it was rapidly being created. The Communists thus
appeared at a time analogous to that which the Manchus and
Lamaism appeared, and the Communists offer, on the surface,
an alternative to sinicization. Mongols are not being asked to
become Chinese in all respects; they are, to some extent, being
asked to become allies. The vacuum of social institutions is not
being replaced by Chinese institutions alone, it is being filled by
institutions which are new to both Chinese and Mongol alike. The
Mongol has little alternative. He can preserve some aspects of
his "Mongolness" by becoming a Communist and attempting to
emphasize the preservation of Mongol customs where possible;
in effect, by becoming an ally of the new conqueror. Historical
parallels are dangerous, but should be suggested. Lamaism of-
fered the Mongols the Tibetan language instead of Chinese; Com-
munism offers Mongolian together with Chinese. Lamaism of-
fered new gods and incorporated old gods into the theology; Com-
munism offers new heroes, both Chinese and non-Chinese, and
glorifies old Mongol heroes. Lamaism offered new statuses and
roles to large numbers of Mongols, both noble and commoner;
Communism offers new statuses and roles to all segments of the
population, adding a new hierarchy to the old and modifying the
old. In sum, Communism does in the secular realm many of the
same sorts of things which Lamaism did in the religious and
secular realms when it established itself in Inner Mongolia. The
key difference, conceptually, is that Lamaism emphasized the
difference between Mongol and Chinese, while Communism
emphasizes unity of both within a new ideology.
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-Whether 'thee-period of enforced unity of a somewhat similar
isortcauringthe Japanese occupation has prepared the Mongols
'to -at cept this situation remains, to be seen-
Additional Readings.
Anonymous, "The Livestock Industry in Inner Mongolia, " Con-
temporary Manchuria, Vol. III, No. 2, April 1939, Harbin..
Carnmann, Schuyler, Land of the Camel, Roald Press, New
York, '1951.
Haslund, Henning, Mongolian Journey, Kegan Paul, London,
1949.
Iwamura, Shinobu, "The Structure of Chinese Muslim Society
in Inner Mongolia, " Far Eastern Quarterly, Vol. 8 (1948)
34-44.
Kishimoto, K., "Agriculture in Inner Mongolia," Contemporary
Manchuria, Vol. III, No. 2, April 1939, Harbin.
Lattimore, Owen, The Mongols of Manchuria, London, 1934.
Steward, Julian H., Theory of Culture Change. The Methodology
of Multilinear Evolution. U. of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1955.
Zen Sun, E-tu, "The Results of Culture Contact in Two Mongol-
Chinese Communities," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology,
Vol. 8, No. 2, Summer, 1952, U. of New Mexico Press.
? Albuquerque, New Mexico.
3 ?
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HISTORICAL SETTING
I. Introduction
II. History of the Inner Mongolian Region
A. Earliest History to the Rise of the ?thin Dynasty
B. Ytian, Ming and Ch'ing Periods
1. Chinese colonial pressure
C. Inner Mongolia and the Republic--the Development
of Nationalism
1. Nationalist policy and the rise of Mengchiang
D. Evolution of Communist Control and the Establishment
of the IMAR
III. Communist Utilization of Mongolian Heroes
Chronology
Additional Reading
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HISTORICAL SETTING .
I. Introduction
The history of Inner Mongolia as a political-geographical unit
begins only with the conquest of China by the Manchus (1644-
1912). Before that time, Inner Mongolia can be characterized as
a zone of transition through which passed group after group on
its way to conquer China, or back to its homeland after an unsuc-
cessful attempt at conquest. This is not to say that the region
itself has no history: far from it. But its history prior to the
Manchus is the history of interaction between Chinese society on
the one hand and nomadic peoples or non-Chinese empires on the
other. At times, Inner Mongolia has been the edge of an empire
established by non-Chinese peoples whose home base was in
Outer Mongolia or Turkestan; at other times parts of Inner
Mongolia have represented the unstable fringe of the Chinese
Empire. In either case, the peoples of Inner Mongolia have
shown tendencies to absorb Chinese culture with more rapidity
and to a greater degree in certain parts of the region than in
others.
As far back in the recorded history of China as one can go,
there have been contacts and relations between the Chinese and
the people inhabiting the region of Inner Mongolia. The inter-
action between inner China and this frontier zone forms an
integral part of Chinese history, and is one of the most fascin-
ating aspects of that subject. Occupants of the steppe have been
to China a source of needed goods in peace and a threat in war.
Raid, trade and tribute have been the age-old pattern of rela-
tionships between the two areas. In the course of these relations
the nomadic peoples on the frontier have learned from the
Chinese and have adapted what they have learned to the problems
posed by their various conquests of China.
Historically, then, Inner Mongolia has been, as a region, a
"builder of nations," but never a unified nation itself. It has
provided the door through which conquering nomads could enter
or leave China, but as a consequence, it exhibits the results of
such relatively frequent passage.
When China was strong and her management of the "barbari-
ans" adept, the Inner Mongolian region served as a buffer
against pressures building up on the outlying steppes. Under
those dynasties which had themselves originated in border areas.
the region and its inhabitants became not only buffers. hut were
transformed into an extension of the control system of. the
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dynasty. The border peoples, no longer pure steppe-nomads,
were made the means of extending the influence of the dynasty
ruling in China. Until the military, political and cultural
influences of their border position resulted in alienating these
groups from their more nomadic congeners, these "frontiers-
men" could remain as a threat about to descend upon the Chinese
and at the same time function as catalysts in relations between
China and the "outlanders. "
The border between Inner Mongolia and China lacks precise
historical definition, for it changed according to the relative
strength of China and the peoples beyond the frontier zone. The
frontier zone was occupied by Chinese who had pushed into the
territories of the nomads in search of land, by various nomadic
peoples, and by sinified border peoples who had become settled
and had adopted Chinese agriculture to some extent. Chinese,
on the other hand, sometimes intermarried with the nomads or
adopted their way of life, although it was more often the other
way around. Much of the border population, however, was of
mixed Chinese and Mongol or other stock.
During periods of border warfare, the border peoples would
variously identify their interests with the Chinese or with the
Mongolian side, depending upon the circumstances.
The most important areas of the Inner Mongolian region, in
relation to China, have been the Ordos Plateau, located within
the upper bend of the Yellow River, and the northeastern area
along the Hsingan mountain range bordering on Manchuria.
Particularly pertinent to the history of Inner Mongolia are the
periods of the YLfan, Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties (1280-1367, 1368-
1643, 1644-1911) and the more recent experiences under the Re-
public and under Communist control. It was during these periods
that the region took much of its present shape. The later phases
of the Republican period in China, together with the present
Communist phase, inject into the organization of the area a
factor not present in earlier history, that of industrialization.
It is possible that this factor will eventually modify the patterns
of interaction between Chinese and non-Chinese in the region
enough that one cannot, without intensive study, draw significant
equatable patterns from earlier history. The history of earlier
relations between the Inner Mongolian nomads and the Chinese is
one of mutual inability to integrate. The presence of industrial-
ization and the effective centralization of political power in
China raise the probability of such an integration.
II. History of the Inner Mongolian Region
A. Earliest History to the Rise of the Ytian Dynasty
Toward the end of the Chou Dynasty, in the fourth and fifth
39-.
e ?
?
centiiries' C. , the Chinese states began to expand, into theiter-
rito'ries 'of the nomads. Adopting the art of mounted archei
froM their opponents, the Chinese drove the nomads back outof
the Ordos Plateau and beyond the Yin-shan Range, and finally
occupied the stretch of southern Manchurian teiritory from about
Mukcten'' to a 'point west of the present city of Jehol. The nomads
soon retook these territories, however, and repeated encounters
with the northern tribes, particularly those known as the 1-1siung-
nu, led to the building of the Great Wall of China during the
Ch'in period (B. C. 249-210 A. D.), a construction far surpassing
the earlier walls which were its prototype.
The construction of these walls provided for the first time a
defined frontier between the Chinese and the peoples to the north.
Markets grew up along this frontier, at which Chinese peasants
bartered their produce to the nomads in times of peace. This
trade mechanism, in more or less the same form, persisted
throughout Chinese history. The nomads dwelling along the
borders came to expect it, and it soon became a concern of the
Chinese state rather than merely a profitable enterprise for
individuals.
During the Han Dynasty (B. C. 206-220 A.D. ), the pattern of
frontier relations became well established. Driven back by the
Ch'in Dynasty, the nomads of the north formed a tribal union
under the Hsiung-nu. This Hsiung-nu union gradually established
an empire and by the beginning of the second century B. C.
represented a significant threat to the stability of China. The
trade through central Asia was continually threatened by the
position of the Hsiung-nu. Thus a series of engagements and
wars was entered upon by the Chinese which resulted in the with-
drawal of the nomads to the north. The Chinese eventually broke
the power of the Hsiung-nu, cleared the nomads from the Ordos,
re-established themselves in northern Shansi and Shensi, and
forced the main body of the Hsiung-nu far into present-day
Outer Mongolia.
Until the year 439, the frontier was rent by the struggles of
the Chinese and the nomads. Sixteen kingdoms were built up and
destroyed in quick succession in north China, Inner Mongolia and
southeast Manchuria by various branches of the Hsiung-nu.
Hsien-pi, the Ch'iang of northeast Tibet, and the Chih from the
west. Though non-Chinese in origin, some segments of each
group after conquest or senlement gradually tended to accept
more and more of Chinese culture. In fact, the group as a whole
might resist complete assimilation, while the rulers proceeded
to build up a typical "Chinese" court. If the people as a whole
remained more tribal than "Chinese, " while their ruling families
lost their original ways and language, the tribal group might be
the first to rise against their rulers. If bnth ruling families and
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the tribal'pebple became sinifiedrenough.td.Tlosei their original..::
Identity, .a new nomadicor semi-nomadic people fresh from the
- j-
steppe' Moire in. Thus the former raiders,l,having estab-
hshed a kingdom', 'would become the raided.. _
The succession of kingdoms, empires and, groups in north
China andthe Inner Mongolian region, looked at histoyically,,-,,,
? - -
takes on the nature of a play performed on a fixed stage. Group
after group entered right or left, swept the center of the stage,
were Stopped at either side, pushed into the wings by another
eXplandit-ig group, and disappeared from the Inner Mongolian
region.
In the fifth century A. D. the Toba and Juan-Juan successively
occupied the Chahar steppes and the Jehol hills in the northern
part of present-day Inner Mongolia, and by the middle of the
fifth century, the rise of the Turks had displaced the strength of
both these groups.
During the T'ang Dynasty (618-907), Turkic influence was felt
strongly in China. The T'ang rose with the aid of Turkic cavalry,
and in the early period of its development, the T'ang court was
obliged to buy favor with the Turks through elaborate gifts.
Several campaigns were waged against the Turks in the
seventh century, and the Turkish Uighurs, allied with the Chi-
nese, helped to break the power of the eastern group of Turks.
The westerii Turks remained a menace, however. In 895 the
western Turks, or Shato, founded a short-lived dynasty based
on Shansi, which spread out into a number of provinces in the
next few decades. The Shato tried to rule as a foreign military
elite over the Chinese subjects, but at the same time they took
over the Chinese political structure and used those Chinese who
knew how to operate the system. When their rule ended, some
of the Shato upper class had become assimilated to the Chinese
way of life. The portion of the Shato who remained "tribal"
removed to the western part of Inner Mongolia and to Kokonor,
where they remained as a minor ethnic element.
The next important foreign dynasty in north China was that of
the Khitan, a league of tribes which had become the dominant
power in the north and northeast. The Khitan, for the most part,
were willing to live in peace with the Chinese after their inva-
sion of the Sung empire in 1004. Once they had become comfort-
able and prosperous. however, Juchen tribes to the north of
their dominions became aco.ve. The Sung allied with the Juchen
to drive out the Khitan, with the result that Juchen themselves
invaded the Yellow River basin and established their rule in
north China. The Juchen firmly controlled the military, and
eliminated Khitan and Chinese remnants from the empire's elite
army.
Politically. the Juchen ruled as a group apart .from the
1
?
conquered, and socially they_began at once to keep themselves
- ?
. ? . ? .
distinguished from the Chinese. _ Although this Policy Was gradu-
ally relaxed among the Juchen nobility, .the bulk of tli6 ordinary
people remained scmeWhats,low,to.fiase with the,ChineseCon,-
sciougneSS,of the difference between the two groups was greater
because of official attempts from tiine ta'time CO -outlaw the
? ?, it _
Chinese customs which had been adopted? by upper-class-Ss-JUChen?.-'
, ? . ?
As a group, they tended to displace rather than fuse with the
. - ?.. ?
Chinese.
Decade after decade, century after century, the waves had
been lapping at the Chinese beach. Large portions of that beach
had been submerged in various periods to re-emerge rater as
the waves receded. But the tidal wave which inundated the whole
country was yet to come. The Mongols were about to appear,
having built up a formidable strength in the steppes during the
later years of Juchen rule in north China. When the Mongols
attacked China proper they had already conquered central Asia,
had established a working relationship against the Juchen, and
finally had broken the Juchen power by an alliance with the
Chinese of the southern Sung Empire. They had built up a poli-
tical league which was numerically stronger than those of the
earlier alien peoples, and which had at its command the advan-
tage of all the new technical advances and arts and crafts of
western and central Asia and parts of Europe. The Mongol Em-
pire may be looked at as the end product of a historical process
which developed with a more frequent periodicity from about the
eighth century A.D. When the Mongol Empire collapsed and was
replaced by the Ming Dynasty, it was for China the end of a long
era: The Manchu (Ch'ing) Dynasty, successor to the Ming, was
in reality the continuation of a style of conquest-rule begun by
the Shato, developed by the Juchen, and as such, different in
kind from the style represented by the Mongols.
B. Ytian, Ming and Ch'ing Periods
The Mongol advance into China was relatively slow, but it
penetrated farther than had any previous non-Chinese conquest.
The Mongols of the thirteenth century under Chingis Khan were
no longer pure nomads, but had long maintained relations with
their sedentary neighbors, particularly the Chinese, and had
adopted many of their ideas and ways. The Chinese element in
the conquering Mongols was thus very strong. After subjecting
all the major steppe peoples to his rule, Chingis proceeded to
attack the various Chinese states in north China. With the aid of
an alliance with the Khitan, which the Juchen had driven from
north China, he laid waste the Juchen empire and captured the
capital, Peking, in 1215. Leaving one of his commanders to
finish the campaign, Chingis turned his attention to the conquest
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of various central Asian territories and empires. Before his
death, Chingis Khan divided his empire among his sons, his wife
anOis- closest 'followers. Since that time the Mongolian princes
and rulers halle,tyaced_their "white-boned" noble lineage to
Chingt-s:Kha'n. The Memory of Chingis has survived strongly
among the Mongols in folklore, songs and religion. He has come
to be regarded as a sort of semi-divine being sent by Heaven,
whose triumphs were arranged by Heaven, and who will someday
riseagain and lead his people to a new era of greatness. A cult
of Chingis has survived in Inner Mongolia, centered about the
tent containing his alleged remains and relics, which until
recently were watched over by successive generations of a
special guard. Every year the Mongol nobles traveled to the
camp Ejin Khora, at which the remains were enshrined, for a
great sacrificial feast.
Chingis granted the Mongolian home region to his youngest
son, Tolui. The successor to Tolui was Ugedei Khan, who com-
pleted the conquest of the Juchen Empire with the aid of the
southern Sung emperor. The Mongols next turned their attention
to the conquest of China proper, which was not accomplished
until 1279, and was directed by Khubilai, who had become Khan
of the Mongolian home region in 1260. Khubilai now proclaimed
the YUan Dynasty, with Chingis as its founder, and he himself
became the first Mongol emperor of China.
Khubilai adopted a policy of duality in consolidating Mongol
rule over the vast regions of China. Mongol armies and their
non-Chinese auxiliaries were separated from the Chinese, who
were used as local militia and later as guards along the southern
frontiers. The civil administration was organized to keep key
positions in Mongol and non-Chinese hands. To insure Mongol
pre-eminence, legislation contributing to separatism was estab-
lished: The population of China was ,divided into four groups--
Mongols, Central Asian auxiliaries (Uighurs, Turkish peoples
of other groups, Tanguts, Russians and Bulgars), North Chinese
and South Chinese. The non-Chinese groups were favored both
economically and administratively; the Chinese were actively
discriminated against or tolerated. South Chinese fared worse
than those of the north and of the border areas. Chinese could
carry no arms in the early period of the dynasty; they were at
first forbidden to learn Mongolian or other foreign languages;
intermarriage between south Chinese and non-Chinese was for
Foreigners formed the mainstay of the dynasty, even
after Chinese were again allowed to try for government office
through the re-established examination system.
Despite the extreme measures to maintain barriers between
the rulers and the ruled, many aspects of Chinese culture were
adopted by the Mongols. Influence was not only from Chinese to
. 38
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Mongol, however, for the Ytian Dynasty left its park on Chinese
culture. The influx of foreigners and foreign trade made their ?
impression, as did the Mongol encouragement of Buddhism and
Taoism. Mongol encouragement of the theatre contributcd-to'the
development of Chinese opera. Indian, Tibetan and Nepalese
influences were felt in the Tibetan Buddhist temples and relig-
ious sculpture; knotted carpets began to be made in north China
for the Mongol patrons. Mongols, particularly the upper classes.
developed a taste for Chinese food, but held to the drinking of
mare's milk and to traditional foods. Socially, however,
Chinese customs had little influence upon traditional marriage
and kinship institutions of the Mongols. Howorth has character-
ized the Mongol position in China as "that of a huge encampment.
. . . they were strangers there, and failed to assimilate with
the indigenes." This failure to become part of China and Chi-
nese culture limited the duration of Mongol rule. Continued
exploitation, even with indirect benefits to the ruled such as the
improvement of the Grand Canal linking north and south China,
and the system of post roads, raised irresistable pressures
upon an unstable structure. No more than fifty years after the
death of Khubilai Khan, revolts broke out which drove the
Mongols back into the steppe.
The Mongols were not expelled from China as a unified group
Large numers remained in the service of the new Chinese
dynasty, the Ming (1368-1643), and Mongol troops in some cases
helped the Ming Chinese against the Mongol Yllan Dynasty. This
division continued to militate against a united Mongol attempt to
reconquer the throne, although numerous leaders attempted to
recreate and occupy the position of ruler of all the Mongols. A
major split occurred at this time, and the Mongols divided into
two groups, the Eastern and the Western. After a brief period
of dominance by the Western group, both were united for a time
under Dayan Khan (1460?-1504? A. D.).
Dayan Khan divided the eastern tribes adhering to him into
two sections: a right and a left wing, geographically distributed
along the border of north China. The western Mongols, called
Oirat, nomadized west of the Alashan range. But constant inter-
necine warfare allowed no real stabilization of these groups, and
the border situation was fluid. Chinese forces periodically
sortied into the frontier regions of southwest Manchuria (Jehol,
Liaotung) and, prior to Dayan Khan's consolidation, had even
penetrated into north Manchuria and solidified Chinese control.
Shifting alliances between Mongol tribes, or Chinese "protection"
of one group of Mongols against the other, characterized Inner
Mongolian political relations throughout the Ming period, and a
gradual solidification of Inner Mongol groups began to take f..)! as' .
By 1546 the leadership of the right-wing Inner Mongol grouos
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(Ordos, Tumet and Yungsiyebti) was in the hands of Altan Khan,
grandson of Dayan. Altan harassed the Chinese, fought the
Oiits and made contact 'with the Tibetans, beginning the process
which resulted in, the ultimate conversion of the Mongols to
Tibetan Buddhim (Lamaism).
Altan Khan brought relief to the Chinese in 1569-70, conclud-
ing peace in return for trade concessions such as the establish-
ment of horse markets. As the Mongols in western Inner
Mongolia were now quiescent for the moment, acting as the
guardians of the border, the Chinese could turn their attentionto
the eastern part of the region. Here the Mongol leaders contin-
ued to be intransigent. In addition, the Manchu power was rising
in Manchuria, promising to force a decision in the future. The
Ming attempted to negotiate with one of the most powerful Mongol
leaders, Ligdan Khan of the Chahar, tempting him with a regu-
lar subsidy and trade. Ligdan was to provide the eastern buffer
as Altan Khan provided the western. But Ligdan attempted to
consolidate his position among neighboring Mongol groups, a
move which drove many Mongols over to the Manchus. In 1626
Ligdan struck at the Manchus and was rebuffed. From 1626 to the
end of 1627, Mongol allegiance to the Manchus vacillated. By
1634 the combined effect of Manchu strength and Ligdan's attacks
secured the adherence of most of the Inner Mongol groups to the
Manchu power. The final capitulation of the Chahar and of all the
Mongols was symbolized by the delivery of the great seal of the
Ytian Dynasty into the hands of the Manchu emperor. In 1636 the
Manchu emperor was recognized by almost all the Inner Mongol
groups, and in 1691 by the Khalkhas as well, they being estab-
lished now in present-day Outer Mongolia.
The Manchu conquest of China and their alliances with the
Mongols marked the end of the "corridor" aspect of Inner Mon-
golia. The Manchus demarcated Mongol territories, reorganized
the Mongol tribes into administrative units attached to those
territories, and in effect constituted Inner Mongolia as a region.
Where the earlier Mongol division had been between east and
west, under the Manchu reign, eastern, western and southern
Mongols were distinguished. Ming policy on the frontier had
been to paCify the nomads, governing through their traditional
leaders where possible, and bribing or threatening various
groups not under their direct control. The policy of divide and
rule was used to its utmost, the primary aim being to prevent
the union of the Mongols under a powerful and conquest-minded
leader. The Manchus, establishing themselves as the Ch'ing
Dynasty, faced the problem in a slightly different way. The
policy of division was continued, but the groups were kept sepa-
rate first by defining their territory, secondly by centralizing
their administration under the court in Peking, thirdly by m.aking
40
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it necessary to confirm all Mongol officials in Peking, and
finally by giving Mongol rulers 'a vested interest in the dynastir
through Marriage and subsidy. A powerful-tool also existed in
Tibetan Buddhism, which had entered Mongolia in the late
fifteenth. century. The establishment of large, fixed monasteries
with an'extensive hierarchy of functionaries aided the attempt of
the Manchus to stabilize the Mongols. Through stabilization and
incorporation (as of the Mongol forces incorporated into the
military system), control of religious institutions and the.nobil-
ity, subsidy and protection against various intransigent Mongols,
the Manchus established a relationship with the Inner Mongols
which lasted until the fall of the dynasty.
The banner system, by which the Manchus governed the
Mongols, was devised prior to the conquest of China, and had
been used by the Manchus themselves. The nomads were divided
politically into two classes: the self-governing and the governed.
The old self-governing tribes were broken up and reorganized
into banners, each under the control of a hereditary chieftan
called a jasak, taiji or tabunang. These banners were grouped
into leagues, each under a captain-general and a deputy captain-
general, who were selected by imperial appointment from among
the leading jasaks. The leagues and banners were in turn placed
under the control of the imperial government and its agents.
Leagues and banners sometimes included sections of tribes
which formerly had been a single unit, or, in many cases, a
tribe was reconstituted as a banner. Banners and leagues were
limited to definite territories and forbidden to nomadize beyond
their limits. Finally, all nomadic administration was under the
supreme direction of the Board of Foreign Dependencies in
Peking.
Governed tribes were organized into banners, which were
divided into squadrons and were under the direct control of the
imperial agent nearest them, or under a functionary delegated
to govern them.
In Inner Mongolia, as a consequence of the cooperation which
most of the Inner Mongol groups had given at an early date, a
relatively high degree of self-government was allowed. Only the
Chahar and the Tumet Mongols were not allowed to be ruled
directly by their hereditary princes. Responsibility was given
to the league for command of the banner troops and for adjudica-
tion of disputes between banners which could not be solved by
direct negotiation. The banners. were responsible for mainten-
ance of the imperial military post roads which extended through
their territory. The princes of the banners were invested with
their titles and rule by the imperial court, and were required to
send annual tribute to the court. Periodically, banner princes
were obligated to make an appearance at the court in Peking,
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where they were feted and presented with gifts.
Mongol and Tungusic groups (see China IMAR, Ethnic Groups)
were enrolled in the original eight Manchu banners. Others who
retained their mode of living as wandering tribes and hunters
Were 'placed under the control of military governors, and were
required to appear periodically with tribute at the Bureau of
Hunters.
Under the Ch'ing Dynasty, a relative equilibrium in Inner
Mongolia was attained. The wide-ranging movements of conquest
by nomads were halted; the last real attempt was by Galdah, the
w estern Mongol leader who, for a time, challenged the might of
the Manchus and the eastern Mongols and drove a long wedge into
eastern Outer Mongolia. After Galdan's defeat by the K'ang-hsi
emperor (r. d. 1662-1723), only minor upsurges troubled the
dynasty. The relative stability introduced into Inner Mongolia by
the Manchu territorial demarcations and the monastic system of
Tibetan Buddhism gave a powerful impetus to the pacification of
the frontier. Perhaps most important for the Manchu frontier
policy was the integration of Mongols into the state apparatus as
allies and honored dependents, together with the establishment
of Lamaism alter the old Mongol institutions had become dis-
organized.
Conditions .were favorable for the growth of the Lamaist
monastic institutions (see China IMAR, Religion). The Mongol
princes' struggles for political leadership through military force
were halted by the capitulation of the various Mongol groups to
the Manchus in 1634-36, and the monastic system had time to
consolidate its position. Superimposed upon the traditional
Mongol administrative organization, the Manchu administrative
structure protected the vested interests of the nobles. The
monastic system did not represent a threat to the nobility, but
was accepted by them as an ally. In Mongolia the monastic insti-
tution was not bound solely to the fixed locations of the monas-
teries, but could adapt its organization to the limited movement
allowed to the nomads. Thus Lamaism formed a bridge between
stability and mobility, but at the same time offered a new avenue
. of social and political mobility. Under the old Mongol pattern,
politically or economically important positions had been limited
strictly to the nobility or their dependents; the various ranks and
positions of the monasteries?increased the opportunties for
social advancement to ordinary Mongols. The Mongol commoner
who previously could anticipate only a life of herding, fighting or
raiding now was able to rise to the equivalent of noble status,
for the lowest rank of monk was equated socially with the lowest
ranks of the nobility, and so on up through the hierarchy. Repre-
senting a non-Chinese cultural focus with its orientation toward
Tibet. the monastic system functioned as an escape from the
42
1 1
prospect of absorption by Chinese culture.
Not until the mid-nineteenth century was the equilibrium of
Inner Mongolia significantly disrupted. The turning points were
the relaxation of Manchu regulations against Chinese coloniza-
tion, the Western impact on China proper, and with the estab-
lishment of the Chinese Republic (1912-1949), a new frontier
policy.
1. Chinese colonial pressure
During the three centuries of Manchu rule, a change gradually
came over Inner Mongolia.. Mongol aristocrats who had come
into contact with the Chinese began to build cities in the Chinese
manner, and brought in Chinese to serve them, to supply them
with luxuries and to work in their fields. This resulted in a
migration of Chinese artisans, merchants and farmers into
Mongol country. At first this movement was seasonal and
licensed by the government, but gradually the Chinese settled
down and acquired land from the Mongol princes. Many of the
Mongols, too, began to settle down as farmers, despite their
natural dislike for sedentary life, and despite the policy of the
Ch'ing government to preserve their traditional economy.
As agriculture became established among the Mongols, there
came a change in the concept of land tenure, a change from
collective ownership by the tribe to ownership by the prince and
individual Mongols. Through foreclosure of mortgages, land
gradually passed into the hands of the Chinese farmers, who
thus gradually encroached upon the lands of both the agricultural
and the pastoral Mongols. The change, at the same time, led to
a widening of the social differences between the aristocrats and
the lamas, on the one hand, who became wealthy landowners,
and the commoners, on the other, who became impoverished and
landless. Civil wars and natural catastrophes drove more
Chinese into Mongolia, where they reproduced the agricultural
pattern of China proper, gradually dominating the economy by
their industry, and where many became prosperous as the
standard of living of the Mongols deteriorated.
The policy of the Ch'ing government had been to preserve the
economy of the Mongols, but by the second half of the nineteenth
century, as the Ch'ing government weakened, this policy was
abandoned. In the closing decade of the century, the government
itself embarked on a policy of colonization, especially in the
Ordos (Ho-t'ao) region and the lands of the Ikechon league
(Suiyuan). The Chinese colonists, supported by the government,
gradually became the privileged class. To make the situation
worse, land commissioners came in and made fortunes for
themselves at the expense of the Mongols. In 1901, there was a
wholesale mortgaging of land by the Mongols who were unable to
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pay. their assessed share of the indemnity' for the Boxer Rebel-
lion this land went into the hands of Chinese colo-
nists in a second large-scale colonization scheme launched by
the government in 1902-1908.
r,.,
Cliinese colonization in Mongol country increased after the
establishment of the Republic in 1912. There were land booms in
1916-19 and in 1926-28. On the premise that the land belonged not
to the Mongols but the Chinese nation as a whole, and that titles
of possession could be granted only by the Chinese government,
the Chinese enacted new land laws which deprived the Mongols of
their land. Despite the efforts of the central government to
introduce certain safeguards for the economic well-being and the
culture of the Mongols, provincial officials and speculators
continued to push hard against the Mongols.
In their advance against the less prepared and less organized
Mongols, the Chinese made full use of the methods and means
they had borrowed from the imperialists of Japan and of the West
who were then encroaching upon China. The Chinese used modern
weapons of warfare to overawe the Mongols and railways to
facilitate their drive. The seizure and reclamation of land went
hand in hand with railway building. The construction of the
Peking -Mukcien Railway into Manchuria and the Peking-Suiyuan
Railway into western Inner Mongolia had been followed immedi-
ately by swarms of Chinese farmers who staked out lands within
the jurisdiction of thc Mongol leagues. In the north, the Chinese
Eastern Railway crossed the Hsingan Mountains into areas
occupied by the Barga tribes. The line pushing northwestward
from T'ao-nan, as well as the Cheng-chia-trun line, thrust into
the land of the Jerim League. To further colonizaiion, the
Chinese launched the Great Hsingan Reclamation Project in 1929,
employing the Reclamation Army as a spearhead to extend the
line from T'ao -nan to Solun, and eventually by way of the south-
ern Hsingan Mountains, to link with the Chinese Eastern Railway
at Hailar. Although the higher authorities promised the Mongols
they would be accorded favorable treatment and that the promo-
tion of agriculture would not exclude their pastoral interests,
the ruthlessness of the lower officials led to the eviction of many
Mongols from their land. It was only in the fall of 1931, after
forty miles of the railway had been built, that the Japanese
seizure of Manchuria brought an end to the project.
By 1930, Chinese penetration into Inner Mongolia had reached
its height. Colonization by Chinese farmers included as much as
two-thirds of the land of the Jerim League, all the land of the
Josolu League. half the land of the Jouda League, seventy per
cent of the Chahar Mongol country, all the country of the Tumet
near Huhehot (Kuei-sui), all the land of the Ordos west of
Suiytian, and forty per cent of the land of the Ulanchab League.
?
17;
?
(Lattimore, Mongols of Manchuria, p. 26. According to the
Chung-hua Nien-chien, 1948, 11, p. 1894; seven-eighths of the
land of the Ulanjab and seven-ninths of the land of the Ilchchao
Leagues were colonized.) Only the territory of the Silingol
League in northern Chahar remained untouched by agriculture
and colonization. Consequently, the leaders of Mongol resistance
have been for the most part men from this league. Prince To of
the West Sunit Banner in this league was one of the most active
leaders of the Mongol independence movement.
C. Inner Mongolia and the Republic --the Development of
Nationalism
The increasing pressure of Chinese colonists into the lands of
the Mongols (see China IMAR, Ethnic Groups), the lowering of
the standard of living and the impoverishment of the people, the
corruptkon and oppression of local, officials, and the inability of
the people to find redress, resulted in a growing animosity on
the part of the Mongols against the Chinese. This situation was
further aggravated by the change in the Chinese position to one
of privilege and dominance, and the lowering of the Mongols to a
subject people, a complete reversal of the situation of earlier
times, when the Mongols employed the Chinese as farmers and
artisans. The encroachment of the Chinese was not uniform
around the Inner Mongolian perimeter, however, so the impetus
for a united opposition in Inner Mongolia was lacking. Conse-
quently, the Inner Mongols rose in local rebellions rather than
in concerted revolt.
Early rebellions were actually aimed at the Mongol princes,
rather than at the Manchu Dynasty or Chinese colonists, for it
was the princes who, in many cases, disposed of Mongol lands
to support their own interests. The Chinese backed the social
authority of the princes, treating them as if they, rather than
the tribes in general, owned the land. Many of the princes
acquired grants of lands formerly belonging to the tribe, and so,
as landlords, became wealthy and also dependent upon Chinese
support. There were many princes, however, particularly
those in the north such as the heads of the Silingol League, who
resented capitulation to the Chinese and tried to rally the
Mongols to resist Chinese encroachment.
An uprising in 1858 heralded the future, for it was during this
time that the duguilang, or "round-robin, " form of organization
appeared in Inner Mongolia, a type of secret society that became
extremely important in later struggles. The names of the
members were written in a circle, to prevent the singling out of
leaders. To insure maximum secrecy, only a few in each circle
were in contact with members of other circles. The duguilang
first appeared near Shensi, an old seat of Chinese secret
45
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societies, and may actually have been inspired by a secret
organization of that, region.
The, real resistance movement of the Mongols, however,
, ?.
dates from the 1830's, when the Chinese began their "land recla-
mation" schem'e in the Kuei-sui--Pao-t'ou region of Suiyuan. At
that time, members of the Ushin. Banner in the Ikechon League
organized themselves into a duguilang society which met peri-
odically to discuss problems such as ways to resist the tyranny
of the princes and the expansion of the Chinese colonists. After
peaceful means failed, the Mongols were sometimes driven to
adopt violent methods. In 1891, Mongol settlers, evicted first
from lands of the Jouda and Josotu Leagues and then from lands
of the Jerim League, rose in rebellion in Jehol. This rebellion
was inspired in part by a Chinese secret organization known as
the Chin-t'an hui (Gold Pill Society).
The emergence of Mongol nationalism was spurred by two
events in 1911-12, the establishment of the Chinese Republic and
the acquisition of local autonomy by Outer Mongolia. The Chi-
nese Republican government announced a policy of equality of
races in China and was at first conciliatory toward the racial
minorities. The Mongols had hoped that a weak China would
reduce Chinese colonial pressure and also give them a voice in
Chinese affairs. They were quickly disillusioned. When Inner
Mongolia's status as an "outer dependency" was abolished, the
Chinese also abolished the local autonomy which the Mongols had
enjoyed under the Ch'ing government. The rising tide of nation-
alism in China, along with the fear of Russian and Japanese
encroachment, moved the Chinese to reassert their power in the
northern frontier. The area of what later became Jehol, Chahar,
Suiyuan and Ninghsia were first made special districts in 1912,
and provinces under the direct control of the central government
in 1928.
With the fall of the Ch'ing Dynasty and the declaration of
Outer Mongolian independence, new struggles began in Inner
Mongolia. In the far northern part of present-day Inner Mongol-
ia, the Barga region declared its autonomy. The Barguts
demanded the removal of Chinese officials, the withdrawal of
all Chinese troops, and the cessation of Chinese colonization. A
potential move for union with Outer Mongolia was prevented
through the mediation of Russia, which at this time had con-
cluded a secret agreement with Japan, recognizing Japanese
influence in Manchuria in return for Japanese recognition of
Russian influence in Outer Mongolia. The Chinese were per-
suaded to grant the Mongols sufficient autonomy in local affairs
to placate them. In 1915 Russia again mediated between China
and the Barguts. when their limited autonomy was threatened by
the Chinese government, and the Barguts once more remained
44,
relatively free. .
Another. rebellion took, place While China:;wasjn the throes of
.
. revolution in 1911-42,, ,in the region around T:iao,-tan, an_area
_
deeply affected by.Chinese'colonizatfon and railroad construction.
_
,,Itinvolved,two banners Of the Khorchin,tribe,1n the Jerim._
:League, led ,by Prince Otai. Five columns,. two ,of which Were
led,by Inner Mongolian leaders, marched south from Outer
Mongolia in an attempt to bring independence to Inner Mongolia.
4 -
but the revolt proved abortive and the columns withdrew after
. ? ,
loo,ting, several Chinese towns.
The land boom and the migration of hordes of Chinese colo-
nists in the years from 1916 to.1919 drove the Mongols to'rebel
,
again in the Barga Plain where the Chinese Eastern Railway ran
through, and in the region along the Mukden--Chang-chun--
Ifarbin Railway. The rebels, most of whom were Mongolian
farmers, were put down by the Chinese with modern weapons.
In 1920 the national government cancelled the autonomy of-,Barga,
moved it into the jurisdiction of Heilungkiang Province, and
coerced the Barguts into "requesting" incorporation into the
Chinese provincial system.
Again in 1923 the Barga Mongols revolted in the north while.
simultaneously, one of the banners of the Khorchin tribe in the
Jerim League, which found itself in the path of the Hsingan
Reclamation Project, rose to defend their land from the local
officials in charge of the project. In defiance of the orders of the
Chinese government to safeguard the rights of the Mongols,
these local officials were exploiting and evicting the Mongols
from their land. Mongol resistance was put down by the recla-
mation troops until the Japanese seizure of Manchuria in 1931
ended the project.
The constant pressure of Chinese immigrants, official
exploitation, and determination to absorb Inner Mongolia, along
with the developments in the "free" Outer Mongolia, continued
to build up an Inner Mongolian nationalism. Along the borders,
those Mongol princes who had accepted Chinese encroachment
and profited from it became increasingly differentiated from
their subjects on a social plane. Mongol landlords developed,
with aims sharply distinct from those of the ordinary Mongol
herder or agricultural laborer. Within the clergy, the lower and
middle lamas took sectilar employment in order to live, while
the high lamas and Living Buddhas enjoyed a high standard of
living from contributions. Forces were building up in Inner
Mongolia on two lines, against the Chinese and for internal
reform. Between 1911 and 1916, the anti-Chinese element pre-
dominated in the revolts led by Babojab in southern Mongolia.
In 1917 Babojab joined with Manchu Prince Su in an attempt to
restore the Manchu Empire, and died in this campaign. Leaders
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who followed were to learn from these early attempt. These
relatively isolated uprisings, by men driven to desperation,
taught the Inner Mongols that they?could not stand aloncV The
lines within Inner Mongolian society began to be drawn more
sharply Vetween those who had privilege and positionlo lose by
opposing the Chinese and those who could see no escape under
the existing system. These lines were in themselves complex,
however. Lack of opposition to the Chinese did not mean com-
plete acceptance of encroachment by Chinese colonists, for at a
certain, point the losses outweighed the gains. Thus sonie of the
princes and lamas who benefited least from the rental or sale
of land to the Chinese held out for a cessation of colonization and
for limited self-government.
Indications of the change of Chinese policy in regard to the
border peoples, after the establishment of the Republic, may be
seen in statements of Chinese leaders of the time. In 1921, Sun
Yat-sen, who earlier had announced a policy of racial equality,
urged the intensification of nationalism and the use of the Han
Chinese as the center for assimilation of the border people.
From this concept, the Kuomintang gradually evolved a policy of
assimilation, the coersive aspects of which have been deprecated
by its enemies as Great Hanism. In initiating this policy, the
Chinese not only provided more schools for the Mongols, but
also encouraged Mongol students to enter schools and colleges
in China prop. er. Among the young Mongols who enrolled in the
Mongolian and Tibetan Institute in Peking in 1924 was Ulanfu,
who was destined to be a principal in the great drama later
enacted in Inner Mongolia. In these schools, the Mongol youth
not only acquired an education, which had been denied to their
fathers, but they also became infected with the impatience and
ultra-nationalism of the Chinese students, and having lent a
ready ear to Nationalist propaganda denouncing "feudalism, "
they became fired by ideas of equality, self-determination and
self -government.
The Chinese government at first paid no heed to the aspira-
tions of the Mongol intellectuals, many of whom, unemployed
upon leaving school, had no alternative but to join the revolution-
ary movement. Nor did the Chinese government pay great
attention to the Mongol princes, aside from recognizing them as
tribal rulers. While the Ch'ing government had given the Mongol
princes priliileges and subsidies, the government of the Chinese
Republic halted the payment of subsidies, and, in contrast to the
royal welcome which St. Pete isburg and Moscow accorded the
Outer Mongolian dignitaries, Peking and Nanking treated the
Inner Mongolian princes with contempt. Thus there was resent-
ment against the Chinese by both the Mongol aristocrats and the
commoners.
? 43
In their dissati'sfaction and despair, many thinking Mongol's
'1Ooked toward Outer Mongolia for guidance anti:inspiration.' -
Under the aegis of Russia, Outer Mongolia acquired self-govern-
_
ment.in 1912, obtairied Chinese consent to abstain from further
colonization, thwarted a Chinese attempt in 1919 to reassert
airthority, and, after a revolution in 1924, established a "peo-
ple's government." Although Outer Mongolia nominally recog-
nized the sovereignty of China, it was actually independent.
Thus, although revolutionary movements had taken place earlier
in Inner Mongolia, it was Outer Mongolia that achieved indepen-
dence first, a fact which profoundly impressed the intellectuals
of Inner Mongolia. Following the abortive Putschs, many of the
revolutionaries found asylum and employment in Outer Mon-
golia. They and other young Mongols gradually emerged as a
coherent party.
The pronouncements of the Canton "leftists, It the internal
struggles of the Kuomintang, and the radical program of the
Canton Commune (December, 1927) had as much of an impact
in Inner Mongolia as it did in China. There were, however, no
definitely documented leftist movements in Inner Mongolia until
about 1923. At that time the National Revival Club was organized
by the "progressive" young Mongols, many of whom were influ-
enced by the development of an "independent" Outer Mongolia
under Soviet influence. There are indications that at least two
tendencies among the politically aroused Inner Mongols existed
from 1923 to 1925. One tendency was linked to Pan-Mongolism,
supporting the union of Inner and Outer Mongolia and probably
urging reforms in Inner Mongolia similar to those being carried
on in Outer Mongolia. It is possible that this tendency was
expressed in the form Of a small Communist organization, but
whether this group operated in Inner Mongolia or from an Outer
Mongolian base is not certain. This organization, if organized it
was, voiced Pan-Mongolian sentiments at the first General
Khural of the Outer Mongolian People's Republic in November,
1924. At this meeting, Fumintai, a representative from Inner
Mongolia of the "Eastern Bureau of the Central Committee of the
Mongolian People's Party, " expressed the desire of the Inner
Mongols for the assistance of Outer Mongolia in freeing them
from Chinese oppression. This sentiment was echoed by a
representative from the Ordos.
The other tendency was perhaps stronger at that time. This
tendency was represented by those who sought for aid in the
radical group of the Kuomintang. As it happened, the situation
developed in their direction.
In 1925, when Pai Ytin-t'i, Merse, Ulanfu and others organ-
ized the National Revival Club into the Mongolian People's
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Party of Inner Mongolia,?it was with the blessing of the dominant
warlord of the area, Feng Yti-hsiang, and the Communist Party
of China, at, that time cooperating with the Kuomintang. This
group allied itself with the fortunes of the Chinese revolution and
the Kuomintang, at least with one section, the "left" Kuomintang,
and its subsequent history was intimately linked with them. At
the first Congress of the Mongolian People's Party of Inner Mon-
golia, Feng Ytt-hsiang, representatives of the Outer Mongolian
government and the Canton Communists joined in congratulations
to the new movement. The party was active from its inception.
One of its aims was organized resistance to Chinese adrninistra-
tion, and it played a part in the Hsingan uprising in 1928.
Another of its aims was abolition of the authority of the
princes, and in 1930 it went so far in doing away with the power
and prerogatives of the princes that the head of the Jerim League
had to wire the Nationalist government for help.
A third aim was the achievement of independence from Chi-
nese rule and union with Outer Mongolia. In this they met deter-
mined resistance from the majority of the princes. Union with
Outer Mongolia, the princes feared, would mean not only exten-
sion of Russian influence, but also the danger of being over-
shadowed by the government of Outer Mongolia. The clamor for
union with Outer Mongolia continued, especially from among the
more articulate of the Mongol leaders, and their machinations
to achieve this end were a constant factor in Inner Mongolian
politics, despite the geographical barriers and differences in
social structure and ideologies of the people that had to be over-
come. (Not only are Inner Mongolia and Outer Mongolia separ-
ated by the Gobi Desert and by tribal history, but Owen Latti-
morc suggested that, in addition, there was a psychological
barrier to unification. In the past, the various unifications of
Mongolia had been preceded by bitter internecine warfare, lead-
ing eventually to the emergence of a leader who would not only
unify Mongolia but also lead the Mongols to victorious conquests.
Consequently, the average Mongol could not think of Mongol
unification except as a result of a war between Inner and Outer
Mongolia to determine the right to leadership [Mongols of Man-
churia, pp. 54-56] .) Inner Mongolia was not only economically
epenuent upon China, but its population was predominantly
Chinese.
Not all the young Mongolt; entertained so extreme an objec-
tive. Many of them sought to attain a closer one, which was to
secure a large degree of self-government within the federative
framework of China. Even these men were divided in their
views. Some believed in rallying around such aristocratic
leaders as Prince Te (Demchuk Dondub) of the West Sunit in the
Silingol League, and in o?rganizing their autonomous government
50
11
I!;
with the assistance a.nd prestige of thelprinc.es,?while.others
believed that a new regime could:he achieved only by ,Lhe,over-
throw of feudalism.
The revolutionaries, however, yepr,esented;only,a small
percentage of the population. :The,rnajoriCrof:the Mongols asked
only equality and a fair deal from the Chinese, and'many of the
princes opposed the revolutionary movement and were uncertain
with regard to the autonomous movement. Prince Ytln (Yondan
Wangchuk) of the Ulanchap League, for example, became ?inter-
ested in the autonomous movement of Prince Te in the hope of
gaining control of the opium traffic which passed theough his
domain, and which would net him an income of three million
dollars a year.
The princes of leagues having large Chinese populations, like
Prince Sha (Shakdorjab) of the Ikechon League, or princes of
banners threatened by Japanese expansion, such as Prince So
(Sonam Ralitan) of the Ujumchin Right Banner of the Silingol
League, opposed the autonomous movement of Prince Tc and
turned to the Chinese government for help.
An explanation of the divergence of opinion with regard to
Pan-Mongolism may possibly be found in the confused political
situation of the time. Russian policy was attemtping to maintain
a hand among the two major groups of the Kuomintang, repre-
sented by Wang Ch'ing-wei (the left KMT) and the Chiang K'ai-
shek group, not yet identified as the "right." In Outer Mongolia,
Soviet policy followed the line of Pan-Mongolism until late 1925.
Ills possible that the pro-Pan-Mongolia delegates to the Outer
Mongolia Congress represented a dual Communist policy for
Inner Mongolia, where the Soviet Union was supporting the war-
lord Feng Yil-hsiang against the Manchurian warlord Chang Tso-
lin. It is also possible that the two divergent tendencies in Inner
Mongolia had a more local basis. The Inner Mongolian Left
Kuomintang (Mongolian People's Party) was organized primarily
by students of the Mongolian and Tibetan Institute at Peking, and
had its center within the domain of Feng YU-hsiang, while
Furnintai of the "Eastern Bureau" may possibly have represented
the strong Pan-Mongolism of Ba.rga, and the Ordos representa-
tive may have had little contact with the Mongolian People's
Party organizers, as his region 'was under the dominion of the
warlord Yen Hsi-shan.
Soviet policy shifted away from Pan-Mongolism at the end of
1925, becoming open in 1927-28, and the shift was convenient in
terms of uniting the Inner Mongolian nationalists. The line which
the Mongolian People's Party adopted at its 1925 convention
called for opposition to imperialism, full implementation of the
Kuomintang constitutional provision for equality, an end to war-
lordism, internal reform in the Inner Mongolian banner and
St
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PririCely'sYsterri,- and full self-determination of nationalities
--with"China,'a.' reflection of th-earakhta platform adopted in-Outer
Mongolia in 1921. It was clearly a revolutionary line, linked 'to
the aecorn- PlisliMent Of-a revolution in China. There are' indica-
-'tiOriS?fri'the manifesto of the'Cong.reS's'that7an atitonorrious -goy-
--er-nment'of Inner Mongolia was contemplated, which would be
-federated to the Chinese Republic rather than made pait of the
provincil system. The manifesto stated, "The land-controlled
by the princes and chieftains shall be handed over to a popularly
elected organ'," and "the popularly elected organ shall look after
the protection of the interests of the country, and all the tyran-
nical administration now practiced in Mongolia shall be abolished
(for 'tyrannical administration' read 'Chinese provincial and
warlord rule')." Further: "Colleges, middle schools and primary
schools for common people as well as various technical schools
shall be established at state expense. . ." and a "People's Sani-
tation Office and various kinds of charity organs shall be estab-
lished." Most conclusive, perhaps, for the argument that an
autonomous government was contemplated, is the following:
"When the Chinese break down imperialism and establish a real
democratic government by uprooting the cruel military clans, we
people in Inner Mongolia shall establish a similar democratic
government." It is not said that the similar government would be
an integral part of the Chinese government.
Clearly, the program was directed at the old princely system
in Inner Mongolia and at domination by Chinese warlords and
provincial authorities. To support the struggle for this program,
Pai Yttn-t'i and Ch'uan Yung-chang planned the organization of a
volunteer corps of Inner Mongolia. A brigade was to be set up in
each of the Special Administrative Areas of Suiyuan, Jehol and
Chahar (established in 1914). It is interesting to note that Com-
munist sources at present credit this organization to Ulanfu,
current chairman of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Republic.
It is possible that Ulanfu was active in the convention and perhaps
also in the organization of the Suiyuan brigade, but he does not
appear to have been so prominent as Pai Ytin-t'i and others. Pai
YUn-t'i organized an officers' training school at Pao-t'ou and
became its president, and the movement began to prepare for an
encounter with the forces of the northern warlord, Chang Tso-lin.
Unfortunately for the Mongols, the movement was linked to
the fortunes of two unreliable. forces; the power of Feng YU-
hsiang to defeat Chang Tso-lin of Manchuria, and the triumph
of the left Kuomintang within China. The intricacies and maneu-
vers of the Chinese Communist Party within the left Kuomintang
and with the bloc headed by Chiang K'ai-shek cannot be detailed
here; it can be said only that they offered no alternative course
for the Inner Mongols. When Feng's forces were defeated, it
111
?
meant the -temporary.eclipse'of the Inner Mongolian left Kuomin-
tang: Pai Ulanfu and other 'party leaderslled to Urga,
-flOM whence perhaps Ulanfu went t?- Moscow. It is said in a
'iecent Russian source that Ulanfw"emigrated for, training,' but
no details are given. Feng Yti-hsiang,himself-retired to Russia
in 1926", where he was feted and "educated."
Ir September 1926, Feng Yll-hsiang ieturned.and reassumed
command of his forces in northwest China. It is possible that at
this time the Inner Mongolian Kuomintang- began:to reconstitute
itself and emerge from hiding or underground activity. BY June,
1927, Feng had decided to join forces with the Kuomintang and
helped bring about a rapprochement between the left Kuomintang
and the forces of Chiang K'ai-shek. This meant turning upon his
erstwhile followers among the Communists, and probably resulted
in the "purging" from the Inner Mongolian Kuomintang of Com-
munists (or more probably, of Communists who w ere reluctant
to follow this current line of cooperation with the left Kuomin-
tang and Feng) and those suspected of being Communists. It is
possible that at this time Batochir (Li Yu-chih), commander of
the People's Revolutionary Army of Inner Mongolia, and Tou
Sun-nien, called by Communists a "prominent Inner Mongolian
revolutionary," were killed. During this time, some of the left
Kuomintang leaders of Inner Mongolia, among them Pai
must have lett Urga (Ulan Bater) and returned to Inner Mongolia,
perhaps arriving soon after Feng returned from Moscow. In any
case, Pai Ytin-t'i.was on hand in 1928 to be elected to the Kuo-
mintang Central Political Committee and to the National Com-
mission of Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs. At least a portion of
the Mongolian troops which he helped mobilize behind Feng YU-
hsiang continued in Feng's service and aided the left Kuomintang
forces in their northern campaign.
On the face of it, the Inner Mongolian movement was now
thoroughly tied to events in China. The Communists were strug-
gling to keep a foothold within the left Kuomintang, F eng's
armies and the left Kuomintang of China proper were engaging
Chang Tso-lin's Manchurian forces in an attempt to master the
north, and the forces of Chiang, both military and political,
were preparing to push for complete dominance of the party and
the government. Events moved rapidly. The Communists were
expelled from both the right and left Kuomintang, Chang Tso-lin
was defeated, and Chiang gained the upper hand and came to an
understanding with Feng Yti-hsiang. From this time the Inner
Mongolian nationalists were to attempt to wrest concessions
from a government committed to an "assimilation" policy.
After the successful conquest of Peking by the Kuomintang and
the purge of Communists from both wings of the party, the
Inner Mongolian Kuomintang was reorganized. For a brief time,
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until mid-1929,, the Inner Mongolian Kuomintang :was represented
in_the Chinese party by delegates_who,Were.willing to
futilely .for a cessation'of Chinese colonization in Inner Mon-
, golia,,limited self-government-,:and adherence: to ,the idea of
"equality" of.nationalitiesAmscribed,in the:constitution...Their
effectiveness Was niLagainSt a government committed-to -
carving Inner:Mongolia,into .regular Chinese provinces and sup-
porting colonization. Betw een A ugust 5, 1928, and ,October -17 of
that year, Inner Mongolia formally ceased to exist, and was
replaced by the new provinces of Chahar, Suiyuan, Jehol ind
Ninghsia. These provinces formalized the former "Special
Administrative Areas" established in 1914.
The reorganization of the Inner Mongolian Kuomintang.didnot
eliminate some of the early founders of the party who might still
have hoped for a shift in policy toward their earlier aspirations.
Prior to the organization of the Third National Congress of the
Kuomintang (held in March 1929), the party reorganization had
not been entirely carried out in Inner Mongolia, and the left
Kuomintang continued to exist, possibly with the continued
blessing of Feng Yli-hsiang. Despite the selection of half the
delegates to this Congress by the "regular" (now Chiang-domin-
ated) Kuomintang, Pal Ylin-t'i and Enkhe Bator, both identified
with the left Kuomintang, attended and were elected to posts in
the Central Executive Committee and the Central Supervisory
Committee, respectively. This "hand-picking" of delegates led
ultimately to a new breach with the left Kuomintang, headed by
Wang Ch'ing-wei and supported by Feng Yli-hsiang, and the
Kuomintang proper, under Chiang K'ai-shek and his adherents.
This break came to a head when Feng began a drive, in May
1929, for control of Shantung, supported by Yen Hsi-shan.
Chiang K'ai-shek's Kuomintang met in June, expelled Feng from
the Central Executive Committee, and perhaps anticipating
renewed help to Feng from the Mongols, enacted a resolution
which called for the "treatment of and assistance of Mongolia,
Tibet, Manchuria and the Moslems, with the object of their
achieving autonomy in order to fulfill the promise of the Kuo-
mintang to place all races in China on an equal footing."
On October 3, 1929, the Central Executive Committee of the
Nanking Kuomintang ordered the arrest of the leaders of the
reorganizationists (left Kuomintang) still on the committee.
Among them was Pal Ytin-tli. Inner Mongol revolutionary acti-
vity, at least that of the Communists, was illegal, but was still
being carried on. In the Ordos, possibly encouraged by the
hostilities between the left Kuomintang and Nanking, a partisan
force was assembling under the leadership of Uljei Jargal, and
it is possible that this group had hoped to win concessions by
offering aid to the Feng-Yen forces at a critical time. The
*Iv
*4'
_p_olicykof the Communist, Party at this time as to, establish
. independent spyiets and to partisipate in military struggles'with
an eyeitpiturning)them.aga.inst all, sec tions,.o fthe Kuomintang
_ Land_thel,wa.rlords. Whether2the,for,ces of.Uljei,Jargal.were,Com-
munists. or remnants of the previous.Inner .Mongolian Kuomin-
tang Mongol troops is open to question. By October 11,.the battle
lines were drawn: the Nanking government ordered troops into
the field against Yen and Feng, and requested the Japanese, who
-,-had,,tyoops-in Shantung, to refrain from withdrawing them. By
March, 1930, Yen Hsi-shan's troops had taken Peking. Wang
,Oh'ing-wei was pursuaded to go north to participate in the estab-
lishment of a national government under the Yen-Feng auspices.
It is perhaps during this period, when the direction of the Chi-
nese Revolution was once more to be decisively determined, that
Ulanfu returned froM Russia or Outer Mongolia to help build up
Inner Mongol Communist and nationalist sentiment and organiz-
ation. There is no evidence, however, that he worked with or
against the reorganizationists (left Kuomintang), or came into
contact with Pal Ylin-t'i, who certainly was associated with the
new Peking developments.
This whole upsurge was again to be short-lived. The person
considered essential to making the establishment of the Peking
government successful was offstage in Manchuria--the young
marshal, Chang Hslieh-liang, son and successor of Chang Tso-
lin. Chang had not committed his troops on either side, but in
September, 1931, Yen Hsi-shan's troops sustained a major
defeat, followed by Yen's retirement from the struggle. Chang
quickly declared himself against further war, occupied Peking,
and called for submission of the Nanking regime. The "right"
was firmly in control.
The status quo was virtually restored, marked merely by the
official retirement of Feng YU-hsiang and Yen Hsi-shan, and the
installation of Chang Hstieh-liang as the dominant warlord in the
Chahar-Jehol region. For the nationalistic Inner Mongols, this
spelled the real end of an era, and henceforth their struggle was
to be disorganized and local until a new power arose to "help"
them. This was not long iii coming, in the form of increasing
Japanese interest in the area. The small and relatively impotent
Inner Mongol Communist movement was committed to join
forces with the Chinese Communist Party. While promoting
nationalism, they were forced by the line of the party to attempt
to direct it toward collaboration, as they had in the past, in a
"new" Chinese Revolution. To the Mongol leaders, who had put
their faith in understanding and help from the Kuomintang revo-
lution, this line must have sounded hollow. To those who had
followed Feng Yli-hsiang, it could have had little appeal, sincr
amnesty and restoration to a semblance of their former
S5
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positions awaite.d'thern' in the new, unified Chinese Kuomintang
and -government'. For: the most part, the firm Mongol national-
ists looked 'arbuild for a way out; in some cases submitting in
order to postpone the inevitable conflict with Chinese encroach-
ment. To others, Japan offered an illusion of new and real
autOnomy.
1. Nationalist policy and the rise of Mengchiang
In 1930 the Nanking government called a Mongolian'Affairs
Conference, at which about two hundred delegates were expected.
Only fifty actually came, mostly from eastern Inner Mongolia, a
center of Mongol nationalism and a region strongly influenced by
contact with Japan and by Chinese colonization. From the Outset,
therefore, the conference faced the charge of not being repre-
sentative of all Inner Mongolia.
The declared aim of the conference was to "deliberate and
formulate measures to facilitate enforcement of various admin-
istrative policies for Mongolia during the period of political
tutelage," and also to "determine a number of practical recon-
struction schemes and other improvements which will prove
beneficial to the general Mongol public." The policy of the cen-
tral government was 'ostensibly to improve the political, econ-
omic and social position of the Mongols under the direction of
the central government, without altering the provincial structure
or giving the Mongols a separate autonomous regime. It was
proposed that certain internal reforms, such as the abolition of
slavery and nationalization of Lamaist temples, be introduced,
as well as the improvement of transportation, livestock, health
and education. On paper the plan offered promise, and might
have had much appeal if it had not been for the delay in imple-
menting it. During this period of delay, the example of Outer
Mongolia and' the increasing Japanese propaganda for annauton-
omous" Inner Mongolia built up nationalistic pressures. The
Chinese government attempted to counter these forces with
propaganda through the establishment of newspapers, a singu-
larly inept method for a highly illiterate group. Meanwhile,
feeling for Mongolian autonomy grew steadily. In May, 1931,
Mongolian students of the Tibetan and Mongolian Institute in
Peking demonstrated for self-determination.
The Japanese had been studying the culture and history of
Inner Mongolia for years. Japanese policy in the penetration of
Inner Mongolia proceeded on two levels, the secular and the
religious. On the secular level, the key policy was to utilize the
desire of the Mongols for autonomy and to convince the Mongols
that it was the Japanese who would deliver them from extermin-
ation by the Chinese. Through this policy, Japan hoped to' make
the Mongols into the kind of allies they had been to the Manchus.
5(.9
.1 ?
As a Sflowcase example to thetInher-Mongols'of the,Man-
churian, border, , the 'Japanese set aside .1-Isingan, largest of the
Manchurian' provinces'; with four subdivisions ostensibly under
autonomous Monjol rule.. However; the autonomy proved to_be
only racial and cultural, for political control was kept ,firmly in
the hands of the central government at Chang-chun,, and no
provincial capital was established. At first, however, an-effort
was made to establish Mongols in even the higher posts, with'
Japanese advisors. Initially, therefore, ? it appeared as though
the Mongol dream was to be realized through,Japanese aid,, and
dissatisfaction with Chinese policy increased.
The Nanking government was obviously disturbed by these
developments. It dispatched a commission to Inner Mongolia to
explain its position to the Mongol leaders and solicit support.
The commission was to emphasize the doctrine of racial unity
between Chinese and Mongols and attempt to cairn the fears and
and anger of the Mongols over C hinese economic and population
pressures. As a token of its concern, the central government
voted money toward the building of a Mongolian school in Peking
and the preparing of Mongolian-Chinese textbooks, which would
emphasize the friendship between the two peoples. There seems
to have been little real understanding or consideration of the
burning question of autonomy, however, It was this blindness
which ultimately threw Prince Te, the leader of the Inner Mon-
gols, into the Japanese camp.
Te was a prince of the West Sunit Banner of the Silingol
League, one of the few sections of Inner Mongolia where sinifi-
cation had made little headway. This league was particularly
open to currents from both the Hsingan "autonomous" regions of
Manchukuo and from Outer Mongolia, on both of which it bor-
dered. Prince Te felt that the time had come to place Inner Mon-
golia on the road to development, and in his view this could be
done by the unification of the region under the Mongols, the
improvement of its economic and educational status, and by
political autonomy. Political autonomy was considered the nec-
essary precondition to all other advancements, and once gained,
Inner Mongolia, as a province of China, could deal with the
central government on an equal basis with the other provinces.
Te was aware of the importance of force, and by 1933 he had
built an army consisting of about five thousand men, led by
Mongol officers, many of whom had studied at. Chinese and
.Japanese military acadamies. It was from this base that 're
began to drive for autonomy. His support was first found in the
Silingol League. Soon, however, his influence spread, supported
by the revolutionary "Young Mongols." Reluctance was encoun-
tered in the princes whose positions and income were closely
tied to China and the Chinese in: Inner Mongolia. Among those in
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opposition was the privileged group of higher lamas. Prince Te
saw the need for reform in both the secular and clerical struc-
tures. He took strong measures toward reform, forbidding
young men to enter the monastic order and diverting them into
military service. In Hsingan, the Japanese were pursuing
similar policies, in addition to eliminating from the ranks of the
lamas those who could not pass tests on religious knowledge.
The Japanese Hsingan policy, however, was beginning to
show up in its true light as exploitation. To win over the Mon-
gols, the Japanese had halted Chinese colonization in Mongol
lands, but then proceeded to organize immigration companies,
the largest of which was the Manchuria Colonial Development
Co., which, in coordination with the Manchurian Colonization
Society, launched a twenty-five year Japanese immigrationplan.
Much of the land in the Mongol leagues was nationalized and
turned over to Japanese livestock-farming immigrants. The
railway from Tao-nan to Solun, begun by the Chinese, was
pushed forward to W en-wh'uan (A-erh-shan), spur lines were
built leading out from the Chinese Eastern Railway into the
timber lands of the Hsingan Mountains, and in the south, the
Cheng-chia-t'un--Tung-liao line, as well, as the line into Jehol,
opened up lands in the Jerim and Josotu Leagues to agriculture
and industry.
With Inner Mongolia strategically located between China and
Japanese-dominated Manchukuo, the Mongol leaders found
themselves in a superb bargaining position, courted by emis-
saries of both sides. Nanking announced its willingness to
abstain from further colonization, but the Mongols wanted to
deal directly with the central government and not through the
provincial authorities. Manchukuo waited for the Mongols to
involve themselves in an uprising against the Chinese, when they
would have to come begging for support to Manchukuo.
Prince Te and his followers still hoped that Inner Mongolia
would remain part of the Chinese realm. They were beginning,
however, to be pressed to a decision. By the spring of 1933, the
Japanese began a drive into Inner Mongolia. The important town
of Dolonnor in Chahar Province was occupied, and a base built
up for the penetration into the rest of the region. In May, 1933,
the Japanese welcomed some of the Inner Mongols of Chahar into
the city of Hsinking, Manchukuo, where they pledged their
loyalty to the restored Manchu emperor, Pu-yi. This action
seemed to justify the Japanese belief that the old loyalty to the
Manchu dynasty could be awakened among the Mongols.
Enmity between Chinese and Mongols continued to build up.
Bandits along the borders were active and widespread, and the
Chinese provincial authorities refused to allow the Mongols
arms with which to defend themselves. The promises of the 1930
S t
?
S
conferences 'had not been implemented, , and the, process ofn_Jap-
anese "nibbling" was pressing the 'Mongols in,an ever tighter
vise. Even the differences between the nobility and,the more
"radical" Mongols were being put in abeyance in the struggle for
autonomy. In mid-1933, Prince Te called a conference of
princes at the temple .in Pai-ling-miao in Suiyuan to discuss the
advance toward autonomy. Only his close followers took part,
however, for the twelve northern Chahar banners had declared
themselves against Prince Te, as did a few others which were
under Japanese influence. The conference declared itself firmly
for a Mongolian Inner Mongolia, and telegraphed the central
government in Nanking demanding full autonomy. The increased
Japanese activity in the north and the obvious unrest of the
Mongols promised to develop in dangerous ways. The Nanking
government sought to save the situation by dispatching a delega-
tion under Huang Shao-hsiung, newly appointed chief commis-
sioner for Inner Mongolia. At the same time, a high member of
the Tibetan-Mongolian Affairs Committee was sent around to the
Mongol princes in an attempt to clarify the position of the cen-
tral government, and if possible, to gain support for it. Prince
Te and his followers met with Huang at Pai-ling-miao in
October, 1933, to attempt a solution.
At this meeting, Huang attempted to convince Prince Te that
the establishment of Inner Mongolian autonomy was precisely
in the interests of Japanese policy, and that if Te would change
his demands, there would be no difficulties between the Chinese
and the Mongols. But the situation had gone beyond the power of
mere promises to halt its development. So strong was the
concern of Nanking that it attempted to put pressure on Te
through the agency of the Panchen Lama, one of the highest
authorities in the Lamaist Church. Prince Te countered by
agreeing to install the Panchen as the official head of the pro-
posed autonomous regime. On October 20, 1933, the Political
Council of Inner Mongolia was formed. Prince Te reiterated thc
desire of the Mongols for adherence to China, but emphasized
that full autonomy in internal affairs must soon be forthcoming.
It was not to be. At the meeting with Huang in October and
November,. an alternative plan was proposed, which succeeded in
splitting off from the movement a group of princes more willing
to compromise and save the,ir positions. This plan called for
maintenance of the existing provincial structure, the end of
Chinese immigration, and local autonomy for the Mongols.
There would be two autonomous Mongol districts, North Chahar
and North Suiyuan, within the existing Chahar and Suiyuan
provinces, and these would be allowed to form an "Autonomous
Mongolian Council." Prince Te was not convinced. Before the
council ended, he made an impassioned speech in which he
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'sounded a warning note to Chinese and Mongols alike:
"In earlier times the Mongols were -a free folk in one land.
They were not defeated and oppressed. When in 1911 the
'Chinese Revolution broke out and the Manchus were driven
from the throne, the Mongols entered the new Chinese
Republic as one of the five peoples under the five-striped
flag.. Their friendship belonged to the Republic, but their
? -land, their people, their cattle, belonged to them and no
other. . .
Chinese farmers came and took our land. They drove the
Mongols far into the sandy wastes. . . Still the Mongols
said nothing and remained within the Republic, for they were
true adherents. During the last twenty years the Chinese
have taken more and more Mongolian land. The land, how-
ever, became a nest of Chinese bandits, who fell upon the
settlements, stole the cattle and killed the people.
In the East, however, another power grabbed a piece of
Inner Mongolia, and in the North a strange power infiltrated
and stole Outer Mongolia. . . Few Mongols are left behind
in a diminished Inner Mongolia. Now a: point has been reached
when we can do nothing other than to help ourselves.
The Mongols can sleep no more. . .
We, however, desire only that we be allowed to maintain
Mongolia as one land and the Mongols as one people. Mon-
golia shall form a buffer-State between C hina and the
neighboring states to the north and east.
Mongols and Chinese can help each other'.". . .(CWR, Nov.
1933: see Heissig, 125.)
Nanking saw only the acceptance of its plan by part of the Mon-
gols, and felt the crisis was overcome. Prince Te, however,
held a meeting in December, 1933, with other "irreconcilables,"
to discuss ways of combatting the plan. The Japanese were also
active. They had stabilized their control over eastern Inner Mon-
golia, established Jehol as a new Manchurian province, and set
up the Bureau for the Mongolian People in Dolonnor, from which
Japanese propaganda flowed. They studied the history, culture
and religion of the Mongols, and impressed upon those they
encountered the image of "progress" in Htingan-Mongolia,
under the benevolent guidance of Japan and control of the Mon-
gols. In contrast, the national government of China was procras-
tinating, still talking about limited local autonomy under the
provinces, and proposing a Chinese high commissioner to con-
trol the nominally self-governing Inner Mongol Council. Still
more irritating to the Mongols was the proposal that this high
commissioner have the power over trade, appointment to official
positions, and final voice in decisions of the council.
Still the Mongols attempted to work within the limitations of
4,0
I' ?
I
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Chinese hegemony. In April, 1934, the Inner Mongolia Autono-
mous Political Council was established with Prince-Ylin as
president, Prj?nce So as vice-president. Prince,Te as chief
secretary and Pai Ylin-t'i as central representative.
The apparent acquiescence of the national government to
Mongol desires was hastened by the increasingly influential
Japanese propaganda. In March, 1934, Pu-yl had been crowned
Manchu emperor in Manchuria, a move designed to re-awaken
the loyalty of the Mongols to the Ch'ing throne. The granting of
partial autonomy to the Mongols, together with a small subsidy
and the right to collect taxes and form a government, seemed to
the Nanking government to have countered Japan's moves. Had
the leaders of the movement been willing to drop their dream of
real autonomy and accept the government subsidy as a pacifier,
the Chinese government could have rested content. But they
were facing not merely a group of discontented princes; they
were attempting to hold back a tide with nets.
The national government was being brought to a critical
decision in its Mongolian policy. On the one hand, it attempted
to wring concessions from provincial governments by backing
the Mongols; on the other hand it temporized with the Mongols,
hoping to find a way to avoid the ultimate commitment to actual
autonomy. Such a balance could not last long, and it was broken
by controversies through 1935.
The first point at dispute was over the power of the Mongol
government to exact taxes on the opium caravans which passed
through their realm en route to Yen Hsi-shan in Shansi. Yen
quickly asserted his authority and sent Chinese troops to prevent
such action. However, the Mongols gained the support of the
Chahar officials, who had been bilked by diversion of the trade
to Shansi. A compromise was reached. Chahar was to receive a
part of the opium and the taxes realized would be divided among
Suiyuan, the Mongols, and Chahar. But the Mongol share was to
be collected by Suiyuan and refunded to them. Thus the Mongols
still depended for income upon the central and provincial govern-
ments. Even this settlement, crippling as it was to the Mongols'
hopes of a source of governmental income, was worrisome to
Nanking. The skill of Prince Te's government at setting two
Chinese provinces against each other suggested that the Mongols
would not be easy to control if they once formed a really solidi-
fied unit. Nanking, therefore, began to look for means of
splitting the unity of the Mongols, and found it in the princes of
the Ulanchab and Ordos Leagues. A test of strength came when
the council discharged one of the officials of the Mongol Council ,
Prince Shih. The Mongol advocates of Chinese control objected.
appealed to Nanking for a decision, and were supported by the
troops of Fu Tso-yi. Later in the year, in September, a close
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aid of Prince Te's was killed in Peking, and still later, Fu Tso-
- Yi-sent'Chine'se troops' to -"supervise".the Mongol revenue office
- :
the'-'1Vortheait, the' Barga 'Mongols'revolted, asking union
with theMongolian People's Republic reflection of the per-
:s.iStant-Pa.n'-Mcingolism of this region.. The Japanese put down
'thereVolt rapidly, claiming-it was Communist-inspired.
'decision' was at hand. Prince Te faced further Japanese
penetration when the southern part of Chahar was occupied by
Jan.' In February, 1936, Nanking formally recognized the
Suiyuan-Ordos clique of princesas the Suiyuan Mongolian
Political Council. Still officially proclaiming that this would ful-
fill the'degire of the Ulanchab, Ordos and Tumet Mongols for
autonomy, Nanking placed Yen Hsi-shan in the council as
advisor. The majority of the Mongol officials themselves were
picked by the provincial government. A "Mongol" militia under
Fu Tso-yi, organized in 1935, was attached to the council.
Prince Te had no alternative. In April, Te called a Mongolian
Congress of his remaining supporters, and agreed to establish,
under Japanese auspices, the Te-hua (Chapser) Military Gov-
ernment. This government was committed to cooperation with
Japan, and was supported by the Mongolian and Japanese troops
of Li Shou-hsin. A collision between the eastern and western
"autonomous" .movements was inevitable. Fu Tso-yi's forces,
nominally under the control of the Suiyuan Mongol Political
Council, probed at territory in Suiyuan officially still under the
regime of Prince Te. In the autumn of 1936, a group of Prince
Te's lama supporters, attracted by the announced Japanese
policy of revival and establishment of a Mongol National Church,
attempted to seize control of the Urat Banner headquarters then
under Prince Shill. Prince Shill was supported by Fu Tso-yi's
troops, who attacked the lama-soldiers and inassacred them.
Prince Te and Li Shou-hsin moved to the attack. The military
government was moved to Shang-tu, near the border of Chahar
and Suiyuan Provinces, and the Mongol troops poised for control
of the west. A drive was made against Fu Tso-yi, but the Mon-
gols were overwhelmed by superior force and driven back, when
a temporary hiatus occurred as a result of the Sian Incident
(December, 1936, when Chiang K'ai-shek was captured by the
troops of Chang Hstieh-liang). Mongol forces w ere pulled back
and an emergency meeting was held at Te-hua by Prince Te, Li
Shou-hsin, and various banner heads. An attempt was made to
swing Chinese support behind the Japanese and Prince Te's
forces, painting them as "anti-Communist," and sympathizing
with Chiang as the victim of the Communists. It was not long
before there could be no turning back for Prince Te.
The Marco Polo bridge encounter on July 7, 1937, marked
. 42.
?
?
the official outbreak of the war between Japan and China. The
last few months of 1937 saw numerous governments established
in north China and Inner Mongolia. In August, Japanese,forces
Moved down to Kalgan from Jchol and Manchukuo and estab-
lished the Autonomous Government of Chia-nan (south Chahar),
on September 4. On September 13, the Japanese occupied
Ta-tung in Shansi and on October 15, established the Autono-
mous Government of Pu-pei, controlling thirteen hsien in north
Shansi Province. The Mongolian troops drove westward, recap-
turing Pai-ling-miao and portions of northern Suiyuan, finally
occupying the city of Suiyuan. In mid-October, a "Society to
Maintain the Public Peace in Suiyuan" had been formed, and on
October 26, it declared its support for Japan and the Mongolian
Military Government. The declaration showed the direction the
anticipated government was to take, and foreshadowed the future
policy of. the Chinese Communist Party toward Inner Mongolia.
Significant in this statement was the wish for cooperation among
the inhabitants of Suiyuan, Chinese, Mongolian and Moslem
alike. The old principle of Mongolia for the Mongols, which had
sustained Prince Te's movements prior to Japanese influence,
was abandoned. The next day, October 27, a Constituent Assem-
bly was called to lay the groundwork for a new government.
If the slogans displayed on the banners at the convention did
not convince Mongol participants that their dream had taken a
new direction, .the speech of Prince Te must have. The slogans
called for unity among the races and proclaimed their ever-
lasting friendship. They confirmed the equality of all peoples in
the Mongolian regions and urged all to love one another. Prince
Te echoed these sentiments, having come, perhaps, to a
realization that Inner Mongolia was not viable as a unit indepen-
dent of either north China or Outer Mongolia. He said: "Now we
have called this convention to decide the policy of a new govern-
ment, taking into consideration all ideas of the people. We wish
to begin anew with the people, to make a plan to benefit the
people and to maintain the peace of the East. We open this con-
vention today with local chiefs, military leaders, representa-
tives of the Mongolian and Chinese people. . . I sincerely hope
that all members will . . . make proper decisions, paying
attention to the problems of anti-Communism and the spirit of
cooperation of all races, and trying to usher in a new era of
light and an everlasting foundation for the whole people of
Mongolia."
The new government was headed by Prince Ylln as president,
Prince Te as vice-president, Li Shou-hsin as minister of war,
and Tokto, chief secretary. A Military Department was organ-
ized with Yondan Wangchuk made head of the department;
Jakdorjab, chief of the Ikechon League and assistant head; Li
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vice-commander of the Mongolian Army; Jotb.jab,
chief of the'Chaha.-r League; Babdorje, vice-chief of the Ulanchab
Leaguei Rimchin Wangdu, vice-chief of the Silingol League; Wu
Hcifting, ?Chief'of-staff -Of the Military Department; and Jirgalan,
'c'hief:treasurer of the Military Department. A month after the
electiOnS"; Prince ttln died, and Prince Te became president of
the Autonomous Government of the Mongolian Federation.
The jurisdiction of the new government extended over part of
Suiyuan and the major part of Chahar Province. A Mongol noble,
PritiCe Te traced his descent from Chingis Khan, the symbol of
Mongol nationalism. When the new government adopted a new
calendar the Chingis Khan era was restored, and October 28,
1937, was taken as October 28, 732 C.K.E. The name of Kuei-
hua-cheng was changed back to the old Mongol name, Kukuhoto,
shortened by the Japanese to Hou-ho, and it was made the
capital of the Federated Government. Preparations began for
the modernization of the region with Japanese help.
For the first time in modern history, Inner Mongolia was to
be treated as an integrated economic unit, with the pastoral
herding economy supplemented by agriculture and small indus-
try. The area was to operate as a part of the larger whole of
North China. Political recognition of this fact was not long in
coming. In November, 1937, the Federated Mengchiang Com-
mission was organized in Kalgan to supervise matters relating
to major industries, banking, and communications affecting the
areas under the three autonomous governments of Chin-pei
(formerly Pu-pei), Ch'a-nan and Mongolia. On September 1,
1939, the commission passed a resolution calling for the estab-
lishment of a joint Federated Autonomous Government of
Mongolia. This became commonly known as the Mengchiang
Federation, and was established with Prince Te as president,
and the chairman of the Chin-pei and Ch'a-nan governments as
vice-president. (See map. For structure of the Mengchiang
government, see China IIVIAR , Structure of Government.)
Prince Te had not lost the vision of a united Mongolia,
extending over the realm from Hsingan to Sinkiang and from the
Chinese border to Buriat Mongolia in the north. Perhaps he felt
that the Japanese, their position finally secured, would be more
benevolent than the Chinese. Policy in Mengchiang, however,"
followed the pattern of that for the Hsingan Provinces, and more
and more closely its econorny was exploited to fill the needs of
Japan. Many of the developments prompted by Japan are strik-
ingly reproduced in the present Chinese Communist develop-
ment of the area. Improvement of transportation, establishment
of light industry, exploitation of mineral resources, enlarge-
ment of mass propaganda media such as radio, newspapers and
libraries, and above all, an emphasis on the integration of the
I
?
agricultural, industrial and pastoral activities of the;region. In
kcertain sense, the Japanese prepared-the Inner Mongols for
partial acceptance of the Chinese C omtnunist program.
In the regions outside of Mengchiang, the Nationalists and the
Communists still held sway. In the Shen-Kan-Ning?border
region, under Communist control, the policy was to win over
Mongol soldiers, and special treatment was given to those taken
in combat. In Yenan a nationalities school had been established
to train Mongols for later work in Inner Mongolia when the war
should be w on. C ommunist Mongols, at least a few trained
either in Outer Mongolia or in Russia, were active in organizing
partisans in Chahar and Suiyuan. A Communist source (Dyly-
kov) names as leaders of these groups Bolinga in Chahar, Ytin
Chi-hsien and Chi Shih-fu in Suiyuan, and Ulanfu, acting in
cooperation with the Eighth Route Army. Dylykov also mentions
partisans operating in Jehol who were led by the Chinese Com-
munist Party and later became part of the People's Revolution-
ary A rmy. The major area of partisan activity, however, was
in the west, where close liaison with the Eighth Route Army was
possible. Uprisings occurred in Muu-Mingan Banner, resulting
in the death of its jasak, Rinchin Khorlo. It is said by Dylykov
that the reaction to the manner of his death at Japanese hands
aroused other banners of the Ulanchab League. In the Urat
(01tit) Banner of this league, a partisan group was organized by
the prince of the Western Urat, Chi Chin-plin. Eastern Urat
partisans were organized and led by the commoner Pa Ylin-yin.
Presumably during the cooperation of these Mongol partisan
groups with the Chinese Communists and Chinese partisans, the
future pattern of "mutual aid" between the. groups was formed. .
D. Evolution of Communist Control and Establishment of
the IMAR
The entry of Soviet Russia into the Asian war and the capitu-
lation of Japan after Hiroshima lea a somewhat chaotic situation
in Inner Mongolia. Soviet and Outer 1V1()ngo1ian troops advanced
from the north into the area during 1945, against little resist-
ance. In Silingol, a former commander of the Japanese-spon-
sored Mongol army returned from Ulan Bator (whence he and
two hundred of his men had gone when the Russian forces with-
drew) and established himself in western Sunit. He was soon in
control of the whole Silingol League in north Chahar. In the
west, Kuei-sui and Pao-t'ou were held by the Mongol troops of
Mengchiang, until General Fu Tso-yi could retake them. The
Chinese Communists pushed from Jehol into Chahar, and until
late in 1946, occupied Kalgan and the southern part of the Chahar
plateau. With the situation in flux, Nationalist policy operated to
rebuff the Mongols and throw them into the arms of the
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Communists.
all probability, the Mongols would have been willing-to aid
the Nationalists against the Communists if given the'arms:and a
,substantial promise of autonomy. In Suiyuan, the Nationalists
soon revealed, their stubborn refusal to compromise their old
principle of assimilatiOn. Once firmly established inSaiyuan,
Fu Tso-yi stripped the Mongol troops of their arms and began
sending them back to their homes, leaving them with no defense
against the Communists. Attempts to achieve' unified loCal
autonomy in Inner Mongolia under Nationalist control were dis-
couraged. Prince Te, living inNankinkafter fleeing the Soviet
and Mongol troops, tried repeatedly to secure a promise of
autonomy for the Mongols. Chiang K'ai-shek replied only that
the Mongolian question would be discussed after the defeat of the
Communists. The 1946 National Assembly at Peking would not
write proposals by the Mongols for home rule into the new
constitution then being drawn up. UNRRA aid to the Mongols in
Nationalist-controlled regions was diverted, the allies of the
Nationalists obtaining a major share, and it was not until 1948,
when the United States decided to work directly through the
provincially controlled Mongol Self-Government Committee in
Suiyuan, that the situation improved.
The Communists were proceeding along a much more fruitful
path. In most areas which had been quickly occupied and evacu-
ated by Russian and Outer Mongolian forces, government had
gone into local hands. Before departing, those forces hadmeth-
odically stripped-the country, several thousand people had been
taken as disciples and hostages, and many Lamaist monasteries
destroyed and lamas killed. The situation called for immediate
unified political measures, w hich began even during the occupa-
tion. At Shang-tu, north of Kalgan, a Provisional Mongolian
Republic was established, but soon expired when the Soviet-
Chinese Communist negotiations granted the Chinese Communist
Party control of Inner Mongolia. With the occupation of Kalgan
by the Chinese Communist Party, an Inner Mongolian Autono-
mous Association was established, and Ulanfu, a Mongol
member of the CCP Central Committee and long-time Commu-
nist whd had studied in Moscow, was made head of this govern-
ment. A meeting was held between personnel of the Provisional
Mongolian Republic and the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Assoc-
iation. Some of the Provisfonal Mongolian Republic officials
were killed in Kalgan upon arrival, some joined the Inner Mon-
golian Autonomous Association, and others fled to Peking or to
the west. However, two other independent governments had to be
absorbed before Inner Mongolia was secure for the Communists.
In Barga (Hulunbuir, northwest Manchuria), the governor
of the province during the Japanese occupation remained and
:
.6 ?
established the Hulunbuir Interim Mongolian Government.. He
printed stable currency, administered justice, and, secured the
return of livestock removed from Barga by troops of the Mon-
golian People's Republic. The president of this government, a
Dagur, estimated the balance of forces, saw the coming,Com-
munist domination, and allowed the Inner Mongolia Autonomous
Association to absorb his government in the latter part of 1946.
The third government had been formed in a small village
close to Wang-yeh-miao in the central Hsingan Mountains of
Manchuria. The personnel of this Eastern Mongolian Autono-
mous Government were again those of the former Japanese-
dominated government. After its formation, the government
looked about for support. Delegates were sent to the Mongolian
People's Republic, to the Soviet army authorities in Manchuria,
to the Chinese Nationalists. and to the Chinese Communist
Party to discover the attitudes of these governments toward
autonomy. The Mongolian People's Republic was sympathetic
but did not want to become involved in Inner Mongolia. The
Soviet military authorities refused to become immediately
involved, but offered future aid. The delegates to the National-
ists attempted to see Chiang K'ai-shek personally. They not
only failed to see him, but they were met with scorn, insult and
lack of interest at each attempt to discuss the problem with
Nationalist officials. The Communists welcomed them, and in
exchange for their promise to cooperate with Ulanfu, encour-
aged them to establish an autonomous government.
Late in March, 1946, an eastern delegation met the represen-
tatives of the west at Ch'eng-te in idiot and worked out the
arrangements for a merger. A statement issued on the last day
of the conference, April 3, denounced the Kuomintang and pro-
claimed a program abolishing the rights and privileges of the
nobility and aiming at building a "democratic" and "autonomous"
government. Shortly afterward, the regime at Wang-yeh-miao
was formally dissolved, and its personnel joined the Inner
Mongolian Autonomous Association, a move that was followed
by the Mongol regime at Haitar.
In the new, enlarged Inner iviongoJian Autonomous Associa-
tion, the Communist Mongolian leaders of the west appeared to
have gained the upper hand. Ulanfu remained president of the
association, while Poyeni,),.;10 accepted a secondary position
as vice-president.
In the meantime, the Communist-inspired autonomous move-
ment of the Mongols was coming under heavy pressure from the
Chinese Nationalist forces from the Past and south. The Nation-
alist government promised the Mongol leagues which had
supported them during the war--such as the lkechon and Ulan-
chab Leagues in Suiyuan and the Edsingol and Alashan Mongols
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in Ninglisia?equality, autonomy', participation in the central
government and preservation of the culture, religion and lang-
uages, promises which were reaffirmed by the constitution of
1947. The Nationalists gave them financial assistance and food
and clothing for famine relief. Not only did men in the Ikhchao
and Ulanchab Leagues serve in the army of Fu Tso-i, but arms
were also given to anti-Communist Mongols in the Jaoda and
Jerim Leagues in Jehol and Manchuria, and in October, 1946,
following the breakdown of the truce talks between the National-
ists and the Communists, Kaigan recaptured by the Nation-
alists, while a column from Manchuria was pushing into Jehol.
It was, therefore, fortunate for Ulanfu and his followers that
they had brought the eastern Mongol regimes under control, and
that the strongest Communist armies, under Lin Piao, held
sway over large areas of Manchuria. With the loss of Suiyuan
and Jehol to the Nationalists, they withdrew to Wang-yeh-miao
(Ulanhot), where on May 1, 1947, the People's Government of
the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region was formally inaugti-
rated.
The leaders of the new government were Ulanfu, chairman;
Hafengga (formerly with the Eastern Mongolia Autonomous
Government, a Jerim League Mongol), vice-chairman; Pengsk
(also of the Jcrim League); Temurbagan, former chairman of
the Hsingan provincial government, and Namchi Sereng (Wang
Ts'ai-Pien), also from the jc rim League (see China IMAR,
Structure of Government).
E. Communist Utilization of Mongolian Heroes
The Communists have ostensibly given respect to the hero-
worship of the Mongolians for Chingis Khan by erecting a temple
in his honor in Ulanhot, and a tomb near Ejin Khora in which
they have enshrined his remains and relics, formerly shrouded
in secrecy and zealously guarded in a desert tent. While playing
the tomb, however, they have managed to bring the cult of
Chingis into the open, thus dispelling some of the Mongolians'
preoccupation with his memory. While other popular heroes of
more recent date also remain in the popular imagination,
principally ?Babojab, Li Shou-lisin, Prince Te and Pai
the Communists have not allowed such nationalistic sentiments
to run unchanncled. They have accordingly restored several
"approved" popular heroes, namely Ligdan Khan, who led the
resistance against a Manchu invasion of Inner Mongolia in the
early Ch'ing period, Galdan, who organized a similar resis-
tance against the Ch'ing invasion of Outer Mongolia, and Koda
Meirin, who led a rebellion against the oppressions of Chang
Tso-lin in 1928. In addition, they have greatly played up the
Communist martyr Li Ytt-chih, a Mongolian who was put to
(98
'et
?
?
?
death,by.Pai Ytin-ti after the victory of the right wing of the
Kidriiintan and the reorganization Ottherparty in Inner Mon-
golia. The restoration of Ligdan and Galdan is part of the
COmmuniStss'atteriipt to divorce the Mongolians from any
identification with the cOnquest dynasty of of the Manchus. Under
the guise of bolstering Mongolian self-esteem by publicizing
some of their national heroes, it is clear that their intentions
are to divert the Mongolians' attention from others who have
become nationalist or anti-Chinese symbols.
? 42ct
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1206
12,27
1234
1260
1264
1294
1368
1449
1454
1455
1550
1560-73
1 577
1578-1583
1586
1628
1634
1636
1653
1640
1644
1667
1668
1676
1688
CHRONOLOGY
,
Chingis Khan becomes Great Khan of all Mongolia
Death of Chingis Khan
Conquest of North China by the Mongols and over-
throw of the Chin dynasty
Khubilai Khan ascends throne
Proclamation of the YUan dynasty.
Death of Khubilai Khan
Expulsion of Mongols from China and establishment
of the Ming dynasty
Oirats under Esen defeat Chinese in battle of T'u-mu
(Inner Mongolia)
Formation of the Oirat (W. Mongol) state. Oirat
Khan Esen declared Khan of all Mongolia.
Death of Esen.
Increase of the power of the Mongols on China's
border, under the leadership of Allan Khan.
Attacks on Chinese border cities.
Contact with and penetration of Tibetan Buddhism
(Lamaism) of the Yellow Sect into Mongolia.
Conversion of Altan Khan.
Grand Lama of Tibet travels in Inner Mongolia;
granted title of "Dalai Lama" by Altaii Khan.
Conversion of majority of Mongols to Tibetan
Buddhism.
Buddhism declared the official religion of the
Mongols.
Beginning of the struggle of the Chahar leader,
Ligdan Khan, against the rising Manchu power.
Death of Ligdan Khan and defeat of the Chahars.
Assembly of Southern Mongol princes and submission
to the Manchus. Division of Mongolia into Intier
and Outer.
Establishment of the border between Inner Mongolia
and Khalkha (Outer Mongolia).
Formation of alliance between the Western Mongols
(Oirats) and the Khalkas. Promulgation of the
"Mongol-Oirat" Law Code.
Overthrow of the Ming dynasty and establishment
of the Ch'ing by the Manchus.
Attempt of th,_: Bargut prince Gantimur to bring
Barga into union with Russia.
Beginning of the harassment of Khalkha by the
Western Mongol Khan Galdan.
First invasion of Khalkha Mongolia by Galdan.
Second invasion of Khalkha by Galdan;Kalkha princes
aided by Manchus.
rto
1689 Sino-Russian Treaty of Nerchinsk; regulation of
trade, boundaries, and status ,of Barga.
1691 Assembly of DoIon Nor; submission of Khalkha
princes to the Manchus. Establishment of the
Li Fan YUan (Board of Foreign Dependencies)
to handle Mongolian Affairs. ? '
1696 Submission of Oirats to Manchus; death of Galdan
Khan; localization of Oirats in Dzungaria
(Northern Sinkiang).
1719 Prohibition of Mongol-Chinese intermarriage.
1727 Treaty of Khialchta between China and Russia
regulating trade through Mongolia.
1761 Prohibition of mortgage of Mongol lands and im-
portation of arms into Mongolia.
1787 Repeal of Mongol-Chinese Intermarriage prohibition.
1789 First publication of the Mongolian Law Code by
the Manchus ("Regulations of the Board of
Foreign Dependencies" Li Fan YUan).
1793 Separation of Mongolian Church hierarchy and
nobility by Manchu decree.
1801 Re-enactment of law forbidding intermarriage
between Chinese and Mongols.
Chinese immigration into Mongolia forbidden.
Second publication of Mongolian law code.
1808
1815
1823)
1824)
1826)
1850
1858
1878
New Regulations forbidding Chinese immigration
into Mongolia.
Outbreak of the Taiping Rebellion in China.
"Duguilon" uprising by Ordos Mongols.
Repeal of law forbidding Chinese colonization of
Mongol lands.
1900-1916 Mongol uprisings in Inner Mongolia of "duguilon"
, type, under leaders such as Uljei Jargal in
the western part and Babojab in eastern Inner
Mongolia.
1901 Encouragement of Chinese colonization in Inner
Mongolia.
1905 Birth of Ulanfu.
1907 Secret Russo-Japanese Convention, recognizing
iispecial interests" of Russia in Outer Mongolia
and of Ja?nan in the eastern part of Inner Mongolia.
1911 Beginnings of Chinese Revolution. Autonomy move-
ment of the princes of Barga.
1911 (Dec.) Outer Mongolian princes and Jebtsun Damba Khutukhtu
(head of the Outer Mongolian Lamaist church)
declare independence of Outer Mongolia: Khutuklitu
named Emperor of Mongolia.
? rn
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,,1912 (Feb.) Abdication of Manchus; proclamation of Chinese
Republic.
1915 Tripartite pact of Kiakhta, between China, Russia
and, Outer Mongolia, recognizing autonomy of
_Outer Mongolia within the Chinese Republic.
Establishment of "s pecial administrative areas"
of Jehol, Chahar, and Suiyuan in Inner Mongolia.
October Revolution in Russia, beginnings of estab-
lishment of Soviet power.
Abolition of the autonomy of Barga by the Chinese
Government.
Establishment of the Chinese Communist Party.
Creation of the Mongolian People's Revolution-
ary Party.
1923 Formation of the "National Revival Club" in
Inner Mongolia by "progressive" young Mongols.
1924 Existence of an "Eastern Bureau of the Mongolian
People's Party" noted by Fumintai, represen-
tative from Inner Mongolia at the First Great
Khural of the Outer Mongolian People's Republic.
1925 Ulanfu enters the student movement in Peking.
First session of the People's Revolutionary
Party in Kalgan. Establishment of a central
party school in Kalgan. Formation of a People's
Revolutionary Army of Inner Mongolia by Pai
Ylln-tii, Ulanfu, and others.
1927-1928 Pai Ulanfu, and other leaders flee to
Outer Mongolia. Pai returns and enters KMT.
1929 People's Revolutionary Party of Inner Mongolia
goes underground. Partisan activity in Suiyuan.
Uprising in the Ordos under Uljei Jargal.
1929 or 1930 Ulanfu probably returns to Inner Mongolia from
Outer Mongolia or Russia.
1930 Mongolian Affairs Conference called by Nationalist
Government. Resolutions passed proposing
drastic reforms in Inner Mongolia
1914 (Jan.)
1917
1920
1921
1931 (May) Mongolian students in Peking demonstrate for self-
determination.
1932(Sept. ) Japanese begin occupation of Inner Mongolia and
Northeast China.
1932 Establishment of the "autonomous" Hsingan Province
for the Mongols in Manchuria under the control
of the Japanese. Intensive propaganda aimed at
Inner Mongolia, urging Inner Mongol opposition
to China.
1933 Occupation of the province of Jehol by the Japanese.
1933 Prince Te calls First Pai-ling-miao conference
of Mongol princes.
?
?
1933(Oct.) Conference of Prince. Tc and Chinese: emissaries
at PaiTling-miao to discuss autonomy for,
Inner Mongolia.
1933(Oct. 20)Formation of the Political Council of Inner Mongol-
ia under the Chinese Government.
1933 (Nov.) Attempt by Chinese to split the Inner Mongols
into eastern and western "autonomous" groups.
1933 (Dec.) Meeting of Prince Te and followers to combat the
plan of the Chinese Government.
1934(Apr.) Establishment of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous
Political Council by Prince Te, Prince Yun,
and others.
1935 Japanese occupy Chahar. Activity against the
Japanese by Mongol forces under Bolinga in
Chahar.
1935 Barga Mongols revolt and request incorporation
into the Mongolian People's Republic. Revolt
quelled by Japanese forces.
1936 (Feb.) Nanking government (Chinese Nationalists) recog-
nize Suiyuan Mongolian Political Council, under
control of Yen Hsi-shan and Mongolian officials
picked by the Suiyuan Provincial Government.
1936 (Apr.) Prince Te and followers call Mongolian Congress
and establish Te-hua Military Government with
Japanese support.
1937(July) Marco Polo Bridge incident and official declaration
of war between China and Japan.
1937(Oct.) Autonomous Government of the Mongolian Federation
formed with Prince Ylln as president.
1937/(Nov.) Prince Ylin dies, and is succeeded by Prince Tc.
1937 (Nov.) Federated Mengchiang Commission established in
Kalgan, integrating North China "autonomous"
governments and the Mongolian government.
1939 (Sept) )Federated Autonomous Government of Mongolia
(Mengchiang Government) established. Prince Te
elected president.
1940-1941 Partisan activity of Mongols directed by Communists
of the Eighth Route Army and the Shen-Kan- Ning
Border Region in Jehol, Suiyuan and Chahar.
1945 Ulanfu elected alternate member of the Central
Committee of the Chinese Communist Party.
1945 (Aug., Entrance of Soviet Russian and Outer Mongolian troops
Sept.) into Northeastern China and Inner Mongolia.
1945 (Oct., Establishment of Barga Mongolian Interim Govern-
Dec?) ment by former governor. Poyenmantu, a Dagur.
1945 Formation of the "Wang-yeh-miao Government"
(Eastern Mongolia Autonomous Govt.) by Hafengga
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I945(cont.
1946'
1946 (Oct.)
1946(Apr. -
May)
1946 (July)
1946 (Oct.)
1947(May 1)
1948 (Jan.)
1949
1950
1950 (Aug.)
1951 (Apr.)
1952 (July)
1953
1954 (Jan-
Mar.)
1955
1956 (June)
and Temubagen, in eastern Inner Mongolia.
Establishment of the Provisional Mongolian Re-
public at Shang-tu. Superseded by Inner Mongolian
Autonomy Association under Ulanfu after occu-
pation of Kalgan by Chinese Communists.
Absorption of Hulunbuir (Barga) Interim Mongolian
Government by the Inner Mongolian Autonomy
Association.
Absorption of the Wang-yeh-miao Government by
the Inner Mongolian Autonomy Association.
Provisional committee organized for establish-
ment of an Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region
government.
Formation of Regional Committee of the Chinese
Communist Party in Inner Mongolia. Election
of Ulanfu as chairman of the committee.
Formation of the Inner Mongolian People's Army.
Ulanfu appointed Commander.
Formal establishment of the "People's Government
of the Inner Mongolia Region" under chairman-
ship of Ulanfu.
Incorporation of the Hulunbuir (Barga) Autonomous
Region into the Inner Mongolia region.
Two Mongol banners from dissolved Liao-pei
province incorporated.
Capital of IMAR moved to Kalgan (outside of Region's
existing bcitndaries).
Incorporation of three counties in Chahar Province
into the IMAR.
Inner Mongolian currency replaced by national
currency. Regional banks become branches of
Central People's Bank of China.
Ulanfu named governor of Suiyuan province. Capital
of the IMAR moved to Kuei-sui in Suiyuan.
Chahar province dissolved. Three counties incorpor-
ated into Inner Mongolia region.
Suiyuan incorporated into the IMAR.
Jehol province dissolved. Aokhan and Onniut Banner,
and part of Kharachin Banner incorporated into
the IMAR.'
Alashan and Edsingol Mongols of Ninghsia incorporated
into the IMAR.
s
t
I.
?
?
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Additional Reading
Cammann, Schuyler. Land of the Camel, New York, 1951
Haslund, Henning, H. Mongolian Journey. London, 1949
Howorth, Henry H. History of the Mongols. 3 vol. London,
1876-1927.
Hsli, Shu-hsi. The North China Problem. Nanking, 1937.
Michael, Franz. The Origin of Manchu Rule in China. Baltimore ,
1942:
Weigert, H. W., Sefansson, V., and Harrison, R. E. eds.
New Compass of the World. Article 18, Owen Lattimore,
"Inner Asian Frontiers." New York, 1949.
Wittfogel, K. A. and Feng, Chia-sheng. History of Chinese
Society, Liao (907-1125). Philadelphia, 1948.
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rt.
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GEOGRAPIIIC.AL BACKGROUND
I. Population
A. Population and Area of inner Mongolia
1. Changes in population and area in the Republican
period.
2. Population figures and changes in area since 1947.
B. The Present Population, Its Distribution and Density.
1. General distribution
2. Regional distribution
3. Population of chief urban centers
C. Population trends of the Mongols in Inner Mongolia
1. Possible causes for decline
2. Effects of public health measures
IL Mineral Resources
A. Introduction
B. Principal Minerals
1, Coal
2. Iron ore
3. Salt and soda
C. Precious Minerals
1. Gold
2. Silver
3. Quartz Crystals and Beryl
D. Other Minerals
1. Asbestos
2. Mica
3. Pyrite and sulfur
4. Graphite
5. Fluorspar
G. Petroleum and oil shale
7. High-alumina shale
8. Copper
? rU0
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? t?
. GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND
'Population'
?
A.- Popolation and Area of Inner Mongolia
k.? ?
Changes in population and are in the Republican pciiod
The area and population of Inner Mongolia have varied from
time tbAiiine acco'rding to changes in its political status in
.?
relatiOn to China. In 1914, three special administrative areas
were organized in Inner Mongolia as provisional provinces.
These were Jehol, Chahar, and Suiyuan; Ninghsia in the far
west, where the Alashan and 01111 Banner Mongols live, was
put under the administration of Kansu province. In 1928, when
the country was unified under the Nationalist regime, Jehol,
Chahar, Suiyuan, and Nilighsia were organized as regular pro-
vinces. No census had then been taken in Inner Mongolia; its
population was variously estimated at six to seven millions.
In 1919 a postal survey estimated the population of Inner
Mongolia to be distributed as follows: Approximate
Province Area (sq. mi. ) Population density
Jehol
53,000 3,818,000
70,000 1,900,000 71/sq.mi.
Chahar
27/sq.mi.
Suiyuan 100,000 825,000
,000 8/sq.mi.
200
Ninghsia 110,000 -2/sq. mi.
TOTAL 330,000 6,743,000 ca.20/sq.mi.
Ninghsia, however, had never been considered politically
a part of Inner Mongolia, and only a part of Jehol province is
now included in Inner MJngolia. In 1933 the Mongol population
of Inner Mongolia was estimated at 1,500,000 (Skatchkov,1933).
In 1934, under the Japanese occupation, the Hsingan Auto-
nomous Mongolian Province was formed with its capital out-
side the province at Ch'ang-chun, known then as Hsin-ching,
the "new capital" of the Japanese puppet government of Man-
chukuo. The Hsingan province at first covered the territory
of the Jerim and Jouda Leagues; in 1949, however, the western
part of the Nonni Valley and the Barga district were added to
it, covering most of the uncolonized Mongol territory in
Manchuria. It was divided into four subdivisions, namely:
a. Northern: Barga (Hulunbuir)
b. Eastern : Western part of the Nonni Valley
-c. Southern: Jerim League of northwestern Liaoning province.
d. Western ; Jouda L ague of northern Jehol province.
The whole Hsingan Autonomous Mongolian Province was about
100,000 square miles (about 166,666 square kilometers), about
half the size of France, ,.vith-a population estimated variously
from 900,000, excluding Jehol (Lattimore, 1934) to two million.
including Jehol (Heisslg, 1944).
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2. Population figures and changes in area since 1947.
On May 1, 1947, an Autonomous People's Democratic Govern-
ment of Inner Mongolia was established, with its capital at
Ulanhoto (Wang-yeh-miao). In 1950 the capital was moved to
Kalgan, capital of Chahar province, and by July, 1952, to
Kuei-sui, capital of Suiyuan province, an administrative center
situated outside its administered territory. In 1950 the Ulan-
chab Autonomous area was formed in northern Suiyuan, and in
1951 the Ikechou Autonomous area was established in the Ordos
region in southern Suiyuan province.
The following table shows the population and area of the IMAR
and its related neighboring provinces in 1951 (Atlas of the Chin-
ese People's Republic, Shanghai, 1951). (See Table I.)
On November 15, 1952, when the Chinese Communist govern-
ment decided to abolish the province of Chahar, thirteen hsien
(counties) and one municipality of the Ta-t'ung Basin, which
had been taken from Shansi, were given back to Shansi; and
sixteen hsien, two provisional county scats, and two municipal-
ities, mainly from the intermountain regions between Kalgan
and Nan-k'ou, which had been taken from Hopei province,
were returned to the province of Hopei, together with the
southern section of the central Chahar pastureland. The rest
of Chahar, including the northern section of the Chahar pastures
and the whole of Silingol League, were incorporated into the
Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region.
On March 6, 1954, the province of Suiyuan was incorporated
in its entirety into the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region.
On July 18, 1955, the province of Jehol was abolished and its
territory and people were divided among Liaoning, Hopei, and
the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region; and in June, 1956,
the Alashan and Edsingol banners of Ninghsia were added to it.
These last two territorial changes outdate the 1953 census and
make the exact number of the population of the IMAR even more
uncertain.
Prior to the 1953 census, the results of which were made
public on November 1, 1954, giving a total of 6.1 million for
the IMAR (cf. Clubb, pp. 4, 39), the figures on the population
and area of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region were more
than confusing. The People's Handbook of the People's Republic
of China (1953), the Atlas of the People's Republic of China (1953)
and Ovidienko, Inner Mongolia (1954) all give the figure of 2.3
million for the population of the IMAR. However, they give
differing figures for the area: The People's Handbook gives
700, 000 sq. km. and excludes southern Chahar and Suiyuan,
while Ovidienko includes Suiyuan and gives the area as 1,000,000
sq. km. While Ovdienko reports the area of IMAR as 1,000,000
sq. km. with a population of 2.3 to 2.5 million, he mentions that
too
s
,11
Suiyuan.has?an area of 330,000 sq. km. and a population of
2,360,000 (1951). Ovdiehko, 1954, pp: 158-66:.) Had-h'e;in-
eluded the population of Suiyuari in his-erstimate of t:116 TMAR,
the total would have been clOsc?to six million, as'tbe 1953
census indicated. ? '
Similar inconsistent figures on the=popnlation and area of
the IMAR were often repeated even by' some official reports.
At the promulgation of th'e Common Program`of the Chinese
People's Political Consultative Confercnde (1952), Lin Chung
reported: "The Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region of China
was formed from lands that were formerly part of Heilung-
kia.ng, Liaosi, Jehol, and Chahar provinces. Its total area
is 231,000 square miles [roughly 521,000 sq. km.) Its popu-
lation is 2,400,000 and consists not only of Mongols but also
of a large number of Hans" (Lin Chung, "Inner Mongolia
Today - China's First Autonomous Region." China Reconstructs,
No. 2, Mar. - Apr. 1952).
The Foreign Broadcast Information Service reported in
1955 that "The Autonomous Region of Inner Mongolia has an
area covering 1.1 million sq. km. with a population of 6.1
million." (FBIS Daily Report, N. 87, 1955.)
B. The Present Population, Its Distribution and Density
1. General Distribution
The 1953 Census gave a population figure of 6,100,104 for
the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. Of this figure only a
small fraction was made up by minor nationalities such as
Tungusic groups, Koreans and Russians. The bulk was composed
of Mongols and Chinese (including Chinese Moslems). As with
the addition of Suiyuan province, the Chinese component of the
population rose sharply, the ratio between Mongols and Chinese
was one to five. No exact population figures are available for
the parts of Jehol and Kansu which have been added to the
IMAR since then. The best possible estimate would put the
figure at roughly one million, of which 300,000 arc Mor: )18
and 700,000 Chinese. The present ratio between Mongols and
Chinese would thus be 1.3 to 5.7, which makes the Mongols a
distinct minority in their own autonomous area.
The population is not evenly distributed throughout the region.
A large part of the population is concentrated in the agricultural
southern belt, south of the Yin-shan escarpment of the Mongolian
plateau and southeast of the Great Hsingan Mountains, particular-
ly in plains of Kuei-sui north of the Ordos in the Southwest and
Feng-chen upland south of Chilling in the central, and the riverinu
plain of the upper and Liao River in the southeastern part of
the region. A considerable number of the population i s concentrat4
in the upper Liao-ho Valley, in the vicinity of Tung-liao, Kailu,
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and Wang-yeh-miao or Ulanhot. These are the most densely
populated areas. The population thins only towards the north
and northwest and west especially north of the Ta-ching-Yin-
shan escarpment. One finds a similar gradual decline from
southeast towards the northwest in the Ordos plateau within
the Yellow River bend.
In the Barga district lying in the northeb.st part of the region
that formerly belonged to western Heilungkiang Province,
most of the population is concentrated along the valleys of
the Khaula, Derbula, and Gana Rivers, three tributaries of
the Argun of the upper reaches of the Amur River and in the
economically developed belt along the Chinese Eastern Rail-
way iine. To the cast of the Ilkhuri Mountains (lying to the
north of the Great Hsingan Range), the population is concen-
trated mainly in the agricultural places of Butkha or Chalantun
and Moridao banners.
In Suiyuan, one finds a fairly thickly populated belt stretching
from the Feng-chen upland 'Westward through the Kueisui
plain to the irrigated land of Houtao lying south of the Taching-
Yinshan Mountain Range, but north of the Yellow River, right
across the central part of the province. The Ordos plateau to
the south and the Ulanchab League area on the Mongolian plateau
to the north are only sparsely populated. The least peopled area
is along the border near the Gobi desert in the interior and
in the northwest portion of the Ordos plateau close to the
Kuku-puchi sand dunes.
2. Regional Distribution
The Jouda-Chahar Sub-region occupies the whole territory
of all the nine banners of Jouda of the former Liaosi province
and eight banners of the Chahar League in former central
Chahar province. The sub-region is bordered by the Jerim
League on the east, by Jehol on the southeast and by Hopei
province in the southwest, by the province of Suiyuan on the
west, and by the Silingol Sub-region on the northwest. The
geographical and climatic conditions of the Jouda-Chahar
subdistrict are not suitable to extensive farming but it is
considered a semi-agricultural and semi-cattle-breeding
country. So it is fairly populated. It has about 165,000 sq. km.
of area with a population of about 584, 000 (250, 000) persons,
an average of less than. four (two) people per sq. km.
The over all population of the Jouda-Chahar subregion was
250,000 in 1951. Most of them arc concentrated in Shara Muren
(West Liaoho ) River Valley, in the vicinity of Lin-hsi, Lin-tung
and Tapanshan where the population density is up to twenty
persons per sq. km. In the northwest part of the sub-district,
that is in the Chahar League, the population density ranges
from one to ten persons per square kilornetPr.
? '30
?
?
In Chahar, the more densely populated area is in the eight-
banner district of the Chahar Mongols south of Tung-pu-lien-ho
banners (eastern united banners),_ or East Urianghai in the
central part of former Chahar Province now under the name
of Chahar League.
The Silingol sub-district, covering the League area in
former North Chahar Province is rather thinly peopled. The
least populated area is along the northwestern border of the
region close to the Gobi Desert. The Silingol sub-district has
400,000 sq. km. of various types of steppes. It. is inhabited
primarily by Mongol nomads and is one of the most thinly
populated areas of Inner Mongolia, with an average population
density less than one person per sq. km. There is not. a
single town or even a large settlement. in Silingol. The largest
population center of the Silingol sub-district, is the administra-
tive center, PC] -tzu-miao (Banchda -sumo), north of Dolonor,
situated on the Silingol River. In 1951. there were 5,000 people
living in Pei-tzu-miao; the population of all the five Silingol
banners was 100,000 in 1951.
The Hulunbuir sub-region, is the western part. of the Huna
League, and was established in 1949 including the West Nonni
Valley on the east and west of the Ilkhuri (North Hsingan)
Mountains in former western Heilungkiang Province. It is about.
253,000 sq. km. in area and has a population of over 132,477
persons, a density of less than one person per sq. km. Barga
forms the largest part of the sub-region, occupying the north-
western slopes of the Great Hsingan Mountain and northeastern
portion of the Gobi Desert.
The sub-district is inhabited by a number of national group:"
small in number but most varied in ethnic composition, i.e. ,
Buriat-Mongols, Chinese, Solons, Da.urs, Oronchons, Koreans
and Russians. Taking the sub-region as a whole, it is a
cattle-breeding-agricultural region. Dairying and Limbering
industries are also well-developed. The rivers, particularly
the Argun and its tributaries of the Gana, Khaula, Derbula,
Mankta, Bystraia, Keller (Hailar), and Imin Gol. and the lakes
of Dalai Nor and 13uir Nor are the sources of fish supplies.
In the llikhuri Mountains the valley slopes arc rich in timber
and fur bearing am mal resources.
According to the data of 1940 the population of the Hulunbuir
sub-region was 132,477 persons. Most: arc distributed along
the Chinese Eastern Railwo.y. The inhabitants are predominantly
Chinese. While the average population density is less than one ?
person per sq. km. , it is up to about ten persons per sq. km.
along the Chinese Eastern Railway.
The population of the Solun, 1-isin (New) Ba.rgu, and Ch'en
(Old) Barge banners are considerably below the rest of the
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sub-region. 'The inhabitants of the three banners are predom-
inantly Mongols, known as the Barga Mongols. They are
essentially pastoralists, breeding cattle, raising sheep,
and horses, cows and camels come next in importance.
The least populated is the "Taiga" or forest belt in the
northwest part of the sub-district. There live the Tungusic-
Manchttrian Evenki group of people in small numbers.'
The timber industry is fairly well developed and plays
an important role in the economy of the sub-region. Almost
thirty percent of the Huna League sub-district is covered
with forests. Lumber is exploited on a wide scale along the
Hailar.River and its tributaries and along the Imin Gol and
its tributaries of Yadoru (ladoru) and Sandoru.
The Nun-chiang (Nonni Valley) Sub-region is located in
the eastern part of the Huna League. It covers the eastern
slopes of the north Great Hsingan Mountains and refers to
the western Nonni Valley only. It is about 198,000 sq. km.
in area with a population of 1,6.0,378, averaging 8.1 persons
per sq. km. It is rich in forests and abundant in fish and
game because of the presence of numerous rivers and streams.
The Nonni River and its tributaries could also be used for
hydroelectric developments. Large tracts of fertile valley
plains are also suitable for extensive farming and pasturing.
The population of the Nun-chiang sub-region consists of
Chinese, Mongols, SoIons, and other Tungusic-Manchurian
elements. The Chinese predominate. The majority of the
population is concentrated in the southern banners of Buteha
and Moridawa close to the Chinese Eastern Railway Line
and in places which are suitable for farming.
The Jerirn-Hsingan sub-region is about 198,000 sq. km.
in area. It is bordered by Liaoning province on the east and
southeast, by the Silingol region on the northwest, and by
the Jouda-Chahar sub-region on the southwest. In the Jerim-
Hsingan sub-region are concentrated more than 1.2 million
people- mostly agricultural settlers - Chinese and Mongols.
The land is mostly cultivated. The population density averages
nearly seven persons per sq. km. It is one of the most densely
populated areas of Inner Mongolia, and predominantly Chinese.
Its importance in agriculture is next only to that of the Kuei-
sui-Houtao plain of the Suiyuan sub-region.
The population of the sub-region was 1,312,848 persons in
1951, out of which 480,897 lived in the Hsingan League and
831.951 in the Jerim League. Ninety percent of the population
are Chinese, and the Mongols make up the remaining ten
percent. The most densely populated areas are the eastern
and southeastern banners. The population is also unevenly
distributed. It ranges from one to ten persons per sq. km.
sql
While the population density of the sub-region averages less'
than seven persons per sq. km. , It amounts to forty persons
per sq. km. in the vicinity of Tung-1ia:0 city.
The Suiyuan sub-region. According to 1951 data the overall
population of Suiyuan was estimated at 2,360,000, giving an
average population density of seven persons per sq. km.
The overall number of Mongols living in Suiyuan is over
200,000 persons. According to this estimate the ratio between
Chinese and Mongols would be ten to one in t he province of
Suiyuan, which is .nearly twice as high as the average of the
whole Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region. Thus the suppress-
ion of Suiyuan province and its incorporation into the autonomous
region of Inner Mongolia supports strongly the speculation that
such a change actually has rather strengthened China's control
of Inner Mongolia than otherwise.
The Chinese are concentrated in the kueisui-Hou-tao plain
stretching across the central lowland belt between the plateaux
of the Ordos occupied by the Mongols of the Ikhechao League
and those in the south of the Ulanchap League living on the
Mongolian Plateau north of the Ta-ching Range. The plain
is fertile though alkali concentration after watering forms a
problem to cultivation, since three-fifths of it has been under
irrigation with a total irrigation canal length of 625 km. (ca.
420 miles)". The Mongols are scattered over the semi-arid
steppe land of the dry plateaux where desert prevails.
The Josotu sub-region covers the Liao-ho river basin, a
southern upper reach of the Liao River in former Northern
Jehol province. It includes the three banners of the Josotu
League. They are, namely, Ongiut in the north, the Aokhan
in the southeast and the Karachin in the southwest. It. has a
total area of about. 68,400 sq. km. with a population of roughly
979,805, and an average density of nearly fifteen persons per
sq. km. The Mongols number about 300,000, forming a
third of the total. The rest are Chinese. The Chinese agricult-
ural settlers are mainly distributed in the cast: and southeastern
portion of the sub-region, while the Mongols arc mainly semi-
sedentary, scattered in the west and northwest.
Distribution of Population According to Sub-regions
?
Sub-region
Jouda-Cha.har
Jerim-Hsingan
Area, sq. km. Population
165,000 584 400
198,000 1,312, 848
Av. Density per sq. km.
3 - 4
6 - 7
Hulunbuir
253,000
132,477
0.5
Nun-chiang
198,000
1,610,378
7.8
?
Silingol
400,000
100,000
0.25
Suiyuan
330,000
2, 360, 000
7.0
Josotu
68, 400
979,805
14 - 15
TOTAL 1,612,400
7,079,908
4.4
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3. Population
Urban population is restricted to a few towns of importance.
They are shown in Table II.
C. Population Trends of the Mongols in Inner Mongolia
1. Possible causes for decline
Population statistics for the Mongols in'Inner Mongolia have
not been satisfactorily worked out for the past. Scattered estim-
ates for more recent periods, and undocumented estimates for
earlier periods give us a suspicion that there has been a steady
decline for some areas and relative stability for others. Lack
of comparability prohibits the use of some data, even where
available. Table III gives some idea of the variability. It has
been suggested that where the population remained relatively
stable, or as in some areas, shows an increase from earlier
times,. the adoption of agriculture by the Mongols was respon-
sible. While our figures are inadequate for definite statements
on this point, what little data we have seems to bear out this
supposition.
Reasons for the decline of Mongol population are more
difficult, to find. Many authors have attributed the declining
population to the adoption of Tibetan Buddhism (Lamaism)
by the Mongols. Theoretically, since the monks were supposed
to be celibate, the fact that between forty and sixty percent of
the total male population were in the clergy would have had a
noticeable effect. But this celibacy was to a great extent
thec,..atical; the wide spread of syphilis in the Mongol population
has, with reason, been attributed to the activities of the monks.
Another basic cause of the declining population is probably to
be found in the increasing sedentarization of the Mongols
without the adoption of better sanitation (see China IMAR,
Health and Sanitation; Social Structure).
In Inner Mongolia venereal disease was so prevalent, that on
the basis of the statistics and data of the Inner Mongolia
venereal disease center in 1950, the venereal patients in the
pastoral areas in Hulunbuir League constituted forty-four
percent of the total population. A Communist news report on
this problem (Peking Kuang ming jih pao, Apr. 29, 1955)
gave 300,000 as the population of the pastoral areas of Inner
Mongolia, and made an estimate, on the basis of this of about
150,000 venereal patients.
Other diseases with a high mortality rate were plague,
tetanus, and puerperal fever, the last two being prevalent
among pregnant women and infants. In 1947-1948 in one of the
banners of the Silingol League, of 101 babies born, only two
were alive. As a result of venereal and endemic diseases.
the Mongol population of Inner Mongolia dropped year by year.
??
In 1927 the population of the Old Bztrga Banner was 7,000, but
in 1950, it was only 4,000. The censu's chart's of Solon Banner
stowed that.there were fewer children than persons of middle
age. The population of many pastoral areas in the lkechou
League was similarly reversed from normal; there were
fewer people in the lower age groups than in the upper.
2. Effects of Public health measures
Since the founding of the [MAR, living conditions of the
people are reported to have improved. Certain efforts have
been made by the government, to solve the physical problems.
The government took action first to prevent and care for con-
tagious diseases of all kinds, and attached special importance
to venereal and endemic diseases. In 1.949-50 the central
government also dispatched anti-epidemic teams to work in
Inner Mongolia. After several years of medical efforts, the
spread of these diseases is reported to have been put under
control. In 1950-53 physic:.1 examinations were reported
to have been carried out among 150,000 pastoral Mongols,
and medical treatment. given to 93,838 persons in nineteen
pastoral banners and five leagues (Peking Kuang ming jih-pao
April 29, 1955). Many patients who had not. been able to work
for years were said to have been re:,tored to health, and many
women who had been barren had begun to conceive and give
birth. The checking of disease also results in an increase of
labor power in Inner Mongolia. The population of twelve
banners in the Huna, Silingol, and Chahar Leagues in the
northeastern part of Inner Mongolia was reported to have
increased by 7,000 in 1953 over 1952. In 1952-53 in the Old
Barga Banner of the Hulunbuir League, 193 persons were
added to the population. In the western part of Inner Mongolia,
the population has also increased markedly. The same source
reported that in the Ta-la-te?-hou banner in the Yellow River
Bend Administrative District, there were 6,435 more persons
in 1954 than in 1950. and of 4,815 were babies under two
weeks.
From 1952 health work was also carried out among infants
and worn en in Inner Mongolia, and rnklwives were trained in
new childbirth methods. 13efore 1947 in Tu-chivan hien in
the Huna League, thirty-seven percent. of the in born
died of tetanus. With the new childbirth method promoted in
1953, it was reported that. only 1.5 percent. Of the infants in
the same hsien died of tetanns. In the Old Bargut Banner of
the Huila League in 1937, only ftwr out of 109 infantb were
born dead.
The most striking improvement in epidemic control has
been in bubonic plague. In 1947, the death toll from the plague
in inner Mongolia was said to have been more than 13,000,
?
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while in 1950 there were only twenty-three cases and seven-
teen deaths. In 1951, no cases of plague were reported (Lin
Chung, in China Reconstructs, No. 2, Mar. -Apr. 1952).
II. Mineral Resources
A. Introduction
The Autonomous Region of Inner Mongolia has not yet
been properly surveyed for its mineral wealth. Of the numerous
minerals that have been discovered and exploited in various
degrees, coal, iron, salt, and soda are the most important.
Others of less importance include asbestos, mica, pyrite,
sulfur, graphite, fluorspar, petroleum and oil shale, high-
alumina shale, and copper. Among the precious minerals
are gold, silver, some quartz crystals, and beryl.
On account of the vast expanses of inland drainage west
of the Great Hsingan Mountains and north of the Ta-ch'ing-
Yinshan (mountain) Ranges in the North, and in the interior
of the Ordos Plateau in the Southwest, gypsum, salt, and natural
soda are widely distributed, particularly in the "tsaidams"
or dry lake basins. Important iron ore deposits and fairly
good coking coking coal are located in the sub-region of
Suiyuan, while brown coal, petroleum, and oil shale are
located in the sub-regions of Hulunbuir. Nun-chiang, and
possibly the region of former Jehol province. Gold, silver,
pyrite and sulfur, fluorspar, precious stones and quartz
crystal are scattered throughout the Ilkhuri and Great
Hsingan Mountains. The rest of the non-metallic minerals,
asbestos, mica, graphite, etc. , are distributed throughout
the Ta-ch'ing-Yinshan Ranges. In addition, copper has also
been discovered in the Hsingan and Ta-ch'ing Ranges and
high-alumina shale in the Jehol Hills. Fire clay is widely
distributed in the lake basins throughout the whole region.
B. Principal Minerals:
1. Coal
The coal deposits of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region
fall into two major groups, both in their formation and distri-
bution. Those found in the northeastern part of the region,
particularly in the vicinity of Chalainor and Yalu (Chalantun)
in the Huna League, are mainly of lignite or brown coal
of Tertiary formation, with a low ash content but high in
moisture. This makes it desirable as a steam coal for the
engines of the Chinese Eastern Railway and its branches
in the Huna League territory. The coal fields of the Ta-ch'ing
Mountains in the southwestern part of the IMAR region are
chiefly bituminous and anthracite of Lower Jurassic formation.
? St?
?,1
There is also a great deal?of coal in the Hsingan;. Silingol,
and Jouda Leagues. Most of it is poor-quality brown coal.of
tertiary formation.
The coal deposits of the Ta-chling Mountains like those of
Ta-t'ung in Shansi, belong to the "Peking Grid" coal fields,
which lie in the longitudinal troughs of the intermountain
region within the Ta-ch'ing-Yin Shan and Nan-K'ou Ranges.
They are mainly of Lower Jurassic (Lias) formation, and so
are distinct from the main Shansi coal fields of the Permo-
Carboniferous age, although the lower coal measures of the
Ta-t'ung field belong to the latter. Of the "Peking Grid"
series, the Ta-tlung and the Ta-ch'ing Shan fields are the
largest and most important. Since the districts lying within
the Ta-tlung Basin, which had been taken from the province
of Shansi and added to Chahar by the Chinese Communist
Government in late 1949 were abolished, we shall not
treat the Ta-t'ung coal field in detail here, although it is
by far the most important one and the most closely related to
the economic development of inner Mongolia.
a. The Ta-chling Shan fields.
Coal deposits are found in many places along the Ta-ch'ing
Shan Rang, which runs down the center of Suiyuan. A
nuri3ber of small coal fields occur in the transversal valleys
or short ravines of the Ta-ch'ing Shan Range, containing
bituminous coal similar to that of Lower Jurassic age in the
Ta-tlung fields, in horizontal beds that are easy to work.
The coal found in the eastern part is chiefly anthracite.
Conditions of occurrence are shown in Table IV.
Before World War II, the actual output from the native mines
was 'estimated at about 150,000 tons a year. Since the war,
new deposits have been found in the vicinity of Ku-yang and
Wu-chluan in the interior of the Ta -chting Shan Range. Beyond
the Ta-ch'ing Shan Range in Suiyuan lignite is widely scattered
over the plateau. The known reserves and amount of production
must have increased many fold, since the Communist. govern-
ment has established an iron and steel plant in Pao-tfou
instead of Ta-t'ung, making it one of the few heavy industrial
centers of North China. The largest amount of mined coal is
in Saratsi and Ku-yang in the vicinity of Pao-t'ou, where large
deposits of iron ore are also reported to have been discovered.
Wan-chia-k'ou and Shih-Mual-kiou are the two producing
centers for iron ore in the area.
Moreover, the Ta-ttung and Ta-ch'ing Shan coal fields
lie in the borderland between the densely populated agricultur-
al regions of North China and the vast livestock belt, a rich
producer of pastotal raw materials of all kinds. Their favorable
geographical location will render them of paramount importance
637
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In the future .-conomic development of Inner Mongolia, The
operation of these coal fields has resulted. in the industrializa-
tion of such towns in the area as Kukuhoto (Kuei-sui), Feng-
'Than. and Pao-t'ou and in the establishment of industries
such as the manufacture of woolen goods, rugs, carpets,
and leather products.
The two comparatively large coal fields have each found a
natural market in Inner Mongolia. Their geographical
locations have determined the position of markets on each side
of the Feng-chen central watershed. The Ta-ch'ing Shan coal
finds its market around Kukuhoto and Pao-Cou and other
towns of the densely populated Kuei-sui Plain in Suiyuan,
while the Ta-t'ung coal, apart from supporting, the local de-
mand in northern Shensi, finds its market around Kalgan (now
in Hopei province), as well as in the leagues of Chahar and
Silingol. Besides its use as a fuel for industrial purposes,
coal is. increasingly taking the place of the dried cattle dung
used by the natives.
b. The Chalainor and Cha-lan-t'un fields.
Brown coal of Tertiary formation is widely distributed all
over the plateau, especially in the Hulunbuir basin. The largest
and best-known lignite deposits are located in the vicinity of
Chalainor, and in the western part of the sub-region of Hulun-
buir, and Yalu (Gila-Ian-0mi) in the Nun-chiang subdistrict.
The former deposit extends from Chalainor north of Lake Hulun,
and westward to Manchouli on the frontier along the Chinese
Eastern Railway. Chalinor and Cha-lan-t'un are the western
and eastern coal-producing centers, respectively, in the Huna
League. The former was discovered in 1901 and put into oper-
ation in 1902. According to the latest estimates, the coal re-
serves of Chalainor nine miles north of Lake Hulun (Dalai Nor)
are calculated at thirty-nine billion tons, with an annual pro-
duction of 139,000 tons. The coal of Chalainor has seams close
to thirty feet thick and is not of high grade. Nevertheless, it
has been mined extensively for some forty years because of
its closeness to the Chinese Eastern Railway, which is the
main consumer of the coal.
' The,Lubin (Manchouli) or Tsagan Ula coal deposits are
located to the northeast of the town of Manchouli in the locality
of Tsagan Ula. The Tsagan Ula coal reserves are estimated
at twenty-seven million tons with an annual production of
12,000 tons. The area of the Tsagan Ula coal field is equal to
eight square kilometers. The quality of the Tsagan Ula coal
is even lower than that of the Chalainor deposit.
In the Great Hsingan Mountains brown coal deposits are found
in the vicinity of Yalu (Cha-lan-tlun), Ulanhoto (Wang-yeh-miao)
and also along the Gan and Busi river valleys. The Busi coal
.?
has a reserve estimated at. over five. million mefric tops.'
The coal reserves of other deposits in the Great Hsingan.
Mountains have not yet: been sufficiently surveyed to be estim-
ated. (See Table V.)
In addition, it has been reported that in the IMAR, after two
years of prospecting in the Cho-tzu Mountains, detailed infor-
mation has been collected on some rich reserves of coking
coal of good quality and easy access. (Foreign Broadcast
Information Service Daily Report, No. 102, 1955). As to the
locality of Cho-tzu Shan and its actual reserves no information
is available. Judging from its quality it must. be one of the
Plain.
lfields of the Ta Mountains north of the Kuei-sui
c. Related Ta-t'ung fields.
The Ta-tlung coal fields are the most important of the "Peking
Grid" reserves. Mainly of lower Jurassic formation, they differ
from the main Shansi coal fields of the Permocarboniferous
are, although the lower coal measures of the Talt'ung fields
belong to the latter. The total reserves of Ta-t'ung have been
estimated at 354 million tons, but. have been considerably in
by recent discoveries. It is reported that the amount
may even have been doubled. Til,? Ta-t'ung coal is largely good
coking bituminous. The whole Ta-t'ung Basin, which was detached
from Shansi and incorporated in Chahar in December, 1949,
was returned to the province of Shansi in November, 1953, when
Chahar province was abolished.
The distribution and production of coal reserves in the provinces
out of which the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region was mainly
formed is shown in the following table (Table VI). (C. C.Pai:
Geological Survey of China, Special. Report 7, December, 1945.
Cited by U. S. Dept. of Interior, Foreign Mineral Survey, Mineral
Resources of China, Vol. 2, No. 7, January, 1948).
2. Iron Ore.
It has been reported that huge iron ore deposits have been
discovered in Inner Mongolia, but no information about their
distribution and reserves has been given. However, up to the
prsent: Foreign Broadca.st Information Service Daily Report,
No. 87, 1955) the known iron ore deposits have been confined
to two major fields: the Ta-chting ores in the central mountain
belt, mainly in the MuuMingan Banner of the Ulanchab League
of the sub-region of Suiyuan in the Southwest, and the Great
Hsingan ores, mainly in the district of Hulun (Hailar) in the
Northeast.
a. The Ta-ch'ing Shan ores.
The Ta-ch'ing reserves are concentrated in Pai-ydn Ob
near Pai-ling-miao, about 200 kilometers northwest of Kukuhoto
(Kuei-sui), with an estimated reserve of 34 million metric
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tons. Large deposits of iron ore arc also found in the districts
of Ku-yang, Wu-chivan, and Pao-ttou, north of the Kuei-sui
Plain. The proximity of the coal and iron deposits in the
Ta-chling Mountains has encouraged the development of metal-
lurgical industries at Pao-ttou under the Communist regime.
Its future is promising if the mines are linked by rail with
Pao-t'ou, the present terminus of the Peking-Suiyuan Railway.
b. The Great Hsingan ores.
Two iron ore deposits have been discovered in the Great
Hsingan Mountains. One field is located on the right bank of the
Khaul River at the mouth of the Hailar River in the Lubin (Manchou-
li) district of the Huna League on the western side of the northern
Great Hsingan Range. Another is located at a place to the west
of Ulanhoto (Wang-yeh-miao) in the territory of the Hsingan
League on the eastern slope of the central Great Hsingan Range.
No data is available about their reserves and production.
3. Related Suan-lung ores.
It. should be noted that in the neighborhood of the Peking Grid
coal fields there is one of the most important iron ore fields
of North China, the Suan-lung field, located in the Lung-yen
Mountains in the district of Suan-hua. The Suan-lung ore, a
non-phosphoric hematite, is of good grade and extends over a
considerable area in the hills around Suan-hua, south of Kalgan.
The iron contekit of the ore is over fifty percent, and the ore
can be obtained by open quarrying. The reserve has been esti-
mated at 92 million metric tons, which has been increased by
further recent discoveries. During World War LI, the Japanese
established a new metallurgical plant near the station of
Suan-hua on the Peking-Suiyuan Railway, besides restoring
the furnace at Shih-ching Shan in the Western Hills of Peking.
I3oth used the Suan-lung ores, but. the former plant was badly
damaged by the Communists during their engagements with
the Nationalist troops immediately after the War.
The reserves of iron ore and their distribution in the pro-
vinces now included in the IMAR arc shown in the following
table(Table
3. Salt and Soda
The inland drainage of the Mongolian Plateau is character-
ized by the irregular occurrence of a large number of salt lakes.
Most of them are spread throughout the drier basins close to
the Gobi and the deserts in southwestern Hulunbuir Basin, in
the territories of the Silingol, Ulanchab and sIkechou Leagues.
The lakes are scattered in the enclosed depression, some large
and some small. The smaller ones are from ten to twenty
meters wide and the large ones extending from one to several
kilometers in width. They vary according to seasonal changes
in the amount of water received. Sometimes several lakes
?
qo
?
?
?
unite to form a large one and sometimes a large one breaks
up into several small ones, e.g.. Dalai Lake, to the northwest
of the Hulunbuir Basin sometimes becomes two, the East Dalai
and West Dalai Lakes, when the water level lowers during the
dry season, and are marked on Russian maps as Tsdzun and
Barun, respectively. Hulun Lake (Chalai Nor) and Buir Nor
(Lake) now connected by the Ushun River, once were one big'
lake in the Hulunbuir Basin. Incidentally, the names of Dalai
and Hulun (Chalai) Lakes have sometimes been confused in
recent writings. Moreover, another lake also named Dalai
or Talai Nor (Tali or Dali in Chinese) is located in central
eastern Chahar. This often causes confusion also. Most of them
have bitter or salty water. In summer some of these lakes
turn into swamps which are impossible to cross. Many of them
get their water from melting snow or from rain and are often
surrounded by marshes. Most of them are inaccessible on
account of the surrounding marshes and of no use to the people
or animals.
Hulun Lake (Chalai Nor), in the western part of the Hulunbuir
Basin, is one of the few large lakes of the Inner Mongolian
Autonomous Region. This lake is sixty kilometers long and
twenty kilometers wide. The area of the lake occupies 1,063
square kilometers. The Kerulun River enters the lake in the
southwest, and from the south it receives the Oronchon River.
The Water of the lake is pure and slightly salty. The area of
the lake varies considerably from time to time. In 1903 the
length of the lake was twenty kilometers, with a width of ten
kilometers. It has an average depth of one meter, though in
some places the depth reaches nine meters. Before winter sets
in most of the fish from Hulun Lake migrate into Buir Nor in
the south via the Oronchon-Ushun River. There are many small
islands in Hulun Lake when its water level is lowered.
Buir Nor is located in the southern part of the Hulunbuir
Basin. It covers an area of 610 square kilometers. It is 44. 5
kilometers long and twenty kilometers wide. It is a fresh water
lake, and outflows via the Ushun-Oronchon River into Hulun
Lake. The Khalkhin River empties into Buir Nor in the north-
east. The average depth of the lake is nine meters. The southern
shore of the lake is sandy and covered with scattered shrubs
and some grass. Its eastern shore is flat and open, covered
with steppe-type vegetation. The western shore is sandy and
overgrown with grass which provides good pasture ground for
cattle. Buir Nor is abundant in fish: Surplus water is carried
into Hulun Lake by the Ushun-Oronchon River which is up to
seventy meters wide and 1.5 to two meters deep. Because of
the abundance of fish in Hulun and Buir Lakes, an extensive
fishing industry has been developed in recent years. They supply
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most of the fish consumed throughout the ter?rit.ory of the Hulun-
buir sub-region.
Owing to evaporation, the water of most'of the lakes of the
IMAR has become extensively saline and some have even become
dry lakes, the beds covered with a thick deposit of salt and ?
natural soda. As a result, the whole region is extraordinarily
rich in salt and soda; as are also Chinghai (Koko Nor), Ninghsia
(now part of Kansu), and Sinkiang . In these provinces, and in
the IMAR, salt is so wadely distributed that it is almost imposs-
ible for the government to collect salt taxes, which form one
of the principal sources of the national revenue of China. So far,
there has been comparatively little exploitation of this abund-
ant supply.
a. Important salt-producing lakes.
1. Dalai (Tali) Nor, located on the border between the
Chahar and Jouda Leagues; circumference about forty miles.
2. Damus Nor, in the central part of Silingol League;
circumference about forty miles. It has a salt morass in its
eastern part with a layer of fine salt varying from one and one-
half to three or four feet in thickness.
3. Salt Lake,? in the Sunit Banner in southwestern
Silingol League; about one mile around, having a layer of salt
several feet thick. In addition, there are few other lakes densely
impregnated with salt in the territory of the Silingol League.
4. Daikha Nor and Kir Nor (Hulu-hai), located on
the Fenvehen upland in the eatsern part of the Suiyuan sub-
region. They are both over fifty miles around and highly impreg-
nated with salt.
5. Dabasun (Ta-yeh Hai-tzu), situated in the north-
western part of the Ordos Plateau. Lake Dabasun is about eight
miles long and 1.5 to 2 miles wide, having a salt morass to the
east of it.
Mongolian salt has been one of the chief local trade commod-
ities since very early times. It can be classified into five groups
according to quality, color, and place of production.
1. Or salt, produced mainly from Dubasun Lake in northwestern
Ordos that comes from the Rear Banner of the Right Wing is fine
and white and red in color. It supplies the demands of the western
part of the Suiyuan sub-region and the Central Banner of the Right
Wing, in the Ikechou League'.
2. Su salt, white and fine, comes from the Sunit Banner area
of the western part of the Silingol sub-region. It is used chiefly
for local consumption.
3. Su salt, commonly known as green salt, comes from Damus
Nor in the Ujumuchin area of the northeastern part of the Silingol
sub-region. There is a salt flat 21 square miles in area (7 by 3
miles), one of the richest deposits in the IMAR. Its large-grained
?
?
r,
salt, of unusually high sodium' chloride content, needs rig ?
processing before use. Fifty years ago; according to Chinese
records, 40,000 cariloads of salt, of 600 pounds each, were
taken from Ujumuchin each year. The present annual output
is on a high level, and the deposit shows no sign whatsoever ?
of exhaustion. As recently as 1947, 2,000 cartloads were used
to build a defense wall against bandits, and still stands. The
Silingol League has 60 other salt flats besides the one at
Ujumuchin which the local people call "The Mother." The
salt is of fine quality with a green tinge. It is marketed
throughout all of eastern Outer Mongolia, the territory of the
Hsingan League, and locally in the eastern part of the Siting-
ol sub-region.
4. Hulun salt is produced from several lakes of the Hulun-
buir sub-region. Fine table salt has been extracted mainly
from the salt-soda lakes of Bain Nor and Bain Tsgan Nor;
both are located to the northeast of Buir Nor. To the north-
west of Hailar stretches a long row of small salt lakes: Khalka
Nor, Panza Nor, Sabta Nor, Khara Nor, and Dari Nor, etc.
People living around those lakes obtain their table salt by
simply digging clown three feet. More than 8,000 tons of salt
and soda are produced from the Hulunbuir sub-region each
year.
5. Dacha-Kir salt is produced from Daikha Nor and Kir Nor
in the Feng-chen uplands. Over two and a half million catties
(1.3 lb. equals one catty) of salt are produced from Daikha Nor
alone each year. I.t finds a ready rilarket in the eastern part
of the Suiyuan sub-region and the Ta-t'ung Basin of northern
Shansi.
b. Important soda-producing centers.
There are many lakes and dry lake basins in the 1MAR which
provide basic sodium salt. The sub-regions of Suiyuan, Chahar,
and Hulunbuir are the three leading producers of soda.
I. The Suiyuan soda collies largely from flats in the Ordos
Plateau and the district of Ttao-lin (Lat. 41.16 Long. 112. 43),
Wu-chluan (Lat. 41.07 Long. 111.25), and Ku-yang (Lat 41.08
Long. 110.10). Annual production in this region is about 29,000
tons. ?
2. Chahar soda comes largely from Dolon Nor; Ba run Nor
of the eastern part of the Chahar League; Tze-ytin Lake, in the
Sunit Banner of the Silingol League; and lakes in Tung-pu-
Hang-ha Banner, and amounts to over 1,500 tons a year with a
record of 8,000 tons in 1925.
3. Hulunbuir soda production amounts to over 8,000 tons a
year with a record of 16,2.00 tons in 1930. The basic deposits of
natural soda in the Hulunbuir region are located in the vicinity
of Ganchur SSU, north of Buir Nor; in Cha sun Nor (Khudi Nor);
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Dun-Khara.Khu Chirtu Lake; Sikhara Khuchirtu Lake; and
some other smaller lakes. The reserves of soda deposits in
the Hulupbuir region are enormous.
Although the exploitation of salt and soda in the IMAR is yet
small, comparatively, the existence of such extensive resources
in a livestock belt like Inner Mongolia will prove a vital factor
in various branches of industrial development. It can be used
for preserving purposes in the meat trade and as a cleaning
substance in the curing of skins and hides as well as a basic
source of materials of various chemical industries. Moreover,
among the salt and soda lakes are some which are potassium
and nitrate-bearing, forming a valuable source of chemical
fertilizer.
C. Precious Minerals
1. Gold
Gold-bearing rock is located mainly in the areas of Hulunbuir
and the Nonni River Valley, especially in the vicinity of the
three rivers of Gan, Derbula, and Khaul, and at Khiramutu and
Khiralin in the Argun river basin.
Most of the gold comes from placer workings. Practically
all the streams tributary to the Amur are gold-bearing. They
have been worked by primitive methods, largely by Russians,
Koreans, and Chinese, for many years and have produced a
fair amount of gold each year, although no exact figures are
available. If hydraulic equipment is introduced, such as dredges
and drag lines, and once they are opened for exploitation by
modern means, they should be productive for many years. The
Japanese installed some god dredges, and in 1938 it was reported
that ten or so gold dredges were working in the Nun-chiang dis-
trict alone.
2. Silver
Silver and lead deposits are found in the vicinity of the Derbula
River. Some other brown silver and lead deposits are located
in the Berai, Khaul, Honnui, and Onur river valleys. No informa-
tion about their reserves or production is available.
3. Quartz Crystal and Beryl
'Four deposits of quartz crystal and beryl have been found in
the sub-region of Suiyuan. They occur in geodes in pegmatite
veins. The quartz has been used for the making of eyeglass
lenses and the beryl crystals for jewelry.
Rich deposits of beryl crystals, which occur in quartz veins,
have been reported in the Hsingan Mountains, especially along
the upper reaches of the Moin, Khalkin, and Derbula Rivers
and their tributaries in the territory of the Huna League (former
western Heilungkiang province).
The four deposits of quartz crystals in the sub-region of Suiyuan
are shown in Table VII.I.
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D. Other Minerals
1. Asbestos
Rich deposits of asbestos have been reported in the Ta-
ch'ing and Lang Shan Ranges in Suiyuan and the Jehol Hills.
Some of them were developed during the Japanese occupation
and a production of 750 tons in Suiyuan was reported in 1944.
The distribution of the chief asbestos deposits are as follows
(See Table IX.)
Probably none of the Jehol asbestos deposits have been
included in the IMAR. The deposits of Chao-yang and Ma-chia-
tzu may have been added to the province of Liaoning, and the
other three possibly to Hopei after the triple partition of
Jehol province between the IMAR, Liaoning, and Hopei in
1955.
2. Mica
Mica deposits have been discovered and exploited in Suiyuan
near Kuei-sui and Ku-yang in the Ta-ch'ing Mountains, and
also near Feng-chen, Chi-ning, and?Hsing-ho. A total estimated
reserve of 250,000 metric tons has been given for the deposits
in these five districts.
Name of Deposit
Hung-sha-pa
Kuan-tsun
Ta-ch'ing-shan
Pa-su-mu
San-cha-ktou
Kuei-sui
They are distributed as follows:
County(hsien) Lat. tr. Long.
40.45 - 113.10
40.51 - 113.10
40.52 - 113.58
40.59 - 112.50
50. 57 - 112.55
40.47 - 111. 37
41.08 - 110.10
Feng-chen
Feng-chen
Hsing-ho
Chi -ning
Chi-rung
Kuei-sui
Ku-yang
3. Pyrite and Sulfur
Some deposits of pyrite arid sulfur have been discovered and
worked at Wu-ta-lien-chin in Pei-an (Lat. 48 Long. 126) dis-
trict and in the vicinity of Aigun (Lat. 49.59 Long 127.21).
Both are distributed in the Little Hsingan Mountains to the
east of the Nonni River.
4. Graphite
Graphite deposits are found in both the Great Hsingan and
the Ta-ching Mountains. The graphite deposit. to the west of
Nia.n-tzu Shan in the territory of the Huna League has been
mined lately. Two graphite deposits are located at Hsing-ho
(Lat. 40.52 Long. 113.58) and near Kuei-sui (Lat. 40.47
Long. 111. 35) in Suiyuan.
5. Fluorspar (fluorite)
Large deposits of fluorspar have been discovered in gneiss
and granite to the west of Dragotsen village and at Nun-chiang
in the Huna League. Some deposits contain ninety percent pure
calcium fluorite and are located at Ma-hu-ying (3,480 tons in
1944) and Vu-shu-fu (3,000 tons in 1944), both in Lung-hua
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: ??
1.
?.>
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hsicn (Lat.?41.32 Long. 117.38) and in the Kharachin Banner
(Lat. 41.51 Long, 118.26)(580 tons in 1944) of former Jehol
province. The two Lung-hua deposits were probably added
to Hopei province after the partition of Jehol in 1955, and
the one in Kharachin Banner has probably gone to Liaoning.
6. Petroleum and Oil Shale
It was reported that oil had been found by the Japanese during
the war near Chalai Nor (Lake Hulun), and that drilling reached
1,000 feet in 1941, but no oil was found. No further information
is available. However, large deposits of bituminous shale have
been found in Hulunbuir. Its reserves of oil shale are said
to be tremendous, but its nephrite content is low, thus no oil
has been extracted. In addition, the Japanese clained to have
found another oil field in the Jurassic-age coal fields near
Fu-hsin in the former Jehol province. However, this field
was probably given to Liaoning after the partition of Jehol
in 1955.
7. High-Alumina Shale
Some high-alumina shale has been discovered at Sung-shu-
tai and Wu-lao-ling in the former province of Jehol. They may
have been given to the province of Hopei after the partition of
Jehol.
8. Copper
Copper. has been reported abundant both in the Hsingan and
Ta-ch'ing-Yin Shan mountains, but no details are available
about its reserves, production, or distribution. However,
some copper deposits have been reported at Pling-ch'ilan,
Ko-crh-yen in Chin-piao, and Shih-tzu-lu in Ch'eng-te in the Jehol
Hills. These copper deposits may have been allocated to the pro-
vinces of Hopei and Liaoning after the partition of Jehol in 1955.
I ,
Ln
ch
a 9-1
?r4
tn
0
04
?
i 1-1
1 ,0
0
i ???C
1 ? r4
0
0
C)
1-13:1
? ?
?
4
C)
ti1
??3
cl
rd
?
Leagues, banners, etc.
6 leagues, 32 banners, 7 hsien, 3 municipalities
no banners
17 banners
no banners
4 banners
2 banners
1
2 banners
I. (Jen-min shou-tse, "Peoples Handbook, " of 1951 gave the population of the IMAR. as 2,238,625.) J
IArea in I
sq. km. i Density
col
.
in
0
.
in
in
r'--
.
.0
0
.
CO
":)'
-.
?41
.
-rt.
--t.
r-
.
0,
-?
in
.
N
0
0
0
0
r-
0
0
0
N
0
0
0
cn
rn
0
0
0
in
0
0
0
?
?-?
0
0
0
N
co
N
0
0
0
Irl
r--
N
Population
2,351,565
3,881,363
2,255,896
7,391,492
4,899,021
5,521,581
715, 656
,
1 ???-1 ,..,
1 c?1 ?-?
1 0 0
I ..,t TIn
1 ??-i ??-1
I, ToI ?,-1
I a. n
pe
erl
?---.;
-.
Of)
r?
rt
IQ it.1
--? to .,.,
t ? "
, rt ?-, r? to
?" ?-, vi _. _.,0 ,Z
t 5,, 0 0 -7. tt
'?-? ? - roI X '- 0
? 7) ? - 4)
0 (r) ...) ,-; i z
1 Population
35,000
( Mostly Mongols)
?
40 ,000
(Mostly Chinese)
30, 000
o
o
I!
.--
in
in

A religious center with the largest lamasery and market-
ing town in northeastern IlviAR. A fair takes place between
August and September.
Geographical Significance
First capital of the 1.1.1..A.R, largest administrative center
of the Hsingan League.
Largest administrative center of the Jerim League,
important railway station.
A religious center and important trading post situated on
the left bank of Si-he, a tributary of the Shang-tu Fiver
on the eastern border of the Chahar League.
Frontier town on the Chinese Eastern Railway. Largest
population center of the Hulunbuir district; industrial
center.
Administrative center of the Huna League, also one of
the largest commercial-industrial centers of Inner Mon-
golia, next only to Kuei-sui and. Pao-Vou. Important
station of the Chinese Eastern Railway.
_
Name of Town ? 1
Ulanhoto
( ?Wang- veh- rniao) I
?-%
%..
, tt)
?-?
.-
) 1
CI)
0
? E-?
;
:??
0
0
0
?-?
0
p
Man-chou-li
or Lu-pin
Hailar or Hu-lur.
Kan-chu-rniao
(Ganchur)
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ci 7
TABLE II. (Continued)
Geographical Significance
Population
Po-ke-tu (Bukhedu)
,
Large railway station, largest commercial and industrial
center of the Nonni River area.
over 10,000
Cha-lan-tu.n
Industrial and education center (saw-mills, flax-
processing, dairying, and factories).
5,000
Kuei-sui
(Kuku.hoto)
Twin-city of Kwei-hua (old) and Suiyuan(new). Thirty-six
sq. km. in extent, largest city of IMAR. Present capital
of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. Originally
chief religious center of all Mongolia before the Head Lama
moved to Urga (Ulan Bator), capital of Outer Mongolia. Now
a transit and administrative center of Inner Mongolia.
Eighty percent of its population live in the old city. But ad-
ministrative institutes concentrate in the new city.
..
100,000 (1951)
Pao-t'ou
Railroad terminal and river port navigable via Hwangho,
the Yellow River up to Lanchow and Sling, capitals of
Kansu and Chinghai provinces respectively. So an import-
ant commercial and industrial center of IMAR.
TABLE III.
Early Ch'ing
1929-32
1934
1939
1947-49
Ikechou( Ordos)
206, 500 (Com. Manch )
April 1939
120, 000
77, 000
93, 133
80, 000
400, 000(Comm. -K2vIJP;
SCMP, May
19 '55
Silingol
Late Ching
1912-
1929-32
1934
1935
.-.
1939
84, 000(Comm. KMJP)
93, 800
66, 218
52, 000
36, 000 Comm.
36, 800
Early Ching
86, 250 (Con. Man)
'1929-32
TUrnet(Kuei-hua) Early Ching-
1934
1939 ,
I 45,000
60,436
60,400
60,433
?
TABLE IV.
?
Coal
Locality
Distance from the mine to
the opening of the valley
Probable reserve in
million tons
Anthracite
Chu-erh-k'ou
10 li (3.3 mi.)
Ta-hsi-ktou
15 11 (5 mi.)
650 .
Wan-chia-k'ou
40 li (33.3 mi.)
Blturninous
Shut-chien-k'ou
30 11 (10 mi. )
Pa-tu-klou
25-45 li (8.3-15 mi.)
1,300
Wu-tang-k'ou
60 11 (20 mi. )(to Pao-t'ou)
Total
1,950
Lignite
The plateau beyond
the Ta-ch'ing Shan
Range
22
Grand Total
1,972
TABLE V. Chalainor-Cha-lan-t'un Coal Fields
Coal
- Locality
Approx. Annual Prod. (1000 tons)
Est. Reserve, million tons
Lignite
Chalainor
139
39,000
Lignite
Manchouli (Tsaganula(
12
27
Lignite
Busi
5 ?
TABLE VI. Coal reserves in million metric tons estimated in 1945 and production in 1000 tons in 1944.
-Provinces
Anthracite
Bituminous
Lignite
, Total
Rank
Production Rank
Chahar
17
487
504
20
9,300 4
Heilungkiang
5, 000
3, 980 .
8, 980
4
3, 047 8
Jehol
4,714
4,714
7
5,359 7
Suiyuan
58
396
22
476
21
115 21
0
(D
0
CD
(/)
(/)
(/)
CD:
171
(D
0
-o
-o
-o
(D
?0/170/171-0Z JA
0
TABLE VII. Iron Ore Reserves in Million Metric Tons (1945) Production in Metric Tons (1942)
(Ref. C. C.Pai: Geological Survey of China, Special Report 7, December, 1945) (Cited by U:S.Dept.
of Interior, Foreign ?Minerals ? ?
Province
Proved
Estimated
Total
Rank
Production
Rank
Chahar
91,645
2,000
93,645
3
923,376
5
Heilungkiang
500
500
28
25, 000
Jehol
11,340
11,340
19
Suiyuan
700
5,000
5,700
23
'T'Art.T.7. Arr T T c.........?.- -...-&-, ..3 ----I a.-
1___ ?
?
Name of Deposit
Location
Remarks
Latitude & Longitude
Huang-hua-ko-tung
Sai-lin-Ku-tang
Kan-kou-tzu
Hsiao-ta-ching-shan
T'ao-lin
Ku-yang
Wu-chivan
Hsing-ho _
Good quality, large reserve,
with beryl.
Large reserve, with beryl
Large reserve, with beryl.
Large reserve, with beryl.
41.09 - 112.39 , ?
41.18 - 110. 33
41. 27 - 111. 58
41.08 - 113. 53
TABLE IX. Distribution of chief asbestos deposits.
-
Location
County Remarks
Latitude & Longitude
Suiyuan Sub-region.
N. Ist S. of Wu-ylla.n
Wu-yllan
worked in 1944
41. 07 - 108.28
Near Lin-ho
Lin-ho
worked in 1944
40.49 - 107.30 ?
Near Tal-liang in Ural
Shan
Urat Banner
worked in 1944
40.54 - 109.28
Pan-k'ou
Wu-chluan
small operation
40.53 - 110.54
Liu-chou-wan
Wu-ch'ua_n
300 tons (1944)
40. 51 - 110. 49
Shao-pu-kai
Ku-yang
150 tons (1944)
40. 58 - 110. 26
Shih - yao- tzu
Sha-pa-tzu
Sa-la-chli(Saratsi)
Pao-t'ou
small operation
300 tons (1944)
40.48 - 110.46
40.49 - 109.48
(best deposit)
Jehol
Two mi. NE of Chaoya_ng
Chao-yang
worked in 1943
41.34 - 120.26
Ma-chia-tzu
Sul- tung
133 tons in 1944
42. 28 - 120. 43 .
Kao- shou-tai
Ch'eng-te
Possibly given to Hopei(1953).
Sung- shu-tai
Possibly given to Hopei(1953).
j.
Wu-tao-ling
P'ing-ch'ilan
Possibly given to Hopei(1953).
40.56 - 110.04
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?.
?
ETHNIC GROUPS
I. Introduction
II. Recent Immigrants
A. The Koreans
B. The Russians
M. The Chinese in the IMAR
A. General Characteristics
B. The Chinese in the Eastern (Manchurian) IMAR
1. Origins
2. Present-day characteristics
C. The Chinese in the Western Section of the IMAR
1 . Cultural cha ractc ris tics
D. The Chinese Moslems
IV. The Mongols
A. Population and Group Location
13. Physical Type
C Cultural Cha mete ris tics
D. The Bury DAR
E. The Dagurs
V. Minority Groups of the IMAR
A. The Oronchon (Olunchun)
B. The Solon
C. The Yakuts
D. The Manchus
Additional Readings
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4
Is
ETHNIC GROUPS
I. Introduction
If we equate an ethnic group with a race, we are forced to ?
say that there is only one "ethnic group" in the whole Inner Mon-
golian Autonomous Region, excluding the very small Russian
population in Manchuria. The inhabitants of the IMAR, from the
northern tip of Manchuria to the western edge of Suiyuan, are
Mongoloid peoples of the group called, in some classifications,
Asiatic Mongoloid. There are wide variations in physical type
and appearance within this group, however, because of the con-
tinual intermixture throughout history of Chinese, Turkic, Mon-
golian and Tunguso-Manchurian populations within the area. The
predominant physical characteristics of the Mongoloid peoples
in this area are the typical Mongoloid fold in the eyelid; straight
black hair; a relatively flat nose bridge; high cheekbones, and a
skin tone ranging from deep brown to a yellowish tan or sallow
color.
These physical traits common to Mongoloids are not, how-
ever, the only onea found among the people of the IMAR. Red or
brown hair, wavy hair, blue eyes, straight, high nose bridges,
tall individuals and skin verging upon the characteristic Caucas-
oid coloration are also found. Because of the checkered racial
history of the area, as well as the extreme lack of physical an-
thropological studies here, one cannot be categorical about
equating racial types with ethnic groups. In defining our ethnic
groups for the IMAR, we are forced to fall back upon consider-
ation of cultural and historical aspects of the lives of the people.
Habits of living, language, historical unity and political divi-
sions provide us with a few distinguishable groups. Excepting
recent immigrant populations, we may regard these groups as
highly mixed "Manchurian" types, finding among all of them
Chinese, Mongolian, Tunguso -Manchurian and European physical
characteristics.
Incorporated in the area are the following more important
ethnic groups: Chinese (mostly from North China); Mongols of
both the eastern and western branches; Russians; Manchus
(highly mixed with Chinese); Tunguso-Manchurians of various
kinds; Koreans, and Chinese Mohammedans (to be distinguished
culturally in some respects from the Chinese proper). All these
groups have subdivisions. By number, the most significant
groups are the Chinese and the Mongols; all the rest comprise
no more than five per cent of the population of the IMAR.
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U. Recent Immigrants
A. The Koreans
Among the groups singled out as ethnic units in the IMAR, the
Koreans, Russians and some Chinese may be considered recent
immigrants. The Chinese will be discussed later. The Koreans
actually living in the IMAR are a very minor group, most of
whom settled there before the Japanese occupation began in 1931.
The largest concentrations of Koreans are to be found in the
central and northwestern sections of the eastern part of the
IMAR, specifically in the Ayung and Khorchin Banners. This
group numbered only 5,400 in 1953. For the most part, the
Koreans are rice farmers, although some have settled in cities
and pursue various handicraft occupations.
B. The Russians
Russians have been entering this region as colonists ever
-since the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway in the
present IMAR. They are concentrated mainly in Hulunbuir.
Among the Russian peoples who moved into the region as the
influence of the old Russian Empire penetrated eastward, and
who are still in Hulunbuir, are the so-called White Russians or
Slays, the Turko-Tatars, Jews, Poles and so on. All of these
live in Hailar, Manchouli, and other towns along the railways.
Besides these there is another group of White Russians, the
descendants of Cossack immigrants who escaped from Siberia at
the time of the Russian Revolution of 1917. They moved into the
San-ho region of Barga, where they took up herding, dairying
and agriculture, growing wheat and potatoes and oats for live-
stock fodder. Some Russians in this area hire Buryats to herd
for them. There were about five thousand Russians living in the
village of San-ho in Barga in 1935.
With the development of Russian commercial and industrial
interests in Manchuria, more Russians have come in to populate
the cities and engage in forestry, fur trading, et cetera. There
has been some intermarriage with the surrounding peoples. The
Russian population is still concentrated mainly along the Chinese
Eastern Railway. The Russian settlers in the agricultural and
lumbering districts have introduced agricultural techniques,
Russian sleds, some Russian-type houses and clothing, and
certain Russian crops. Russian influence on the material life of
the non-European peoples surrounding them has been felt mostly
by the Dagurs, who have adopted some of the aspects of agricul-
ture and living noted above. The Russian language is still in use,
but it has been corrupted with localisms and words taken over
from neighboring languages. With the Russians came the Greek
.Orthodox Church and church buildings, but the religion appar-
ently has had little effect on the peoples surrounding the immi-
grants, and has been practiced primarily by the Russians them-
? I*
?
?
?
selves. The Russian population of Hulunbuir probably numbers
betWeen seven thousand and ten thousand.
III. The Chinese in the IMAR
A. General Characteristics
The movement of Chinese into Inner Mongolia has been an
age-old process, occurring in waves corresponding to some ex-
tent to the strength of China vis-a-vis the Mongolian border.
Movements into different portions of Inner Mongolia have not
occurred evenly on all fronts nor with the same strength. One
can best deal with the subject by treating first the Chinese im-
migrations into the Manchurian and southeastern portion of
Inner Mongolia and following with the immigration into the
western sections.
B. The Chinese in the Eastern (Manchurian) IMAR
During the later years of the Manchu Dynasty there was a
slow seepage of Chinese settlers into southern Manchuria,
despite efforts by the regime to prohibit such a movement. The
valleys of the Liao and Sungari Rivers were settled in part by
Chinese, mostly from Shantung, at the beginning of the Tao--
kuang reign (1821-1851). For the next thirty years, until the end
of the reign, large tracts north of Harbin were opened. The
period of the Taiping Rebellion (1850-64) drove many others into
Manchuria, access to which was becoming freer. In 1878 the
official policy was changed, and immigration was allowed into
the three eastern provinces, continuing practically unabated
until the occupation of Manchuria by Japan.
Much of the early migration was more in the form of season-
al labor movements than colonization. Families were left in
Shantung or Hopei (Chihli) during March, April and May, and
the immigrants returned during December and January. The
annual number of immigrants prior to 1925 never exceeded five
hundred thousand a year, but in 1926 the total rose to six hun-
dred thousand, and to more than a million in 1927-28. Returning
groups made up between forty-five and sixty per cent of the
migrants, so the actual volume of settlement was quite low in
comparison with the movement of people. Between 1925 and 1930
the settlement continued at the 1927-28 rate under government
encouragement, and there was probably an increase of about
two million permanent Chinese settlers. Thus the annual in-
crease up to the Japanese occupation and the establishment of
Manchukuo was probably more than four hundred thousand Chi-
nese.
In physical type the Chinese born in these regions differ less
noticeably from the Mongols than from the Chinese born in the
homeland (Lrnarnura, Vol. LVM, 657, July, 1942).
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105
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1. Origins
The most significant number of immigrants prior to the start
of the Sino-Japanese conflict came from Shantung and Hopei
(Chihli). To some extent this movement was aided and perhaps
channeled toward Manchuria by the relative ease of travel from
'Shantung by both land and'sea: In some cases the settlers were
shopkeepers, deported criminals, or garrigoned soldiers, but
the bulk of the immigrant population was land-hungry farmers.
Coming from one of the more culturally conservative regions
of North China, the immigrants brought with them their old way
of life practically intact. No great changes occurred in the
social organization which would make the new "Manchurians" as
a whole distinct from their counterparts remaining in Shantung
and Hopei. In fact, this colonizing movement has been aptly
termed a transplantation of the entire Chinese social complex
into new soil.
While similarities abound between the immigrants' old home
and their new settlements in.Manchuria, there is an observable
tendency to adjust to local conditions. The tightly organized
Chinese community with its family organization and traditional
culture persists, but contact with the diverse groups of non-
Chinese inhabitants of Manchurian Inner Mongolia has in some
cases resulted in a loosening of the social structure and in inter-
marriage. Many regions permit extensive, large-scale agricul-
ture in contrast to the intensive agriculture practiced in China
proper. The pioneer character of the settlements promotes
more mutual aid, although the aid comes through organizations
in China proper, i.e. , the provincial associations, guilds, clans
and so forth. Throughout the whole region of Manchuria, the
Chinese employ a more extensive use of draft animals.
The Chinese have been little affected by contact with non-
Chinese groups. The process has, in fact, moved in other
directions, whereby Mongols, Tungusic peoples and Manchus
have become more Chinese in culture. The exchange has, how-
ever, left some marks on the Chinese: those in contact with the
Mongols now eat milk and cheese; those who would, in Shantung
or Hopei, be wheat growers, now raise paddy rice. But on the
whole the Chinese immigrants have clung closely to the older
forms of Chinese life.
2. Present-day characteristics
The Chinese population in the eastern (Manchurian) portion of
the IMAR is concentrated in the Liao River Valley, in the vicin-
ity of the municipalities of T'ung-liao and Kai-lu, and along the
line of the Ssu-p'ing?T'ung-liao?Chin-chou Railway. Large
?numbers of Chinese are found in the towns, occupied in trade,
handicrafts and industry. Small groups of Chinese and even
Isolated farmsteads can be found in other areas of the eastern
0 to ?
?
part of the' IMAR. ?
Chinese agriculture in this area is characterized by irriga-
tion and extensive farming. The raising of cattle; mules, pigs
and poultry occurs concurrently and isl3eing developed.
The residences of,the Chinese farmers in the IMAR are of
the low, one-storied North China type, made of clay, mud
bricks or earth. The houses are grouped in villages or settle-
ments consisting of from thirty to fifty farms, sometimes the
whole being surrounded by a fence. Individual houses are almost
always surrounded by walls of clay or kaoliang stems.
The exact number of Chinese in the eastern part of the IMAR
is not stated in available sources. Most recent estimates ef the
total Chinese population of the IMAR give a proportion of five
Chinese to one Mongol. We may estimate a total Chinese popula-
tion of about five million on this basis, with about half living in
the eastern (mainly southeastern) areas of the region.
C. The Chinese in the Western Section of the IMAR
In contrast to the eastern part of the IMAR, which offers
much in the way of soil, climate and communications to the
prospective Chinese immigrant, the western portion of the re-
gion presented a less attractive front until quite recent times.
Only certain areas outside the Great Wall were favorable to
agriculture. From early years, Chinese immigration to these
areas depended upon the comparative weakness of the non-Chi-
nese inhabitants. The advance of the Chinese into the areas
around Kuei-hua, Pao-Vol! and P'ing-ti-ch'ilan was slow, char-
acterized by the reclamation of lands long in dispute between the
nomads and the settlers. Until the construction of railways,
settlers farmed mostly subsistence crops, licorice, linseed,
rapeseed, and in the late nineteenth century, opium. Itinerant
traders appear to have been the spearhead of immigration dur-
ing the late nineteenth century.
? With the development of railway transportation along the
northern borders of China proper, and with interest shown by
the officials of the Republic, colonization began to take on larger
proportions. Today the line of Chinese penetration lies slightly
north of the railway from Pling-ti-ch'itan (Chi'ning) to Pao-t'ou,
and continues along the edge of the plateau up to Dolonor. This
line of demarcation tends to place the most arable land outside
the Mongolian limits of the IMAR.
1. Cultural characteristics
The settlers in the area north of Kalgan came for the most
part from the Hopei-Shantung region, which supplied immigrants
to Manchuria and the eastern area of the IMAR. In the western
area (Suiyuan), the bulk of the immigrants came from northern
Shansi. Like the Chinese of the eastern region, they are a phy-
sically diverse group, but because of previous contact with
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Turkic and Tibetan groups, they vary in type from the mixtures
shown in the eastern population. This variation is not only in
physique, but also in social customs. The social ties seem to be
looser here than in China proper, but this may be due more to
the rigor of marginal farming than to contact with the Mongols.
Filial piety, a traditional Chinese value, seems to be weak in
this region, perhaps because of the relative youth of the immi-
grants, whose average age is thirty years.
As in the eastern regions, the Chinese along this frontier eat
milk and cheese, a habit probably adopted from the Mongols.
Agricultural implements, crops and planting methods are simi-
lar in the forward region to those practiced in northern Shansi
and Shensi. The most important subsistence crops are millet,
oats, wheat and kaoliang. Irrigation is found in the Hou-t'ao and
Yellow River Bend Administrative Districts, and rice has been
raised in the Hou-t'ao area since the war. The bulk of the farm-
ing outside of this section is dry.
The typical dwelling is the mud hut, built of sun-dried brick
or pounded earth, with a mud roof laid over a mattress of reeds
or brush, supported on willow poles. The raised platform
(k'ang) which serves as bed and heater is found here as well as
in the eastern part. of the IMAR. Houses are grouped together
and surrounded by a wall for protection.
Farms are somewhat larger than the average in China proper,
but in the irrigated areas they rapidly approach the more "typi-
cal" few acres in other parts of the country. Irrigation in this
area requires constant attention, because of the rapid silting in
the ditches, especially in the Ordos and surrounding areas.
Detailed statistics for the western part of the IMAR are dif-
ficult to obtain. There are three major trade centers, with con-
centrations of Shansi and Moslem traders, along the line of the
Peiping-Suiyuan Railway: Kuei-hua (Kukuhoto), Pao -t and
Chi-ning (P'ing-ti-ch'iian). With current attempts to develop
trade and industry in this region, it is possible that more cen-
ters capable of supporting a larger population will develop.
D. The Chinese Moslems
The majority of the Moslems (Hui) in the IMAR are located
in the western district around Kuei-hua, Pao-t'ou, Toketo and
Chi-ning, as well as in other places along the line of the Peiping-
Suiyuan Railway, between Pao-Cott and Kalgan. The total num-
ber of Chinese Moslems in the IMAR would be unimportant were
it not for the fact that they are considered by the present govern-
ment to be a distinct ethnic group. Their role in trade, hotel-
keeping and other commercial and urban enterprises is also
large in proportion to their number.
It is difficult to find statistical data specifically on the Chi-
nese Moslems of the IMAR. From various sets of figures for
o
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the. eastern and western portions of the region, we Can make a '
rough estimate of approximately forty thousand Moslems. The
figure of 7,030 is fairly accurate for the eastern part of the
IMAR, i.e.. that portion included in the four Hsingan provinces
in 1939.
Moslems in the western part Of the IMAR seem to have
originated from groups which settled in North China as early as
Ming times, rather than from the Moslem population of Kansu
and Ninghsia, or farther west. The Moslems of the eastern part
of the IMAR derive primarily from previous Chinese immigrants
to Suiyuan.
In the towns, the Moslem Chinese and the Han Chinese are to
some extent interdependent in their economic life, and are very
similar to each other in dress, appearance and language, al-
though the Moslem sprinkles his speech with sinicized Persian
words. The Moslems, however, tend to live in a group centered
around the mosque, within hearing of the voice of the muezzin
who calls them to prayer. If the size of the community expands
beyond this spatial limit, the community splits and a new mos-
que and community are established. Village communities are
more isolated and exclusively Moslem, but also follow the above
pattern.
Moslems marry within their local groups more than other
Chinese, and are forbidden to marry non-Moslems. This does
not unduly limit the number of available marriage partners,
however, because non-Moslems can be admitted to the commun-
ity by conversion or adoption.
Other aspects of Moslem life which distinguish the Hui from
the Han in the IMAR have been differences in matrimonial and
burial customs, certain differences in family systems, the ab-
sence of ancestor worship, and non-participation in the im-
portant New Year's Day, Midsummer and Midautumn festivals
(Sec China IMAR, Religion).
IV. The Mongols
A. Population and Group Location
The Mongol population of the IMAR is probably a little more
than a million, including that of Suiyuan. The major portion is
concentrated in the eastern part of the IMAR and in the Chahar-
Silingol district. Prior to the addition of Suiyuan to the IMAR in
January, 1954, the official figure for the Mongolian population
had been placed at 800,000. Thus the inclusion of Suiyuan, while
raising the Chinese population by 3, 400,000, added only 200, 000
more Mongols to the IMAR's jurisdiction (See China IMAR, Size
and Geographic.?I Distribution of Population).
The Mongols are divided into different tribes speaking lan-
guages of the same group and exhibiting local variations in
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clothing-, ?customs, house types; et cetera. The Buryats, Oltits
(Oirats), Ordos and Dagurs each speak a language which may
pose problems to a Mongolian from another tribe, but there is
sufficient knowledge of the common Khalkha language that no
great barrier to mutual intercourse is raised. (See China IMAR,
Languages.) As Khalkha is the language of the majority of Outer
MongolF., there is no linguistic border between the IMAR and the
Mongolian People's Republic.
In the IMAR, the largest group of Mongols is included under
the designation of Eastern Mongols, southern branch. This is
the group most closely related to the Khallchas of Outer Mon-
golia, historically, ethnically and linguistically.
Many segments of other Inner Mongol tribes were regrouped
as separate units under the Manchu organization, and allotted
territory independent from their mother unit. Thus the Jalait,
the latirbet and the Arukhorchin (possibly excluded at present
from the IMAR) were originally part of the Khorchin tribe. The
Eastern Tumet (Monggoljin) are an offshoot of the Tumets of
Suiyuan. To trace the connections and splintering of the differ-
ent groups would serve little purpose here; it is sufficient
merely to mark their inclusion in the group of Eastern Mongols.
Included in the IMAR are small groups of Western Mongols,
or Oltits. A segment of this large division is found in the former
Barga district, the present Huna League of Northwest Manchu-
ria. This group is known as the Oltit, a corrupted form of the
word Oirat. Originally the Oirats lived in the northwestern part
of Sinkiang, known as Dsungaria; they were direct descendents
of the Oirats of the time of Chingis Khan. The OltIts (Oirats) of
the livIAR descend from a group of captives of the Manchus, who
placed them in the Barga region along the upper Imen River
during the time of Ch'ien-lung. There are no data available on
the extent to which they have preserved their individuality. The
Mit population of Barga as of 1935 was four hundred to five hun-
dred people. Others of this group may be found scattered in the
extreme western portion of Suiyuan.
Finally, representatives of the Northern Mongols, or Bur-
yats, are to be found in the IMAR, and also in the Barga region.
Culturally and linguistically, the Buryats are set off from the
other Mongols. The Bargu-Buryats derive from the Buryats of
Baikal and northern Outer Mongolia, one group settling in the
Barga district as early as 1690 and a second group from Baikal
arriving after the Russian Revolution.
During the attempts at collectivization in Outer Mongolia in
1930-32, many Khalkhas fled to Inner Mongolia and became in-
corporated into various leagues and banners. According to
Zenrin Kyokai, page 62, these displaced Outer Mongols were
regrouped as follows:
0
- Sanitized Coov Arprov
Leagues
? .Banners
NuMber
Silingol
East and West Khuchin
1,500
East and West Abaganar
600
East and West Sunit
2,000
I"
Others
706
Ulanchab
Mix-ben Khukhe t
3,200
Khalkha, Right Wing
200
Others
3,600
lkechou
8, 000
Total
19, 800
d for Release
B. Physical Type
The Mongols as a group are generally round-headed (brachy-
cephalic), ranging toward the North Chinese long-headed type in
the southern regions and toward more round-headedness among
the Buryats. Their faces are rectangular, neither long and nar-
row like the faces of the North Chinese, nor round like those of
certain of the Tungusic peoples. There are some whose faces
are more round than square, but a long, narrow face is quite
unusual. They are of medium-short stature, having short limbs
but a long trunk, and rarely exceed five feet six inches, although
tall individuals are known. The Khalkha are generally taller than
the Oltit. Facial characteristics include slanting, narrow eyes,
the classic "Mongolian" eye-fold, flat nose and high cheek-bones
except where there has been considerable mixture. Their hair
is coarse, straight, and black, and eyes vary from black to
golden brown. Facial hair is sparse, and there is almost no
body hair. Their skin is of a reddish cast and yellowish tints
are uncommon; when sunburned they are very dark, but shel-
tered skin, as under the arms, is milk white.
C. Cultural Characteristics
No scientific studies have been conducted to determine what
characterizes a Mongol in other than physical terms. There are
certainly variations in costume, behavior, attitudes and econ-
omy,' depending upon the location, contact with Chinese or other
surrounding groups, acceptance of agriculture, and historical
background. Travelers and missionaries have reported that the
Mongols appear to be lazy, but this could be a judgement based
upon a different standard of values from those the Mongols
themselves apply. The Chinese have frequently considered Mon-
gols simple, as they are easy to cheat in trade; many foreigners
report them to be clumsy in movement, except on horseback,
but give no standard for comparison. Most reports seem to
agree that they are honest. As detailed a description as can be
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,rnade.of Mongol cultural characteristics will be presented in
other chapters of this handbook.
A distinction which is most significant is that between the
nomadic Mongols and the sedentary group. Nomadic Mongols,
occupying themselves exclusively with the raising of livestock,
live mostly in the western and southwestern parts of the region.
Their characteristic house type is the yurt,' a collapsible, port-
able felt-covered tent. In the nomadic regions, the yurts serve
as living quarters, storehouses, offices, itinerant schools,
medical stations, et cetera. While there has not yet been a con-
certed attempt to force the nomadic Mongols to adopt agriculture
and settle in one spot, they are "encouraged" to do so. Their
nomadism is by no means unrestrained, being confined to spe-
cific areas within which they are free to move. The size of the
areas varies with the section of Inner Mongolia in which they
live, covering much larger territories in the western parts of
the region and in Silingol.
The sedentary group may be divided into semi-sedentary and
sedentary. The semi-settled Mongols occupy themselves mainly
with cattle raising, but conduct secondary farming activities.
Their livestock is mainly cattle and horses, and their cultivated
crops are primarily millet, kaoliang and wheat.
The completely sedentary Mongols have adopted to a large
degree the characteristic way of life of the Chinese. These Mon-
gols live in yurt-like houses made of clay or, in some regions,
Chinese style mud houses. Windows are covered with translu-
cent paper. Occasionally a typical Chinese wall will be built
around a clay version of a yurt. The Mongol village closely re-
sembles the Chinese village, and farm techniques have been
taken over entirely from the Chinese. One finds the most sini-
fied Mongols in the southeastern parts of the IMAR, in colonized
areas, and among the Tumet of Suiyuan.
D. The Buryats
Two groups of Buryat peoples occupy an important place in
the ethnic composition of Inner Mongolia. These are the Old and
New Barga or, as they are sometimes called, especially in the
'Russian literature, the Chipchin and the Bargu-Buryat. The
latter may also be referred to as the New Bargu-Buryat, and
both groups are not infrequently called Bargut.
Originally these Buryats settled in Khalkha, maintaining their
shamanistic beliefs and practices at a time when the Khalkha
had already become Lamaists. This religious distinction and the
difference in language caused the Khalkha to look upon the Bur-
yats as pagans and foreigners.
. Late in the seventeenth century a first wave of these Buryats
left what is now Outer Mongolia to escape Khalkha oppression,
crossed the Great Hsingan Range to Tsitsihar and appeared
?
?
before the Manchurian officials.. who accepted them as subjects. .
Near the end of the seventeenth century Manchurian authorities
made an attempt to convert the Buryat and other nomadic tribes
in the Tsitsihar region to a peaceful, sedentary life by training
them to be farmers. To accomplish this purpose they assigned
the nomads to regiments from which military-farming settle-
ments iere formed. The majority of the Buryat, however, re-
fused to conform to the new way of life and continued their raids
and depredations upon the Manchurian and Chinese settlements.
Finally, in 1732, the Manchurian government was compelled to
resettle most of the Buryat and the still nomadic elements of the
Solon and Dagur to the west of the Great Hsingan Range in east-
ern Hulunbuir. These Buryats are called the Chipchin.
In 1735, the oppression of the Khalkha called forth a new wave
of Buryat emigration from Outer Mongolia. This group settled
in the western part of Hulunbuir, now Barga, and are known as
the Bargu-Buryat, or New Barga.
The two Buryat groups in Barga are still pastoral nomads,
but have abandoned their shamanistic faith for Lamaism. Those
of the Buryat who remained behind in the Tsitsihar region are
settled farmers and Lamaists.
A much later movement of Buryat and Tungusic peoples from
Transbaikalia into Barga occurred during the Russian Revolution
in 1919-1920. These people established themselves both to the
north and the south of Hailar in such numbers that the Hailar
government was compelled to allot them definite areas for their
pastures. Certain unused lands of the diminishing Oldt Khoshun
were chosen for this purpose, and here the new arrivals began
to live their own Transbaikal way of life, which was different
from that of the local Mongols.
First, instead of restricting their animals to pasture feed,
the Buryat or Tungus laid up stocks of hay for winter feeding,
thereby transgressing an ancient prohibition of the steppe which
forbade the cultivation of the soil and cutting of hay.
Second, the new immigrants were Russian orthodox in relig-
ious faith, bore Russian names, and displayed icons in their
yurts. Nevertheless, they held the shaman in great respect, and
there were shamanistic objects side by side with Russian ortho-
dox images in the yurts of the Buryat and Tungus (Kormayov,
1928, p. 47).
The Buryats tend to be more conservative in their social or-
ganization than other Mongol groups, and retain clan organiza-
tion to a much greater degree (See China IMAR, Social Struc-
ture). They have long been culturally separate from their
nearest neighbors, the Khalkha, and under Russian influence,
earned the dislike of the Khalkha.
Recent statistics on Buryat population in the IMAR are
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difficult to obtain. The most recent figure available to us is six
thousand in 1939.
E. The Dagurs
Transbaikalia, especially the upper reaches of the Shilka and
the Argun, was the early home of the Dagurs, and even today
this region is sometimes called Dauria. In the seventeenth cen-
tury, however, these people were living on the Upper Amur,
where they were attacked by Russian forces, and as a conse-
quence, requested the protection of the Manchurian government.
The Manchus, having accepted the Dagurs as subjects, moved
them to Butekha on the Nonni, where part of them still live. In
1732 the Manchu government, having failed in an attempt to make
farmers of all-the Dagurs, resettled the recalcitrant ones, to-
gether with groups of Solons and Barguts, in Barga.
These western Dagurs, living in the Barga area, are live-
stock breeders, while those to the east of the Hsingan Mountains
have long been subjected to the influence of Chinese culture and
live as settled farmers and market gardeners. Many Dagurs are
engaged in forestry and transportation. Dagurs have been con-
sidered by many authors to be among the most progressive of
Manchurian tribal groups, and were active in the administration
of the so-called North Hsingan Province under the Japanese.
In physical type the Dagurs are of upper-medium height, of
stocky build, and dolicocephalic, with broad, oval faces, and
black, somewhat slanting eyes. The Dagurs living in Barga, ?
however, are now closer to the Mongolian type in appearance.
The Dagur language is Mongolian, with an admixture of Tun-
gusic, Manchu and a few Chinese words, the presence of which
reflects their contacts with other peoples since their exodus
from Transbaikalia. The Dagurs consider themselves Mongols,
although many authorities believe they are Evenki, a branch of
the Tungus (cf. Languages, A.1. e. ).
Tibetan Buddhism is the most significant religious institution
among the Dagurs, but shamanism is still practiced by some,
particularly in the treatment of illness.
The Dagur population has been estimated at about three hun-
dred thousand, but it is not known whether this includes Dagurs
living outside the IMAR. This figure is probably unreliable, for
it is repeated in a German source (based upon Japanese material)
for 1939, and in a Russian source published in 1955. If the figure
is accepted as approximately correct for 1939, as it may be,
then certainly some change must have taken place in sixteen
years.
V. Minority Groups of the IMAR
A. The Oronchon (Olunchun)
The name Oronchon is used to designate several Tungusic
.?
, ? .
tribes cbnfined to Heilungkiang Province and to Barga, and is
probably derived from a Tungusic word for reindeer. The Oron-
chon call themselves Khonkoro, a name which is applied in
general by other groups to the inhabitants of. the settlements
scattered to the northwest of the right bank of the Nonni River.
The Solon also call themselves Khonkoro.
The Oronchon consist of four principal gi-oups, which may or
may not be included in the present organization of the Oronchon
Autonomous Banner. As they are traditionally nomadic hunters,
some of them may move back and forth across the Heilungkiang
border. The first. group lives in the Hailar region near the Solon
and is composed of 220 families scattered along the valleys of
the Hailar, Gan and Derboul Rivers.
The second group, of about a hundred families. lives on the
upper reaches of the Nonni in the vicinity of Mergen. Most of
them are, or were, outside the borders of the autonomous
banner.
The third group, living in-the region of the Houmar River,
consists of about 430 families. The Houmar peoples are also
known as the Manegirs. Part of them were formerly in Heilung-
kiang, and may still be there.
The fourth group, known as the Birar, inhabits the valleys of
the Shin and Korfin Rivers, affluents of the Heilungkiang, south-
east of the Houmar territory. Their southern neighbors are the
Goldi. The 13irar, who number approximately two hundred fami-
lies, are f,ometimes known as F.iler and 1.c.leng, names which
are also sometimes applied by the Chinese to the Kilimis who
inhabit the lower course of the Sakhalin. These groups are still
in Heilungkiang.
The Oronchon were formerly reindeer herders and hunters,
but partly due to an epidemic which destroyed some of their
herds, and partly to the influence of neighboring peoples, the
majority of them have given up the reindeer and now use horses.
Hunting is still their chief occupation, though now the People's
Government is also employing them in forest production and fire
prevention, and is Making efforts to settle them in farming
areas. in 1954, more than 210 hsien (counties) in both the IMAR
and Heilungkiang were said to be under cultivation by the
Oronchon..
The Oronchon are described as slender and small in stature,
with large heads flattened in back; broad, flat faces with prom-
inent cheek bones, somewhat thick lips and narrow, slanting
eyes, black or hazel in color; thick black hair on the head, little
body hair and sparse beards and mustaches. The hands and feet
.are sometimes so slender that an Oronchon has the appearance
of an immature youth.
In the Oronchon household the father is the head of the family
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and provides -the means of sustenance. The mother .supervises
or performs the household tasks, and in the absence of the hus-
band, does a man's work. The dwelling is a conical hut, the
framework of which is?constructed of poles covered in the
summer with strips of birch bark and in winter with animal
skins sewed together. The fire, as.in the Mongol yurt, is in the
middle of the hut. Beds are made of hide. Oronchon garments
are made of animal skins and resemble those of the Tungus.
although they occasionally wear cloth garments also.
In 1951 the Oronchon were formed into a new administrative
unit, located in the northeastern part of the Great Hsingan Moun-
tains, in Heilungkiang. This was called the Autonomous Oron-
chon Banner, subdivided into four somon: The Dubkhui, Gankhui,
Tokiarnin and Nomin. Cooperatives and mutual aid teams were
organized for agriculture and hunting, and for the cooperative
marketing of Oronchon goods in Hailar. A primary school was
established and is said to be attended by four-fifths of all school-
age children in the Banner. Instruction in the school is given in
the Oronchon language, although some students attend Mongolian
language schools. Some Oronchon have been sent to study at the
Central Institute for National Minorities in Peking. The Chinese
government has established a medical center and deputed twenty-
three doctors and assistants to attend to health in the banner.
The population as of 1955 in the territory of the autonomous
banner was stated to be 798, with a figure of 2, 000 for all Oron-
chons in Heilungkiang and the IMAR. A report for 1952 listed a
total population of only one thousand. Scattered groups of Oron-
chons live outside the autonomous banner in the 'MAR, and about
150 live in Suiyuan Province.
B. The Solon
The Solon are derived from a very ancient Tungusic tribe, the
Jurchen, who are also ancestors of the Manchus. According to
Chinese sources, the Solon were living in what is now Heilung-
kiang Province in the first century A. ID. (known then as Mo-ho).
In the seventeenth century they were leading a nomadic life along
the banks of the Amur River, where they were exposed to the
encroachment and attack of the early Russian settlers. In 1654
they sought the aid and protection of the Manchus, who received
them as subjects and resettled them on the Nonni River in
But
At the end of the seventeenth century. the Manchus, in an
attempt to make settled farmers of the nomadic peoples of the
Butekha region, assigned the Solon and other tribes to regiments
from which were formed the military-farming settlements. Some
of the Solon, however, as well as members of other tribes, re-
fused to adopt a sedentary life, and continued' to raid and plunder
the settled population. As a consequence, the Manchu govern-
(-0
? ,*
ment moved the non-conforming groups to Barga in 17.32. sup- .?,
plied them with livestock, and permitted them t6 continue their
traditional pattern of existence. ?
The Solon are now living in the upper part of the basin of- the
Nonni, along its left tributaries,' and on the right bank of the
Amur, and in Barga along the western slopes of the GreatHsin-
gan Range up to the Khalkin Gol River, and in the vicinity of
Ganjur. This territory is divided among the Solon, Ayung,
Moridaia and Butekha Banners.
In Barga, the Solon are pastoral nomads and hunters. In the
Nonni River Valley they arc farmers. Those living farther to
the north in the Amur basin are presumably hunters, but no in-
formation has yet been found to indicate whether they use
domestic animals or cultivate the soil. The Solon living in the
Barga steppe are engaged in transportation, together with Chi-
nese and Dagurs.
Physically, the Solon are characterized by oval-shaped heads,
round faces, broad foreheads, straight, narrow black eyes,
prominent cheek bones, flat noses, broad mouth with thick lips,
stiff black hair, sparse beards and mustaches, and medium-tall,
slender bodies.
The majority of the Solon arc shamanists, though Lamaists
occur as exceptions (See China IMAR, Religion). The Solon
language is a Tungusic dialect containing many Chinese and
Mongolian elements (See China IMAR, Languages).
C. The Yakuts
In the extreme northern portion of Barga, west of the Great
Hsingan Range and north of the Bystraya River, live the Yakut,
northern neighbors of the Oronchon. The Yakut, though similar
to the Oronchon in the general features of their culture, are an
entirely unrelated people and differ from the latter in physical
type, religion and language. Scientific physical data on this
group are not available, however.
This Yakut group, which in 1928 totaled about 250 persons,
has its origin in the migration of two tribes, the Solongan (Ainak)
and Buldoto (Nakagir), who left their native Yakutsk region in
the early or middle part of the nineteenth century. The present
size of the group is reported by the Chinese to be 138 persons,
as of April 1933.
The Yakut, like the Oronchon, are reindeer herders, hunters
and fishermen. The typical dwelling for both groups is a frame-
work of poles covered with birch bark or animal skins. The
flesh of wild game, reindeer meat and milk, animal fat and
butter, and some cereal products, usually buckwheat, are the
chief articles of diet for both groups. The Yakut dress, however,
is characterized by a comparatively heavier reliance upon the
use of animal skins than among the Oronchon, who wear cloth
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garments more frequently. Some of the Yakuts, moreover, .were
formerly members?Of the Russian Orthodox Church, which they
supported with yearly donations, and where they solemnized
weddings, births and deaths. After the closing of the border,
however, they discontinued their donations and observance of
church rites.
The Yakut speak a dialect that is Turkic in grammar and
syntax, tnd their vocabulary is composed of thirty per cent
Turkish, thirty per cent Mongol and forty per cent words of un-
known origin. In consonance with the policy of establishing
alphabets for unwritten languages, the People's Government of
China is probably attempting to devise such an alphabet for the
Yakut.
Under the present regime, even this small group is being
reached by modern Chinese political and social influence. In
April 1955, the People's Government reported that a delegation
spent a week with the Yakut, bringing a film projection unit and
a medical team. Before leaving, it also reported that the Peo-
ple's Government has provided the Yakut with houses, a clinic,
a primary school and a supply-and-marketing cooperative. They
are included in the Ergun Banner of the Huna League, and have
not yet been reported to have an autonomous government.
D. The Manchus
The Manchus arc descendants of one of several nomadic hunt-
ing and fishing tribes who lived in ancient times in the forests
along the valleys of the rivers of northeastern Manchuria. These
peoples, who were of Tungusic origin, kept domestic animals:
reindeer, which were later largely replaced by horses, and pigs,
the economic importance of which was reflected in their use in
shamanistic religious rites. The agriculture they practiced ap-
parently developed independently of that which the Manchus later
adopted from the Chinese. The Manchus themselves originated
from the Juchen tribe which, when it first appeared in historical
records, had already developed far beyond the hunting and fish-
ing society of the northern forests. Through their contacts with
the steppe peoples they had become skilled horsemen and arch-
ers, and from the Chinese they had learned a more complex
type of agriculture and accepted life in walled towns. They re-
tained their tribal organization, however, and their kinship sys-
tem and shamanist religion.
After ruling China for nearly three centuries, the majority
of the Manchus had all but lost the peculiar characteristics
which had distinguished them earlier as an ethnic unit, and had
become thoroughly amalgamated with the Chinese population.
Today, although official figures show more than two million
Manchus living in China, it is only in the remote regions of
northern Heilungkiang Province and in Barga, where insignifi-
"SI
?
?
S?
?
?
cant nurnbers of them live. that Manchu speech, writing and
social: organization are preserved to any extent.
The Manchu physical type has also become so diluted in the
process of assimilation as to be almost indistinguishable from
the Chinese. Observations made in recent years, for example,
attribute to the Manchu most of the physical characteristics
which are generally typical of all Mongoloids: light brown or
yellow ikin, straight, coarse hair on the head, sparse facial
hair and almost no body hair, prominent malar bones and a
relatively small stature (ca. 163 cm. average). The head and
forehead are generally large, and their faces are described as
either long or round. The head hair is often described as brown,
however, rather than black, and the eyes are usually set hori-
zontally rather than obliquely, and are brown or occasionally
hazel in color.
There is no information at present available to us on the
religion or economy of those Manchus who have retained their
own language. It is generally assumed that even this small group
has adopted the Chinese economy and other aspects of Chinese
culture, though perhaps they have retained shamanism as their
religion.
The most recent estimate (1939) of the Manchu population,
confined strictly to those Manchus claiming retention of language
and "Manchuness, " was 300,000 for the whole of Manchuria.
According to the 1955 official census figures, the entire popula-
tion of individuals called Manchus, including those almost in-
distinguishable from the Chinese, numbers 2,418,931.
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%IQ
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Additional Readings
Haglund, Henning, Mongolian Journey, London, 1949.
Lattimore, Owen, The Mongols of Manchuria, New York, 1934.
Shirokogorov, S. M., Social Organization of the Manchus,
Shanghai, 1929.
4
12.0 . ?
LANGUAGES
I. Linguiitic Classification and General Chat icteristics
A. Differences Between the Dialect of flie Ikechou League
and Khalkha-Mongolian
B. The Dialects of the Josotu League and the Chahar
Territory
II. Historical Classification of Mongolian Languages and
Dialects
III. Special Mongolian Languages
A. Bargu Buryat
1. Phonetic peculiarities
2. Morphology
B. Dagur
1. Phonetic peculiarities
2. Morphology
IV. Non-Mongolian Languages of the IMAR
Additional Readings
3.1 ?
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t,
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LANGUAGES
I. Linguistic Classification and General Characteristics
All Mongolian dialects spoken in the IMAR belong to the
Eastern Branch of Mongolian languages. Mongolian dialects
were spoken in these former banners and leagues:
BANNERS LEAGUES
Kharachin
Tumet
Tangut-Khalkha
DOrbet
Gorlos
Jalait
Khorchit
Aru Khorchin
Aokhan
Barin
Chokhor-Khalkha
Jarut
Keshikten
Onniut
Abaga
Abaganar
Khuchin
Sunit
Ujurnchin
Dorbon Khukhet
MuuMingan
Urat (three banners)
Khalkha Right
Josotu League
Jerim League
Jouda League
Silingol League and Chahar
Territory
Ulanchab League
Dalat Ikechou League Ordos
Jasak (Urdus)
Jungar
Khangin
Otok
Wang
The usual linguistic classification of the Mongolian langu-
ages and dialects is shown on the following table:
Mongolian Languages*
Eastern Branch Western Branch
1) Dagur a) Hailar dialect 1) Mongol
b) Tsitsikhar
dialect 2) Oirat a) D'Orbet
b) Torgut
2) Monguor. a) Shera c) Bayit
YBgur d) Uriankha
b) Aragwa e) Zakhachin
c) Santa 1) Mingat s.
g) Dambi-Olet
3) Khalkha a) Urat h) Khoshut
b) Tumct
c) Kharachin 3) Kalmuck 0 Sart-Kalmuck
d) Chahar Buzawa
e) Khuchin c) Torgut
Bargu d) DOrbet
4) Urdus
5) Buryat a.)Alar
b) Bokhan
c) Unga
d) Ekhirit
e) Barguzin
f) Niine-
Udinsk
g) Tsong.31
h) Sar
1) Aga
j) Khori
k) Bargu or
Shine- Bargu
* Terms written and underlined arc considered languages;
others are considered dialects.
All these dialects are phonetically, morphologically, and syn-
tactically almost the same as Khalkha-Mongolian of Outer Mon-
golia; i.e., they are agglutinative, which means that as a rule
the stem is unchangeable and that conjugation and declension
are expressed by means of suffixes attached to the stems, e.g..
Urdus: Gol "the river"
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? 9olin
9 ollu
?fig
polis
G ollTa
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"Of the river"
"on the river or to the river"
"the river" (accusative)
"from the river"
"by means of the river"
"with the river"
For this reason the Mongolian words can be broken down easily,
e. g.. Written Mongolian: ala- "to kill"
ala-gda- "to be killed"
ala-gda-gul- "to cause one to be
killed"
ala-bai- "he, she, it killed"
(past tense)
The Mongolian languages of the IMAR show the same vocalic
harmony as Khalkha Mongolian, i.e., in one and the same word
there are only front vowels (e, 6, and i / or their phonological
variants) or back vowels ( a, o, and u), whle the vowel i is
neutral.
These dialects cannot express the grammatical gender of
notions. Special terms signify gender, e.g.; erektei emchi
"the male physician," erektei ernchi "the female physician,"
ere takiya "male chicken,the cock," and erne takiya "the fe-
male chicken, the hen."
At the beginning of words there appear no consonantal
groups, only single consonants. Therefore, a term like
"French" (fr-cluster) becomes Farancha Ulus "the French
people" (the cluster is separated and a hybrid vowel is insert-
ed, a phonetic phenomenon which appears in Turkic and Tun-
gusic languages also).
The Mongols of the IMAR can converse with almost all Mon-
golian tribes of Outer Mongolia, for Khalkha-Mongolian is the
lingua franca of the Mongolian world. Only the Dagur Mongols
and the Monguor cannot communicate with other Mongolian
tribes.
The Tumet Banner Mongols are believed to have forgotten
their own language during the last two generations; they speak
Chinese and have become very much Sinified, even living in
Chinese-style houses instead of tents. There are about 12,000
Tumet Mongols.
There are about 500.000 Silingol League Mongols in Chahar
whose language and culture have hardly been influenced by out-
side contact, although they have been ruled by both the Japanese
and Chinese. The same is true for the Abaga. Abaganar, Sunit,
Urat, and Diirbet Mongols. The Urdus (Ordos) Mongols have
best preserved their own language, which reflects an old stage
of Eastern Mongolian. All these dialects have in common the
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complete contraction of groups like Common Mongolian *ap,
*ege, *igi, *uxu, etcetera., which have become long :vowels:
e.g., the written Mongolian sataL "to milk a cow," has be-
come id in Urdus Mongolian; the written Mongolian emegel
"saddle," has become emal in Urdus; and the written Mon-
golian igig has become ts-ig in Urdus.
It might be methodically justifiable to refer to these dialects
as Chahar, Kharchin, Gorlos, Tumet, Sunit, Urdus, etcetera,
but in reality the speakers of these banners and leagues call
their own tongue simply Mongolian. Only when asked further
would a Mongol answer that he was a Mongol from the Chahar
territory, or the Urdus territory. The slight phonetic differ-
ences within ihe Mongolian dialects of the IMAR will be des-
cribed below.
A. Difference between the Dialect of the lkechou League and
Khalkha-Mongolian
The dialect spoken in the Ikechou League is mostly referred
to as Urdus (Ordos), which has been well explored. A peculiar
phonetic feature of the Urdus- Mongolian dialect is that the ini-
tial voiceless consonants of Common Mongolian, which arc re-
presented in the Written Mongolian (or Classical Mongolian),
have changed to voiced ones in all cases where the nwi-first
syllable starts with a voiceless consonant. These common Mon-
golian consonants are:
which in Urdus becomes
which in Urdus becomes
which in Urdus becomes
which in Urdus becomes
g-
d-
Written Mongolian qua- "to bark" becomes guetVa- (gutsha-)
in Urdus-Mongolian.
Written Mongolian 4astin "snow" becomes jasu (dzhasu) in
Urdus-Mongolian.
Written Mongolian kOke "blue" be corn es g0x':)0 in Urdus-
Mongolian.
Written Mongolian toga- "to saddle" becomes do/yo- in Urdus-
Mongolian.
Another characteristic feature is that Urdus-Mongolian shows
the affricates tg and a (tsh and dzh) in all positions and not
only before Common Mongolian *1 as in Khalkha-Mongolian, e.g.
Common Mongolian Zida-
Urdus-Mongolian tgida-, Khalkha-
"to be able" Mongolian tgadd6-, id.
Urdus-Mongolian Khalkha-
Common Mongolian 't'asatan
"white" Mongolian tsagal, id.
Common Mongolian jafil-
Urdus-Mongolian4dadiil-,Khalkha-
"to chew!" Mongolian dzadril- id.
Common Mongolian irup
Urdus-Mongolian dAir-6, Khalkha-
y
?
. - - 1 4 .
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"ambler!! ,dor, id.
Urdus-Mongolian became a very important dialect since it
helped in verifying the vowels of the second syllables of Written
tosun
ortu-
songru-
?
dusu
urgu- "to flee"
sulgu- "to choose"
Mongolian words. The Common Mongolian vowel *co of the first
syllable remains o in Urdus-Mongolian only if the vowel of the
second syllable in Common Mongolian has been an *a: e. g.,
the Common Mongolian qola "far," becomesRlo, id. in Urdus-
Mongolian. On the other hand, this Common Mongolian *0
of the first syllable .becomes an u in Urdus-Mongolian only
when th vowel of the second syllable in Common Mongolian
was an "Icu: e. g., odun "star;' becomes udu,id. in Urdus-
Mongolian.
In summarizing the main phonetic differences between
written Mongolian and Urdus-Mongolian (which, besides Monguor,
is the only Mongolian dialect of the IMAR that is well explored)
the following five phonetic laws should be listed:
1) Common Mongolian
and *Y remain *tg and *d/ in all positions
Written Mongolian Urdus
juluea ?*i palatalizes a preceding *t ?*d , into:. and *y.
There is no substantiation for this within the Mongolian,dia-
lects; frequently only Turkology can furnish this type of proof.
For example, "stone" in Written Mongolian is eilarun, 'and
in Turkic, tag. The development must have been from *Ciltitin
to>*tilayun to Zilaeun, for *til- or *til- has the same root
as Turkic tag, which goes back to *tiga.>*taga> tag; the final
Common Turkic *-g- appears in Mongolian as *-1-. Therefore
the equatirn of Written Mongolian *til- with Turkic tag is
completely proved. Other exaz-nplcs:
Common Written Mongolian Turkic Languages
Mongolian
*tffiar
*Ciina-
*Cirdaji-
*Hrtig
*titi-
*titire-
*figaray-
*tig
*tikr-
nnar "existence,
inner disposition"
Z.ir.Lna- "to listen
to"
ir-da-ji- "to be
thin, dry"
ireig "incorrect,
in
"to cut
through"
i&re- "to tremble,
shiver"
cigira "durable,
firm, strong"
ig "straight, steep,
erect"
"to crowd,
to bend with force"
Turkic: tyn "soul life,
breath"
Kirghiz: tylda- id.
Osmanli: tyryl "weak"
Telei4: tyrtyq id.
Taranchi: tit-, osm.
dit- id.
Turkic: titira-
Middle Turkic: tyrraq
"strong"
Chagatai: tik "straight,
steep, upright"
Osmanli: tyqyg- "to be
crammed full"
The transition of *ti / *ti to ci can be explained through the
strong aspiration of Common Mongolian *t.
b) The Common Mongolian language has the combina-
tions (aggregates) aa, a?su, o5-u, cgi, ip,
ha, ije,
which were blended in later language periods into long vowels,
namely into long 5., U, a etcetera.
c) One of the most important characteristics of the Com-
mon Mongolian language must have been the initial *p or *5)
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(a bilibial,fricative), which likewise cannot be reconstructed by
an internal Mongolistic medium, since.it is only traceable in
the Middle ,Mongolian language to *h. It has completely disap-
peared in the Modern Mongolian languages (with the exception
of Monguor, where Common Mongolian *p is preserved as *f),
.but has,been preserved in other Altaic languages, for example,
in Manchu as *f, and in Tungusic languages such as Olga and
Goldii where it becomes *p, as it also does in Korean.
Common Mongolian
*paluqa/saluqa Written M..mgolian aluqa "hammer"
Goldi palu, palea;
Manchu folv-o, folp.
0
*pularn /*sula6-an Written Mongolian ulasan "red"
Manchu fulgijan
Korean pulgin.
*podun/*3odun Written Mongolian
Middle Mongolian
Monguor fodi.
odun "star"
hodun
A further characteristic of the Common Mongolian languages
was that *i and *c of the first syllable were preserved. *1
became *a under the influence of a following *a only in a later
language period. For example: miqan "meat" became maX,a
in Khalkha. Likewise, *c became *8 under the influence of
a following ebAl "winter" became Ow81 in Khalkha. This
phenomenon is called i-breaking.
3. Old Mongolian: the next phase of development of the
Mongolian languages. In its consonantal and vocalic system, it
corresponded to the Common Mongolian language, with the ex-
ception of *p or , and *1, which have disappeared. Per-
haps there were several Old Mongolian dialects; in any case,
one of these dialects must have furnished the basis for the next
language period, that of Written Mongolian.
4. Written Mongolian: appeared in approximately the
twelfth century. With respect to its consonantal and vocalic
system, it is based completely upon the Old Mongolian language.
We divide the Written Mongolian language into three periods:
Pre-Classical; Classical, which reached its high point under
the Chinese emperors K'ang-hsi (1662-1722) and C h'ien-lung
(1736-1796); and Post-Classical, which is characterized by
the sudden'appearance of the colloquial language in the Written
Mongolian.
5. Middle Mongolian: stands in development between
Old Mongolian and Modern Mongolian, originating between the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The Middle Mongolian language
? 30
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period ended in approximately the sixteenth century and has been
preserved for us in several important snurces: the Secret His-
tor-y (MongoLian: Mor,u-olun niva tobePa'on; Chinese: Yuan-
chlao pi-shi); the documents of the Quadratschrift; and Moslem
sources as Muqaddimat al-Adab, which contains a rich Mongoli-
an glossary; etcetera. Some of the modern Mongolian languages
for example, Dagur, Mogol , and Monguqr have preserved
Middle Mongolian traits in their languages. The most import-
ant characteristics of the Middle Mongolian language period arc:
a) Initial *p or *S of the Common Mongolian language
has develped into *h. For example:
Common Mongolian
onn
*p,ut sun/*gu.sun
*puker/*3 uker
Middle Mongolian
hen "yea.01
hUsun ": r"
htiker "ox"
b) The combinations *abtu,
Mongolian have develped into *a1u,
For e) ample:
,
'cg, etcetera of Written
*c'ti (with hiatus), etcetera.
Written Mongolian
Middle Mongolian
adarusun
baS-u-
"herd of cattle,
horse"
"to encamp"
adz'? usun
ba'u-
id.
id.
bnoge
"Schaman"
bOte
id.
biigesun
"louse"
bo'c sun
Id.
degere
"above, over"
de 'c re
id.
6. Modern Mongolian: includes several languages and dia-
lects, which will be treated further in a more detailed manner.
The most important characteristics of the Modern Mongolian
languages are:
a) The Common Mongolian combinations *aa,
? i1
*ege, *igi, *us-u, *ugu, *ira, *ige, *au,
*ega? *iTa, *Ilse, preserved in Old Mongolian, have
lost the intervocalic guttcral, and are contracted to a long
vowel. For example:
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j31
0
Common Mongolian
Written Mongolian Modern Languages
nip.- "to glue, paste" Urdus
na-
Khalkha
V V.
*jige ?lige
Kalmuck "
Turkish yapis-
Dagur
Urdus di
Khalkha dIe
Buryat ze
Kalmuck ze.
"to stick at"
"Nephew"
Common Mongolian Written Mongolian
*sara-
*depel
lqi)fician
*buruy u
*ku un
N p r
Sara-
degel/debel
V. .
cigiqan
burus-u
? ?
kumun
Modern Languages
Dagar "to milk
Urdus
Khalkha
Kalmuck
Buryat ha-
M-ongour dier "coat, fur coat"
Urdus del
Khalkha del
Buryat
Kalmuck dewl
?
v.
Buryat Alar "furuncle"
Urdus bvrti
Dagur bor5 "incorrect"
Kalmuck buril
Mongour k'un
Dagur k".uor k'utn "person, man"
Urdus
Buryat
Kalmuck kan or kilmn
?
seP,
as.
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b) A further characteristic of the Modern Mongolian
languages is the so-called i-breaking, i.e. *1 of the first
syllable is changed into another vowel if the following vowel (of
the second syllable) is other than *i.
Written Mongolian
sibarn
firan
imaran
ming t an
"bird"
"60"
"goat"
"1000"
Khalkha
-
S (A,W (n.) id.
dzara(n)
jarria
m'anga(n)
3) A third characteristic of the Modern Mongolian languages
is that the Common Mongolian initial *p or *g has completely
disappeared. It appears as *p >*f before *5., *o, *u and
*u, and as *p >- * % fevorc *a, *e, and *E in Monguor;
as * 7, in the Tsitsikhar dialect of the Dagur language; and
as *h in Shera-Yogur.
Common Mongolian Monguor
*38cIdn
.*5) upta
*8 tinir
*(Dociar
"feather"
"sack"
'S mell"
"short"
fi5Di
fuDa
funir
xuguor
III. Special Mongolian Languages
A. Bargu Buryat
Bargu Buryat, spoken by about 6-7,000 persons, differs
considerably from the other languages of the Westn Branch. The
Bargu Buryats are also called Shine Bargu (New Bargu), in
contrast to the Khuchin Bargu (Old Bargu or Chipchin Bargu).
1. Phonetic peculiarities
Bargu Buryat is a regular Buryat dialect, i.e., the ini-
tial Mongolian regularly becomes *g- before *i, as
in the Written Mongolian ilai\riin "stone," which becomes
gultia, in Bargu Buryat; the initial Mongolian *I- before *1
becomes di -, as in the Written Mongolian y, rura "ambler'
which becomes 1:1?or"6- in Bargu Buryat; the initial Mongolian
*c- before any vowel except *i, becomes s-, as in the Writ-
ten Mongolian "white," which becomes sagarl id. in
Bargu Buryat; the initial Mongolian *j- before vowels other
than *i, becomes z-, as in the Written Mongolian facia
"border," which becomes zax,a id. in Bargu Buryat; the
initial Mongolian *5- regularly becomes h, as in the Written.
Mongolian sara "moon, month." which becomes hara id.
in Bargu Buryat; and the Written Mongolian *g before *i
134.
becomes y, as in the Written Mongolian crgi- "to turn,,"
which becomes erye- id. in Bargu Buryat. Another charac-
teristic feature, which also holds true for all modern Mongolian
languages, is the contraction of groups (syllables) into long
vowels, e.g. 61.1-azi-u-WAultriL . These are the most charac-
teristic features of the Bargu Euryat dialect.
2. Morphology
In its morphology, Bargu Buryat has conjugations with
.personal endings which cannot be found among other Mongolian
languages, e.g. yabanab "I go," yabanA "thou goest."
Bargu Buryat also has an ablative suffix, --aha, while all the
other Buryat dialects have -11-a, with the exception of Barguzin
Buryat, w'lich has -han.
?
B. Dagur
1. Phonetic peculiarities
Dagur is a completely independent Mongolian language,
which differs greatly from other Mongolian languages (there is
no communication possible between the Dagurs and the Mongols
of the Eastern and Western language units) and is subdivided
into the Tsitsikhar and Hailar dialects. The language of the
Dagurs is remarkable because it has preserved some of the
features of the Middle Mongolian languages of the Middle Ages.
For example, the Tsitsikhar dialect has preserved a i^k", sound
which originated from the Common Mongolian *p: e.g., Com-
mon Mongolian *pula;::?an "red," Written Mongolian ula an id,
Tsitskhar Dagur ula id.
Furthermore, Dagur has transformed the groups (syllables)
*au, *egu, *ige, etcetera, into dipthongs; c. g. , Written
Mongolian apila "mountain," Dagur ala id.; and Written
Mongolian jige "grandchild," Dagur d "nephew."
Dagur does not d fferentiate between *o and *u,
ft V
both becom.: TA/ ; c. g. , Written Mongolian morgu- "to
honor, to pray, to kneel down, to worship," and Dagur
mittr gat/ -
Another peculiar feature of Dagur is the preservation of
the Common Mongolian *c as a labialized s in positions where
the *e becomes a rounded vowel in other Mongolian languages:
Written Mongolian cblist`in "grass, hay," Dagur
id.
A further distinct ye feature is the transition of the Com-
mon Mongolian intervocalic *-b- to a non-syllabic u : e.g.,
Written Mongolian tabun "five," Dagur t'a.v id. in Dagur
the vowels *0 and *u of Common Mongolian have become o
before the vowel *u (of Common Mongolian) of the second syl-
lable, or oa and w2a (the latter at the beginnings of words)
before the vowel *a (of Common Mongolian) of the second
e.g..
e ILLS
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syllable: e.g. Written Mongolian odun "star," Dagur oddo
id; Written Mongolian usun "water," Dagur os id; and Writ-
ten.Mongolian dunda "middle," Dagur doand "in the middle.
These are the most significant phonetic features which differ-
entiate Dagur from the other Mongolian languages.
Z. Morphology
In morphology, only the spoken Mongolian language has
preserved the inclusive and exclusive pronouns of the first per-
son plural and a complete conjugation of the auxiliary verb
*a- "to be'.'
The influence of the neighboring Tungusic languages on
Dagur can be seen in its plural suffix -stud, and especially in
the large number of Tungusic words in its vocabulary; this may
be one of the reasons why for a long time it was considered to
be a Tungusic dialect.
IV. Non-Mongolian Languages of the IMAR
The most widely-used language in the IMAR is Chinese,
since the Chinese population considerably outnumbers the Mon-
gols. Thus there are about six million Chinese speakers to
about one million speakers of Mongolian languages. The Chinese
dialects spoken fn the IMAR vary according to the origin of
the Chinese settlers. The two most solidly Chinese-populated
regions, southern Suiyuan and southern Chahar, constitute con-
centrations of emigrants from northern Shansi and Hopei respec-
tively. Even though some of these settlements are quite old, as
a rule the settlers have kept strictly to the dialects of their area
of extraction. Unfortunately, Only one locality of the IMAR,
Kuei-hua, has been linguistically explored for the Chinese
dialect. The results of this exploration are summarized here.
The dialect of Kuei-hua belongs to the northwestern Man-
darin type, and it shows a clear resemblance to that of north-
ern Shansi. The. following is an approximate phonemic presen-
tation:
Gutteral:
Dentals:
Retroflex:
Palatal:
Labial:
Initials:
k-
t-
ts-
1)-
kh- x-
th-
tsh-
tsh- g-
ph- 1-
Finals:
/i/ i /u/u, y, /Ci7 yCie, /ue/ ue, ye
/e/ E . /eu/E,u, ieu /a/ a, a/ a., /g/
e, /ei/ , ei /eu/ o, /ell/ ej, /0/ z,.
/ie-t)/ , /ieu/ io, /ue/ ue. , /ua/ua,
'"ariatagiu.
Nto
/ua"/ u, /uei/ ui, /ue/ uoik, ye,
The structure of syllables is as follows:
1) syllables ar and u.
2) syllables initial final.
luo/ u3 .
Simple Statement
Finals -i, , -i3u are attached only to the
t-', th-, p-, ph-, in- and palatal initials (tsi, tshi, Si
are pronounced with vowel -1 ).
After'- there is no -u, .
Finals -ue, -ua, -us, -uo are attached only to
k-, kh-, x- (with few exceptions).
Final -21 is attached only to retroflexive and palatal initials.
After labial (p-, ph-, f-, v-, m-) there is no -Cu.
After f- and v- there is no -3u nor -119 .
After retroflex tsh-, T.-) there is no
-uq, -e, nor -a.
8) After palatal (es-,
-3 , -au,
tsh-, s-, j-, 1- )
-zrit , -o, nor -c.
t
there is no
It must be pointed out, though, that other Chinese dialects,
especially Shantung, arc also represented in the IMAR, partly
due to the fact that a certain amount of immigration from Shan-
tung into southern Suiyuan has taken place, but particularly due
to the fact that the eastern parts of the IMAR have been mostly
settled from Liaoning and Heilungkiang by people who originally
came from Shantung. The Chinese national language, which is
identical with the dialect of Peking, is of course understood
widely throughout the IMAR.
Very few traces of Mongolian idioms arc found in the lan-
guage of the Chinese settlers in the IMAR. Place names and
other geographical names occasionally show Mongol an influence.
but otherwise the dialects have been kept rather pure. A spec-
ial position in this respect. is held by some of the most fore-
ward settlers, the muleteers and carriage drivers, as well as
the merchants who arc in constant contact with Mongolian speak-
ing people. They mix a number of Mongolian terms with their
Chinese, and most of them speak Mongolian as a second lan-
guage.
Many Mongols, part cularly settled Mongols in southern
Suiyuan, southern Chahar, and along the southeastern frontier
of the IMAR, have widely taken to speaking Chinese. This is
true for the urban population as well as for rural settlers. As
a rule, these Mongols have adopted the Chinese dialect of their?
surroundings; in addition, educated Mongols and those who
have gone through the Chinese school system speak the Peking
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dialect.
The remaining languages spoken in the IMAR are Korean
(see China Northwest, Languages), of which there are about
40,000 speakers; Solon, about 700 speakers; and Oronchon,
about 300 speakers. Russian is spoken by Russian advisers
who work on the state farm organized in the former Arun Ban-
ner, and in other advisory capacities. There were also some
White Russian merchants in urban centers and settlers around
Hailar. Since Russian has been introduced into the Chinese
school system as the first foreign language, it is to be assumed
that the knowledge of this language will spread also among the
Chinese and Mongols of the IMAR.
English, the first foreign language of the educated in China
proper, is much less prevalent in the IMAR due to the fact
that few students returned from Anglo-Saxon countries have ven-
tured into these remote regions, and middle school education
was less common in the provinces which now cunstitute the
IMAR. The attempt of the Japanese during the Mengchiang
period to replace English with Japanese has left no traces.
158
ADDITIONAL READINGS
Mostaert, A. "Le dialecte des Mongols Urdus (Sud)." Anthropos,
21 (1926) 851-869; 22 (1927) 160-186.
Poppe, N. "Skizze der Phonetik des Baigu-BurAtischen." Asia
Major, Band 7.
Poppe, N. "Khalkha Mongolische Grammatik." Wiesbaden,
1931.
Poppe, N. "Grammar of Written Mongolian." Wiesbaden,
1954.
Poppe, N. "Introduction to Mongolian Comparative Studies."
Helsinki, 1956.
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SOCIAL STRUCTURE
I. Chinese and Sino-Mongolian Social Structure in Inner Mongo-
liat
A. Historical Background
B. Types of Social Structure
II. Traditional Mongolian Society
A. Relations Between Nobles and Commoners
B. Banner Organization and Administration
C. Other Cohesive Factors
D. Changes in Mongol Society Under the Communists
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1
SOCIAL STRUCTURE
I. Chinese and Sino-Mongolian Social Structure in Inner
Mongolia
A. Hiatorical Background
Inner Mongolia has from very early times been a region in
which the agrarian Chinese met the northern peoples in strug-
gles of aggression and defence. The nomadic peoples coveted
the foodstuffs and fine fabrics produced by the agriculturists
and tried to seize these things whenever opportunity availed.
The Chinese, on the other hand, fought and pushed the invaders
as far north as they could in order to protect themselves from
these border raids. Most of the fighting took place in the re-
gions now comprising Inner Mongolia, for whenever this area
was controlled by the nomads, China was in danger of being
submerged partially or wholly by nomadic conquest.
However, the Chinese and the nomads also met in the peace-
ful exchange of Chinese foodstuffs, fabrics, and tea, for the
nomads' horses, wool, and cow hides. These business transac-
tions took place mostly in the trading posts of Inner Mongolia.
Whenever such trade was flourishing, fighting decreased, and
when the Chinese government, for political or strategic reas-
ons tried to suppress it, antagonism increased.
Until the latter part of the nineteenth century, the Chinese
who lived in the region of the present Inner Mongolia did so
mostly on a temporary basis. Those who went as soldiers or
as camp followers of the expedition armies stayed only as long
as the Chinese armies or military establishments were main-
tained. When the armies were evacuated, the people also had
to withdraw, or else be subjected to severe persecution from
the nomads. The Chinese who went to trade with the Mongols al-
ways left their homes and families inside the Great Wall. After
they had made their fortunes, or after -a certain period, they
left Inner Mongolia and returned to their native places; these
people never considered the regions outside the Great Wall
their homeland. They took up very little, if any, of the ways
of the Mongols, and gave very little to them. Before the nine-
teenth century, no Chinese social structure was established in
these regions.
As a result of a number of bad famines in the nineteenth
century, great flocks of peasants from Shantung, Honan, and
Chihli migrated with their families to Manchuria, and from
there, some went on to the eastern parts of Inner Mongolia.
Those from the famine areas of Shansi and Shensi went to the
present provinces of Chahar and Suiyuan,e specially to the area
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now called the Back Loop (Hou-ttao), the land between the Yellow
River to the south and the Yin Mountains to the north.
The peasants who went to Manchuria took root and settled
down, and made a promising start. Those who had gone to the
territories belonging to the Mongols, however, were driven
by persecution and natural hardships, to return to their home pro-
vinces. When another famine occurred, or when they knew that
conditions north of the Yellow River or outside of the Great
Wall were improving, they went back again. But again they
would have to flee the "new land" and seek safety by returning
home. They went back and forth many times before finally
settling down in Inner Mongolia. Because of these back-and-
forth movements, they were called the "migrant peasants."
The colonists migrated to the northern regions closest to
their home provinces, so the Chinese social structure in Man-
churia and the eastern parts of Inner Mongolia resembles that
of Shantung, Honan, and Hopei, while that in the present
Chahar and Suiyuan can largely be identified with the social
structure of Shansi, Shensi, and the northwestern part of Hopei.
By the latter part of the nineteenth century, the conditions of
the Chinese in Inner Mongolia had improved a great deal. Nu-
merous permanent homesteads had finally been established,
and the homesteaders meant to settle down. The main reason
for the improvement was that the number of Chinese who migra-
ted to Inner Mongolia, especially to those parts adjacent to
provinces inside the Great Wall, had increased enormously
despite all the hardships; thus toward the end of the last cen-
tury, except for the far northern and northeastern parts, Inner
Mongolia was politically and economically dominated by the
Chinese. The Mongols were also greatly outnumbered by the
Chinese, especially in the cities. Except in the most isolated
places, the Mongols were not numerically strong enough to
make depradations on the Chinese, and in the countryside, the
Chinese land.tillers lived in villages for protection.
After many years the Mongol banner chiefs succumbed to
the profits available from leasing their. land to the Chinese,
Since these profits were often greater than those they could ob-
tain from animal husbandry, many nobles and banner chiefs
rented banner lands to Chinese merchants or land reclaimers,
and they themselves became the rent collectors. This reduced
the area of pasture land; as a result Mongols became land cul-
tivators in ever-increasing numbers toward the beginning of the
present century. When a Mongol was forced to change from a
herder to a land tiller he generally lived peacefully with his
Chinese neighbors, and took on many facets of the Chinese way
of life.
The living conditions of the Chinese in Inner Mongolia were
?
almi improved by the great land reclamation movement, wliich
took place in the period from the 1880's to the end of the Ch'ing
dynasty. Chinese grain dealers realized that by growing grain
on the land in Inner Mongolia they could make Much greater
profits than by importing it from the South. They also saw that
the land between the Yellow River and the Yin Mountains would
be extremely fertile if irrigated, and that i would be easy to
open irrigation canals connecting the new and old courses of the
Yellow River and other streams. Consequently, they leased
land from the Mongol banner chiefs, dug canals, and contracted
peasants from Shansi, Shensi, and Hopei provinces. They made
great profits, and more grain merchants did the same thing.
Later many Shansi bankers invested large amounts of money in
land reclamation in the same areas. Thus was brought about a
unique situation for a Chinese agrarian region, in which irriga-
tion projects were the enterprises of private individuals, and
a non-gentry group made up primarily of businessmen became
the proprietors of large landed estates.
Many individual adventurers were also attracted by the
great potentialities of the area, and among them Wang Tiung-
ch'un was widely known for his great success. Wang was a
man with a keen interest in and knowledge of water and land
reclamation. He himself built many canals, reclaimed much
land, and owned many. large farms. At the peak of his career
he was the master of a great agricultural empire in the Back
Loop and he also helped many other investors build irrigation
systems and reclaim land. He was so respected and loved by
the pioneer farmers that a shrine was built for him after he
died in 1935.
In 1903, when the farming business was showing great pros-
perity and the land investors were harvesting handsome profits.
the Chinese government took over the land reclamation and made
it a public affair. A Manchu name Ku Yi was appointed Land
Development Director of the whole southern and southwestern
section of Inner Mongolia. Ku used both persuasion and force
to make the Mongol princes register all their cultivatable
lands. He also employed Wang Ttung-ch'un as chief engineer
in charge of the building of irrigation canals. Great numbers
of peasants from the North China provinces were attracted to
the area, and many homesteads and farm villages were estab-
lished. In a few years agricultural development in places where
water was available showed great promise, and the reclamation
movement has been in progress e ve r since.
B. Types of Social Structure
Permanent Chinese residents in Inner Mongolia have been
settled mainly in the cities, in the Chinese and Sino-Mongol rural
043
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areas, and the Catholic mission establishments. In addition, a
transient population of Chinese existed in the lamaseries, the
religious-political centers of the Mongols. The religious commu-
nities were also commercial centers, especially during the
great fairs, and sometimes an many as a thousand or so Chinese
traders or visitors would be temporarily quartered at a lamasery.
In the few cities, such as Kalgan, Kueil-sui, and Pao-t'ou,
there live Chinese, Mongols, and Moslems. The Chinese are in
the majority, however, and dominate every aspect of public life.
The cities resemble very much those of the North China provinces,
the Mongols and Moslems live separately in their quarters as
minority groups, and neither exert any significant social or cul-
tural influence on the society.
The farm villages and rural districts inhabited purely by
Chinese settlers bear a great similarity to those of the provonces
of Shansi, Shensi, Hopei, and Shantung, from whence the set-
tlers originally came. These people brought with them their
old patterns of living to the frontier with only a few physical
modifications. The Chinese have been homesteading in Inner
Mongolia for only two or three generations. When they first
came from the regions to the south of the Great Wall, they ar-
rived either in groups or as individuals. Some groups were
fortunate enough to find sufficient cultivatable land to be able
to stay together, and they soon formed into traditional Chinese
farm villages. But in most cases a family would secure a piece
of land, build a mud hut on it, and live in isolation. Widely
dispersed farm homes and small hamlets are in great number;
there are comparatively few large rural villages. In recent
years, the county governments have organized the homesteads,
hamlets, and villages into administrative villages, one of
which may have a jurisdiction of twenty or thirty square
Homes with a distance of five or six li between them may still
belong to the same "village," but it is merely a rural admini-
strative unit, not an integrated community.
Although horses are used in transportation, people seldom
travel to visit each other. Social ties are few and loose. Be-
fore the Communist efforts at cooperativization, it was only
when the irrigation canals had to be repaired and the use of
water regulated that all the farm families in the same district
were organized and community cooperation occurred. When
the farming season is over and the cold winter prevents travel-
ling, community relations are disrupted for the time being. If,
however, families wish to visit each other, it is not impossible
because one can reach a home five Ii away in only a few minutes
on horseback. Besides the repairing of the irrigation systems,
there was another public enterprise around which the isolated
homesteaders had the opportunity to meet each other. Few
_
-
?
?
farm homes in Inner Mongolia had their own grindstones, and
to meet the need, community mills were established, centrally-
located in the rural districts. All the farm families of a district
would bring their grain to the same grinding station, and there
get to know each other and exchange community news and gossip.
Because of their physical and social isolation, the people
of the dispersed farm homes always welcome visitors, whether
acquaintances or strangers. The hospitality is warm and genu-
ine; even if the visitor is 9. stranger, he is taken to the inner-
most chambers of the house and allowed to meet all of the family,
including the young women. The few large villages in a district
are usually the market towns or marketing places that serve
the farm population surrounding them. In each village of this
type there are a few stores stocked with most of the daily neces-
sities which cannot be produced on the farms. These village
stores function to a great extent like the stores in the North
China market towns, and have the same economic and social
significance.
The make-up of the top social strata among the Chinese in
Inner Mongolia was very different from that in China proper.
There have been very few scholars of the traditional type, who
held academic degrees by passing the government examinations.
Gentry in the traditional sense was almost entirely absent.
Therefore, the members of the upper class in the cities and
county seats were mostly successful business people, military
men, and a few retired government officials. In addition, the
landlords in the countryside and the cities were not of the same
type as in the Chinese provinces. They were neither gentry
members or families of government officials, but mostly busi-
ness people who had gone into commercial grain farming, leas-
ing land from the princes, building irrigation systems, and then
renting the land to tenant farmers. For this reason, the rela-
tions between the landlords and their tenants were of a business
nature and not of the traditional socio-economic type found in
China (see China General, Social Structure).
Some of the villages or rural districts are inhabited both by
Chinese farmers and by Mongols who have turned to cultivating ?
the land. The Mongolian .farmers live and work very much like
their Chinese neighbors. They no longer live in tents, but in
houses like those of the Chinese. These are differentiated from
the Chinese only by a piece of paper inscribed with some Tibetan
characters and posted on the front door, or by a small banner
decorated with the figure of a horse, which is hung from the
roof of the house or the top of a wall. Inside a Mongol home
there is always a small Buddhist shrine, which is absent from
the Chinese homes. Such Sinicized Mongols living and farming
side by side with Chinese farmers get on harmoniously.
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They speak Chinese and follow the Chinese agrarian traditions.
They also cat similar food and wear like clothing. No racial dis-
crimination is made in marriage, so they are often also related
to the Chinese. It is said that the Sinicized Mongols have even
acquired the same national and ethical concepts as the Chinese.
Politically, however, the Mongolian villages until recently
were not under the same administration a the Chinese villagers.
The Mongolian villagers were still under the control of the ban-
ner chiefs, and for this reason, though they lived in the same vil-
lage or the same rural district with the Chinese farmers, they
were not obligated to pay taxes or labor service to the Chinese
authorities. Their taxes were paid instead to the Mongolian auth-
orities, who had political and legal jurisdiction over them. This
overlapping administrative pattern continued throughout republic-
an times, but was abolished with the incorporation of Suiyuan into
the IMAR. It is believed that this dual administration may have
been a chief reason why even the most Sinicized Mongols con-
tinued to hold loyalty toward their own princes and their own
people rather than toward the Chinese. Recognizing that in the
past such separate authority created misunderstandings and
antagonisms between the two groups, the Communist government
has adopted a policy of rationalizing the administrative struc-
ture. Where an overwhelming majority of Han Chinese are co-
resident with Mongols, the Mongols arc no longer organized under
banners, but are included with the Chinese in a "democratic-
coalition" government. Where the Chinese are a minority in
a banner area, they are subjett to the banner government, and
the formerly co-existent hsien government is abolished.
When partly Sinicized or semi-agricultural Mongolian
families live in areas where Chinese families are in the majority,
sonic of them live in the traditional tents, others live in houses
of the Chinese type, and still others may have a Chinese house
and one or two tents alongside. These partly Sinicized Mongols
may engage in both farming and grazing as a livelihood.
Using land tenure as a basis for classification, the agricul-
tural people of Inner Mongolia, both Chinese and Sinicized Mon-
gols, could be placed into four groups before the present Com-
munist regime: the landlords at the top, then the owner-cultiva-
tors, the tenants, and the farm laborers at the bottom. Most
of the landlbrds were absent from their land and lived in the
county scats or large towns, where they were the gentlemen of
the society. They were the county leaders and had an important
role in local politics. Each big landlord had an agent on his land,
who maintained a permanent office at a strategic point on the
land and handled all the leasing and rent collecting. The agent
had one or more assistants who dealt directly with the tenants
or farm laborers, who were dependent upon them for land and
NC,
for securing favors from the agent. It is said that in the early.
days the agent's office could even interfere with the farm peo-
ple's civil and legal affairs. In practice, the peasants who cul-
tivated the landlord's land were virtual subjects of the agent's
office, which functioned like a rural government. This situation
was largely corrected in the 1930's when the National Govern-
ment and the provincial governments of Chahar and Suiyuan re-
organized the system. All the political power of the land agent's
office was abrogated, and the tenants thereafter went to the gov-
ernment in political and legal matters.
The early agrarian conditions in Inner Mongolia could not
have been altogether bad, however, since most of the owner-
cultivators were originally tenants themselves, and must have
been able to make savings in order to purchase their land from
the landlords. Thus the landlords' exploitation either was not
uniform or not as bad as reported. The owner-cultivators and
their families were as a rule very diligent workers and lived
very frugally, although they had a self-sufficient and reasonably
comfortable life. They were the most promising element among
the farming people of Inner Mongolia.
There were two types of tenant farmers: one type settled
in a certain locality and leased land from the landlord's agent,
and the other consisted of migrant workers. The settled tenants
often formed a village or a hamlet, helping each other as much
as possible and maintaining good social relations. Their re-
lations with the landlord were also comparatively better than
those of the migrants, and many of them later became owner-
cultivators. The other type of tenants shifted from one place to
another in order to find better or more profitable land to culti-
vate. If they learned that a certain section had been flooded,
they would move on to that area the next year, because after a
flood the land would be extremely fertile. Another characteris-
tic of this type of tenant was that they also kept herds grazing
whenever and wherever conditions permitted. They were mostly
semi-agrarian Mongols.
The farm laborers were in most cases single persons with
no permanent homes. The annual laborers had room and board
with their employers, and their employment was on a yearly ba-
sis. In fact, however, a satisfactory farm laborer would usually
be employed by the same family for many years. Higher wages
were paid to those having more experience and some special
skill. Such laborers were employed as foremen, and a number
of less experienced farm hands were put under their charge. As
a rule, they did not work in the fields, their chief duties being
to arrange the work for the less experienced laborers, to keep
the farm buildings repaired and the irrigation system in good
shape, and to see that the seeds were good. Some of these
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more experienced laborers had families and their living condi-
tions were often comparable with those of the owner-cultivators.
The ordinary annual labOrers were paid less, and they not only
worked in the fields but also in the farmyards. The day laborers
weie the poorest of the peasants, and were employed only during
the busy seasons. They were hired in the imorning, discharged
in the evening, and next morning went out again to look for anoth-
er job.'
The other type of agrarian society in Inner Mongolia was
that established by the Catholic Church. Professor Li Yung-
fang of Yenching University travelled in Suiyuan in 1936 to study
the religious organizations in that part of the country, and later
he published his report in Yu-kung (The Chinese Historical Geo-
graphy). The following paragraphs are based on his section on
the Catholic Church.
? The Catholic Church in Suiyuan was strongest around Shan-.
pa. The earliest Catholic church in this district was built in
the thirteenth year of Kwand-hsii (1888), and was located in
San-sheng-kung. After three or four years another was built
in a place called Elwang-yang-mu-Vou, and one was also built
In Yu-lung a few years later. In the year 1901, the Catholic
church in Ta-fa-kung was burned and destroyed by the Mongols,
and thirty-two Church members were killed in the incident. For
this destruction the Mongols compensated the Catholic Church
with a considerable amount of money , which wTh.s used to build
the Hwang-tu-la-hai irrigation canal and to establish a number
of churches along the canal. The Catholic churches also opera-
ted several registered lower primary schools and one registered
complete primary school. The total number of pupils in 1936
was over 280.
In Lin-ho County there were over ten thousand Catholics,
who comprised one-tenth of the population. The cultivable land
in these two districts amounts to several thousand ching (one
ching equals 100 mou and one mou equals one-sixth of an acre).
Each year over two thousand ching were actually cultivated, and
of this the Catholics had over nine hundred ching, or about
one-half.
Much credit for the prosperity of the Catholics in these dis-
tricts is due to Li Kao, who until his death in 1935 was manager
of the irrigation system connected with the Hwang-tiu-la-hai
Canal. More important, however, was the strong and stable
organization of the Catholics. In each of the churches there
was one priest who was charged solely with the civil and eco-
nomic affairs of the church members. Regardless of outside
political, social, or natural changes in the districts (before the
Communist regime), the Catholic Church's program proceeded
as usual, or at least was not disrupted. The Church provided
?
148
4
?
I.
?
?
?
?
welfare for its needy, and a priest would sometimes intervene
in a member's behalf in a political or legal affair. Occasionally
the priests even helped the Church members in fighting against
bandits. ?Thus the relationship between the Catholic Church and
its-members was considerably different from that between the
government and the local people, as?well as from that between
the tenants and landlords. Consequently, ithe Catholic Churches
became organizations which were almost independent of the Chi-
nese Government, and centers of a social coherence entirely
unknown to other parts of Inner Mongolia.
II. Traditional Mongolian Society
A. Relations between Nobles and Commoners
In the traditional Mongolian society, two social classes
could be distinguished; the nobles, or taiji, and the commoners,
or kharachi. Since the latter all depended on a taiji, they were
also called albatu, i.e., people who owe to their lord all that is
implied by the word "alba" (personal and military service, per-
formance of statute-labor, etcetera).
.The clan name of the taiji is Borjigit, the same as that. from
which the family of Chingis Khan derived. All taiji descend
from either Chingis or one of his brothers. The taiji who, are
descended from Chingis are the most numerous; one finds them
among the Khalkha and a few other banners such as the Ordos,
the Tiimet of Kuei-hua, the Sunit, the 13arin, the Ujumuchin and
the Keshikten. The taiji who descend from Khasar, brother of
Chingis, are those of the Alashan, the Khorchin, the DOrbet,
the Urat, the MuuMingan, etcetera. Among the taiji of Khalkha
a few are descendents of 13elgutei, half-brother of Chingis.
The geneological tables of the taiji are kept in the yamen of
each banner, and also in the 'capital in the archives of the bureau
which controls the administration of Mongolia and Tibet. For
the taiji descendants of Chingis the geneological tables go back
only as far as Dayan Khan (1464-1543).
The status of taiji carried with it several privileges. The
taiji were exempt from taxes and duties, statute-labor, military
service, and. they could be judged only by their equals. It was
from among the taiji that the jasak or chiefs of banners were se-
lected; their official position was usually hereditary, and the
title of minister (tusalakchi) was only accessible to the taiji.
There were also certain honorary titles given only to nobles. A
taiji was entitled to wear a button of lapis lazuli on top of his
ceremonial hat. The wife of a taiji enjoyed the privilege of
wearing a ceremonial hat covered with a yellow material in the
summer. She also had the right to wear the kiiilmek, or long
coat of precious material with flowing sleeves, which buttoned
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under the chin. She could also wear the long sleeveless jacket
'called uuji. The wife of a taiji was addressed by her albatu with
the title of khatun (lady) and her daughter was called abahai
(princess).
Any Mongol who was not a noble was a dependent of the taiji
to whom he was a serf. Any taiji had under him a certain number
of families as his albatu, of which he was the lord. When a taiji
died, his sons divided amongst themselves the serf families
owned by their father. Among these families those in the per-
sonal service of their taiji were called khamjilga (aids), and
a taiji sometimes had four, eight, or sixteen kharnjilga,
kword should be said here about the kobuut, a term which
today means "slaves of the lowest rank." In Mongolian society
of earlier times there was a class of people who were subjects
of the commoners, or kharachi. This group was termed kobuut.
Among the Ordos, a proverb gives the definition of .the kobuut
as "serfs of serfs and slaves of slaves," but it is by no means
sure that such a class of people still exists. The term kobuut
seems to be rather a souvenir of an order of things which no
longer exists.
'It is rather difficult to define precisely the relationship
which existed in recent times between the taiji and their albatu,
since these relationships were not exactly the same everywhere,
and also because, as we shall see later, the administration es-
tablished by the Manchus at the time of the incorporation of
Mongolia into their empire in the seventeenth century had the
effect of deeply modifying these relations. In theory, a noble
was the absolute master of his serfs and could dispose of them
as he pleased. The taiji have been heard to quote an alliterative
proverb about their albatu, the sense of which is, "I am the one
who is master of his dark head and who holds his warm heart
in the palm of my hand." When describing the relationship be?
tween a taiji and his albatu, the Mongols readily quote the follow-
ing passage from folk literature, spoken by a noble to his serf:
"When a noble and his serf are still alive, the life of one is
bound to that of the other; after death, the soul of one is joined
to that of the other. You and I are people attached to one anoth-
er by the feet and tied to one another by the neck. There is no
way of staying far from each other. We are like people of the
same house." It is even claimed that if a noble is condemned
to death for a crime, one of his serfs ought to substitute him-
self for him and die in his place. However, this absolute pow-
er over his albatu which the taiji apparently once exercised, and
this intimate relationship between noble and serf have long been
only a memory in reality.
In the seventeenth century, when Mongolia became incorpor-
ated into the Manchu empire, a new administration, copied from
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that of the Manchus,. was introduced among the Mongols. The
different tribes' were organized into banners, each of them having
its own delimited territory, and at the head of each. of these ban-
ners, Was placed a chief called a?jasak, chosen from among the
Kobles and appointed by the emperor. The individuals belonging
to the same banner were distributed among a certain number of
sumu(arrows).r each headed by a jangi under the authority of the
jasak. This new organization deeply modified the regime that
Mongolia had known until then. It did not abolish the system of
taiji-albatu, but the bonds which united the taiji to their albatu
were automatically loosened by the fact that all the individuals,
even the taiji, had come to depend upon the chief of the banner
and had been incorporated into a sumu, whose commander had
authority over the noble as well as the serf. The power of the
taiji over their serfs thus was considerably restrained by the
establishment of Manchu domination in Mongolia. .What little
power remained amounted to about the following: if the taiji was
rich and, above all, if he had a high position in the banner, he
would expect his serfs to help' him, and to cultivate the soil for
his profit. He would give them his young horses to be trained,
and require that the wives and daughters of his serfs take care
of and watch his sheep and goats, milk his cows and ewes, make
the butter and cheese, and do his sewing, etcetera. Though the
serfs are not obliged to dwell in proximity to their taiji, those
who regularly have to perform duties for their master, estab-
lish themselves not far from his habitation,. which they call
yeke ger (the big tent). Since not. all the nobles are rich and in-
fluential, many serfs escape these duties. Even the rich and
influential nobles take care not to be indiscriminately exacting
from all their serfs. It is especially the poor who arc forced to
serve their lord, but most often these services do not go unre-
warded. Despite the Ordos Mongols' proverb, which says, "The
worst of the woods is the one used to make the threshold of the
door; the worst of the meats is the lung; the worst of men is
the taiji," one can say that in general the nobles, especially
the princely chiefs of banners, are respected and even liked by
their serfs. An Ordos folk song says: "The Taiji are the des-
cendants, of the Lord (Chingis), and the commoners are his
"white soldiers."
The jasak, OT princely chiefs of banners, being nobles, also
had. their own serfs. Their aides-de-camp (kiya) are usually cho-
sen from among these serfs. There were, some jasaks who had
a few serf families as household servants, and these families
relieved one another in the performance of that office. The serfs
of the jasaks enjoyed the privileges of exemption from ordinary
contributions and from the requisition of ri'di'ng animals.
An institution dating from ancient times is that of
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the daughter of a jasak is married, her father gives her as a
dowry one or a few families chosen from his own serfs, or at
least a young slave-servant, who is the daughter of one of his
serfs, who will be especially attached to the personal service of
the new bride. The father of this young lady ordinarily receives
a horse as payment for having given his daughter. This slave-
servant, given as dowry to a princess isIgenerally well-treated.
When she reaches the age of marriage, her mistress looks for a
husband for her. The children born from such a marriage auto-
matically become the dependents of the princess.
If a noble should incur a penalty and he is insolvent, his
serfs are obliged to make payment for him.
At the death of a taiji, his serfs go into mourning. This
mourning lasts forty-nine days, during which one does not wear
any beautiful garments, one does not shave, men do not wear
any honorary buttons and women do not wear the head ornament
one does not celebrate any wedding, one does not gallop or ride
a saddled horse, acct. ra. It is noteworthy that the duration of
mourning for a taiji is the same as for a father or mother.
It sometimes happened that a Chinese desired to enlist in a
Mongolian banner, and as the population of most banners was
not very large, the Mongolian administration generally welcomed
him with pleasure. However, the enlistment was considered as
definite only after the individual had been incorporated into a
sumu, and after he had found a taiji willing to receive him as
albatu.. These Chinese, who by enrollment in a banner became
the subjects of a jasak and serfs of a taiji were always men who
were familiar with Mongolian life. They spoke the language more
or less well, often having come to Mongolia in their youth and
served as servants in Mongolian families. After their enroll-
ment they took a Mongolian name and a Mongolian wife, and had
the same rights and duties as the native-born Mongol.
The Ordos Mongols had the following proverb: "If a stallion
has not even three mares, castrate him; if a noble over three
generations has no serfs, remove his title of taiji." In fact, a
noble was not often deprived of his title of taiji because he lacked
serfs. Custom permitted a noble owning a certain number of
serf families to cede one to a taiji who .had none. The transfer
of a serf family to its buyer was an occasion for celebration.
The transfer was not. made as a gift; the noble who ceded the
family was entitled to a certain amount of money and a gift,
usually a head of cattle. The object of the transaction, the serf
family, also found it. advantageous, receiving from its new lord
a gift of a few head of cattle.
It should be noted that. as a reward for extraordinary service
rendered to the jasak or to the banner, a serf could receive the
honorary title of taiji, but such a case rarely occurred.
b
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Sometimes a serf would receive the title of darkhan.from the
jasak of his banner. This title, granted only as a reward for
services rendered, conferred the exemption from taxes, requi-
sitions, and statutr-labor, either for life or for a certain number
of years.
The time is long past when the. Mongols lived as a clan-
society. In the larger feudal groups which were established un-
der tEe Yuan and rater under the Ming dynasties, the Mongolian
clans continued to exist in a modified form. With the. incorpora-
tion of Mongolia into the Manchu empire, the clan system virtu-
ally ended. Little of this organization remains today, only the
names of the clans (omok) and the custom of exogamy, which is
not observed rigorously by the commoners, although it remains
strictly obligatory for the nobles.
At the time of the Manchu conquest, the Mongols were called
by their proper names, to which they added the name of the clan
to which they belonged. One said: "Mr. so-and-sb of such-and-
such a clan." This manner of distinguishing the individual had
been practiced since the time when clan rule flourished. The
division of Mongolia into banners, in which the totality of the
Mongolian population was re-grouped without any distinction of
clans, naturally led the people to distinguish individtials by the
banner to which they belonged rather than by the clan into whith
they had been born. Instead of saying: "So-and-so from such-
and-such clan," one began saying "So-and-so from such-and-
such a banner." The effect of this new manner of distinguishing
individuals was soon felt: the names of clans began to disappear
from everyday use.
At the present time one always designates individuals by
their personal name. In order to distinguish those having the
same personal name, a few methods arc in use: the personal
name is preceded by the name of the banner to which he belongs,
or by the name of the place where he lives, or by his title if he
is an official, etcetera. The individuals are never distinguished
by the name of their clan. The names of the clan arc also ban-
ished from official acts. In these latter, an individual is always
designated as follows: "Mr. So-and-so (personal name) belong-
ing to the surnu of so-and-so (name of the officer at the head of
a stimu)." However, the names of clads stay alive. A Mongol
generally knows his own clan-name, although he ordinarily
knows but a small number of other clan-names, and occasional-
ly one may meet an individual who ignores his own omok. The
name of the clan continues to play a leading role in the life of
the nobles, however. In fact, the taiji, whose clan name is
Borjigit, mentioned previously, cannot marry another 13orjigit.
They must choose their wives from those whose clan-name is
different from their own; in other words, a Borjigit must
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marry either a Manchurian princess or a Mongol woman of the
commoner class. A Borjigit girl must also be given to a non-
Borjigit. However, those Mongols who are not nobles rarely
observe the rule of marrying outside their clan, (see China IMAR
Family).
The clan names still play a role in the choice of a Chinese
name. ;Mongols who live near the Chinese border, particularly
those having business relations with the Chinese, sometimes
take a Chinese family name, In fact, they consider the hsing
or Chinese family name to be the equivalent of the omok. The
use of the Chinese name is restricted to relations with the Chi-
nese, however, and a Mongol who has taken a Chinese name con-
tinues to use his Mongolian personal name among other Mongols.
The choice of a Chinese family name is made in several ways,
one of which is the following. The person who wants to take a
Chinese family name chooses among the latter the one whose
meaning is approximately the same as that of his own clan-
name. Thus a Mongol whose clan-name is Sharanut I'the
yellows," will take the name of Huang "yellow"; one whose
clan-name is Aktachin "the riders," will take the name of Ma
"horse. " But it is evidently impossible, for most of the Mon-
golian clan names to find a Chinese family name which would
bring to mind even vaguely their meanings. Furthermore, the
significance of quite a number of clan names is unknown. In
either of these cases, a Mongol choosing a Chinese family name
does not worry about its equivalence with his clan-name, but
lets himself be guided by other considerations which are not al-
ways easy to understand at first. For instance, among the
Orclos, the taiji of the Otok Banner have taken the Chinese family
name Pao "parcel," while those of the six other banners have
chosen Ch'i "wonderful." At first sight the choice is surpris-
ing, because all the taiji of the Ordos arc descendants of Chingis
and therefore have the same elan-name, i.e., Borjigit. How-
ever the taiji of Otok chose Pao because they wanted to render
the first syllable of the clan-name Borjigit. The other taiji of
Ordos banners chose the Chinese family name Chti because it
was reminiscent of the first syllable of the name Kiyut, which
an ancient Mongolian chronicle and the official history of the
Yuan dynasty both claim to have been the name of the family of
Chingis Khan.
B. Relations between Jasaks and Subjects
Just as it was impossible for a Mongol of servile status to
become the albatu of another taiji, it was also not permissible
for him to leave his own banner to become the subject of another
jasak. Moreover, he could not transfer to another sumu but
continued to be a life-long dependent of the sumu into which he
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was born. When he died, he could not even leave his goods to
someone belonging to another sumu.
The albatu had more liberty in regard to residence. He had
an effective right to wander with his cattle or to reside anywhere
Within the extent of his banner. Strictly speaking, he was for-
bidden to settle outside the limits of his banner's territory, and
the jasak had the right to recall subjects Who established resi-
dence outside the territory. In recent times, the jasaks did
not always exercise their right, especially since Chinese colon-
ization had made such progress that in certain banners there
were hardly any virgin areas left which could be used as pas-
ture grounds. The result was that a part, sometimes a consid-
erable portion, of the population of certain banners were no
longer on the territory of its own banner, but lived dispersed on
the land of a neighboring banner.
Another advantage enjoyed by the Mongol as long as he re-
mained established on the territory of his own banner, was that
he could cultivate the earth wherever he desired without any
charge being levied. Exception was made of the lands called
"prohibited" i.e., those lands in the immediate vicinity of tem-
ples, obo, and other places of worship. The freedom to settle
as one pleased and to cultivate the earth in any suitable place
are alluded to in the following Mongolian proverb: "Cultivate
the earth wherever there is a place for the mold-board of your
plough; abide wherever there is a place for the felt-carpets
over the lattice of your tent."
In actual fact, the land of the banner was the property of the
jasak who could dispose of it as he pleased. was not allowed
by the Chinese government to dispose of it through regular sale,
but could rent it for an annual payment in silver to the Chinese
colonists, who then cultivated it. There is hardly any need to
say that this right of the chief of the banner to cede land to the
Chinese was disastrous to many Mongols who still practised
herding. In this way great expanses of land which most often
constituted the best pasturage of the banner were lost to Chinese
colonists.
Sometimes the jasak also made a gift of land to one of his
subjects as a reward for a service rendered. Such land was
called shang shara, and could be cultivated to the profit of the
owner.
The shang was the palace of the jasak and was composed of
a few brick buildings in Chinese style and a few Mongol tents.
An officer called demchi was in charge of the administration of
the jasakis household. The servants were subjects of the jasak
who came in turn to the palace to serve. These services were
not remunerated. They consisted of taking care of the kitchen,
carrying water, looking after the fire, and obtaining firewood or
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collecting argal (dried dung used for fuel). Personal service to
the jasak was rendered by his aides-de-camp, who were chosen
from among his personal serfs (tus albatu). As a distinguishing
mark they wore a dress hat to which a blue feather was attached.
As personal serfs of the jasak they were exempted from ordinary
taxes and from requisitions of saddle-horses. At the head of the
aides-de-camp was the jiksaaliin daruga (commander of the
guard of honor). He was commonly called baitandaa (from the
Manchurian). This officer usually shared the confidence of the
jasak and was sometimes deputed by him to handle important
missions.
Another important officer among the attendants of the jasak
was the ailthal (reporter), who kept him informed on current
affairs.
The wife of the jasak was attended by a few ladies of rank,
and a certain number of serfs' wives were in charge of the dom-
estic labor.
All the servants of the hang, men and
their positions for two consecutive months.
months, others came to replace them.
A few words should be said concerning
women, remained in
After these two
the Great Seal of
the Banner. it. was inscribed in Manchurian and Mongolian
with "Seal of the jasak of such-and-such banner." This seal
was the same received by the first jasak of the banner from the
Manchu Emperor at the time the banner was founded. The Mon-
gols considered it a sacred object; it always remained in the
immediate vicinity of the jasak, and a lamp burned night and day
before the casket containing it. When the jasak undertook a
journey into the interior of his banner lands, he took the seal
with him; it was carried on a horse which a rider led by hand.
When the prince spent the night somewhere on the way, the seal
rested in a little tent guarded by an officer.
The Great Seal was affixed only to important decrees and
important official correspondence. On acts and letters of less
importance, the small seal of the yarnen was used.
If the prince absented himself from his banner for a long
time, or if he died, the Great Seal was entrusted to his first
minister.
When the jasak of the banner died, his subjects went into
mourning for one-hundred days. Otherwise, the mourning re-
quirements for a banner chief were the same as those for other
nobles.
C. Other Cohesive Factors
The structural features of Mongolian society which are im-
posed by kinship, class, wealth, and position are modified by
factors which effect a strong social Unity, despite the lack of
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large towns or cities and the dispersal. of the population over a
vast area. Although the camps and tents of the nomads are
widely scattered, the steppe country is in no sense a "trackless
wilderness," for it is criss-crossed by well-defined routes of
travel which also serve as lines of communication. The Mongols
love to visit. They spend a great deal of time on the road, stop
to chat with other travellers, and drop in at every tent along the
way to exchange bits of news which are pas9zd on to other neigh-
bors or travellers. News travels very rapidly over this network
and a relatively close contact is maintained among families dis-
tributed over a wide area. This system of communications is
an important factor in achieving an integration of society in the
nomadic areas.
In a pastoral nomadic economy the water supply assumes a
special significance for man and his domestic animals. The
available water, as well as the extent and quality of pasture,
limits the size of flocks and herds, and affects the growth and
distribution of the human population. In the arid Mongolian
plateau country, wells and springs are usually far apart and are
used in common by the families in the vicinity, as well as by
travellers and passing caravans. The vast herds of livestock
which assemble around the watering places arc tended by men,
women, and children from neighboring families, who make these
meetings an occasion for visiting and general sociability. Here
also gather the caravans whose carts and -animals add to the
variety of the scene, and whose drivers and attendants bring
news from distant places and enliven the conversation. Occa-
sional passing travellers stop to water their mounts, listen to
the local gossip, and pass on interesting bits of information.
Thus the desert wells and water-holes serve as important cen-
ters of social intercourse in Mongolian life.
Religious observances and the social activities which accom-
pany them have long been popular with the Mongols in both the
agricultural and pastoral regions. These ceremonial occasions
range from family gatherings to huge fairs such as that at Kan-
chu in the Huna League, where every year in mid-September
tens of thousands of persons assemble. On the family level the
services are more purely religious in character, but the larger
observances are almost always followed or accompanied by
festivities and entertainment. In southern Chahar, for example,
where the Mongols live in villages, there are two important ob-
servances, one of which involves the whole banner, and the
other a larger administrative unit. Both of these festivals com-
bine religious and social activities. One is associated with a
temple, and the other is a village affair. Large tents or pavil-
ions are set up, and men, women and children, dressed in their
best, come to participate in the ceremonies and enjoy the games
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and contests, and the eating and drinking which follow.
In the pastoral regions the Lamaist temples often initiate
and conduct festivals, perhaps on religious holidays, but as
purely social affairs. These arc sometimes held in the vicinity
of an obo, and at other times near the temple itself. Horse rac-
ing, archery, and wrestling contests are held, and prizes are
awarded to the winners. Mongolian familis throng to these
gatherings, often from great distances, set up their tents, and
stay for the duration of the festival. Some of these monastery
festivals developed into fairs, such as that mentioned above in
the Huna League, and the strategically-located monasteries be-
came permanent major commercial centers. Chinese merchants
and craftsmen drifted in and settled there, and the Mongols
brought great flocks and herds of animals as gifts to the church,
and exchanged the products of herding for the manufactures of
the Chinese.
The social role of religious institutions in the western and
southern parts of Inner Mongolia, where Tibetan Buddhism is
strong, has no counterpart in the Dagur region of the Northeast,
where the people lead a sedentary village life and shamanism is
the religion. Here religious observances are on a small scale,
some even being restricted to one or the other sex, and there
arc no fairs or festivals associated with any of them. Social
gatherings on all occasions, moreover, are usually small and
based almost solely on kinship.
Another feature of Mongolian life which tends to strengthen
the bonds of social unity in a localized sense is found in the wide-
spread custom of performing reciprocal acts and engaging in
cooperative work projects. In the agricultural regions a wedding
or funeral in a family is the occasion for visiting by represen-
tatives of all the other families in the village. At the New Year,
also, at least one person from each house visits all the other
houses. There arc local religious services, too, in Which the
whole community participates without regard to other social af-
filiations. Exchange of services is commonly practiced In both
the pastoral and agricultural districts. Members of unrelated
families frequently assist each other on projects such as moving
a house, repairing houses and fences, milking, making felt,
tanning hides, and making rope. Livestock is often herded in
common, tended by members of several different families, to-
gether or in turn. In their manner of performing cooperative
projects and exchanging services the Dagurs again show some
deviation from the typical Mongolian pattern. The Dagurs do
engage in community projects, but these are almost always
within the village and the workers are all kinsmen. There is
little inter.village exchange or cooperation, even between rela-
tives..
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D. Changes in Mongol Society .Unde; the .Communists ?
The social practices described are known to have been gen- .
erally in effect before the Communist domination of Inner Mon-
golia and the creation of the IMAR. That the new government ?
recognizes the value of such practices to the Mongols and their
utility to the state is apparent in its 'encouragement of at least
the superficial forms of many such native customs.
Ulanfu himself, in an address given in 1953, urged that at-
tention be given to holding fairs in the villages. Some, at least,
of the great fairs are also being continued with government ap-
proval and support, and many of the religious festivals have been
supplanted by or integrated with official national holidays (see
China IMAR, Propaganda). Native contests such as horse racing
and wrestling, and the folk arts--singing and dancing--are ap-
parently encouraged; and new games, particularly basketball
and volleyball, have been introduced. Mongolian Learns now
participate in tournaments, competing with teams from their
own region and with other nationalities.
The cooperative societies, superficially at least, are taking
the place of the community work projects; though the spontane-
ity of social contacts engendered by the old system is probably
lacking in the new.
The old customs of travelling, visiting, and meeting at
watering places are deeply rooted in Mongolian life, especially
in the pastoral regions, and these habits will not be easily
broken. Yet the new regime looks forward to the day when all
the Mongols will give up their nomadic life for a sedentary ex-
istence,. lose their love for mobility, and abandon the cultural
traits associated with it. The native system of communications
along which news is passed by word of mouth has been supple-
mented by radio diffusion stations set up at forty-seven loca-
tions in the IMAR. Through this medium herdsmen in remote
districts can hear news, music, educational programs, and of-
ficial propaganda. Government film projection teams are also
very active in the region. They tour the villages, the pastoral
and hunting communities, and show films dubbed in with Mon-
golian speech. In 1954 these teams were said to have given
3,900 showing to audiences totaling nearly three million persons
in Inner Mongolia.
Unquestionably the native customs which maintained social
unity in the Mongolian world were changing and would have
changed further even without Communist interference, but ap-
parently the new government hopes to divert the traditional
forms of social integration into channels which can be controlled
and utilized by the State to create a Mongolian nationalism in
harmony with state political and economic plans.
The consolidation of the Chinese Communist control of
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Inner Mongolia through the agency of the Inper Mongolian Peo-
ple's Government has meant a considerable change in the soci-
ety of the region. The previously discussed Catholic social
.structure has been all but abolished with land reform and redis-
tribution. New types of organized units have replaced such local
structures: the experimental livestock farms, agricultural-
producer cooperatives, herding cooperatives, etcetera. The
introduction of industry into some of the cities of Inner Mongolia
has brought with it trade unions and a formalized "working
class." Associations such as the National Democratic Youth
League (now the Young Communist League), the Women's Demo-
cratic Federation, and specialized "drive" committees have
penetrated far into the grasslands. In addition to the old class
structure of the nomadic Mongols, a new elite has begun to de-
velop, composed of Communist party members and lesser func-
tionaries.
It is difficult, if not impossible, to obtain data-on the ex-
isting class structure in Inner Mongolia. The nomadic Mongols,
under the "go slow" policy adopted for minority regions, were
for a period lasting until at least 1950-1951, subjected to little
"reform." A policy of "no struggle, no redistribution and no
differentiation of class status" was in effect. Since that time,
attacks have been made on the prerogatives of the hereditary no-
bility; in all probability they were directed against their right
to exact labor and taxes. In addition, there has been some re-
distribution of livestock. In the semi-nomadic and sedentary
Mongol areas, the same policy of land redistribution which was
applied to the Chinese was carried over to the Mongols with no
differentiation. Theoretically, landlords were eliminated and
land redistributed. Reclamation was banned in semi-agricul-
tural and semi-pastoral areas, apparently until late in 1955,
when the call went out again for youth to participate in land re-
clamation programs.
It is safe to say, on the basis of the limited data available,
that whatever of the old social structure in Inner Mongolia still
remains, it is to be found least radically altered among nomadic
Mongols. But even this group cannot long withstand the forces
which arc attempting to reshape their society.
FAMILY
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I. The Mongolian Family
A. Introduction
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B.
Composition of the Household
Spatial Distribution and Mobility
DL
Order
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E.
Family Solidarity
F.
Continuity
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1. Marriage
2. Polygamy
3. Other forms of marriage
4. Divorce
5. Maintaining the family home
6. Forming new households
7. Ancestors and ancestry
G. The Family as a Social Unit
I. Sex
2. Reproduction
3. Production and maintenance
4. Distribution and inheritance of property
5. Division of labor
6. Occupations outside the family
7. Exchange of foods and services
8. Socialization of the individual
9. Family religious services
II. The Chinese Family in Inner Mongolia
Additional Readings
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FAMILY
I. The Mongolian Family
A. Introduction
The forms and functions of the Mongolian family are not uni-
form throughout Inner Mongolia, but a close analysis reveals
an underlying pattern to both family and kinship structure as a
whole, which is characteristic of all Mongol groups, nomadic,
semi-pastoral and agricultural. These basic family traits have
been traced to an older stratum of the culture, an ancestral
group from which the Mongols and some other northern Asiatic
peoples have descended. The variations found today in the fa-
mily from group to group, and from region to region have de-
veloped through internal change or have been imposed upon the
basic structure by external influences, e.g., changes in envir-
onment or contacts with other groups. Yet the fundamental
features of family structure have persisted over long periods
of time and through a wide range of political and economic con-
ditions, a fact which implies a mixture of conservatism and
flexibility in this element of Mongolian culture.
The family has never been an exceptionally strong integra-
ting force in Mongolian society. Its weakness became evident
with the breakdown of clan organization under the Manchu ad-
ministration. The clan formerly supplied a framework in
which families were interrelated as are individuals within the
family. The system assigned a specific social role to each in-
dividual, prescribed certain aspects of his behavior, demanded
of him the performance of certain obligations, and gave him in
return the security of belonging to a large group. The family,
then as now, was the basic social and economic unit, but the
break up of families and the departure of married sons did not
weaken or rupture kinship ties, for the larger unit, the clan,
still held its members together.
As the clan system disintegrated, lineage ties remained in
effect, but lineages had no authority structure and were not ter-
ritorially defined. The Manchu administrative system replaced
clan authority with banner authority and established a territorial
basis for the new units, but failed to integrate political with
kinship unity. Thus the family remained as the only formal func-
tioning social unit. Its ties with other families were attenuated
or broken, and its power to hold its own members was greatly
weakened. Married sons who left the parental household were
no longer linked to it by strong kinship bonds. After two or three
generations even the paternal lineage lost much of its signific-
ance.
Although the family is not a strong cohesive force in Mon-
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golian society, its very weakness in this respect emphasizes its
importance as a socializing, reproducing and economic unit.
Lacking the means to maintain a continuity of kinship and the op-
portunity to place its members in a larger formal social aggreg-
ation, it must supply the major share of social and economic
training and prepare the individual?to assume a place in the
society. The Mongolian family has accepted this responsibil-
ity and has adapted itself to new environments and economic
systems, clinging, meanwhile to a core of basic elements
which are as old as Mongolian culture.
B. Composition of the Household
The typical Mongolian household is the patrilocal extended
family; i.e., the married sons and their wives and unmarried
children live in the same small parental community. Housing
arrangements vary somewhat with the individual and according
to locality. In the purely nomadic regions each nuclear family
customarily lives in its own tent. Families art usually small
and commonly husband and wife are the only adult members.
Only rarely does such a dwelling include one or more grand-
parents, the widowed father or mother of husband or wife.
Sometimes when the father is too po or to provide the means to
set up a separate household for more than one son, the other
sons may be sent to a lamasery, and under such conditions the
household may include one or more unmarried women who are
unable to find husbands and arc living with parents, brothers,
or in-laws. Thus a typical pastoral family, with two or three
unmarried children will ordinarily not exceed six or seven in-
dividuals, and the household may consist of only one tent or a
group of them. In the areas subject to strong Chinese cultural
and economic influence, however, both houses and tents are
used and occupied the year round, and it is not unusual to find
several generations living together in the same group of dwell-
ings, or for several related couples of the same generation to
form a single household.
Ideally, after marriage, the young couple live by themselv-
es, occupying either a tent Or house in the same encampment or
village or when the parental house is large enough and has sev-
eral rooms, one of them is given to the newlyweds. Sooner or
later, however, for one reason or another, the sons move,
with their wives and families to live by themselves, each couple
becomes independent from the father and forms a new.family.
Traditionally the youngest son is supposed to remain with his
parents and assume direction of the household when the father
reaches an advanced age, in practice, however, this obligation
falls upon whichever son remains at home to take care of the
parents. Thus the group of tents (or tents and houses) consti-
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Lutes an extended family and economic unit. Such a settlement
usually includes some blood relatives but is not always limited
to them, for married couples may leave the parental encamp-
ment and set up their tents with friends in another.
The independent family is known as an orehe-, a group of
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family members all of whom share a common family property.
This was the unit Which was subject to taxation and levies. One
referred to his own extended family as manai ger or minii ger
(our family or my family), and after he had become independent
from the father's family he would refer to it as aabin ger (fath-
er's family). Households of any relative would be called ger,
modified with appropriate terms to express the specific rela-
tionship.
Kin groupings
In earlier periods of their history, before the seventeenth
century, the Mongols were divided into lineages with descent
reckoned in the paternal line. The lineages, in turn, were
grouped into clans, each of which traced descent to a common
ancestor. All the nobility belonged to a single clan which alleg-
edly descended from Chingis Khan. The clans were exogamic,
i.e., an individual was required to marry outside his clan. The
banner organization imposed by the Manchu government led to
the extinction of the old system, however, and now few traces
of clan organization remain, although a Mongol is likely to know
the name of his own clan. In the nomadic and semi-pastoral
regions there is still a hereditary nobility which, though hardly
a privileged group, is recognized by everycine as a distinct class.
These nobles arc all members of Chingisr clan, the Borjigit,
and they alone of all the Mongols still practice clan exogamy.
The lineage or tOrel, on the other hand, is still recognized
and serves chiefly as a mechanism for regulating marriage, al-
though its extent in this respect is generally limited to patrilin-
cal kinsmen who are separated by not more than five degrees of
collateral relationship (see section on Marriage below). Tradi-
tionally, patrilineal descent was symbolized by an inherited
surname or omok which may be related to an earlier belief in
descent from a common ancestor. The omok is no long used
except for keeping census records, but all persons who belong
to the same Lord l are recognized as having the same surname.
Persons having the same surname do not necessarily belong tb
the same tore!, however.
Membership in a torel may be acquired by other means than
birth. An individual may be adopted into a lineage, or as some-
times happens, he may become a member of a new lineage when
an old one splits in two or is fused with another.
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C. Spatial Distribution and Mobility
Ordinarily the dwelling unit of a household is occupied only
by members of the nuclear family (father, mother and unmar-
ried children), living in the same tent, room or house. It is
not considered desirable for two couples to live together. Occu-
pants of a tent live in one un -partitioned apartment and have
little privacy. The rear, opposite the dour is the place re-
served for the master of the household and for the guest whom
he wishes especially to honor. Here also are the two low frames
which serve as beds for the master and his wife. Other mem-
bers of the family occupy the side of the tent, to the right as
one enters, and sleep here on skins or felt carpets which are
laid on the floor at night. On the same side of the tent, near
the door is heaped up the dried dung used as fuel, and further
back on shelves along the wall at the right are the household
utensils and jugs and bowls for storing food, water and ktimis.
Here also is a low table for family use. Sometimes the box
for dung fuel is kept outside- the tent and sometimes also the
kitchen equipment is stored on a wooden platform built just
outside the door.
The left side of the tent as one faces the rear is reserved
for guests. Near the door on this side are hung the lead-
reins and halters, the bridles and the hobbles. Further back
are a small low table for the use of guests, a few trunks and
the little altar with the picture of a divinity (engtirwas). The
fireplace with its iron support (tulga) for the pot is in the cen-
ter of the tent under the roof-opening.
In the agricultural regions of Inner Mongolia, the tradition-
al pattern of occupancy and interior arrangement has been modi-
fied in various ways., Here it is not uncommon for the tent to be
placed on a raised platform of packed earth, or pitched as it is
on the steppe and simply not moved. Both tents and Chinese
style earthen houses are often used in the same household estab-
lishment, which will then consist of a cluster of buildings, some
occupied by the family and others used as guest houses, servants'
quarters or outbuildings. Occasionally the tents will be occupied
by members of the family only during the summer months. In
this type of establishment different rooms or tents would be used
for specific purposes such as kitchen, storerooms, guest rooms,
family living quarters, etcetera, and the interior arrangement
would not, of course, be the same as that described for the tent.
Movements of families or households with their dwellings
within the encampment or from one encampment or village to
another are rather common even in the agricultural districts.
It is easy for dissatisfied members to move away from the par-
ental camp or village to another community, or to join with
others to form a new one. Fluctuations in the quality Of the
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pasture or superstitions about "lucky" or "unlucky" sites cause
some of these movements; and in the south the pressure of
Chinese colonization has forced a certain amount of Mongolian
migration northward. In these movements from or within the
sedentary villages even houses are dismantled to the extent
that timbers are removed to be used again at a new site.
These local shifts of households within a community or to
a new locale are not necessarily related to the seasonal move-
ments which are generally typical of a pastoral economy. The
latter may involve seasonal change of residence for the whole
community, or, as in the semi-agricultural areas, some fami-
lies or members of families may live in mobile herding camps
during the summer grazing season and return to live in the vill-
age during the winter.
In view of the easy mobility of the Mongolian family or
household, it is obvious that kinship groups are not in any sense
local groups. Members of a tOrel may be widely scattered, and
a village or community usually consists of families represent-
ing several different surnames. It is possible that when the
banner system was functioning, the restrictions it imposed on
movements of families may have enforced a general localization
of kinship groups.
D. Order
In general the authority structure of the typical Mongolian
family varies little from the pastoral to the agricultural regions.
The highest authority rests with the parents, who have approxi-
mately equal rights, but it is the father (or sometimes one of
the brothers) who is the responsible head. He enjoys a privi-
leged position in the household and conducts all commercial
transactions outside the family. Only when he has reached an
extremely old age does he relinquish the authority to the
youngest son or to the one who has remained with him. Dis-
cipline of the male children is usually in the hands of the father,
but when there are two or more sons, the elder brother may
assume some of these responsibilities.
The mother or senior woman of the house is in charge
of the details of the household, and her rights are well-defined
by custom. A proverb says "The husband is master of his wife
and can order her, but it is the wife who directs the household."
(Mostaert) She is responsible for milking the animals and con-
trols and apportions the food supply. She disciplines and super-
vises the training of her daughters until they are married when
the new wife goes to live with her husband's family and becomes
subject to the authority of her mother-in-law. Older sisters
may take over some of the mother's responsibilities in training
the younger girls. A second wife in a polygynous marriage
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owes respect and obedience to the first.'
When a married couple leaves the parental home, receives
a share of the common goods and sets up a new household, they
become independent of both parents and in-laws.
Formal and informal terms of address are used in conver-
sations between kinsmen depending'on differences in age and gen-
eration, i.e., persons of greater age or ascending generation
are addressed with formal terms, and those of lesser age or of
descending generation with informal or intimate terms. Person
of the same generation who are close in age normally use the
intimate terms reciprocally, but with the attainment of greater
age and higher status they tend to use the formal terms recip-
rocally. Husband and wife usually address each other in
familiar terms unless the husband is an official, when his
wife would address him formally, while he still addresses her
in familiar terms.
Kin terms are of two kinds: those used for primary rela-
tives and those used for courteous address. The latter are
used only for persons of greater age in the same generation
or for persons of higher generation, though they are not used
above the first ascending 'generation. Husband and wife never
use personal names but address each other by terms of refer-
ence or words of affection. The latter are not used in public.
Joking in public between man and wife is permissible, and a
wife can travel unescorted, though at the risk of being attacked.
Extra-marital relations for both husband and wife are not un-
common and are not censured by anyone as long as they are
carried on discreetly.
Children use respectful terms to address both fattier and
mother, never the parents' names, and sometimes use a more
specific term for father to dist,inguish him from grandfather
or fathers's elder brother whose kinship designations are the
same. Parents call children by their personal names or sim-
ply use "boy" or "girl."
Relations between children and parents and between siblings
vary with sex, age and social status. In general all children
are expected to be reserved and respectful to their parents, but
small children are allowed greater freedom. After the age of
fifteen, however, joking in the presence of parents is frowned
upon, and smoking in the presence of the parents is forbidden
before marriage.
A son's relationship with his father is respectful ad formal.
Discussion of personal matters can be initiated only by the father
and the son performs certain courtesies for him such as holding
his horse or lighting his pipe. With the mother the sort can be
less reserved, and he can even discuss personal matters with
her.
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Daughters are usually very close to their mothers and are
less reserved with both parents than are the sons.
Younger siblings address elder siblings with honorific
terms, and where there are several siblings of the same sex,
qualifying terms are used to distinguish between them. Elder
siblings usually address the younger siblings by their personal
names, or sometimes in an affectionate oi joking manner. A
younger sibling never addresses an elder sibling by name. The
close relationship which prevails between siblings in their early
years gives way to one of reserve when they reach puberty
and after marriage. The change is less pronounced in relations
between sisters, who are always on more intimate terms with
each other than are the boys. Mutual avoidance of the sexes
develops somewhat after the age of fifteen, and the children
tend to associate more with members of their own sex than with
those of the opposite sex.
The same pattern of the use of formal and intimate terms
of address extends to relations with all other recognized kin.
The same rules of relative age, generation or social standing
determine the form of address, and only the terms themselves
are different.
E. Family Solidarity
Despite the use of terms which reflect a feeling of relation-
ship between members of a family or larger kin group, the ties
which connect kinsmen even in the family proper are rather
loose. In the past kin ties were probably far more important
than they are today. Two factors have contributed, however,
to the breaking down of the larger kin groups and the weakening
of the family structure. In the first place the Manchu govern-
ment fixed territorial limits to the wanderings of the nomadic
peoples and imposed a civil administration which weakened kin
authority. Then, perhaps as a result of the limitation of their
opportunities for expansion, more Mongolian sons entered the
Buddhist church as lamas. These lamas were subject to the
authority of the church, not of the kin group, and in many cases
the families from which they had come also had some intimate
connection with the church.
The closcstties are, of course, those between members of
the nuclear family. Relations between husband and wife are
good, though as has been pointed out, extra-marital sexual re-
lations arc not uncommon. The relationship between parents
and child is usually an affectionate one. Mongols are loving
parents, and their influence upon the children is great. They
seldom punish the children severely or use harsh words in their
presence, and the children in turn are usually unspoiled and
obedient. (Poppe) The relationship between siblings is also
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close and affectionate, although the sisters tend to be more in-
timate with each other than are the brothers. However, a wife
will turn to her brothers for help in time of need, and if widowed
she can return permanently to her own home. Beypnd the imme-
diate family the closest ties are tho?e between grandparents and
grandchildren, between cousins, and between in-laws.
Even the family bonds are being continually stretched and
broken, however. Daughters normally marry into another kin-
ship group and move away from the family household; married
sons and their families, who may at first live with or close to
the parents, usually move away after a time to live by them-
selves, perhaps in another cominunity. Other sons may leave
to become lamas. Under the Communist regime the disintegra-
tion of the family is proceeding even more rapidly. Education
of the children is now almost entirely in the hands of the state,
and the parents in many places attend special evening classes
where they are taught advanced methods of herding, sanitation
and child care, but are also greatly indoctrinated with Commun-
ist ideas.
F. Continuity
1. Marriage
Marriage among the Mongols was formerly a family matter
arranged by the parents or household, and the negotiations and
ceremonies were supervised or conducted by the clans or kin-
ship groups of both parties. Informal child engagements were
common, and sometimes even unborn children were engaged.
Preferably, a girl's husband should come from either an offi-
cial or a wealthy family, or lacking these qualifications, he
should be a good worker, skillful in the crafts and routine chores
of the herdsman. Industry and proficiency in household tasks
were the qualities most desired in a prospective wife. Wealth
of the bride's family was of minor importance, since the bride-
groomts family provided the newlyweds with most of the materi-
al items necessary to set up a new household. Marriage was
early, usually at from fifteen to seventeen years of age, but it
was even better to get the approval of a living Buddha.
When a father wished to give a wife to his son, he would
never address himself directly to the girl's parents, but would
first find one or two intermediaries, who would then obtain
the consent of the girl's father and arrange all financial matters.
The ceremony itself lasted for several days and was accompan-
ied by much feasting and general festivity. The actual *wedding
was performed by a special speaker, a layman; lamas were
excluded from the ceremony.
The old pattern of marriage by arrangement of the families
has generally broken down in recent years5 at least insofar as
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the selection of the spouse is concerned. Young people normally
choose their own mates and then perhaps ask for the consent of
parents or senior relatives. Consequently marriage is not
usually undertaken at such an early age as formerly, and hus-
bands are now generally older tFan wives.
Marriage with the lineage (torel) is commonly avoided, but
closeness of relationship and association are actually the deter-
mining factors, rather than mere membership in the lineage.
For example, a son would not marry his mother's brother's
daughter, even though she belonged to a different lineage, if
she lived close enough to his own family so that there was con-
tinual social contact between them. Nor would he marry a first
or even a second cousin of his father's (and his own) lineage,
even though they lived far apart. Beyond this degree of rela-
tionship, however, there are practically no restrictions on
choice of a mate, though it is felt that marriage should be as
far away as possible from the standpoint of locality as well as
kinship.
The Borjigit, or noble descendants of Chingis, are an im-
portant exception to this general relaxation of kinship rules. As
has been mentioned, they still preserve their clan name and
membership and observe the rules of exogamy. A Borjigit
man must marry a non-Borjigit, and a Borjigit woman must
marry a commoner. During the Manchu dynasty Borjigit
males could and did marry Manchu princesses without viola-
ting this rule. Daughters of the nobility could marry common-
ers without weakening the prestige of the Borjigit, for women
could not inherit family property or carry the family name.
Sons born to a Borjigit woman and a Mongol commoner, how-
ever, could be brought up in the wife's father's family and given
his name.
2. Polygamy
Most Mongolian marriages are monogamous. Polygyny
occurs and is, in fact, theoretically desirable, but few families
are wealthy enough to be able to afford it. Polygyny is usually
resorted to only when the first wife is sterile or perhaps when
she has not produced a son. A second wife always owes obedi-
ance to the first, and the children of the second wife have the
same rights as those of the first.
3. Other forms of marriage
Forms of marriage other than the normal one arc some-
times practiced to provide for unusual or abnormal conditions
in the family. If the parents have no sons or have a daughter
whom they wish to keep at home, they may give her to a son-
in-law who will live with them and work for them. Such a son-
in- law (kuchin kurgen) usually comes from a family too poor
to obtain a wife for the son by any other means. In some cases
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the kchin kunrgen may not be expected to reside permanently
with his wife's family, but. may leave after the marriage, taking
his compensation, and be free to marry again. Sons born of
this marriage would belong to the lineage of the wife's father
and would inherit his property. E-tu Zen Sun mentions "live-
in son-in-law who takes care of parents' old age. Children
belong to wife's (paternal) family (p. 191
Another type of relationship in which the son-in-law is taken
into the family is the urc kurgcn (son-in-law son); in this case
the adopted son-in-law remains near his adoptive parents until
their deaths and takes care of their funer.tls. Such sons-in-law
are usually Chinese. (vlostaert). The inheritance pattern fol-
lowed in this arrangement is not clear.
Sometimes when the parents wish to keep a daughter at
home or are unable to find her a husband due to physical or men-
tal defects, they have recourse to a fictitious marriage in which
the daughter is married to some part of the household equip-
ment, the door frame, or a shelf. Children born to a woman
married in this way are free of any social stigma and will in-
herit from the paternal grandfather in the usual manner.
4. Divorce
Separation and divorce of married couples are not uncommon.
Separation may occur when man and wife are temperamentally
incompatible or as the result of parental disapproval of the
daughter-in-law. Such separations frequently end in divorce.
A husband can repudiate a wife without haviug recourse to ci-
vil authorities, but divorce is not easy. If possible it is re-
ferred to the middlemen who arranged the marriage, and these
in turn take the matter up with the families. Only if the families
are unable to settle it is it taken before the banner officials.
When a woman is repudiated she returns to her family and
her husband gives her a jolik bodo (head of cattle as ransom).
if it is the woman who repudiates or deserts her husband, the
family of the wife must remit a jolik bodo to the husband. In
some cases the husband's family may also demand the return of
the cattle given by them to the bride's father (lsono).
After a divorce the sons usually stay with the father and
the daughters with the mother, in case of adultery, however, the
guilty party, husband or wife, has no claim on the sons. (Vree-
land, P. 167).
A woman who has been divorced or widowed can be given
in marriage a second time by her parents. If she has adult
sons, however, she rarely marries again, A widow is usually
given in marriage by the family of her late husband. When a
younger brother dies, his oldest brother may marry the widow
and adopt the children, but a younger brother would not ma r ry
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k,
the widow of an elder brother.
The new Marriage Law which is now being implemented in
Communist China may soon be applied to the national minori-
ties. Since the conditions which the law aims to change do not,
for the most part, exist in the Mongolian marriage system, it
seems doubtful that the new regulations will seriously affect
the Mongolian institution.
5. Maintaining the family line
As may be seen from the inheritance pattern in the various
arrangements for marriage and divorce, continuation of the
family line, even though it may be reckoned for only a few gen-
erations, is one of the primary objectives of the system. Sons
inherit their father's lineage and property, and pass both on
to their sons. After a divorce the sons follow the father, while
the daughters, who always marry into another lineage anyhow,
follow the mother. If a younger brother dies, the eldest son
may marry the widow of the younger brother, thus insuring
the children's membership in the paternal family line. Even
children born of a hired son-in-law (ktichin lcurgen) are con-
sidered to be members of the girl's father's family and are en-
titled to inherit his property.
6. Forming new households
Marriage usually leads to the formation of a new household
which may or may not be in the parental community. It is
preferable for the married couple to have its own tent, or its
own room in a house. Two couples never would live perman-
ently in the same room or tent. Economic conditions, the
need for pasture and living room, often compel the newlyweds
to find a new location for their home. The primary reason for
the break-up of families, however, is quarreling. Frequently
ill-feeling arises between brothers or wives of brothers, or
for one reason or another good understanding with the parents
becomes impossible, and the sons move away to live by them-
selves or with friends in another community. Consequently a
community or settlement commonly includes families of sever-
al different lineages.
7. Ancestors and ancestry
The Mongols have little interest in their genealogy and
rarely know the names of ancestors beyond the grandparents.
Nevertheless ancestry, real or presumed, plays an important
role in determination of kinship, though the common ancestor
may not be identified. "All persons who. did believe themselves
to be descended patrilineally from a common ancestor, 'however
remote, and irrespective of whether or not the relationship
between them could be traced, considered themselves as be-
longing to a common des cent group known as a tcYrel." (Vree-
land, p. 152). The Wrel (discussed above under Kin Group-
Cp.
?
?
?
I.
?
?
ings) is the patrilineal kinship organization which is the basis
of the whole Mongolian kinship system. Everyone belongs ba
torel, membership in which is symbolized by a common sur-
name. Possession of a common surname alone does not, how-
ever, necessarily indicate membership in the same tOrel.
Mutual belief in a common ancestry is esisential. To this ex-
tent, then antecedents are important to the Mongols, even
though individuals may have no particular interest in the iden-
tity of their ancestors.
G. The Family as a Social Unit
Mongolian society, like any other human social. group, :in-
poses certain patterns which limit or prescribe the manner in
which its necessary functions are performed. Although the Mon-
golian family may have less influence upon the individual than
is the case in some other societies, it is nevertheless the unit
which moulds him to fit the. patterns and trains him to perform
these basic functions. Sex, reproduction, the economic acti-
vities necessary to maintain the society, and enculturation or
integration of the individual into the social structure are such
functions; and in Mongolian society it is the family which regu-
lates them.
I. Sex
Extra-marital relations arc not officially sanctioned
Mongolian society, but under certain conditions they are at.
least condoned and sometimes approved. Conjugal faithful-
ness is not highly regarded, and it is not LIMA sual for a wife to
have a lover with the knowledge of her husband, who may be
quite unconcerned about the matter. A young married woman,
who has no children, may however, desert, her husband for a
lover, A proverb says, "It is easier to keep a tiger than to
keep a young woman." (Mostaert). In some parts of the country
it is customary for a husband to offer his wife to a guest who
is staying overnight. Although it se ems unlikely that, un-
faithfulness never evokes feelings of jealo u.sy in either spouse
nevertheless observers agree that extra-marital relations a:c
relatively common, and unfaithfulness is not, usually considered
grounds for divorce.
2. Reproduction
Mongolian families are normally small -- two or three chil-
dren -- but this fact does not imply a lack of desire for children.
Pastoral nomadism, under the best conditions, does not. favor
large families, and the restrictions on movement of families
which were imposed by the banner system limited still more the
opportunities for expansion and encouraged parents to send their
sons to lamaseries. Due to poor health and sanitation and the
high incidence of venereal diseases, especially syphilis, the ?
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infant mortality rate has been very high, and this factor has
also helped to lirn it the size of the family. Nevertheless the
Mongols greatly desire children and are very fond of them.
Barrenness (which is assumed to be the fault of the wife) is con-
sidered grounds for divorce, and inability of the wife to produce
children, or sons, is the usual reason for taking a second wife.
Theoretically sons are more desirable than daughters,
since males maintain the family line and inherit the wealth.
Moreover the fact that. a husband some times resorts to poly-
gyny when his first wife cannot give him a son, would seem to
indicate that such a preference exists. Actually, however, girls
arc desirable as economic assets, since the. marriage of a
daughter brings wealth to her parents. No social stigma is
attached to children born outside of marriage nor to their par-
ents. Nor is there any indication that having or not having
children in any way affects the social status of a family.
3. Production and maintenance
The family is the basic productive unit in the Mongolian
economy. This is true even though several families may live
together in a community and pasture their herds in common or
engage in other kinds of voluntary cooperation with each other.
The economy of %lie regions more remote from Chinese influ-
ence is based almost exclusively on herding and is oriented
primarily toward home consumption, though there is some
trade between Mongols in meat, hides and other animal prod-
ucts. Cash and crop-rents from Chinese farmers who culti-
vate Mongolian lands may constitute an additional source of
outside income in regions suitable for agriculture. Hunting is
of minor importance in the economy and is considered as a
sport of the wealthy or a livelihood for the very poor. Vege-
tables are grown by some families where conditions arc suit-
able; vegetable gardening and agriculture in general are of
greater importance in the Chinese border regions or in any
areas where pasturage has become restricted as the result
of Chinese colonization.
Where conditions require the seasonal movement of flocks
to distant pastures (otor) each family usually has its customary
sites which are recognized by others. Each family also has a
customary place to cut hay, right to which is based on continu-
ous use. Livestock, except for the larger herds, are usually
pastured in common during the daytime and sometimes sheep
and goats are put into a common enclosure at night. All ani-
mals are branded, however, and recognized as the private
property of one or another family.
The basic industry of a Mongolian household centers chiefly
around subsistence activities, i.e., the preparation of animal
products for consumption and/or preservation, or f or
fit
e?
1 a
?
?
?
?
further manufacture. Normally these tasks are performed
routinely by the family, but some jobs may be carried on coop-
eratively when they assume something of the character of a
social event, as in felt-making. Few Mongolian families make
felt now in the southern part of the region. The sheep are
shorn by Chinese shearers who either carry the wool away to
town where they manufacture felt to sell back to the Mongols,
or make the felt for the family in the Mongol's own home.
Here in these southern regions the construction and repair of
sod houses has generally replaced felt-making. ?
4. Distribution and inheritance of property
Notwithstanding their cooperative activities and their corn-
mon use of pasture lands, the Mongols have a strict sense of
personal ownership of property. Personal ownersbip in this
instance, however, usually means family, and not individual
ownership. Livestock is the most important form of wealth
and is more desirable than money. Everyone has a little cash,
but that which accumulates above current needs is usually
converted to livestock. The head of the family holds this wealth,
livestock, buildings and tents, tools and utensils, supplies of
food, etcetera, in trust and administers it for the benefit of
his household and his heirs. Patrilincal inheritance, more-
over, further modifies the extent of personal ownership. A
woman cannot inherit the family property, though she is en-
titled to own goods her parents have given her during their
lifetime.
In the pastoral regions of Inner Mongol:a there is little
or no concept of land ownership. Family or communal rights
to the use of land for certain purposes are well established
and generally recognized, but neither the family nor the com-
munity has the right to sell or rent the land. This old system
of land use has broken down to some extent, however, in the
vicinity of Chinese and Mongolian agricultural settlements.
Here continuous use of the same restricted piece of land year
after year and at all seasons of the year by the same family has
tended to develop a sense of private ownership of the land. Mon-
gols even buy and sell land here, although it is said that what
seems to be sale of land is actually conceived to be a long term
rental. (Namio).
5. Division of labor
In the performance of the many arduous and sometimes
strenuous tasks which are required to maintain a Mongolian
household, the sexes contribute ,approximately equal shares of
labor. It is often asserted that women work harder than men,
and this is probably true of many families, but in general the
men do more of the work which requires greater strength,
while the women are probably more continuously employed.
??
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By western European standards, at any rate, the MongOlian
woman leads a very hard life. In addition to performing what ?
might be considered routine household chores, i.e., caring
for the children, preparing the meals, setting up and cleaning
the tent, etcetera, she also draws the water, collects the fuel,
herds cattle and sheep, and milks all the animals and makes the
milk products. Washes and dresses the meat, does the sewing
and embroidery, makes rope and thread, and performs mid-
wifery.
Men generally care for and train the horses, do the slaugh-
tering and set bones for animals and humans. Old or infirm
men may also herd sheep, and in areas where such services
are required, men cut the hay, assist in house construction and
repair and do some carpenter work. In former days Mongol
craftsmen made jewelry and ornaments of silver and fashioned
tools, utensils and implements of iron, but these items are all
made by the Chinese now. The frame work for a yurt or a whole
yurt, complete with felt, may also be bought in the Chinese
markets.
Boys sometimes herd sheep and, when they are old enough,
assist. the father in his work. Girls are trained by the mother
to share her labors, and after marriage they acquire additional
skill under the guidance of the mother-in-law.
The sexual division of labor is more rigid and formalized
than in Outer Mongolia where some tasks are performed
readily by either sex. Most men in Inner Mongolia, for ex-
ample, would consider it almost indecent to sew, milk or
PC rform midwifery.
6. Occupations outside the family
Some jobs, particularly those which might be termed arts
or crafts, and professions, are performed by specialists who
work for the whole community. This is often true of tanners,
and leatherworkers, silversmiths, ironsmiths, woodcarvers,
bozie-setters, veterinarians, midwives, and to a certain extent,
butchers. These specialists are members of the community
who derive the major share of their income from their own
herds. Another occupation which falls into this category is that
of the scribe. Formerly there were no public schools in Inner
Mongolia and few literate Mongols. Those who knew how to read
and write sometimes taught the sons of wealthy families, and
at. other times lived in the yamen where they did the clerical
work. With the exception of midwives these specialists are al-
ways men.
In addition to these occupations which are generally per-
formed outside the framework of the family, there are several
classes of ?roluntary (and one of involuntary) service which indi-
viduals or sometimes families may undertake for other fami-
V1(0
4
?
?
a
?
lies. Only one; the bool or bondsman is hereditary, and per-
sons in this status, though free of civil obligation, are entirely
dependent on the will of their masters. The others are gocag,
always men, who serve authree-month tour of duty to discharge
civil obligations; jarci hun, either man or woman domestic ser-
vant; saalnai ail or milking family?who serve a wealthy family
primarily to herd and milk the animals; and hOlisnei hun or
true hired man, who is taken on for a specific job. One other
extra-familial profession or occupation should be mentioned.
That is the priest or lama. Formerly most families, depend-
ing somewhat upon their economic condition, sent one or more
of their sons to a lamasery to serve the church.
Exchange of goods and services
Families who do not have servants or hired men exchange
services with each other when additional help is necessary or
for purely social reasons, as in felt-making. Families in a
community help each other at weddings and funerals, lend each
Other animals or exchange food. As has been mentioned, fami-
lies frequently herd their livestock in common. All such volun-
tary cooperation is carried on primarily on the basis of friend-
ship and without regard to kinship Lies.
The Mongolian family produces, processes or collects
many of the necessities of life within the framework of its own
economy, but it is far from independent of outside sources.
Mention has already been made of the barter and sale of animal
products between Mongolian families, and of the production
of goods and performance of certain services by specialists in
the community. Beyond these supplementary, purely local
sources the family is dependent in varying degrees upon the
goods and services of Chinese merchants and artisans. The
Mongols buy grain and flour, tea, tobacco, metal tools and
utensils, earthenware dishes, cloth and sewing equipment. The
leather boots which are worn by men and women in the winter
are made by the Chinese, as are some other articles of appar-
el and personal adornment. Those who live in proximity to
Chinese settlements, especially in the southern part of Inner
Mongolia, may eat pork , eggs, potatoes and vegetables which
they obtain from the Chinese.
This trade between Mongols and Chinese was carried on in
the past by two groups of Chinese tradesmen: the buyers, who
purchased the Mongolst animals and animal products for which
they paid in gold or paper currency; and the merchants, who
set up permanent shops in the agricultural sections or tempo-
rary tents in the pastoral areas to which the Mongols came to
buy their needs. There were also the fairs, both the tempo-
rary ones at festivals and the permanent ones at monasteries,
where the Mongols bought goods from the Chinese; and in or
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? near the sedentary agricultural regions Mongol herdsmen and
? farmers patronized the village markets. Most of this commerce
has probably been taken over by the State Trading companies
which have been established in both pastoral and agricultural
areas by the Communist Government.
8. Socialization of the individual
The Mongolian family formerly provided the major share of
the individual's training from infancy through young adulthood
and sometimes even after marriage. The child's frequent con-
tacts outside the immediate family were limited to those with
close relatives or friends in his own small community. Gen-
eral education, with few exceptions, was all supplied by the
parents, grandparents, or older brothers or sisters, or in the
case of a married girl, by the mother-in-law. Only rarely
were there small, community-supported schools. The only
other teachers were the lamas and the scribes, who fitted their
pupils for specific professions. Family training, then was an
important part of the individual's social training. There were
other factors, however, which also made significant contribu-
tions to the socializing process, such as fairs, religious gath-
erings, meetings at wells or water holes, and community work
projects. (See section on Social Structure, IMAR Handbook).
During the Republican period and under the Japanese dom-
inated autonomous government schools for Mongols were opened
in many parts of the region, and many of today's Mongol intel-
lectuals received their first formal education in those schools.
S ince the establishment of the IMAR under the Chinese Com-
munist government, schools have taken over much of the train-
ing of children, and it is probable that the influence of the
family on the individual, and on the society, has diminished
proportionately. In addition to the primary schools which, it
is asserted, are attended by eighty percent of the working peo-
ple's children, there are secondary schools, adult schools and
institutions of higher learning. Thus the child's whole forma-
tive period, which was spent traditionally in a family environ-
ment, is now dedicated to education and indoctrination in gov-
ernment institutions.
It is not only in the field of education, nor is it solely in
the early years of life that state influence has replaced family
training. Industry, reclamation projects, transportation and
government work all offer alternatives to the old way of life.
State trading companies, cooperatives, mutual aid organiza-
tions, and other economic innovations attempt to revolutionize
the economies of both farmers and herdsmen and consequently
tend to supplant the family as a production unit.
9. Family religious services
Of the many religious ceremonies which are observed in
c
a
?
? . ?
a Mongolian community, some are public in nature, attended
by representatives of all families, while others are held pri-
vately by individual families or kin groups. Since we arc not
concerned with the society as a whole in this section, the pub-
lic services will hot be discussed here.
In addition to the religious cairns or oboo which are associ-
ated with the banner, there are other such shrines which belong
to kin groups or tOrel. Members of the tore' held religious
services at their oboo immediately after the banner oboo ser-
vices on the first of the New Year and in the fifth month. These
ceremonies are conducted by the man with the highest political
status, and there is no compulsion to attend.
Once Or twice a month each family holds a private service
or jisaa which is conducted in the home by a lama. This ser-
vice is comparable to regular family church attendance in a
Christian community. Certain days are selected for the cere-
mony, and a particular lama usually conducts all the services.
The same lama also serves the family as "pastor" on occasion
of birth, illness or death. The family also holds two other im-
portant religious ceremonies each year at. which lamas and in-
vited friends from the community attend. The first, known as
dallag, is a service of thanksgiving, held in the seventh or
eighth month when food is plentiful. The second, galun
dahalag, is a fire-worship ceremony at which sacrifices of
parts of a sheep and of wine are offered to the family fire.
This service is held just before the New Year.
Another religious observance, while a family affair, is
held only by wealthy families who permit the poorer families to
participate by making contributions of goods and services. This
ceremony, known as doincet, is held in the eighth month and is
performed by lamas either in the family temple or in a larger in-
stitution.
II. The Chinese Family in Inner Mongolia
The Chinese in Inner Mongolia may be divided into two gen-
eral classes for the purpose of our analysis of family structure:
1) The frontier Chinese. This group includes merchants, tra-
ders, artisans, tenant farmers, fugitive criminals, itinerant
laborers and other destitute and desperate people who turned to
Inner Mongolia either as a refuge or as a land of opportunity. 2)
The settled colonials. These arc wealthier, more stable fami-
lies than the first group. They have either settled on better
lands than the other group, have lived in Inner Mongolia for a
longer time, or came originally from an economically superior
class who migrated with the intention of establishing a perman-
ent home in the new land.
Those in the first group, except for the tenant farmers,
119
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A.
who have families; almost always leave them back in China pro-
per where they live the normal Chinese family life of their home
region. Occasionally some of these men, especially the mer-
chants and traders, will take Mongolian wives. The type of
family structure resulting from such marriages depends upon
the choice of husband and wife. The traders often spend their
whole lives in the steppe country and live a life as mobile as a
nomadic herder. If these men marry Mongolian women, it is
easy and convenient for them to make a complete transition to
the Mongolian way of life. If they are likedby the Mongols they
may even be adopted into a banner. Under such circumstances
the family would probably be similar to any Mongolian family
of the same social and economic status. It is not unusual for
a trader or a renegade Chinese to marry a Mongolian woman of
bad reputation, a social outcast. Such couples are usually
ostracized from both societies and preserve little of the kinship
structure of either in their family organization.
The itinerant laborers are normally temporary residents
in Inner Mongolia. Usually they leave their families behind in
China, and the prolonged absence of the husband doubtless has
a disturbing effect, on family life at home.
The tenant. farmers arc usually permanent residents, men
from overpopulated areas of famine stricken regions, who come
to Inner Mongolia with scanty resources in hopes of bettering
their condition. These men often bring their families with them
or send for them when they have sufficient means. In the far
west, especially in the Ordos region, where there are tens of
thousands of such settlers, they live very like the poor
peasants in China. Family organization, authority structure
and rules of inheritance are identical. If conditions permit,
the colonists even build compounds and live as joint families.
Due to the extreme poverty of most of these people; however,
most. dwellings are single family houses inhabited by a nu-
clear family.
In the irrigated lands of the border country the tenant far-
mers are wholly dependent for their livelihood upon wealthy
landowners who have the means to build and maintain irriga-
tion projects. Tenants on such projects feel no deep, emotion-
al attachment to the land or to the farming business as do farm-
ers who live in the long-settled portions of China. Ancestry
has not the slightest significance in relation to the land.
Chinese tenants on banner lands in southern Chahar live
in villages together with Mongol farmers. Here the Chinese
family is often of the extended type, also found in China proper,
and the members of the family live in a compound which con-
sists of several dwelling units with some facilities used in com-
mon. Here also the attachment to ancestral lands is lacking.
to
'?*
4
?
l?
3
?
. . ?
*Southern and eastern Inner Mongolia and western Manchuria .
are occupied by Chinese whose families have lived on the land
for many generations. Here the family organization has ac-
quired the same stability and depth as its counterpart in China,
but the structure of authority and responsibility and pattern of
inheritance differ strikingly from those in China proper. In
the Manchurian family the authority of thd elder males was of-
ten subordinate to that of a capable son or grandson, and the
inheritance of authority did not pass from father to son, but
was determined by agreement among the adult. members of the
family. The establishment was run somewhat. like a coopera-
tive project in which all competent members had a voice.
Another interesting feature of family organization in this
region is the supremacy of maternal over paternal authority
in some areas of decision and responsibility and the equality
of the two lines in others. For example, in marriage, it is
the paternal aunt and maternal uncle, not. the parents, who must
giVe their consent. Fatherless or orphaned children arc taken
into the family of the maternal uncle, and thus are reared by
the mother's, instead of the father's family as in China. Both
mother's and father's family, however, have an equal voice
in making important decisions in regard to farnily property or
inheritance.
Patterns of occupancy in this northern region are the same
as those in China proper with mmor exceptions. Several gen-
erations of the same family live together in a large house or
group of houses and participate jointly in operation of the
family economy.
II
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? Additional Readings
!Bono. Fujiko, "Position of Women in Inner Mongolia,." Dittoed,
Inner Asia Project Colloquium Papers, Oct. 10, 1952.
"Travels in Inner Mongolia, " Typescript, 25pp. ?
Namio, Egami, "Life on the Inner Mongolian Plateau," in
Moko Kogan Odanki, Tokyo. Translated 8y William Naff for
HRAF Handbook Project, MS.
? Kracier, Lawrence, "Mongol Family and Lineage," Dittoed
paper. nd.
E-tu, Zen-sun, "Result of Culture Contact in Two Mongol-
Chinese Communities, " Southwestern Journal of Anthropology,
Vo. 8,2, Summer, 1952, pp. 182 -- 211.
Vreeland, H. H.. "Mongol Community and Kinship Structure."
HRAF Monographs, New Haven, 1954.
??
? SOCIAL VALUES AND PATTERNS OF LIVING..
. ?
I.. ? Introduction
'It. Social values, ethical ideas, taboos, customs, and standards
of etiquette
?
?
i?
? A. Social value
B. Ethical ideas
?-?
Taboos
D. Customs
E. Standards of etiquette
III. Patterns of Living
A. Dwellings
B. Clothing and customs
C. Food and Dietary habits
D. Attitudes toward work and leisure
?
E. Attitudes toward death and methods of disposal
F. Sports and recreation
G. Festivals and festive customs
H. Popular beliefs, superstitions, mysticism, and sentimentalism
IV. The Chinese in Inner Mongolia
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f
1
I. Introduction ?
The Mongols of the IMAR are divided into various tribes
each having its own customs, clothing, and women's headdress.
A significant distinction in patterns of living is found between
the nomaidc Mongols and the sedentary group. The former
retain their own culture and occupy themselves with cattle
raising, moving tents and animals seasonally within their own
territories. The latter occupy themselves with farming, as
well as with cattle, sheep, and goat raising. There are some
Mongols who have completely converted from a nomadic life to
farming and have adopted to a large degree the characteristic
way of life of the Chinese. This means that they live in villages
resembling those of the Chinese farming areas. The nomads ar
arc scattered in the northwest, and southwest in the Ordos
plateau, and in parts of the northeast region. The sedentary
Mongols live near the southeastern parts of the IMAR and in
the Chinese coloni7.ed areas.
The Han Chinese, who make up five-sixths of the population
in the IMAR, are divided into two occupational groups: the
farmers, who had crossed over the Great W'll from North
China, and the businessmen, who travel throughout the region
and carry on trade between the Mongols and the Chinese in
China Proper. As the Han Chinese farmers are more or less
settled, they live in mud huts and, except for acquiring Mongo-
lian food habits such as eating sheep milk and cheese, they
cling closely to their own cultural traditions. The Han Chinese
businessmen are largely from Shansi; they live in cities such
as Tolun (Dolon-nor), Changpei, Ku-yuan, and Pao t'ou.
The Chinese Moslems settled in the southwestern region;
some are traders and others are camel drivers who follow the
caravans of the region. Economically the Han Chinese and the
Chinese t.loharnmedans appear to be interdependent on each
other's trade and business, however they differ greatly in
social customs and family traditions.
Little is known about the Mohammedan Mongols. In the
Orclos area there was a small community of Mohammedan
Mongols who had settled in the upper part of the Yellow River.
They worked as drivers of ox carts or as boatmen. Although
the Mongols are faithful followers of Lamaism, a few of them
were converted to the Moslem faith: A well-preserved Moham-
medan mosque was found among the ruins of Etsin Gol, the
once flourishing Tangut town within the territory of the Ordos
Mongols.
?
? ?
?
?
?
IL Social Values, Ethical Ideas, Taboos, Customs, and
Standards of Etiquette
A. Social Values
Sorpe of the traditions deemed valuable by the Mongols are
somewhat similar to those of the Chinese. Respect attributed
to elderly persons from the younger generation was the rule in
traditional China and was also true with' the Mongols. Respect
for the clergy was also imperative, for the clergy class was
regarded as men of God and the educated moks also served
as teachers. In China the student was obliged to pay due
respect to his teacher and this was also required of the young
Mongols. A young man who was disrespectful to elderly per-
sons or the clergy was looked upon with disfavor.
Authority was highly respected in Inner Mongolia. Children
learned to oby their parents and were trained to obey and re-
spect their teachers. The emphasis on obedience to authority
Was especially pronounced when the authority was in a position
to either reward or punish the child. In this connection it
should be pointed out that in tiis country legal punishment was
always looked upon as justified. For instance, even when a
man murdered or killed for a good cause, he would take punish-
ment without protest.
Trustworthiness, honesty, and courage: Early missionaries
and travelers have described the Mongols as a people who were
trustworthy and honest besides being brave. Mongols would
risk their life to accomplsih a task for a good purpose. They
would also keep their word: a man of honor is highly praised
in the Mongolian society. Although the people are rather
conservative and cling to their own way of doing things, they
value sincere frindship and would reciprocate with confidence.
A breech of confidence would bring shame and condemnation.
The Law of the Setppe: Many of the old traditions and
moral codes are still being practiced and maintained. The
law of the steppe has not been altered significantly since
Chingis Khan's time and is still strictly observed by all people.
A person who offends against the written and unwritten laws
of the desert is considered as a faithless wretch embodying
all humanity's worst qualities. Punishment regarding the
stealing of animals is particularly severe. Protection of
women's rights and the welfare of children has also been writ-
ten into law. A few examples are listed below to show the value
and function of the desert justice.
Theft is considered a great shame and persons, especially
young persons, who steal are severely punished. to impress
upon them their misdeed and that it does not pay to steal. One
type of punishment is hard labor. Another is confinement in
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a cage-like structure in 'which the prisoner is forced to wear
a large wooden collar. He is not deprived of proper food and
rest, though. Once a man has been condemned as a thief, it
takes him a tong time to recover his good name.
The stealing of a horse o r a camel is a great offense.
According to Chingis Khan's Yassa, "The man who is taken with
with a stolen horse or camel shall return the stolen animal to
its rightful owner and also pay a fine to him of nine animals
of the same kind as that stolen. If he cannot pay this fine,
he shall give his children in place of the animals, and, if he
have no children, the criminal shall be slaughtered like a
sheep, that is to say his legs shall be bound together and then
his belly ripped opend and his heart squeezed by the
slaughterer's hand till the criminal die."
Contempt for the camel thief is so great that any stolen
provisions, precious though they are in the desert, would
not be touched by anyone. Articles which had come in contact
with the thief were smashed or torn to pieces and scattered
in the sand, for stolen goods were considered defiled.
2.. Concerning hospitality: The Mongols are noted for
their hospitality. The lack of lodging facilities for travelers
in the wilderness may be the reason why the people open their
tents to welcome those who wish to stop for a night's _rest.
Moreover, it is their age-old tradition, for many of Chingis
Khan's maxims still hold good upon the steppes today. In the
old book of law it says, "When a traveler passes people who
are eating he shall have the right to unsaddle and eat with them
without asking leave, and none shall hinder him." The Yassa
enjoined the people to show respect to the old and to the beggar.
Rich or Inbar, the host would share his tent and food upon re-
quest, and travelers were welcomed by all households. Any
Mongol who refused admittance or gave a cold welcome was
immediately known as "not a man but a dog." A host who did
not offer tea without money would soon earn the same reputa-
tion.
3. Many writers have made reference to the inferior
position of women and children in Inner and Outer Mongolia,
yet this is not completely. true. Mongolian children and women
have long been under the legal protection first formulated in.
the Tsachin Bickik, the Oirat Mongol code of 1640. This stipu-
lated that. "Children born out of wedlock .shall be regarded as
true children and receive their share of the inheritance with
their father's other children." With regard to women, the
code stated that. it was a criminal offense to "tear the hair
from a woman's head or the tassel from her cap."
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"When the mistress of the tent takes up the place
proper to her alone, to the right of the entrance, between
the hearth and her Lord's place, no one may touch her, but.
she may unhindered revile the stranger, yes even throw
wood and other objects at him. But if the woman's wrath
should drive her from her place in the tent or she should
step outside her tent, she loses her privileged position
aid may be punished for her outrages." (Tsachin Bickik
of 1640)
The stipulation of the old Mongolian Laws and the other
virtues discussed are still kept and practiced by people in
Mongolia to a great extent. The people value justice for which
the other virutes such as obedience, trustworthiness, and
honesty had sprung. Both the Manchu rulers and the Chinese
National Government tried to promulgate new laws based upon
the nomad's law in order to integrate and ha rmoniy.e the judicial
systems of the Mongols and the Han Chinese, but the principles
of justice introduced by the Chinese never struck deep roots
among the Mongols. Up to date, they continue to judge the
worth of their fellows according to the traditional moral concep-
tion of their forefathers. It is not known in what way the Mongols
have preserved these values under the rule of the Communists.
B. Ethical Ideas
Justice and reason serve as the foundations for which the
whole ethical ideas are based and developed. Abiding by reason
is strictly observed by the well-to-do Mongols. In Mongolia
it is right to agree, providing the atreernent carry reason,
justice, and humility. When a man injures the feelings of
another, he can make amends by offering his snuff bottle
to the offended person as a token of apology.
It is generally believed that. Mongolian women have a low
moral standard, but this is not universally true. The old law,
Yassa, which punished adultery within the tribe, is still ob-
served by the people. The Oirat Mongol. Code of 1640, the
Tsachin Bickik, introduced a more humane spirit among the
nomads whose severe code had earlier received its imprints
from the stern Yassa of Chingis Khan. The former protected
a woman only if she were a mother. Because of the high
infant mortality rate caused by low standards of health and
sanitation, the paucity of children in the tents in not an uncom-
mon phenomena. For this reason, if and when a childless
mother accepted a traveler's advances in her tent, she was
not punished by the law. Some sources even state that, "the
childless married woman may not deny a traveler a place in
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bed by her side." Ho wever, a man was punished by law if
he had illegal sexual relations with an unmarried girl.
C. Taboos.
Many taboos were practied among the nomads. The viola-
tion of taboos, it was believed, would bring great disaster and
harm to persons or propery. The people were strongly fatalis-
tic and believed in special gods in a heaven from which they
ruled over man's destiny. For this reason, they largely relied
upon the power of priests to solve problems and doubts.
The nomads believed in lucky days and in lucky articles.
Lamas were consulted for lucky days on which to start a
journey or for which to plan a wedding. Mongols in the far
west carried nine (the number nine and its multiples were
considered as lucky numbers) coins (old coins with a hole in
them, similar to coins used in traditional China). Whenever
in doubt, the herder would consult his coins by shaking them
in the hollow of his clasped hands and then laying them out on
his palm.
Certain days of the month were considered as lucky while
others were not. For instance a sheep or other kind of animal
should not be bought on the seventh, eighth, ninth, seventeenth,
eighteenth, or nineteenth, or also the twenty-seventh, twenty-
eighth or twenty-ninth day of the month. During unlucky days
Mongols would not allow anything to leave their tents.
Other taboos known to outsiders arc rules on the road and
in the tent. While traveling on the road , if one came into
sight of some sacred cairn, one refered to it as the "Hairhen
but not by its name which would have been disrespectful. In
the tent. one was forbidden to kick the tullek or the grate used
for cooking. While sitting, ones legs were supposed to point
toward the door, when sleeping it was mandatory to place
ones head near the family shririg.
D. Custom
Mongolian women did not bind their feet, for all women
did every kind of hard work except hunting. It was necessary
for the Mongolian girl to ride a horse, and most of the women
were excellent riders.
To the Mongols, fire was holy. No one was allowed to
step over the fire which was placed between the two tent poles.
When a new fire had been lit, a sacrifice had to be made to it
by throwing a little tea or food on it as an offering. As
the hearth was holy, so were the iron fire grate and tongs.
They were to be used strictly for the fire, never for any other
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purpose, for the Mongols believed that they would then cause
headaches in all those who slept in the tent.
In asking a favor, one had to be willing to reciprocate in
advance. According to custom, a present was usually given
prior to the request. If the request was not granted, or if the
person was unwilling or unable to meet the request, the present
was returned.
Regardless of wealth, if a Mongol could entertain, he was
obliged to rupply his guests with roast or boiled mutton. The
rich, roast mutton still constitutes the main dish. Instead of
a piece of meat, a whole sheep was slaughtered for this pur-
pose. When serving, the rump and tail were offered to the
guest of honor; he was then supposed to cut off portions of
meat and pass them around. Millet boiled in mutton soup was
also served.
The custom of setting the rump and attached tail before
an honored guest served as a symbol of having slain a fat sheep
as the tail was proof of having slain a sheep just for the occasion.
According to the traditional Mongolian marriage custom,
the groom was supposed to carry off his bride by force. Certain
rituals and ceremonies were performed, and both the families
of the bridegroom and the bride made preparations many days
ahead. Friends and relatives of the two families dressed in
their best to attend the ceremonies and feasts and all stayed
with their host and hostess in their nearby respective tents.
Mongolians married young, boys at between fourteen and six-
teen, and girls betwen thirteen and fifteen. The wedding cere-
mony was dignified, somewhat similar to the old-style Chinese
wedding ceremony. According to custom, the bride was not
supposed to know that her wedding was taking place. Actually
she knew all about it and even assisted in make her trousseau.
In the family camp of the bride, extra tents were set up
for workmen and guests. Carpets, boots, garments, cushions,
were sewed,and the silversmith was engaged to make the silver
head ornaments. Food and wine was bouth in cart loads from the
nearest Chinese town and an ox and several sheep were slaughtered.
Everyone was taken up in the preparations.
The close relatives of the family were the first arrivals;
they were all ladies who came to assist the bride. Their robes
of all colors shone beneath the beads hanging down from their
headdresses over which were worn the great fur caps which were
identical to those of the men.
On the wedding day both families arose at dawn. In wealthy
families a cavalcade of horsemen dressed in their best. attire;
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their silver ornaments jingling as they rode. These horsemen
and an elderly master of ceremonies prepared themselves for
the carryin-away ceremony. South cf the family camp, the
traditional offerings were dedicated to the heavenly powers.
Then the young bridegroom came forward, accompanied by his
older and younger foster brothers and by four women from the
bride'n family. 'rwo of the women fastened some ancient weap-
ons (usually a knife and a sword) of the tribe to the groom's
waist and the other two women greased the weapons with fat and
splashed them with wine from the sacrificial table. Then the
master of ceremonies performed an ancient ritual. Another
ritual followed while the groom waited, mounted in his saddle,
ready to leave for the bride's home. On this journey he was
accompanied by the master of ceremonies, by his foster brothers,
and by a dozen or so of his best friends, all riding their best
horses.
In the camp of the bride, a receiving ceremony was performed
upon the arrival of the groom's party. Lart quantities of wine
were consumed. At this moment, the bride (dressed in her
new matron's ornaments) was supposed to have discovered what
all the preparations meant. She wept vigorously, and all the
women and relatives assembled in her tent wept over the girl
who was supposed to be carried away. Then the father of the
bride commanded a young man to carry her off under his arm,
holding her as though she were a bundle of grass, but taking
care not to bump her head ornaments. Assisted by two other
men, the bride was hoisted into the saddle of a horse. The
bride took no care to balance herself or to keep her scat, all
this was left to the attendants.
The horse which carried the bride was then led a step or
two in a direction determined by the year of her birth. She was
then taken down from the saddle and put into a covered Chinese-
style wagon in which her mother rode along with her. The
bride lay sobbing, burying her head in her mother's lap.
It. should be pointed out that the carrying away of the bride
by the bridegroom;s party was a very old Mongolian custom.
Now the content of that tradition is still the same, but the form
has changed. Now, the bride is first carried away and put
in the saddle, and later she rides in the wagon.
After the bridal party has arrived at the groom's camp
another ceremony is performed. First the new couple advances
to the sacrificial table and the master of ceremonies invokes
the blessings of heaven and of the ancestors of the two clans.
on the impending union. Then permission is granted, following
certain formalities, for the bride to enter the tent of her parents-
in-law and to curtsy to them. While she is being led to the bridal
tent, the guests outside watch the handing over of the bride's
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dowry which consisted of embroidered boots, hats, dresses, and
clocks for festivals and for work if the family was welt-to-do,
and only of a few animals and articles of clothing in the case
of an ordinary family. The number of everything, including new
herds of horses, sheep, and other animals which were also a
part of the dowry, was a multiple of the mystic figure nine.
Upon the completion of all the rituals ond ceremonies, the
guests were invited to the wedding feast. Wine was served,
and each person had a position in the guest tent. Sacrifices
were made to the tent fire and altar. Then toasts to guests
began following the sacrifices, after which the roasted whole
sheep was brought on the scene. Music, songs, and drinking
continued until dawn. In wealthy families feasting lasted for
about a week. There were more feasts, ceremonies and visits
at intervals for several months to follow.
E. Standards of Etiquette
Mongolian etiquette resembled, in many respect, Chinese
traditional etiquette. This was especially true of salutations.
(sec Social Values, China General) Mongols were not allowed
to utter the names of their fathers cr'of their rulers which were
taboo. Younger people always used the modified Chinese word
"To" in addressing a person instead of the word "Chi" which
was informal. Women always addressed elders and guests
with "To." These terms were similar to "thee" and "thou" in
english usage.
Upon meeting strangers and friends, it %vas customary to
exchange snuff bottles before exchanging greetings. This was
followed by the customary questions about health and the
prosperity of animals. Upon meeting a traveling friend, the
host of the tent would ask where the party was going and how their
cattle or camel fared on the journey.
It was customary for a traveler to ride or walk up to the
tent from the front. A short distance from the tent, he customarily
stopped and shouted "nohai" (dog) in order to warn the people
in the tent to come out and restrain the dogs. Horsemen usually
remained in the saddle, and foot travelers could keep the dogs
away with the aid of sticks. Care had to be taken to observe
the universal custom of leaving sticks or whips outside the tent
door. This was never violated by Mongols. A Mongolian child
who brought sticks into the tent or played with them inside,
would be severely punished. The idea behind this was that
anyone who came into a tent carrying a whip or stick, insulted
the inhabitants by conducting himself as if he had come to whip
or beat them like dogs.
Upon entering through the low doorway, one said "mendu"
(health) to the people inside and proceeded to sit down on the
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left side of the fireplace which was in the center of the tent.
If asked to move higher, it was the guest's privilege to accept
or refuse the honor. Hats were place at the back of the tent.
It was a rule never to place anything near the door. It was
considered very rude if, upon entering a tent, one pointed ones
feet toward the back of the tent.
In formal visits, the ceremonial interchange of snuff bottles
was essential. The visitor first offered his to the host and then
to the other people in the tent, and then he received theirs in
return. If the guest did not have a snuff bottle, the Mongolian
host would offer his to the visitor. The bottle was to be received
in the palm of the right hand and carried deferentially toward the
nose. The stopper was raised only a little, and after a sniff
the bottle was handed respectfully back to its owner. While
receiving and returning the bottle, inquiries were made about the host
host"s and ovm health. For people who did not speak the
language, a few nods or a smile could be taken as an equivalent
for the customary phrases of politeness.
Like the Chinese, the Mongols always served tea to visitors.
There were certain customs regarding the handling of a tea cup.
The cup was always to be received with both hands. The visi-
tor was expected to drink the tea immediately and to hand back
the cup with both hands to have it refilled several times. When
he had had enough, he indicated this or said that the cup should
not be filled. Refreshments were served, as a rule not to be
eat, but merely tasted as a formality.
A strict pattern of etiquette was observed regarding the camp
fire or hearth. In the evenings there was usually pleasant com-
panionship around the fire. Certain rules had to be observed such
as not throwing nails, hair, or other "unclean"things in the.
fire. A breach o this rule would destroy the peaceful. at
of the gathering, for fire, to the Mongols, was the dwel-
ling place of a divinity. One was forbidden to insult the divinity
of the hearth, and the fire place had to be kept clean.
In this connection it is interesting to note that the southeastern
corner of the hearth was the place for the chief woman of the
tent to exercise her authority. From there she looked after the
fire and discharged all her duties as housewife and hostess. How-
ever, she was not allowed to pass the northwestern corner of
the tent which was the location of the Lamaist altar. She could
never pass in front of the altar, but she could approach it from
the side.
III. Patterns of Living
A. Dwelling
Pertaining to farmers of the Great Plain: Mongols who take
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on farming dwell in houses in villages. Some also live in yurts
with mud walls. The houses in the Chinese willages are like
Chinese houses; they are mud huts, consisting of only two rooms.
The roofs of these mud huts are flat and made with trunks of small
willow trees, three and four inches in diameter. They are laid.
across the top of the walls and a mattress of twigs is piled on un-
til it is strong enough to support the weight of a thick layer of
mud. This is then smoothed and the surface slopes slightly
for drainage. The flat top is used as a platform for owners to
spread grain, millet or pepper to dry.
The inside of the house is very simple with mud walls and
hard mud ground. There is seldom any window to be found. The
clumsy wooden door has no hinges; it is fitted into sockets on one
side at the top and bottom. The door opens into the first room
which is used as storage, tool shed, kitchen and living quarters.
The second room, reached through a door in a partition, is
mostly occupied by a raised mud platform, the k'ang, which
serves as the bed for the whole family. In winter, the kiang
is heated from underneath by an outside stove to keep it warm.
The bedding consists of cheap cotton quilts or sheepskin. The
house stands alone in a little yard where a few chickens and pigs
or two are kept. Patties of cow dung are plastered in rows
against the walls to dry for fuel.
Han Chinese and Mungolian businessmen live in towns. Their
dwellings are similar to farm houses in shape, but built of better
materials. Most homes are of one-story with walls around them.
Families in town also keep chickens and pigs in their yards,
besides the cow-dung patties heaped up against the walls.
Well-to-do people live more comfortably with furniture and
interior decorations. Unlike the rich Mongols who use rugs
in their tents, a few city dwellers have rugs on their floors.
Pertaining to Nomads: Contrary to the notion that Mongols
wander about, they have a fixed and definite place of abode. They
do not wander all year round, and they never move their tents
except twice a year when they shift from their winter encampment
to their summer encampment and vice versa. For the summer
they establish their camp in the meadow, and for the winter at
the foot of a mountain. Sometimes a heavy snowfall or a drought
compels them to shift their quarters and cattle from place to
place.
The dome-shaped tents are usually called "yurts: by western
writers and "ger" by Mongolians. The walls of a tent consist of
lattice work made of crossed woodeti laths which support the
circular roof. In the center of the roof there is an opening
through which the smoke from the tent fire escapes. This sky-
light which can be easily opened and closed, and is used for ven-
tilation. The wooden framework of the roof and the tent walls is
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covered with heavy felt and lashed down by ropes. The tents are
sturdy shelters yet can be easily taken down to move from place
to place. There is always a round fire pit in the center of the floor
and a household shrine in the back of the tent with a table con-
taining o fering bowls.
Many tents have wooden doors with slabs. The threshhold is
high. In wealthy homes a felt flap hangs dol,vn over the entrance.
Sheets of felt matting are used to cover the pounded earth.
Wealthy Mongols have winter and summer tents. The walls of
summer tents are made of mats. The materials for building
the tents are manufactured by the Chinese.
The master of the tent has a plce reserved for him in the rear
of the tent facing the door. The members of the family occupy
the right side of the tent near the entrance. The fire, the sacred
place for the hearth is in the center of the tent.. In some tents
a little low table for family use is placed between the seats of
the master and the family members. On the opposite side there
is also a low table reserved for guests. It is the custom to seat
the guests near the entrance at the left. side of the tent. Against
the right wall of the tent, shelves are built for hanging or storing
utensils and dried meats. Roasted millet, butter, dried milk
products, milking utensils, water jars are stored either in a
chest or on the shelves. Dried dung used as fuel is heaped on
the right side near the door. Along the tower part of the
tent wall on the left are hung the horse reins, halters, bridles,
and hobbles. Usually at the upper left stands a wooden chest on
which butter lamps and offering bowls arc placed. Picture of
divinities are also hung there.
There are no beds. In some tents the master and his
wife sleep on low tables. Members of the family and over-
night guests sleep on sheep skins or felt carpets laid on the floor
at night. Rolls of felt and skins for bedding are pushed back
against the wall during the daytime.
It. is interesting to note that the construction of Mongolian
tents has religious significance. To Mongols who are steeped
in the old traditions, the roof of the tent is the sky, and the hole
in the center of the roof is the sun, or the eye of heaven through
which comes light. in the morning when the tea kettle is put on
the hearth iron, the vapor goes up in the smoke to Burkhan (God).
The Mongols believed that the floor directly under the
smoke hole represents the plan of the universe. Traditionally a
small square is marked off by narrow boards around the central
hearth as the "earth" which Mongols believe to be square. This
is so arranged that. it contains the five elements of old Asiatic
tradition: fire, metal, wood, earth, and water. Hence, there is
always a fire pit i n every tent and the fire almost never ceases
burning in the metal grate. A wooden frame encloses the area
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around the hearth, and water is present in the kettle. The fire
the frame, and the grate are all sacred, so the space enclosed
by the frame is strictly taboo and nothing is allowed to be placed
there. The four posts of the grate are most sacred; nothing
can be hung on them and no one can lean against them.
Lama Temples: Lama Temples in the area are well
built with impressive, rich interior decorations. Temples
served as places of worship as well as the headquarters and re-
sidence's of the chief lamas. They also served as schools where
some of the young Mongols received their education from the
educated lamas. In the old Mongol cities there are temples
with blue roofs, and in new cities there arc high walls surround-
ing the temples. The temples arc mostly a horizontal line of one -
story box-like building with a massive square structure in the
center. All construction is white except a red stripe painted
around the upper portion.
Lamaseries and royal palaces are the only permanent
buildings in this region. The lama temples are both Tibetan and
Chinese in architecture, but the royal palaces are purely Chinese
in design, with red and blue decorations. The Mongols have a
yearning for the living room with domed ceilings in their concep-
tion of a residence. In the temple ground there are many yurta
where lamas live all the time.
13. Clothing and Costume
Old Mongolian clothing and costume very much resembles
that worn by the Chinese of the Ch'ing dynasty. For ordinary
wear, both sexes had long loose gowns or robes spreading wide
below the waist with or without a sash (liaise). Men of wealth
were dressed in the traditional long, tight-fitting coats of black
satin and long-legged riding boots. These boots were actually
leather slippers which they wore like galoshes over their soft
heelless boots. When the men were in the tent, the leather boots
were slipped off, and only the inner soft boots were worn.
Mongolian rn en wear ornaments on a sash around the
waist. A ca sc (hotoga -in-hai) attached to the sash hangs on the
left. It contains an eating knife and sometimes a pair of chop-
sticks. A leather bag containing fire-striking steel (gene) is hung
behind the hips. The flint for fire-making (even today fire is
made by striking flint against steel) is carried in a space between
the boot and the sock. Smoking pipe (ghansa) is also placed
here. The stern of the pipe is made of wood, the tobacco con-
tainer and the mouthpiece are largely made of jade. A bag is also
attached to the waist on the left side of the sash. In this are car-
ried valuables and snuff bottles (holok).
The hat of a person of position was somewhat similar to
the official hat of Manchu officers. The ornament and the feather
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....V.aera-wamd o}.
attached to the hat determined the rank and nobility. Some caps ?
are trimmed with fox skin while others are muslin turbans wound
around embroidered skull caps. Mongols like to cling to their
old traditions and customs. The style of clothing, particularly
ceremonial costumes, of both sexes have not changed much. How-
ever, the traditional feather attached to hats have gradually dis-
appeared and been replaced by a skull cap without knots. Modern
Mongols even wear wetsern style felt hats.
The daily dress of men resembles that of the Chinese and
is made of either cotton or felt. Trousers are made of cotton.
Flat-sole boots are standard foot wear. Usually the Mongols do
not wear stockings. Ceremonial costumes are usually lined with
brocade silk facing of dark color and topped by waist coats for in-
formal occasions and jackets with long sleeves (ma kua) with high
coliars for formal occasions. The plain loose long gown is the
women's daily wear. The sleeves are wide and can be slipped
off easily for nursing children. The women wear long trousers
but. no top under garments. For dressed-up occasions, the women
put on either embroidered silk long gowns of bright colors with a
rich brocade silk sleeved jacket or wrist coat. Embroidered
flat sole boots complete the outfit.
The layman wears dark blue robe with a red sash, a brown
felt hat and cloth boots. Some of the cloth boots are more ornate
than the leather boots; they are beautifully worked with lucky
symbols sewed in patche 3 of dark leather. Nearly every man
carries snuff bottles in his belt purse.
Farmers of the Great Plain: The dress of the people of
the great plain is quite different from that of people in other parts
of Inner Mongolia. Chinese women all wear dark trousers.
Older women wear dark jackets while the young unmarried girls
wear brightly colored jackets. Most girls wear red jackets with
wide pants. Nursing mothers do not wear jackets; they wear a
upper garment cut in the shape of a very narrow bib which extends
from the neck to the grousers between the breats, leaving the lat-
ter exposed.
Men, th farmers wear white cloth pants usually without
the upper garments in warm weather The adolescent boy's cloth-
ing is similar to that of his father's. Younger children, both
boys and girls, do not wear anything all summer long. In
colder weather, they wrap themselves in long gowns or robes.
Only the landlords and the rich wear garments of silk and furs,
cut in the fashion of those of China in the l920's. Men are clothed
in the traditional long gown. A short jacket (ma kua) tops the
gown for formal occasions. Women largely wear short jackets
and pants. When they are dressed up a skirt takes the place of
pants. Recently younger girls occasionally wear ch'i-p'ao, the
straight long gown, like their Chinese sisters.
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Eastern Mongolians: The dress for both sexes is much a-
like as far as the shape is concerned. The main difference is
that the man us es a belt to gird himself while the women allow
their long garments to hang loose from shoulder to heels. The
outer garments of both sexes is a roomy long coat with wide
sleeves so there is ample room for dressing and undressing
with ease.
For ordinary people the coat serves as a blanket as well as a
covering for sleeping. Since this is the case, there is no
need to take much time in dressing. On rising in the morning,
women button up their coats at once and go about 110113C duties
while men usually sit leisurely close to the fire and smoke.
Both sexes have under-garments which are seldom washed.
The long robes which women wear are cumbersome and
hardly fit to work in. In general the women appear dirty and un-
tidy.. In milking and cooking the coat is dragged about on the mud-
dy ground.
The dress of the poor is very wretched. Men and women
wrap themselves in rags. Rich Mongols dress impressively,
especially their ceremonial garments. Rich men and women
of position have beautiful colored silk robes, usually red, purple,
lined with finest lamb's skin. Massive silver ornaments are
hung on their belts. They like to wear expensive fur caps. Some-
times the cap is worth as much as all the rest of their clothes
put together. But a man's true wealth and position is seen from
his snuff bottle, which custom requires him to hand to others
upon being introduced, and by which one can judge his social
status. These snuff bottles come from Peking; they are made
of fine glass, jade, and other semi-precious stones. The
valuable ones are made of beautiful stone skillfully hollowed
out, or carv ed? or painted with a fine finish. Women usually
do not carry snuff bottles, but on ceremonial occasions they also
produce them from boxes. Women's bottles are uniformly smal-
ler in size and are made of thin, flat stones. These bottles
scarcely have any capacity as they are used only to perform
the ceremony of exchange. The empty bottle is handed back with
due ceremony and dignity.
Ceremonial dress: Men also wear gay and elaborate costumes
for ceremonial occasions. The well-to-do man wears a blue
serge robe with a sleeveless jacket of purple silk edged in gold
brocade. Traditionally, officials of the banner would sometimes
wear Chinese official uniforms. The hat jewel worn by a man
determines his rank, i.e. a second-degree noble is entitled to
a blue hat-jewel. The hat of Mongolian second-degree of-
ficial is of white straw sloping up to a saphire-studded spike and
a pendant peadock feather. The ceremonial costumes of the Mongols
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4.
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are in the traditional style with the exception of horse-cuffed
sleeves and the feathered hats.
When a woman is dressed up for a formal occasion, it is
shown in her hair ornaments and head dress rather than in her
costume. Besides the.hairdresses, women from rich families
also pay due attention to their colorful, embroidered ,dresses
and rich fur caps worn over the head ornament. Caps must be
worn on wedding ceremonies, formal introductions, and the
meeting of old friends after long separation.
Women's head dress: The hair ornaments are heavy and cum-
bersome. Silver or gold pieces of various shapes and stri,-
of red coral beads hang from the head to the waist. In order
to fit these ornaments properly to the head, the Mongolian
women spend much time and effort in dressing their hair, which
once done, is allowed to stand undistrubed for a month or so. A
kind of glue is smeared on the hair to make it look neat and the
pendants are hung around the head. For more important occasions,
a curtain of color beads are superimposed on the head. While a
man's position is indicated by his snuff bottle, the woman's po-
sition is shown by her head dresses. In spite of their untidy
habits, young Mongolian women are often beautiful and they al-
ways look best in their ornaments.
Women's headdresses differ according to the banner or tribe
to which they belong.
1. Otok Mongol women are usually poorly dressed in dirty
colored robes and scuffed boots. They bind soiled pieces of
toweling around their heads, but underneath it, there is usually
a very distinctive looking headdress. In addition to plates of
silver, they have heavy silver coronets, bound with kerchiefs of
sheer silk. From each side of the coronets, three strings of
jeweled pendants arc hung, together with large earflaps and a
flaring neckpiece, all covered with row upon row of large .spherical
corals, setting off smaller plaques of silver set with turquoise.
Married women wear their hair in many small braids all
joining together to form two large ones that frame their face.
Each of the large braids is encased in a cylinder of dark leather,
ending in flat diamond shaped corals set in silver. There is a
large leather knob covered by a silver plate, rounded in the
front and suqred in the back, at the top of each cylinder where
it rests against the shoulders. These plates are coral-studded.
The contrast of bright jewels with their untidy, dirty clothing
and appearances is a common phenomena among Mongclian women.
2. Ordos Mongols: since the older wcrnen have less hair,
they shave their head leaving only a small island of long hair on
top that is braided to form a flat skull cap. A black top is care-
fully fitted around the flat skull cap from which two heavy braids
made of false hair are hung complete with the leather braid
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casings and the large silver plaques set with coral. The
braid casings, called "shirwilk," are characteristics of the
Otok Banner's headdress. Many of the older Mongol women in
the Ordos do this. The younger ones always have braids of
their own hair.
'fhis kind of headdress is put on for formal occasions. When
they want to be more comfortable in the informal surroundings of
their tents, they merely unfasten the "shirwilk" ornaments. For
dressed occasions, women also wear massive coral crowns
which they call a "daroluk."
The Otok v,omen wear their headdresses at all possible
occasions to show off their wealth, but the women of the Ordos
Banner are a little more reserved about wearing them.
3. Khalkha Mongols: The hair style of married women of this
banner is elaborate. They dr ess their hair in imitation of cow
horns and their dresses also have high shoulders in imitation
of a cow's projecting hindquarters. This style was worn by
women as late as 1938. The fashion is derived from the legendary
origin of the Khalkha Mongols. "The cow which gave milk to the
first Khalkha Mongol also instilled in him a love of the nomadic
life and of cattle breeding."
4. Others: The festive crown of married women of Dalat Ban
ner is somewhat similar to the "daroluk" of the Otok Banner but
a little plainer. The Oirat festival headdresses arc comparatively
plain though much more tasteful.
It is inte esting to note that only married women wear fancy
headdresses to makr the maturity of womanhood. Young girls'
hair ornaments are much simpler and they also dress .
their hair differently. It is their custom that widows must leave
off all their jewelry.
The costumes of the Lamas: Mongolian Lamas dress very
differently from a layman. The red or yellow robes they wear
designate their affiliation with either the red or the yellow sects.
The Lamas are clad in loose gowns with shawl-collars. This
collars is low and the part of the garment close to the neck is
cut slantwise toward the right arm pit and fastened with a buttoni.
There are usually one or two buttons below the collar at the right
and two ;buttons on the side. Traditicrially, the long narrow
sleeves have horse cuffs turning up but now the horse cuffs are
not in fashion. The rosary which they carry in their hand
serves as a kind of ornament.
Rich Lamas have elaborate and elegant rich-colored robes
while the poor ones dress in drab costumes. Most of the Mongo-
lian Lamas are clad in shabby robes of saffron and crimson,
bound at the waist by twisted shashes of faded purple cloth.
some wear crushed felt hats while others are bare-headed.
But most of them wear high leather Mongol boots
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The Lama chiefs are the best-dressed men in Mongolia.
Their gowns are made of rich brocade heavy silk and Lined with
Light-weight silk. For dressed up occasions, an undergarment
of silk is worn which has sleeves slightly longer than the outer
gown in order to show that there is an inner garment. For less
formal occasions, the Lamas wear their rich-looking
gowns of various colors with sashes. Waist coats or jackets of c
contrasting or dark colors either v.ith sleeves or without are
worn over the long gown. It. is not necessary to wear hats for
informal visits or entertaining, but the ceremonial hat is re-
quired for very formal gatherings. Instead of the short jacket,
an overcoat of gold or silver brocade is worn and it opens in the
front below the collar. The two separate pieces of the outer gown
are fastened by buttons. The ceremonial hat of the
Lamas has a wide fringe and is shaped like a cone at the top.
The hat ornament on top in the center indicates the rank and
station of the wearer. Fancy boots are still in fashion.
C. Food and Dietary Habits.
The Mongols are largely meat eaters and they are fond of
all kinds of meat. Mutton is one of the principal staples of the
diet in Inner Mongolia, but they also consume beef, and the
poor also cat horse meat and camel's flesh. The staple food of
the ordinary people is cheese, sour cream, and dried milk pro-
ducts. Besides milk and milk products, millet, buck wheat flour,
and oatmeal arc common. Rich people use wheat flour, but rice
is only seen occasionally at great temple festivals. Mutton is
always on hand in the tents of the rich in winter, but not of the
poor. Sometimes mutton and potatoes, a rare luxury in this
region, are served to guests.
The staple diet of the Han Chinese farmers and?of the poor in
this region consists of mainly millet, coarse flour, and salted
vegetables. Although they raise wheat, vegetables (in some
parts) and soy beans, they cannot afford to cat any. Such
crops go to the Landlords or arc sold to the wealthy Mongols.
Sledom do they have meat. Pigs and chickens are raised by
farmers, but they arc only eaten at festivals and at New Years.
Unlike the Mongols, pork is the principal meat for the Han
Chinese except the Mohammedans.
The nomadic people have several meals a day. For breakfast
they have roasted millet which is called hole bata in Mongolian.
It is eaten with tea of sheep's milk which is called sutai chai .
They cat several times between breakfast and the evening meal.
Food for between meals is largely tea and cream (ulem) or milk
dumpling (milk curd). In the evening, mutton boiled in water
serves as the main dish. The soup from boiling the meat is
mixed with flour and eaten. Most of them like to tic c wild garlic
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as seasoning. If the?family is poor and if they cannot afford meat,.
then flour is used as a substitute for meat. The flour is made into
dumplings and boiled in goat's,or sheep's milk. Seasoning is
done only with salt and sometimes it is mixed with tea.
According to recent investigations, the nomads eat less mutton
year after year, but more grain bought from the Chinese. For a
family of four, they eat on the average one head of sheep every
month. Nevertheless, mutton is still their most important food.
Inhabitants of the Kalgan area in southern Chahar are largely
Han Chinese. Since the area is suitable for farming, they produce
a limited quantity of vegetables and poultry products. Pork is the
principal meat although not everyone can afford it. Staple food
for ordinary people consists of wheat flour, oat flour, sorghum
meal, millet and vermicelli. Comparatively, the area produces
a variety of food, but few can afford to have a balanced diet.
The Mongols in Chahar and Suiyuan retain their own habit of
eating. They live on plain roasted millet, noodles, milk products
such as urum (cream) and cheese, mutton and small amounts
of beef. They are not in the habit of eating pork, poultry and
vegetables.
G reater varieties of vegetables are available in market towns
and in most villages. These include bean sprouts, cabbage,
carrots, radishes, onions and beans. Oatmeal, wheat flour and
soybean curd make up the ordinary diet. Oatmeal is steamed,
cut into stripes and served in a bowl of soup which is a saline
solution with a little chopped onions, little bits of finely minced
meat seasoned with soybean sauce. This and the fried wheat
flour pancakes make a regular meal in Chahar. In Chines c areas,
there is more pork and poultry meat than either beef or mutton.
These are less available in the northern areas.
The regular diet of the people in Suiyuan is somewhat
similar to that of the people of Kalgan. They use less oatmeal
and more millet. Meat is limited. In many parts of the west,
people live entirely on millet and salted vegetables.
Poor Han Chinese and poor Mongols in these areas Live on
plain millet which they use a great deal and make into a gruel.
With the millet gruel, they cat a little salted portion of vegetables.
Oat flour is the next lower type of fo, '. The very poor, like
those of Northern China, consume large quantities of bean cakes
made from the leftovers of soybeans after the oil has been ex-
tracted. Although it contains a very high protein value, it is not
a regular human food as it is commonly used as cattle fodder.
Although food, good food that is, is scarce, people of means
can always have a variety and quantity as they desire. When
rich Mongols entertain, large quantities of food arc heaped in
earthenware and spread over the rug. Besides sour milk,
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mutton in various forms, there are also pork, poultry, bread,
-melons, almonds and raisins.
Mongols are great tea and wine drinkers. Both theses pro-
ducts are brought in from China. Brick tea, called the caravan tea,
is the type that the nomads insist on having. It is pressed into the
shape of a brick suitable for long transport. Most of the brick tea
brought into Mongolia is produced and pressed in the Hankow dis-
trict in China where it is an ancient industry. This kind of tea re-
quires peculiar skill in treating it right so that it retains its aro-
ma after the long journey. The size and eight of brick tea varies
with the methods of transportation.
Milk tea is the only food for Mongols in certain areas of the
region. In some places, milk tea and goat cheese are served as
breakfast. For ceremonial purposes a chunk of tea is chopped
off from the brick and brewed in a large brass pot over the hearth
fire in the tent. It is brewed together with milk, a hunk of butter
and a chip of salt. When the tea is done, it is commonly served
in wooden bowls.
In places where milk tea is used as ordinary everyday food,
it is made with either oatmeal or millet. The procedure in pro-
paring this tea is as follows: after the tea is made in a brass
pot, the pot is swept out with a wisp of hairs from a horse tail.
Then a little fat is melted in the pot and the cracklings are care-
fully'removed. Enough meal is added to make the concoction
into a kind of porridge. After the mixture has been cooking for
a while, more meal is added and stirred till the mass becomes
brown and dry. Then the tea, with the sediment removed, is
pourted in and boiled, and the milk tea is ready. The fat and
meals with tea is a substitute of' milk which provides a substan-
tial diet for northern Mongols.
Large quantities of rice winde and pai-kan (distilled liquor)
which they buy from the Han Chinese, arc consumed by Mongols.
But milk wine (arki) is also drunk. The milk wine is distilled
from fermented mare's or sheep's milk. A weddings and festival
celebrations, carts loaded with liquor are provided for the
guests who sometimes consume so much that they become com-
pletely drunk. Bowls are used for drinking and the Mongols have
large capacities for wine. One can hardly find a man in this re-
gion who can possibly abstain from drinking. The offering of
wine is a part of the ceremony, while entertaining and drinking
become a habit with those who can affort it. The quotation trans-
lates from Yassa clearly indicates that driniing is tolerated by
law.
"He (Chinggis Khan) said also: "If a man cannot possibly
abstain from drinking, let him get drunk three times in a
month; if he get drunk more than three times in thirty days
he does wrongly; if he get drunk twice in a month it is better.
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and if he only gets drunk once in a month it is better still;
and if a man never gets drunk it is best of all. But where
is such a man to be found?"
(Haslung, Henning, Men and Gods in Mongolia, E.P. Dutton
and Co. New York. p. 266)
It can be said that the staple diet of the Mongols consists of
mutton and a small portion of beef. The animals they obtain
from hunting, such as the hare, gazelle, pheasant, and antelope,
are also eaten. When camels are old and have exhausted their
usage, they are killed and eaten by the poor. Mongols consider
the horse as a quasi-sacred animal so they never kill a horse or
eat its meat. However, the poverty-stricken Mongols who cannot
afford meat would cat the meat of a dead horse.
Large quantities of mea t. are consumed in winter ans spring.
At the beginning of winter, the meat of the anitnals killed is pre-
served by the heavy frost for the winter and spring seasons. Por-
tions of it to be used for each meal are hewn off with a hatchet or
ax. The true Mongolian style of eating meat is to cut it with a
knife and then cat with the fingers. But some Mongols also use
home-made chopsticks. It is more elegant to use chopsticks for
mutton and noodles which they serve at parties. Huge masses of
tripe,?wrapped up in the stomach of a sheep and frozen solid,
provides meat for servants and the poor.
Mongolian people are not fond of vegetables and poultry.
Only those who live near the Han Chinese cat pork, eggs, chicken,
vegetables and potatoes.
. The most easily acsessable food for nomads besides meat and
millet are milk and the milk products. Milk from sheep or Cows
is used to a great extent to make the various milk products. In
some tribes, mare's milk is also used. It is not. only a favorite
drink, but it can be made into cheese for winter use. During the
summer time, the mare's milk is fermented to make kumis or
kumyss. (Sour milk which has been lightly fermented by the ad-
dition of yeast.) The Mongolian milk products arc as follows:
Jtikei This cream is usually obtained in autumn. A cooking pro-
cess solidifies the cream and the product is eaten with tea.
The solid form of cream is called "Oromd."
Stin handa This products ia made from the concentrated milk
of goats to which fat from the sheep's tail is added. A small
amount is sufficient to make the milk tea. Hence it is practially
cony enicnt for one to take along on a journey.
Edem or cdem bushalak This is a mixture of cold milk and hot
butter milk. Cheese (edem huruu) is obtained by collecting the
curd when making edem bushalak.
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Airak A form of sour milk which has been lightly fermented by
addition of yeast. Airak serves as a beverage and when mixed
with boiled millet it makes a meal. Butter is made from airak
by churning. Churning is done by women in a wooden bucket
or a container made of bull=skin. Mongols call this butter
Chagan toso. Butter mixed with tea makes a favorites drink
of the Mongols.
Chagga is the name for buttermilk. It is the residue of airak
after the butter has been extracted. The buttermilk is boiled
and kept in jugs. It is eaten with boiled millet during the winter
season.
Ariki is alcohol made of cereals and oiled buttermilk.
Erme is the foamy deposit left by boiling buttermilk while making
alcohol. The deposit is collected near the top and on the edge
of the boiler. The collected substance is made into cheese which
is called "ermen guru."
D. Attitude toward Work and Leisure
The Mongols of the steppe work very hard. The whole family
works cooperatively in putting up a tent and a hut, each person
being responsible for his or her duties. Most of them will get
tired of fixed labor. However, if they are hired for a task, they
work hard if the work is dignified. The Mongols despise set
hours .and they enjoy the freedom to work as they please. As no-
mads they prefer a freer life without restrictions. Nevertheless,
Mongols such as the Tumets, and some of the Chahars who have
been riascd on a farm, lose a great deal of their own custom and
pride, and make excellent steady workmen.
The Mongolians love to work leisurely without pressure or
restrictions. They love the fresh air and horseback riding. This
is particularly true with the young people. If they have nothing to
do, they can sit in the saddle for a long time without feeling tired.
Since they love the roaming life, Mongols make very good travel-
ing companions, and they take much pride in doing so.
if they are not riding, Mongols, old and young, love to spend
their leisure in singing their folk songs together, and in dancing.
Old people will sit near the tent fire and chat, smoke, and drink
tea with friends. The Mongols to-e company and guests. When-
ever they meet someone who can talk their language, they love to
converse at. length. When the Mongols are not busy with work
they can really enjoy life leisurely either riding in the open air
or relaxing in their tents with singing and entertaining.
Men of the camel caravans arc hard workers. Many Han
Chinese and Mongols in this area make camel driving their life
profession. They are men of a common experience for they are
bound together by the training of a hard school. These men
often come from families that have been engaged for generations
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in the caravan trade'. If their families are well-to-do they ?
choose this type of work and serve an exciting apprenticeship.
because no man can make money out of caravans unless he under-
stands camels. They learn to know their camels on the march and
in camp. After scores of days on the road, by day and night,
they become 'familiar with the proper care of the animals; they learn
to know whether the camels are full-humped and quarrelsome or
worn-Out and staggering. While they master all these things,
they have also to become irersed in the personal mysteries of
their trade and the guarded privileges of the camel driver accord-
ing to the laws of the road, the tent, and the camp. Their know-
ledge is accumulated by actual experience because of the strictest
of all the unwritten laws which is that no man can expect help or
advice from another. Camel men take great pride in tiller pro-
fession, especially the old families whose business has been
handed down from father to son. Hence, the personal name of the
caravan master is used for the name of the caravan rather than
the firm's name.
Camel mens' hobby is knitting, and they spend their leisure in
making sweaters and socks. They not only knit while camping,
they also do it on the march, using camel hair as yarn. As the
caravan moves rather slowly, they can knit and walk at the same
time.
Although all the hair from the camel from the camel herd
supposedly belongs to the .owner, it has become a rule that. the
camel drivers can use as much as they like for their knitting.
It became a fashion among the rich Chinese at Kuci-zsui (Hohchot)
to wear the long scarfs knitted or crocheted by camel men. If
the camel men ran out of yarn during the march, they would reach
back to the first camel of the file they were leading, pluck a hand=
ful of hair from the neck and roll it in their palms into the begin-
ning of a length of yarn. A weight was attached to the end of the
yarn, by giving it a twist to start it spinning, the man went on
feeding wo ol into the thread until he had spun enough yarn to
continue his knitting. Some of them arc very clever at knitting
fancy patterns and sections in cable stitch. But the finished
products seldom look well due to their carelessness in selecting
the wool . Camel's wools have a variety of colors ranging from
creamy white to dark brown, so the sweater or pair of socks
may be oddly striped and streaked.
E. Attitude toward Death and Methods of Disposal
Mongolian people believe that after death the soul leaves the
body. They believe that a holy person has a tiny hole in the back
of his cranium. Such a skull, if found, is made into a libation
bowl and becomes a much coveted possession. However, since
most-people do not have a hole in their head, a dying person is
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given a pill that is supposed to help the soul force its way to the
Lop.
R ituals and Customs concerning death: In the more primitive
parts of Mongolia, the customs concerning death ac more rigid and
people show greater respect to the dead than in the more advanced
areas. When they believe the soul has departed from the deceased,
the ceremony for disposal of the remains takes place. A lama
inquires if the deceased had ever expressed the desire to be
disposed of in some particular direction or area. If so, the lama
will go out to look for a site, and a piece of land will be purchased
from the o wner. Then offerings are made by the lamas, and a
Large piece of felt is laid on the ground on which sheep and brea-
skin rugs are laid. On the rugs are placed nine kinds of offerings,
such as nine ounces of gold; nine ounces of silver; nine items: pearl,
coral, amber, turquoise, steel, copper, jade, wheat and millet;
nine camels; nine horses; nine cows; nine sheep; nine bolts of cloth;
and nine bricks of tea.
It. is apparent that only wealthy families can afford this type of
offering. If the family is poor, symbolic offerings such as nine
mud images of sheep and other animals arc substituted. For
metals, they use minute quantities to symbolise the.kind required.
Apart from these, eighteen symbolic tools decorated with threads
of five colors representing the five elements (gold, wood, water,
fire, and earth) arc also used.
After the offer.ngs have been made and prayers chanted, the
body is laid cors sways on a camel that has been loaded with either
two empty boxes or two big baskets used for carrying dung so as
to provide a platform for the body to he on. The dead should face
the west during the journey. At the place where the body is to
be left, it is undressed and laid down on the ground facing toward
the west. It is hoped that the wolves will devour the body, but it
is often eaten by other wild animals and dogs. When the party re-
turns, the lama arranges a pile of stones on the very place. where
the person died, because it is very unlucky to tread on a place
where a person has died.
During the funeral, all animals, sheep and cattle herds are
kept in camp. Upon returning to the home, another ritual is per-
formed by the lama with prayers accompanied by some musical
instruments like bells and drums. Two fires by the wayside are
lighted and libation of water is sprinkled to the spirits of the four
directions. The ritual ends with the reading of Yurul (invocation).
P cople who have handled the dead will wash their hands, Then re-
freshments arc served consisting of food, tea, and drinks, usually
wine.
Disposal of the dead: Various types of burial are practiced
among people of different banners and tribes. The most common
form of be rial is cremation, water burial and open ground burial.
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1. Cremation: Before the disposal of ashes certain ceremonies
are performed and prayers are read. Then the ashes of the remains
are mixed with certain kinds of mud and made into small stupa -like
figures. When these figures are dry they are taken to a holy moun-
tain and thrown into the Five Valleys or near the Obo or some
large cliffs.
2. Water Burial: This is not highly repommended. The dis-
posal is by casting the body into the deep waters of a river or
lake where the water animals will gradually devour the body.
3. Open Ground Disposal: It is the most popular method of dis-
posal. The body is laid on the surface of the ground so that it
can be eaten by worms, birds, and animals.
The Mongols believe that after the soul has departed, the body
is fit to be abandoned. They wish the body to be devoured by other
living matter. When a Mongol sees a dead body by the roadside
he is apt to laugh and make fun of it. If the body of the deceased
is not eaten by animals, it is considered that the dead is unworthy
and that even the animals shun it.
F. Sports and Recreation
Sports: Riding, horse racing, hunting, and wrestling are
favorite sports for the Mongols. Children, women as well as men,
know how to handle horses. They are trained young to ride.
Mongolian children are expert riders soon after infancy. A man
who cannot ride is considered a novelty.
Horse racing and wrestling arc widely practiced apart from rid-
ing. The Mongols almost live in their saddles and therefore
spend most of their time in the open. Ho rsc racing and wrestling
serve as a part of the program and fun at temple festivals. Men
love to hunt whenever they have the opportunity. They are crack
shots with guns, and they frequently hunt antelopes for meat and
wolves for their skins to sell to Chinese merchants.
Recreation: Chess and games of various kinds are played indoors.
One game is called "Men, gu n and wolfc" which is played also
by the Chinese who may have learned it from the Mongols. This
game is played by both children and adults. Another game,
commonly played, also symbolizes the love of animals by the no-
mads. It uses sheep knuckles and cow knuckles which arc painted
red or green. These arc laid along a cross bow and scores arc
counted according to the way they arc hit. Children play knuckles
by throwing them up in the air and counting how many they can catch.
Each side of the knuckles has a meaning. In the game called
"arben gorbcn hemer," the four sides of the knuckle mean sheep,
horse, donkey, and goat. Each player puts in a pile of knuckles
and gets thirteen throws. Everytime he gets a donkey, he picks
the knuckle out. The one who gets the most donkeys at the end of
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the game wins.
Another game, called "No robo," uses signs of the zodiac.
There are four bricks to each sign and four bricks placed to-
gether are called a yurt. The winn_er gets all the yult. The
loser with no yurts has to sleep outside
"Shatara: or "Horse Chess" is played by twospersons on a
white board abdut three feet square with red borders. In the cen-
ter, narrow black lines mark off the 64 squares. Paper ruled in
lines like those on the wood board is used when traveling as the
large board would be inconvenient to carry around.
The chessmen are carved from billow wood, then painted and
varnished. The two sides are distinguished by the colors of the
bases, one side red and the other side greec which to the Mongols
represent good and evil, spiritual and material. The red chess-
men represent Mongols and the green Chinese. Although the
Chinese merchants and settlers laugh at the Mongols for playing
a foreign and barbaric game, they themselves play it privately.
The game is somewhat similar to European chess. The red
"king" is a Mongol prince and the green "king" is an old-time
Chinese viceroy.
G. Festivals and Festive Customs.
Like the Chinese, the Mongols also have seasonal celebrations.
Four .big festivals of the year are:
Spring: The New Year and the celebration of the White Month.
The Mongolian New Year (Shene Fil) is ushered in by tsaghan sar,
the White Month. It is the year's greatest festival and is cele-
brated during the first half of the month when all the people acclaim
the return of light and spring.
The New Year is celebrated more or less in the same way
throughout the region. That celebrated by the Torguts can be as
to be representative of the country. On the first day of
the New Year a new tent is set in front of the prince's (chief of
the banner) palace. It is covered with white felt made from the
wool of young lambs. Inside the tent, gold and silver brocades
decorate the altar and walls of the tent. Three canopied thrones
covered by embroidered gold and silver silk are placed in the
rear of the tent. They are the scats for the gods. The floor is
covered with thick rugs and along the walls paintings of warriors
and men in sacred robes arc hung. Everything in the tent is an
heirloom. The erection of the tent is an annual ceremony symbo-
lizing the tribe's adherence to the time-honored traditions of their
ancestors.
Old and young, men and women, and children, all dressed in
their gaily-colored festival attires, swarm in the front of the tent
shouting. "Sain shini -1u, " a blessed New Year, to each other.
Soliders and secretaries of the tribe scattered among the crowd
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the people's New Year gifts to the. prince. Herdsmen bring in
their good horses, oxen, and fat sheep, all adorned with silk rib-
bons; hunters bring forth precious furs or live fawns and red
deers; and the poor offer whatever they can afford from their
tents.
The ruler of the tribe comes out from his palace to receive
the greetings from his people. He leads a procession of chiefs,
great lamas, and officials passing through the silen, kneeling crowd
into 'zhe tent. Each makes obeisance before the three thrones.
When this ceremony is ended, the rulers and his people then en-
gage themselves in joyful celebrations and feasting.
The Torguts observe the ancient tradition of keeping the first
fifteen days of the year apart for feasting the fifteen personages
of highest standing. These begin with the feast to the ruler and
end with the less important rulers. Only selected guests are
invited to these feasts. Those who arc invited wculd gather in
front of the palace, each clad in the traditional dress of his tribes
and rank. Then all the guests are brought to their places at the
tables in the palace where the Regent acts as host. for the day.
Special food for the New Year Day is prepared on New Year's
eve. A roasted or boiled whole sheep makes the main dish for
entertaining purposes. "Banch" is also made and saved for later
use. The "banch" is like a filled biscuit made by mincing mutton,
mixing it with salt and chopped vegetables and doing it up in small
nuts covered with a casing of dough.
Everyone wears a new cap on New Year's Day and the host of
the tent puts on his elegant robes. New Year's greetings are in the
form of a question, "Have you slept well?" No reference is made
to the New Year. When people meet on New Year's Day they
embrace each other. They stretch out. their arms toward each
other, one putting the ends of his coat sleeves under the ends of
the coat. sleeves of the other and saying, "Sain 6?"
Friends and relatives visit cacth other's tent and exchange
greetings. Tea and toasted bread arc prepared by the host and
served to visitors. For visitors who come Iron a distance, "banch"
is boiled and served.
In the homes, offerings of bread and mutton are made at the
altar in the tent. The part of mutton used for this purpose is a piece
of fat and the tail of the sheep. Little brass cups which serve as
the attar lamps are filled with butter and lighted. In wealthy homes
the altar is enclosed by silk hangings. Visitors who come to the
tent must turn first to the altar upon entering and worship, before
addressing themselves to the occupants of the tent.
In the northern part of the region, the Mongols restrict, the feast-
ing to one y, but in other parts the celt bration is continued for
a week or more. For people in the north, the ceremony of em-
bracing is performed on the first occasion of their meeting
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friends uno live far away. The ceremony is performed through-
out the White Month and ceases at the end of the month.
Summer: The Missummer Festival. This is celebrated on
the twelfth day of the sixth month. It is a great annual religious
festival where both sexes and all classes of people resort at
this time to the religious center of the country, the "Summit-
spring Temple" to worship. Worshippers come to seek absolu-
tion from their sins by walking around the temple loaded with a
heavy volume of sacred books.
In the temple lamas chant prayers all day long. The service
which culminates on the fifteenth day of the month goes on for
about two weeks. According to custom, distribution of money
and food is made to all who take part in the services. For this
reason nearly every lama who has connections with the place puts
in an appearance.
Outside the temple the Chinese traders keep on arriving through-
out the twelfth and thirteenth, selling vegetables, fresh fruits,
dried meats, confections, sewing kits consisting of buttons, threads,
needles and thimbles and t oys. Mongolian children are fond of
Chinese biscuits and sugar candy. Toe:: make good customers
who frequent the traders' tents. Wine and pai-kan are sold to
adults. Men would drink large quantities of it to celebrates the
occasion.
Besides merry-making, eating and drinking,sacred dances
arc performed in the temple. Figures in fantastic dresses, wear-
ing masks which resemble the heads of animals, prance about in
circles in the center of the temple court to the sound of music.
They leap from one foot to another. Fire crackers accompany the
dance. The dance is a representation in a pantomine of the early
history of Buddhism and the actors represent the eminent men, foes,
and friends who helped or hindered Buddhism in its early struggle.
This festival also serves as a great meeting for the women.
Formerly, Mongolian women seldom got out of their homes, ex-
cept occasionally for a wedding celebration. Ti is festival was
then the only opportunity dur ng the year that the wonien of a
tribe had to meet each other. Also it was their annual holiday.
Autumn: Autumn Festival, Festival of the Fire. This is com-
monly held at the banner's principal temples on the first day of
the Eighth Month of the C iinese tuna rcalendar. Offerings are
made at temples and homes. In the temple, devil dances are
sometimes performed and a big celebration is held. Men ,women,
and children all put on their fineries and best robes and come
to the temple from great distances. Many come the night before
in order not to miss any part of the ceremony.
Inside the temple, more pictures arc hung and more rugs
laid
along the seats. Large trays of mutton and other foods are set
before the prinLipal altar in tile inner sanctuar. Lamas and lav-
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men, women and children, occupy their assigned seats on rugs..
The service consists of chanting prayers and offering sacri-
ficies. The lamas are dressed as secular princes of an earlier
day in red, purple, orange, and yellow satin robes. The pur-
pose of this celebration is to make an autumn sacrifice at which
the rulers distribute food to the people after the sacrificial
offering.
A whole roasted sheep is used as the bacrifice and it is then
distributed and eaten. This is followed by mutton cooked with
noodles. The roasted sheep is eaten in the temple but the noodles
are eaten in the guest house. According to custom, the presen-
tation of noodles is by rank; first the Mongols heads of families
and honorary banner members and guests, then the lesser Mongol
males, and finally, women and children.
Some leave the temple at night when the celebration and feast-
ing are over; and others spend the night there in their own tents
and rise early the next morning to return to their homes.
The occasion is also celebrated at home, and the celebration
lasts three days. A lama is invited to the tent to read the scrip=
tures and chant the incantations to the music of small drums, big
drums, and cymbals. Feasting and drinking begin on the third
day after the ceremony is over. The liquor is either wine dis-
tilled from fermented milk or the more potent "Harra Archie,"
a kind of Chine se sorghum wine. A whole boiled sheep is served
with all manner of sweets. Customarily, there is always some
quarreling; in fact, it someone does not become belligerent and
want to fight, the host feels the party has been a failure. All
quarreling, drunkeness and fighting is forgotten the following
day.
Winter: Great Sacrificial Feast to Fire God. Once a year,
on the twenty-third day in the Mongol's twelvth month, a great
sacrificial feast in honor of the fire-god is held in all the tents
of Inner Mongolia. It is an all-day affair. In the morning the
young men of the family ride to the Chinese merchants to make
purchases, while the women do the necessary cleaning in their
tents. The fire place, smoke-vent, and the altar arc dusted and
cleaned. In the meantime, sheep are slaughtered to be sacri-
ficed in the evening. From each sheep the breast-bone., four
ribs, two knee-bones, and some of the fat surrounding the liver
arc cut off and laid on wooden dishes. These are to be offerings
and are carried into the tent. Everyone puts on his or her
best attire at sunset and gets ready for the occasion.
The family, relatives, and members of the clan who live in
the neighboring tents, gather in one household. An elderly man,
sometimes and old uncle, is asked to direct the ceremony of
the sacrifice and to read the traditional ritual service. Although
this is a family affair, outsiders who are worthy of a more inti
a-It
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mate confidence are allowed to participate in the celebrations.
Each person occupies a definite position in the tent and
all sit in a ring. The only opening is the place between the en-
trance to the tent and the hearth where the bloody skins of the sa-
crificial sheep lie on the ground. The person who directs the
service is seated in front of the tent altar, facing the hearth in the
northwestern corner. A low table is placed in front of him, con-
taining?the necessary sacrificial articles. Before the cere-
mony begins, the master of ceremonies examines the offerings
that lie in front of him. Then he gives a sign aid the youngest
son of the tent dashes out of the tent with an old gun and fires
four shots to drive away all evil spirits.
The master of ceremonies then hands over a bundle of sticks
to the chief woman of the tent for her to lay them carefully in
the middle of the hearth. She heaps up some dung along the in-
side of the fireplace; slowly and cautiously she lights the fire
while all persons watch the first puffs of smoke in breathless
excitement until the flame becomes bright.
Then four sticks of incense are lighted by the master and
handed to each person in the tent, first to men then to women.
After they have gone round the circle four times, the sticks are
place in the four corners of the ,hearth. By now the tent is
brightened up by a blazing fire and the warm and cheerful atmos-
phere fills the air with a pleasant incense and sweetness.
When the silent ritual is being performed, the chief woman
fastens narrow strips of colored cloth which designate the colors
of the dawn, the midday sun, twilight and night to the points of
the fireplace. In the meantime, the master takes the choicest
bits from the wooden dishes and throws them on the fire while
uttering an old tent ritual. The sacrificial dish is then handed
to the master of the tent and he descends from his place to the
entrance and stands on the spread-out sheepskin, facing the fire.
Pai-kan and butter are handed to the chief woman. During all
these doings, the master of the tent empties the sacrificial dish
containing flesh, bone and blood to the flames. When this is
done the chief woman flings lumps of butter into the middle of
the flame and pours brandy over it till the fire burns anew with
colored flames. The old man, master' of ceremonies, repeats
the ritual through the crackling of the-flames. Gradually the
vio lent blaze of the fire dies down into a quiet steady flame and
finally into embers. Everyone watches the changes in its color
and shape. The sacrifice comes to its end when the last flames
sink and when the old man recites the last ritual.
It is interesting to note that the ritual tells that the fire was
originally Lighted by the might Chinggis Khan, blown to a flame
by Torgon Sjarc who saved Chinggis Khan's life, and preserved
by Chinggis Khan's wife. Hence the ceremony is performed by
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three persons, an elderly uncle, the master of the tent, and
the master's wife who resemble the three personifications of the
old time.
The whole ritual uttered repeatedly during the ceremony is as
follows:
"Thou who spreadest smoke, who can pierce through clouds,
Thou who has a heat which can pierce through Mother Earth,
Thou, lighted by the mighty Chinggis Khan,
Thou, nourished by the mighty Torgon Sjare
Thou, kept alive by the mighty chief woman
come to our tent.
Thou fire, who comst to us, when the mountains were but
hillocks,
When the brown he-goat was a kid,
When the trees were twigs
Thou, whose lot is as a mighty ruler's,
accept our sacrifice
The new fire on the hearth is happily lighted;
The fire-God of this hearth is pleased without sacrifice,
And the divine fire maidens of the world's four quarter have
again taken up their abode there
And will watch this tent's future."
(Haslund, pp. 128-130)
The ceremony is concluded with music, the singing of legends
and storytelling to bring back memories of ancient gods and ancient
times. Food is served and pai-kan is poured into a jug and served.
Besides the temple festivals, a special festival is held in the
fifth month of every year. This is the obo festival, which is parti-
cular to the nomads and has a ronger attraction for them than
the temple ceremonies. The festival has a deep meaning for the
nomads and the significance of it is a belief of some devine
powers who control the life and death of animals as well as of
human beings. This mythology takes a deep root in the nomad's
consciousness and has become a steppe tradition. The nomads be
in two mighty powers, the Wh ite Old Man and the Dragon
Prince. The former is the protector of the Mongolian pastures
and herds and it is he who makes the nomads prosperous; the lat-
ter is the lord of life and death over mankind (sec below).
The Obo festival is the sacrificial feast to honor the White Old
Man and his companion, the Dragon Prince. A lucky day is cho-
sen in the fifth month by the astrologer of the tribe and the
ceremony is held in the open.
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The obos which consist of a pile of tree branches, stones, and
remains of skeletons are put together to form a pyramid and placed
on conspicuous points in the countryside. The height and width
of the obos depends on their age. Many of these oboe were laid
centuries ago by other nomad people who were probably quite dif -
ferent from the ones who now live in the region. The oboe are
the objects of worship and they stand like monuments over the
steppe. It is believed that the obos are resorts of the Divine
powers and they dominate all the various local spirits in the ter-
ritory. Many of the old obos rest on primitive st,.ne foundations;
they arc always growing because every passer-by wants to put
a new stone on its top in order to make the journey prosperous.
P reparation for the occasion is made on the even of the festival.
Adults and children look forward to the clay with excitement and
enthusiasm. People of the rar-away districts arrive at the place
a day ahead as no one wants to miss any part of the ceremonies
and fun.
In the tents of the camp everyone engages in busy preparations.
Men work feverishly at the saddle-cloths and the embroidery on
the new riding boots; the heavy silver ornaments for the riding
outfits are polished. The best. marksmen of the different clans
get their heaviest bows and longest arrows ready for use.
Wrestlers polish the work on their armour-like leather waistcoats.
Mothers put the last touch to the embroidered outfits which the.
sons will wear in the races. Excitement and anticipation fill
every tent and no one cares if he gets any sleep or not.
At the crack of dawn, the steppe IS full of parties of galloping
horsemen from all. quarters. The sacrificial fires are laid by
the red-robed priests at the foot of the obo. Bright colors on men
and animals create a fascinating sight in the open air. The chief
of the stppe, his subordinate chiefs, and their wives all come to
take part in the festival which the chief has prepared for himself
and his people. The ch ef rides under a canopy of five colors;
a couple of sturdy hunters riding in front of.the cavalcade to
announce his arrival. Men-at-arms with their feathered arrows
fastened on their backs protect the procession at the rear. The
thundering hoofbeats of the cattle and horses, the rattling of silver
ornaments break the silence at intervals.
In the open, from another direction, comes a party of priests
clothed in golden-yellow robes and riding on horseback and escort-
ing a carriage in which a living Buddha sits in a meditative
Buddha posture.
When the two parties are gathered on the southern slope of
the hill, the chiefs are invited to take the scats of honor. Now the
fire which has been laid around the obo is lighted, and columns of
smoke rise straight toward the blue sky. All of those who take
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part in the festival stand in a wide semi-circle facing the canopy.
The big crowd, usually numbering thousands of persons, fills
the steppe where at other times seldom a soul can be seen. When
everyone is in his position, the ceremony starts. The Living
Buddha rises from his scat. of honor, followed by a group of high
priests striding up to a big sacrificial table which has been placed
near the fire, facing the south. Two lamas with red robes blow
their conches from the top of the obo and the long blasts sweep
across the steppe; other lamas pour melted butter on the sacrificial
fires. As the flames flicker up toward the sky, the Living Buddha
calls on the heavenly powers and invites them to come down for
the feast.
In the meantime, a group of shepherds drag in a slaughtered
sheep; pieces of meat and fat are cut and laid on the sacrificial
table. Then they are flung onto the obo and on the fire. Every-
one watches the offering with strained attention while the smoke
from the fires rise into the sky like white pillars. Other pieces
of meat arc thrown high into the air and arc seized by the circling
birds. This gives great joy and satisfaction to all for they con-
sider the offerings are well received by the divine powers.
The festival now takes a joyful course without restrained. The
best wrestlers are chosen from the tribes to meet in duels; the
archers gather to shoot their targets; and a race is arranged
between the young men of the tribe on their best horses. After
the race, the winning horses are led up to the chiefs; both the
animals and their riders are decorated with sky-blue scarves.
Then one of the tribe's old masters of ceremonies pays the tradi-
tional verbal tribute to the horses and amulets of the Living
Buddha are hung about their necks. From then on the winning
horses are let loose on the steppe. They are only used for sports
thereafter and no one may ride them.
After the races and duels, the people assemble around the obo
fire to consume the food which is left Over from the offerings.
Groups of families and clans sit around other fires on the steppe
to discuss the pleasures of the day and the prospects of the future.
Singing continues till dawn. All bitter memories are left behind
and the tribes look to the future with hope and confidence. To the
nomads, the Old White Man and the Dragon Prince have accepted
their offer rigs and they are blessed with prosperity till the time
comes for another such sacrifice.
in comparison with other festivals mentioned previously, this
one vividly describes the life and confiction of the people and the
deep meaning the special festival has for the nomads. Source
material on the obo festival was the first hand information obtained
by a western traveler to inner Mongolia who, eighteen years ago,
participated in such a celebration and recorded his observations.
115
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They also believe that to kill the animal it might make its troubled
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soul-follow the other camels of the caravan and would surely bring
them bad luck.
The nomads believe in a mysterious force which leads them from
the cradle to the grave and on to heaven, and which protects the
family life, holds the clan together and orders the history of the
tribe. It is this force which also upholds the morality, law, and
order in the country in which there are no police and no profes-
sional judiciary forces.
Strong sentiments are attached to the hearth, i. e. the tent fire.
From the custom of making sacrifices to the fire and the fire
ceremony, one can understand how mysticism and sentimentalism
grow around the hearth. Food and drink are cooked and heated
over the tent fire; the hearth is the tent's only source of warmth
in the long, cold winter. It is also under the light and flame of
that fire that people gather in the evening to work and to make
themselves comfortable after the lonely, tiring, journeys of the
day. Again, it is around the tent. fires in the evenings that living
men's experiences are related, take shap, and are passed on.
And it is by the lighted fire in the tents that the deeds of ancestors
are told and sung; that the nomad's old tunes and legends are kept
alive and handed on to the new generation.
The hearth consists of a four-sided block of wood, in the mid-
dle of which stands a piece of iron supported by four perpendicu-
lar iron legs and held together by four horizontal iron rings. The
top of the iron legs are shaped like curved bird's beaks. The
practical function of the four iron rings is to, keep together the
burning animal dung which is used for fuel by the Mongols.
The fireplace has its legends. In the time of their greatness,
the four-legged iron fireplaces were not used and the fire was
lighted inside a circle of stunt!. .The introduction of the four-footed
fire-place coincided with the end of the period of Mongol greatness.
It was said that the fireplace was imposed on them by the
Chinese conquerors. The century-old fireplace, which is the
sacred hearth in all the tents of Inner Mongolia, was and still is
believed to pOssess magic power. Its horizontal iron rings were
supposed to bind the nomads to the place where they live and to
prevent them from setting out on distant wanderings; and the
beak-shaped tops of the four legs symbolized vultures which
watch over all the great thoughts, inspirations and ideas which
spring to life in the fire of the hearth. People in this region
believed and still believe that an inimical power rules their
lives until some day H caven would send them a new Chinggis
Khan who would free them and make their country strong and
great again. From this legends and the reverence attributed
by the Mongols to the tent fire it is easily understood why they
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regard the hearth as the most sacred object in the tent.
Popular belief of the White Ola Man of the Steppe: The popular
belief of the Mongolian people regarding the White Old Man of
the Steppe has become steppe tradition. They believe that the
White Old Man controls all the steppe cattle on which the Mongol's
existence depends, and while the Old White Man owns the cattle,
he generously allows the nomads to administer and exploit his
wealth.
It is said that the White Old Man is a pleasure-loving old fellow
who can be easily tempted into gambling and drunkeness. At his
weak moment, he often gambles with the Dragon Prince, the
ruler of all human sickness, who is also the lord of life and death.
So, when the two divine powers come together to settle their
gambling accounts, the poor Mongols have to suffer because, if
the White Old Man was unlucky, he would spread a plague among
his herds to obtain the necessary means to pay his debts, and
If the Dragon Prince lost, he would go around collecting human
lives. Therefore, the Mcrigols ,.?.culd firmly refuse the scientific
prevention of cattle plagues by inoculation (they call it the magic
needle) to render the cattle immune. Their logic being: If the
White Old Man cannot collect the means to pay his debt, then the
Dragon Prince will collect the human lives instead of cattle.
Therefore when the villages and steppe are infected with either
cattle plague or rinderpest, the Mongols pray to the divine
power and let hundreds of thousands of cattle die in their camps.
IV The Chinese in Inner Mongolia
Chinese in Inner Mongolia are scattered largely in Chahar,
especially in Ninghsia. The patterns of living of the Chinese,
and their social values and customs resemble very much the
people's of North China.
In Ninghsia province there are small farming plots owned by
Chinese settlers. Most of the Chinese villages in this are had
grown up around the Belgian mission which started its missionary
work in the neighboring town of Tung-t'ang in the late 1870's
among the Mongols and the Chinese. The foreign mission there
helped the Chinese settlers to dig ditches and irregate. the land
and turn this uncertain grazing land into a rich farming region.
Gradually small group's of Chirese farmers, poor refugees frcrn
famine stricken areas like Shansi and Shensi in North China
moved into the area. They were followed by their kinfolks.
These Chinese were all poor and ignoratn, and some of them
were fugitives from justice. But they all helped to reclaim
the land. Within a short period they had successfully established
themselves as landowners and drove the Mongols back into
4
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the barren mountains.
Relationships between Mongols and Chinese were not very
friendly, but the Mongols tolerated the Chinese for their supply
of goods which they themselves could not produce. Nevertheless
there has always been friction between the two groups. Formerly
Chinese power in Inner Mongolia was indicated by the strongly
built watchtowers which protected the villages from Mongol attack.
Chinese pioneers lived in clusters of bungalows near the steppe.
The merchants lived in walled towns.
he hinese villages were also walled for protection from
bandits.- The farmers used to live in mud huts or mud houses
with flat roofs. The house usually consisted of two rooms.
Clans or pimps of friends who came frcrn the same district
south of the great wall lived together for mutual protection
against Mongol raiders.
The welathy Chinese who had large holdings of land and tenants
made their homes in Ta-shun-chen (the big town). The place
was actually a large farm, but the farm houses and its outer
buildings were enclosed by strong mud walls with holes pierced
into them for rifles. The main gate was always locked and a
tall watch towers was built. inside for sighting bandits. All
doors were made of massive wood reinforced with iron.
Ordinary people and farmers worked very hard to make a liv-
ing. 'Children of farmers received no education. They became
helpers at home and shared the family's toil and struggle to 'mike
ends Meet.
When work in the fields was done, Chinese farmers spent their
leisure mostly in smoking their pipes and gossiping. But many
men in this area could knit, thus spinning wool became a pre-
occupation of the farmers. It was not uncommon to find young
adults and old men spinning a length of coarse yarn on their way
over for a chat with their neighbors and friends. They knit their
shapeless sweaters, socks, and long trousers for winter from
sheep wool and felt very proud of their own handiwork.
During the harvest season, men, women, as well as children
worked very hard in the fields. Some cut. the stalks of soybeans
or wheat; some piled them into ox carts to take back to their
family courtyards. Threshing was done by all members of the
family in the open ground of the farm houses.
The early Han Chinese settlers in MAR brought with them
their traditional customs and beliefs. The custom of foot-binding
of women bad been practiced and preserved by the Chinese
families and, according to one traveler, it was in evidence as
late as 1945. Most of the older wcznen of the Great Plain wad-
dled around on bound feet. In sons: families, even the younger
girls had had their feet bound by conservative mothers " to make
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them more desirable brides." This trait of an older culture
was kept longer in frontier regions. The Han Chinese there
were not necessarily more conservative, but they clung to
customs in order to set themselves apart from the Mongols.
Fortunately, foot-binding is gradually dying out.
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ARTISTIC AND INTELLECTUAL EXPRESSION
Introduction
Intellectual Express ion
A. Historical
B. Communism
C. Philosophy
D. Religious and Scholarly Literature
E. Miscellaneous
iP Artistic Expression: Literature and Literary Expression
A. Formal Literature and Legends
B. Riddles. Anecdotes, and Minor Literary Forms
C. Under the Communists
IV. Artistic Expression: Music, Songs, Dance, and Drama
A. Music
B. Songs
C. Dances
D. Drama
E. Under the Cummunists
V. Artistic Expression: Static: and Graphic Arts and?Artisanship
A. Painting, Sculpture, and Tapestry
B. Minor Ornamental Arts
C. Under the Communists
Additional Readings
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INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC EXPRESSION
I. Introduction
Culturally as well as politically, the Chinese-controlled
regions of Mongolian population have the characteristics of an
international crossroads, an East Asian Poland. Currently
dominated by foreign settlers and policies, their native Mongol
population clings fragmentarily to its remembered glories and
rallies emotionally about its indigenous folk legends and arts.
Forms of artistic expression among these people are as numer-
ous as the influences, foreign and native, which complicate
their development and present state. This study is a precis of
the most important.
Until the advent of Western learning and science in China
during the 19th century, and more broadly until the advent of
Communist political activism in the twentieth, the Mongols of
the region here in consideration lacked an independent intellectual
tradition. Unlike the Chinese, Mongol culture and civilization
were not balanced upon primary rationalizations of human rela-
tionships. A nomadic people whose economy was basically
animal husbandry, the Mongols were not conditioned to durable
political organization. Such unity as they achieved, including
the vast empire of Chinggis Khan and his successors, was an
extension of raiding aspects of nomadic economy. Until they
assumed control of the Chinese Empire in the 13th century,
Mongols had no bureaucracy, no civil service, and no well-
formed theory of government or state. Relying on those of
China, they developed none afterward. Expelled by the Chinese,
they took little or none back to their own native places.
This is not to say that there have been no intellectual Mongols,
if we define "intellectual" as the intelligent and inquiring man.
Among the Mongols, however, such men occur and can be iden-
tified not by intellectual qualities thus defined, but by some
other dependent tradition of intellectual activity, as distinguished
from religious or political or artistic activity, implies that there
is no definite standard whereby to define the intellectual in the
idiom of Mongol people.- The secular development of the mind
was among the particularized. Among the Chinese, by contrast,
it became in Imperial times, the hallmark of a social class and,
theoretically, an element of summum barium.
The record of intellectual creativity among the Mongols is
not great. In religion, which was up to the 17th century the well-
spring for what there was of it, original scriptural commentary
was rare, in part because of a deep awe for the Tibetans in this
?
?
?
work. In historical writing the way of life and the military ?
nature of much Mongol greatness tended to produce chroniclers
rather than historians. In formal literature, the political fate
of the Mongol peoples tended to influence the collection of legends
illustrative of past glories rather than original stories. In po-
etry, the lack of status for the intelllectual discouraged creative
poetry and the difficulties of life tended to,keep almost all the
population out of purely literary pursuits. A deep feeling for
their native places, however, a pride of group identity, and
that profound emotional response common to societies bound
more rigidly by their traditions, made almost every Mongol a
rustic storyteller or poet. The best litcrateurs of the Mongols
were folk artists and the people at large.
The status of the creative artist among those people, conse-
quently, like that of the creative intellectual, is hard to esta-
blish. There is no native aesthetic set down, and what we should
call a work of art. in any category was generally admired and
used as an adjunct to some other activity --- worship, group
fun, or sim ple ornamentation. Ivluch fine work in painting,
embroidery, sculpture, and even music was considered the
product of artisanship rather than of art, and the makers were
given status accordingly. There was indeed no clear category
of "artist" among the Mongols until the last century. A real
and deep sense of beauty, however, is characteristic of all these
people. Rooted in and most often expressed by a loving appre-
ciation for natural scenes and musical rhymes. In addition, a
full sense of humor, sometimes approaching real sophistication,
colors their anecdotes and riddles.
Besides Mongols, the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region is
populated by Chinese settlers who now grossly outnumber the
native tribal peoples. The complications thus engendered in
terms of the intelloctual or artistic expression of these Chinese
arc not great; the majority tend to repeat the forms and condi-
tions of expression common to their fellows in China Proper.
For our purposes, the difference between Chinese intellectual
and artistic expression within and beyond the Great Wall can
best be shown through the influences, Mongol. and other, which
have somewhat modified them among the former cries. They
have been in fact slight. If anything, the colonists are rather
less active than their brothers back home; their life, agricul-
tural or commercial, is busy and hard; and the frontier situa-
tion socially, geographically, and economically leaves them
minimum time and wealth to produce a leisure class or to
develop intellectual-artistic habits. The classes of people,
moreover, who settled in lands originally Mcngol, included
little of the Imperial Chinese intelligentsia. The tendency of
most educated persons has ever been to congregate in the
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01'
political and economic centers of China, its cities, further re-
ducing the talent resources of Inner Mongolian or West Manchu-?
rian Chinese. With some exceptions, therefore, the record of
Mongol peoples is the major concern.of this paper. For the
Chinese, excepting special differences, we shall note, the rea-
der is referred to the pertientn chapters of the China General
Handbook.
The presence of Chinese in large numbers, on the other
hand has heavily affected the culture of the indigenous popula-
tion in ways which, if mostly negative, are significant in evalu-
ating the present status of mind and art in the area. In addition
to settlers, moreover, the political condition of the Mongols
during the last several centuries had made considerable impres-
sion, negative and positive, upon them. Chinese and Mongol
institutions, habits, concepts and economic practices differ
widely in the intimate contact, of a frontier situation. Neither
group is well equipped by experience to understand the other's
outlook and this basic difference has been reflected in the re-
cord of conflicts between them. Their folk legends, songs,
and tales more or less reflect this mutually hostile feeling of
apartness. Mongol art tends to older patterns, Mongol legends
to glories of the conquering past. Where the two peoples meet,
when the Mongols do not lose their identity, these are colored
only in form by Chinese influences and not in content?Chinese
muksical scale but native lyrics in many songs, for example-
-
except when Chinese things or men serve Mongols as villains
or butts of humor. More often, however, the Mongols in
and near Chinese towns lose their own tradition without picking
up much of the Chinese.
Similarly, art, artisanship, and legends of the colonials
look to Chinese patterns, history, and institutions. Notable
in the tales popular among them is the prevalence of successful
Chinese exploits against Mongols, as for exal:Idle the campaigns
of the Ming Yong-lo Emperor (l'103 Other subjects in-
clude fictional or legendary persons important to the area or
to the parts of China, e.g. YiI, the fl,..)..;-taming emperor (fro -
ditionally, about 2000 BC).
One of the most interesting and probably most significant
programs of the Chinese Communist government dealing with
the intellectual and artistic life of this area is the effort, uni-
versally- made in China, to standardize the outlook and objec-
tives of artists, Jiterate persons, and the people generally
among both races. Ly ntroducing a program of formal educa-
tion, a socio-political teleology, a comprehensive aesthetic,
anc official encoui agcment to folk arts, Peking has introduced
at least the opportunity for several changes in the activities
of both national groups.
?
?
In the sphere of mtell:ct, this policy raises the possibility
that there will emerge a kind of quasi-intelligentsia ? inong the
Mongols. For the first, time in their history, the most import-
ant role in society, the center of power and prestige, is the
literate or semi-literate political activist, the party-cadre,
instead of the warrior-chief or Buddhist Lama. The relative
value and orientation of the "intellectual" aspects of Communist
cadredom is discussed in the General China Handbook. However
imperfectly an intellectual, however, the cadre represents
among the Mongol a kind and use of mentality quite unlike any-
thing familiar to him before, for his knowledge of at least one
intellectual tradition in the form of state ideology is directed by
purposes of a concatenated and rationalized state policy, theory
of government, secular ethic, and philosophic system. A way of
thinking which is important: for its own sake as well as for its
application is a concept quite new to the Mongol laity, but it
is traditionally a habit of the Chinese mind. Such a principle,
based in Chinese intellectual experience, in' pected by the
Peking regime to sinicize, as it. were, not the Mongol culture
but the Mongol and other minority people's mentality, to condi-
tion them to think and act. in ways familiar to their actual Chinese
rulers, to make them responsibe to the kind of stimuli which
Mao's people are best accustomed to employ.
When we speak analogously of "sinicizmg" Mongol mentality,
we must remember that the Chinese Communists' conscious
purpose is rather to "communize" or Stalin-Mao-ize" these
people along with the Chinese and all appurtenant minorities; and
the content of the new learning and discipline is not indigenously
Chinese but the current orthodoxy of Peking neo-Marxists. The
Chinese, nevertheless, are still Chinese; and the prestige which
their culture has historically asigned to intellectuals has to some
extent colored their communism with the native and Imperial
yellow. Their effort to produce a kind of party line elite among
minority peoples, therefore, while ostensibly a gesture toward
minority autonomy within the conditioned-reflext politics of the
Communist empire, is truly a smic way of accomplishing the
purpose.
Simultaneously, Peking's current official encouragement of
folk-arts and crafts among minorities has and is likely to have
effects both similar and different. in quality from those of its
politicat philosphy and organization among them. In terms of
the Mongols, this encouragement is meant to stimuLate loyally
through gratitude and to provide a native medium for propaganda.
Certainly it has done both with a: least some success. It has
also the effect, probably not foreseen, of restoring a measure of
cultural balance between the Mongol and Chinese colonial popu-
lations in the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region.
In the past century, a number of factors have helped reduce
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the vitality of nomadic artistic 'and, such as they were, intel-
lectual traditions in much though not all of the area now called
the Autonomous region. The large and growing majority of
Chinese immigrants, the policies of Chinese governments,
especially the Republican, the policy of the Japanese in western
Manchuria during the period of "Manchukuo" (1934-45), and the
loss by Mongol tribes of their status, prestige, and political
power have all influenced this decline. To understand this as
well as the likely effects of the present Communist, policies it
is necessary to know a little of historical cultural relations
between the two peoples.
Situated at a crossroads for trade and influence, the Inner
Mongolian and West Manchurian Mongols have recieved for at
least six hundred years cultural contributions from all sides.
FromTibet, especially, the Buddhist. religion, partly absorbing
and partly replacing a primitive shamanistic magic, deeply cut
the Mongol pattern; and Tibetan Lamaist Buddhism became a
truly Mongolian church; but. in liturgical music, monastery and
temple architecture, scriptural learning and commentary, and
religious art, the Mongols accepted rather than adapted the forms
of Tibet. Classical Tibetan was the lingua franca of the Lamas,
and study in some Tibetan monastic school was the accepted way
to a reputation for or a degree in religious sciences and true
Buddhist theology. This univocal and one-sided respect con-
tinues to some extent even today. It is strongest, and Tibetan
artistic and cultural influence is strongest, in the Ordos and
far western reaches of the Autonomous Region, weaker but still
prevalent in all other of its parts.
In addition to the Tibetan, lesser influences from Central
Asian Moslem and other peoples related to the Mongols reached
at least the western settlements of Inner Mongolia. Some contact
with such cousins survived the great westward campaigns of the
Mongol Khans in the 13th century; others followed the trade routes
through Chinese Turkestan. To the east, in the former Hsingan
and Hcilungkiang provinces of Manchuria, Tungusic tribes fringed
and mingled with the Mongolian. Much later, Russian expansion
into Siberia contribued to the development at first of political
and later of cultural ideas in the present Mongolian People's
R cpublic, formerly Outer Mongolia
For the Mongols of our region, however, the most important
line of influence after the Tibetan, historically, has been the
Chinese. Retreating from the resurgence of native Chinese power
which introduced the Ming dynasty, the former Mongol conquer-
ors of China took with them at least. an amount of taste for things
made and done south of the Great Wall. This very smicization
of taste, especially for luxuries, was bitterly condemned by
Leaders for the dcclinc of vi os and power which,. they believed,
?
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tem
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made their expulsion possible. In fact, of course, the reasons
for the decline of the Mongol Man dynasty were many and com-
plex though this may have been one of them. The taste, never-
theless survived, especially in matters of dress and ornament;
and much commerce between nomadic tribes and Chinese mer-
chants in later centuries' was built upon the demand for Chinese
silks and embroideries.
It must not be thought that: the Mongol conquest of China and
other contacts betwen the tribes and the Empire influenced only
the former.
"...cultivated China has found inspiration for some of
its oldest and most vigo.rous creations in art and liter-
ature from the rude hordes of the steppes. The Chinese
verse forms are built upon folk-music which is in a
large measure of Central Asiatic origin; China's clas-
sical drama blossomed in the shelter of the Mongolian
court; her romances revolve on expanded popular ver-
sions of Buddhist texts." (Henning Haslund, Men and
Gods in Mongolia, p. 237)
The same author i otes the contributions of Mogul architecture
in India and the great palaces of Jehol which rep resented the
taste if not the talents of Manchu cousins to the Mongols. in
terms of Chinese art and folk-art these examples are less con-
clusive of a Mongolian contribution than the famous Yuan dramas
and the probably northern origin of the pentatonic scale in Chinese
music. For our purposes, admittedly, the most important line
of influence is that from Ch ma into the lands and lives of the
Mongolian tribes, but it is useful to remember that there were
as well reLiprocal contributions from the vigorous rude arts
of the nomad to the sophisticated civilization of Imperial China.
The majority of both either began or flourished most during the
conquest Dynasty of the Mongols, the Vitrin (1260-1368),
when the contacts of the two peoples were more than they were
to be again until the great Chinese migrations to Mongol.
lands began a century ago. R should bc noted, moreover, that.
the intellectual and artistic results of the YUan dyn .sly were
considerably richer than those of the period of farmer coloniza-
tion by the Han people. It would seem to be the rule that Mongols
of high rank are able to make a contribution to the culture of
Chinese gentlemen's subjects, whereas Chinese peasants are
able only to smother the culture of Mongol. herdsmen. The
folk arts of both people were, by definition, made among the
plebs: but in China the arts, whether so defined or regarded
as artisanship, were governed and appreciated by the gentry.
This condition was not true of th c lvlongol s, whose elite were
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not a cultivated group and whose masses were capable either
vigorously of producing their folk arts and literature or of aban-
doning and forgetting them in lassitude but not, like the selective
Confucian or Western connosseur, of enriching their own with
foreign loans.
The rise of a Manchu state in Northern and eastern Manchuria
after 1575 further involved several Mongol tribes. Some in west
Manchuria had been conquered or allied with it. From these
and, later, from their kin in Inner and Outer Mongolia, the Man-
chu Emperors formed banner armies like their own and to them
granted the honors of preferred racial brthren. This kinship
policy was reciprocated in feeling by the Mongols. and it tended
to place both peoples on a level of official favor higher than that
of the hinese during the Ch'ing Dynasty. It also introduced
some Mongols to Chinese learning and more to Chinese goods
and arts.
The Manchus sought, for prestige and power, to smictze
themselves intellectually; hut although they favored Mongols
in more practical matters and valued their military loyalty,
they did not generally encourage them to match Manchus in this
select field. For convenience and reward, they did permit a
number of the former to take the Confucian imperial examina-
tions and more to study in the bannermen's school at Peking. A
few of these men became bureaucrats, but neither their orien-
tation nor their numbers qualified them as an intelligenthia
of the Mongol people or in the Mongol culture. They became,
culturally, Chinese. The position which they enjoyed vis-a-vis
the Chinese and the habits of their nobles did help stimulate
among the mass of Mongols an increased demand for Chinese
trade and artifacts. The conseugent decline in native artisan-
ship, similar to that of the Chinese under a tide of European
goods, was not the only injurious reward of the Manchu alliance..
Later in the 19th century, distracted by foreign perils, wa-
ry of the Russian continental advance, and beyond caring about
the feelings of their co-conquerors of 1644, Manchu rulers and
Chinese local leaders began encouraging Chinese farmers to
settle under-populated frontier lands. The result was severe
pressure on all aspects of tribal life, including the cultural
This policy, like the older one of friendship, thus contributed
to the introduction of Chinese things and ways among the Mongols.
What the tribespeople had accepted, even sought, while in a
superior position, however, they tended to accept more reluc-
tantly, even reject, as they became a persecuted minority in
their on lands. Where the Chinese settled in numbers, they
quickly came to dominate in almost every activity?sociaI,
eoonomic, political, cultural; and as the more powerful group,
2.2.3
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they were better able than tiller hosts to retain their own tra-
ditions.
For the Mongols, this migration meant a new kind of im-
pingement and humiliation. Chinese governments, especially
after 1912, strongly favored colonists'in policy and treated the
tribes, with some reason, as rebels and subversives, poten-
tial or actual. Tribal pastured land was ploughed, Mongolian
discouraged as commercial language, men 'and animals killed
by punitive expeditions. The result was a comprehensive de-
pression of Mungol life including literary and artistic expres-
sion, a stimulation of westernized intellectual and political
movements, and a division among the Mongols themselves.
Those forced by circumstances to settle in Chinese towns,
mostly in Inner Mongolia, lost much of their own culture and
acquired only a minimum of the Chinese. Those living around
these places were inrluence.2 similarly, if less, a few older
men and noble families retaining legends or chronicles of a
better time. Chinese trade and arts made deep inroads on
both groups. Those who m ovcd with their herds to border
areas remained substantially aloof, and among them survived
most vigorously the folk arts and crafts, songs, dances, le-
gends, riddles, and independence of spirit common to tiller for-
bearers. Somewhere between the sinicizing and isolating, the
Lamaist Church influenced and was influenced by both. Its
artistic forms, so long Tibetan, syncretized Sino-Tibetan
elements.
In addition, the Chinese republican government adopted and
erratically maintained a policy of open attack upon minority
institutions and cultures. Under the Kuomintang after 1,927,
sinicization by force was a political shibboleth. The success-
ful revolt of Outer Mongolia.?(1919-21) stimulated the Peking
authorities' desire to break the semi-autonomy of some tribes
and to absorbe minorities in all respects, even racially, into
one Chinese nation. Chinese language, dress, officials, learn-
ing, and customs were, pressed where they were not accepted
voluntarily; the Chinese state economy subordinad nomadic;
railroads and resource-development cut nomadic grasslands
purposefully. Chinese national unity and power were dreams
whose realization lay partially with the overriding of Mongol
men, lands, and ways.
Shortly after the beginning of this Kuomintang movement to
sinicize, the Japanese seized Manchuria and Jehol province.
Appealing to the anti-Chinese feeling among the tribes, they
created in western Manchuria the province of Hsingan, now
included in the northeastern part of the Autonomous Region, as
a Mongol reserve. Establishing schools, uttering propaganda,
extending economic assistance, they sought to mobilize the
Mongols as a human resource in the development of their new
22.1
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acquisition. Officially encouraging folk arts with some success,
Japan's attempt to "modernize: the natives nevertheless affected
their intellectual and artistic expression in a negative way like
that of the Chinese directly to suppress them. The Chinese
cowed; the Japanese distracted. The Chinese made servants or
laborers of herdsmen; the Japanese made mechanics and soldiers.
Both systems tended to reduce the currency and vitality of no-
madic ways. Intellectually, the Japanese system at least trained
some Mongol schoolmasters and a few scholars, but scholarship
was functional in their hands, though they relied on Mongol
pride and historical memory.. Like the few Mongols who, under
the Ch'ing dynasty, had taken the old Chinese literary examina-
tion, however, these japanese-trained persons were too few
and too far out of touch with the basic Mongol population to con-
stitute an intelligentsia group among them. They did, however,
provide a nucleus for the future Communist training in non-Mon-
golian studies, the first turn of a new orientation away from the
old pattern of thought. Later, the Japanese program was brief-
ly extended to eastern Inner Mongolia (1938-45).
With the rise of the Chinese Communist Party in North
China, Inner Mongolia, and later Manchuria (19364947), the
anti-Chinese feeling of the natives was skillfully exploited by
one Chinese faction against another. Turning the blame for
their depressed condition from the Chinese race to the Kuomin-
tang government, Mao's cadres and propagandists appealed to
an Asian brotherhood of underprivileged and promised autonomy
and cultural freedom. They said nothing of the future status
of the Chinese majority on Mongol lands, fully intending to con-
firm it for its economic values; but. they won a number of con-
verts among Mongol natives, especially the few educated and
the many afflicted by intimidation. Since the organization of
their government, the Con-imunists have followed their promises
with action to the extent of encrouaging native arts and trying to
develop a new Mongol literary movement. Their purpose is pro-
paganda. They arc content. to communize without smicizing,
but they make use of familiar folk arts and expression to convey
messages 11 loyalty to Peking which a unifying political effect;
and we have already noted an elment of qualitative sinicization
in their "intellectual" development, of cadres among minority
peoples with no tradition of a philosophic secular elite. The
well organized way in which these purposes arc sought has at
begat indications of a change in the content of Mongol
ideas and art, as we shall note in more detail. A an approach
to the problem of reconciling a minority people with the Chinese,
however, and a subtle sinicization of their minds, the Communist
experiment has a refinement never previously evident in the
cultural or political relations of the tv.o ocooles and may have an
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goveTnment survives and perseveres.
II. Intellectual Expression
A. Historical
Before the 18th century, all literate Mongols excepting a
few scribes, chroniclers, and well-traveled nobles, were
Buddhist Lamas; and as late as 1935, a considerable majority
still lay among the priests and monks of the Lamaist Church.
Despite their numbers, the literate members of the clergy did
not constitute an intelligentsia in the Mongol scheme of culture
nor in our sense of the word. Their literPry was an individual
matter, for some priests were not able to read or write, and
it was usually a result of their priesthood, their opportunities
to study, travel in Tibet for advanced theology, and the like.
if the clergy were, in terms of honor, a kind of elite, scholar-
ship was not a pr-ime qualification for that status --a situation
quite unlike that of Imperial Chinese society.
The lamas were concerned actively with theology and scrip-
tural studies, most of their work belongs to the chapter on
religion. They did, however, make some historical intellectual
contributions of secular value. The classical Mongolian scrip
and literary style were tools which they more than any other
part of the population commanded and used. The importation
of religious and artistic ideas from Tibet, prestigious center
of Lamaistic Buddhism, was their doing. The many and often
extensive monastery libraries were their collections, and these
libraries preserved tribal genealogies and occasional documents
in Mongolian as well as a mass of devotional works and commen-
taries in Tibetan.
Mongol lamas, howev. r, produced little writing of original
value even, or especially, in theology and exegesis; for their
respect and veneration of Tibetan work and models, which
extended even to using Tibetan for most religious writing,
stifled independent thought.
Secular education was virtually unknown to the Mongols unti
the Manchu conquest of China (1644) in which they participated
as lesser partners. The Manchu Emperors sought to gain pres
tige and political strength for their own people by encouraging
them to participate in the Chinese literary examinations for
civil service eligibility. Generally they did not desire other
minority peoples to seek that civil prestige which they wished
for their own, but quite regularly for political reasons, they did
allow or even seek Mongols to take the examination as well.
Those who did were sometimes used in Imperial civil adminis-
tration often but not invariably in Mongol areas, but their numbers
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were never large enough and their value to their own tribespeo?
plc as Chinese-style literati v.ias never great enough for them
to be considered a native intelligentsia. Most were from nolie
families to whom properly belonged a benefice related to ruler-
ship. The Ch'ing government maintained a school for banner-
men of all three races who aspired to official careers, and as
an additional administrative aid the Palace school at Peking of-
fered instruction in Mongolian language. The majority of stu-
dents in these were Chinese of Manchu bannermen anticipant
of posts in the frontier reaches of the Empire. Some other
scholars through independent curiosity became interested in
Mongolian studies and helped form the equivalent of a Chinese
academic field in them; but. the number of Mongols engaged in
any of these activities bearing on their own country or people
was not great.
In the aggregate of more than two centuries, certainly, a
considerable body of Mongols?princes, minor nobles, and
others?did take the Imperial Examinations in Confucian learning.
In the course of preparing for them, some such men became
sincere Confucians; others were seeking bureaucratic advan-
tage or personal presitge. or neither kind was the study per-
tinent among their own people, and relatively few of them
gained prestige in Chinese circles achieved by many Manchu
scholars. Those who did become members of a fundamentally
Chinese intelligentsia out of touch with the nomadic culture and
so often addicted to Chinese standards of taste and ways of
though as to be contemptuous of Mongol tradition. For this
reason, the literary language of educated Mongols other than
lamas was until the recent nationalist resurgence, Chinese.
Among the successful, if undistinguished, /.4ongol literati
who in this pattern became civil or military officials, Grand
Councillors, and even pure scholars and literary figures, were
Sai -shagna (17584848), Sung -yuan (17524835), Ch'ung-ch'i
(1829-1900), the son of Sai-shan-ga, Wo-jen (? -1871), and
Yun-tsang or Fashishan (1753-1813), a poet, among several.
Significant of the role of such Mongol intellectuals, however, is
the fact that. the two Mongols most. honored by the Manchu
Ch"ing dynasty--Borjigits Tscreng (? -1.750) and Seng-ko-lin-tsin
(?-1865) were both military commanders neither of whom,
apparently, ever passed a civil examination (though Tsereng
studied briefly at Peking in 1692) and neither of whom left any
notable writing to his name.
During the last decadres of the 19th century, a very few
Mongols, mostly from tribal elite families, received European
type training in China. Tho .ie living in or around the growing
Chinese agricultural colonies were curious to find ways in which
to regain a supremacy in politics and economy which was passing
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rapidly to the immigrant Han people; and with the advent of the
Republic and the successful nationalist revolution of the 0 ter
Mongolian tribes,natives from Inner Mongolia and, to a lesser
extent from western Manchuria began to seek the lessons of the
new learning. Even though their bent was anti-Chinese, most.
received training through and in con sequence of the Chinese
educational reformation. Others went to study in Outer Mongo-
lia and Japan. From this body, small but growing, of western-
ized Mongols rose the first true national Mongol intelligentsia.
Their interests were principally in history and political
science, reflecting their race-pride and thier national aspira-
tions. Di t -rl-eci by t:he agitation of such men for sepa ratio of
Mongolian populations from Chinese sovereignty, as well as by
other frontier troubles, the Kuomintang government undertook
a policy of intellectual repression and cultural sinicization
of Mongol minorities from about 1927-1935 which hindered the
development: of the native intellectual movement and for a time
all but stopped the production of schola Hy works by or for
Mongols. The resentment which this policy added to an already
strong anti-Chinese feeling among Mongols, especially the edu-
cated, turned to advantage the appeals to brotherhood, equality,
and minority rights urged by propaganda from the Chinese Com-
munist center of Yenan during the Japanese invasion.
Japanese occupation first of Manchuria and later, 1937,
of North China, put Mongol dissatisfaction and ambition within
reach of Japanese policy. The latter was nirrael. to weaken the
Chinese by encouraging separatism and it. found acceptance
among many of the Mongols literate or not. In addition, the
Japanese established schobls and trained Mongols in sciences
and history heavily cut with propaganda about Chinggis Khan
and the heroic past. Lamas were sent, moreover to study a
policy-influenced Pan-Buddhism in Japanese monasteries.
The products of this training, while seldom intellectuals, were
useful later as a nucleus of Mongols oriented to an industrial
economy: and some few of them were won by the economic theory
of the CCP. Because Japanese rule railed to produce real au-
tonomy or to remove the chancre of Chinese settlers already in
Mongol lands, however, it, did not satisfy thinking natives; and
it discredited many hereditary tribal princes who accepted it.
Educated Mongols living under both the Chinese and Japanese
came to share, during the 1930's and 19,10s, at least three com-
mon objectives: unity of Mongols, at least Inner Mongols; de-
struction of the hereditar:.? princes as a political system, and
some reform of the church. The new training of European
type was secular throughout, and it disposed its recipients to
regard the traditionalisro of the Lamaist clergy as an impedi-
ment to national aspirations and progre.3s. On these same
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issues the Soviet rulers drew to organize the Outer Mongolian
People's Republic, and on them the CCP played to win the
assistance of the tribe speople and the educated againt the
KMT.
It is worth noting here that, except for the brief period of
study in Western liberal disciplines, educated Mongols had no
experience of free inquiry. The Buddhist I,amas were rigorously
limited to their orthodoxy; the Confucian-trained few of the
Ch'ing period had no roots in Mongol experience and belonged as
much as they belonged to anything, to the monolithic Chinese
ideological system; the Japanese- trained were heavily propagan-
dized, as were their Russian-trained kin to the west and north.
European systems of thought were never a Mongol intellectual
tradition or experience, and the Mongols who had known it were
persecuted and frustrated by the KNIT and Japanese alike until
they might well question the value of their envivicca freedom.
(The life of the intellectual Merge [Chinese name Kilo 'Pao-fill
illustrates the typical condition of educated Mongols at this
time. A Daghor from Hailar in Manchuria, he was an aristo-
crat whose family's wealth gave him the opportunity for study.
His talents and interest were in language, of which he spoke
several, and in political science. Affiliated with the KMT,
he was for a time secretary to Chang Hstich-liang when the lat-
ter allied with Nanking. He wrote several books and articles
in Chinese and headed a school for Mongols in Mukden; but he
was dismissed for separatist sympathies in running the school--
a KMT propaganda center by design--and put under surveillance.
Fleeing to Hailar, he disappeared in 1932)
In this situation, Communism had a very good chance both
as a doctrine and as a program of promises for a minority peo-
ple. The Mongolian position in Inner Mongolia and Western
.Manchuria, that of an intimidated minority on their own lands,
was one in which a few instructed men could organize popular
dissatisfaction into a vigorous movement. The value to the
Communist Party of China of even a small number of intellectual
or aspirant-intellectual Mongols, therefore, quite outweighted
their value within the Mongol culture itself. They were out of
step with the old system, but they were adequate nuclei for the
growth of a new one. Among these men, and others drawn
from the tribeTeople, Mao's instructors made useful cadres.
Yenan was thankfully near Mongol lands, and during the civil
war of 1947-49 Communist troops occupied almost all the region
now known as the Autonomous Region. Where they went, they
organized as they had among the Chinese, centers of alliance,
study groups, local improvement societies, and military forma-
tions?with the cooperation of communizing intellectuals
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tions --with the cooperation of communizing intellectuals.
Opposition to Communism was not tacking on the intellectual
level, but most of it. came from groups whose pow ir or even
existence was called directly in question by the Communists
and, indeed, by many of the nationalist intellectuals. The
lamaist clergy during the 1930's decried the materialism which
was infiltrating from the Russian-influencpd Turkestan and
outer Mongolia as well as from Red centers in North China.
Tribal princes opposed the new doctrine on practical grounds,
but a Torgu regent saw in it a threat to the spiritual values
of the nomadic culture, (Haslund, Men and Gods in Mongolia,
pp. 248-49) a strange view since he was educated in a European
tradition which ha rdly better accorded with the ''truest instincts
of the nomad." Some Mongols in Japanese-controlled puppet
"autonomous" regimes opposed it vocally as the arm of Russian
imperialism, but Japanese imperialism was more in evidence
when they spoke. When the issue was reduced, in 19,15-50
to one of choosing sides between two Chinese factions one of
which promised autonomy and cultural freedom and the other
had a record of suppressing both, Mongol intellectuals had no
great trouble over the decision. There is little reason to
accuse them of bowing to the inevitable when it it. 50 ver y prcb-
able that for patriotic reasons they did not object. There is
little ground for accusing them of hypocri sy when their own
experience at least did not dispose them to reject a way of
thinking simply because it was dogmatic.
B. Communism
The number of educated, even of literate Mongols is still small.
Those among them who by Luriosity and training may be called
intellectuals had, by 1950, received from non-Communist edu-
cation and throught principleswhereby to rationalize feelings of
inferiority and resentment. and to project. the national ambitions
of a depressed people. Their learning was functional in terms
of Mongol grievances--perhaps the only way it could mesh in
any way with the real conditions of the tribes. Under the Com-
munists, the conditions and culture of the tribes may be altered
to the point, at. which an amount of modern education will fit
their economic situation and their society, of both the literate
and illiterate come to accept the communist standard of values
and the social and other reforms projected by Peking. For the
period of organization of Communism among the Mongols, how-
ever, the more primitive nationalism so popular among back-
ward peoples in Asia and Africa now was the only vital point at
? which the training of intellectuals could touch the lives of the
commonality; and it was at thig point that the appeal of the CCP
made its cut rance, intellectual, and pract.cal, among them.
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Communist Mongol cadres are not true intellectuals, but
they bring to their people the most intimate association of phi-
losophic ideas and intellectual activity with nomadic life in the
history of these people. Their status introduces among the
Mongols, as we have seen, a standard of the elite which is analo-
gously Chinese in practice--a privileged group of political acti-
vists and propagandists who interpret and apply party doctrine
and state policy at the lowest level. The idea that training in a
doctrine can make a man valuable in society is not likely to
sinicize--is not intended to sinicize?the Mongol culture to which
it is foreign. It may, and probably is intended, to standardize
the pattern of thought of Mongol with that of Chinese. The fact
that it represents a Chinese intellectual habit is, from the Com-
munist standpoint, an accident which is perhaps not recognized;
this accident, if prolonged in practice and not soured by too
much overt Chinese supervision, may do more to reconcile the
tow peoples than force ever did. Such reconcilization would,
obviously, be the denial of Mongol nationalisrn. Chinese state
policy toward minorities, like Russian, is a mixture perhaps
unknowing of Marxist-Stalinist doctrine with an older imperialism,
and the unity at all levels, especially the intellectual, of the
peoples under their control is undoubtedly a desire of the Peking
government.
The spread of literacy in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous
Region by group instruction will alter the relationship between
intellectual and peasant in Mongolia less than in Chim Proper.
In the latter case it. removes one of the great marks of identity
and prestige of the intellectual class; in the former, which had
no intellectual class as such, it will help integrate the concept
of learning with the necessities of living. In both, it helps se-
cure the Peking regime against the formation of a counter elite.
Those Mongols who are more truly intellectuals remain few,
but a number are being trained in Chinese schools. There is
little encouragement for them to study history and political science
other than propaganda, but their training as technicians is fore-
cast as useful to the state.
Finally, the Communists have elevated writers and folk
artists to the level of artists and intellectuals, a new concept
among Mongols who have regarded their pursuits either as
artisanship or as amateur 'entertainment. Beyond official en-
couragement, colored by appeals to native quality and the value
of native arts, such artists serve to spread propaganda among
their people both in the content of their work, its appeal to na-
tive pride, and in their own new prestige status as we shall
discuss.
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C. Philosophy
There has been no formal tradition of philosophy among
Mongolian people. Buddhism and Shamanist magic both belongs
to the sphere of religion. The Confucianism learned by Mongols
who took Chinese Imperial examinations under Manchu auspi -
ces was alien to the experience and sentiments of their tribes.
Western systems of thought hardly reached them excepting
nationalism. A negative form of nationalism had grown indi-r
genously by opposition to the Chinese, and some Western con-
cepts of it, reaching them, helped change the pitch of their
own. Chinese colonists cling to a mixture of Confucian ethics
and magic, adhering t.o the cosmology of the five elements, five
significant numbers, cardinal points of compass, basic tones,
et. al.: the theory of the harmony of nature in the balance of
Yin and Yang.
The Mongols apparently accepted at. least a five-element
cosmology, exemplified in the symbolic structure of the Bud-
dhist Suburgan (chorten, the more familiar Tibetan word) or
reliquary shrine. This structure ancl the idea behind it, how-
ever, represents most likely a popular religious idea rather
than a formal philosophic conept; and its source is probably
Tibetan rather than Mongolian.
Communism in its full development as a system of thought
is not known to the majority of Mongols. The intellectuals who
accept it are beholden to the dictates of the Peking ideologists,
Mao and Liu Shao-ch'i; those who do or did not accept it have
been "reconditioned" by special training. The cadres repre-
sent a limited and totally conditioned from of communists whose
purpose is to repeat and drill, not to comment or criticize.
The training which Mongols receive either in state schools or
from cadres is heavily weighted with the Party line; and the
philosophic instruction for student in Chinese universities
and other schools is equally limited and responsive to the ideo-
logical monolith. Other philosophic systems arc neither taught
nor tolerated. Buddhism survives, under some surveillance,
only as a theology. The philosophic scene in the Inner Mongolia
Autonomous Region is narrowly patterened upon that in China.
D. Religious and Scholarly Literature
Since the humiliation and expulsion by the Chinese Ming
Dynasty (1368-ca 1425), Mongol intellectual curiosity has turned
on the consolations of reliijon and historical glory. The latter,
at least, was also a natural preoccupation for a bellicose no-
madic people whose political center was usually the successful
war chief apotheosized a hero. Until the 20th century, conse-
quently-, most writing in Mongolian has concerned one or the
other.
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Despite an addiction to literary Tibetan, Mongol lamas
produced some homiletics and moralities in their own script.
Thc Siddhi-kur, a collection of Buddhist tales, has been used
to verify or restore original Indian and Tibetan scriptures.
Uliger-un-dalai (Sea of Comparisons), a book of Buddhist me-
ditations apparently written first in a classical Mongolian, is
esteemed one of the most important religious works in that
language. Beyond these classics, several lamas made written
collections of imaginative popular tales on Buddhistic themes,
in particular of colorful hells, from oral vernacular traditions;
for the past century, however, the production of such works
has virtually stopped.
Books were p rinted in Mongolian in Peking during the Man-
chu dynasty and the Rcpublic and earlier in Urga with wood-
block type probably introduced from China. Moveable type
seems to have reached Mongolia througn Moslem peoples to the
west, and one of the first complete fonts of Mongolian type
in Inner Mongolia was made by Christian missionaries among the
Tumets (Suiyuan province) in the 1860's. In the parts of Mongol
territory which conern us, little printing occurred prior to
that time.
The study of history has become a science in the last few
centuries, and most early great culture?Greek, Roman,
Chinese, Indian, and wi thin limits even Medieval European--
produced some critical writing in this field. Mongol historio-
graphy did not do so until the 20th century, and the study of
Mongolia, its people and history, was on a scholarly level the
work of Chinese and Manchu intellectuals, especially during
the Ch'ing dynasty. Historical, topographical, genealogical
and similar works either written or compiled by Chang Mu
(1805-49), Ku Kuang-rh'i (1776.-1835), La Wen-Cien (1834-95),
the Manchu Sheng-yti (1850-1900) among others established them
as Mongolists in the historiography of China. f or the Mongols
themselves, by contrast, non-critical chronicles comprised the
bulk of written history. Their traditional form suited nomadic
need as much as their heroic simplicity exhausted nomadic in
The tribespeople esteemed them for recollection of
their golden age, and under sharp f von: Chinese settlers
and oppression from Chinese governments more recently the
hardest pressed Mongols came to view these chronicles as a
kind of cultural monument.
Unlike Chinese Mongo lists, native chroniclers flourished
early from the 13th to 17th centuries. Their works display much
Buddhist pietism and legendary attributions from primitive
shaman magic, but in detail some are valued sources for modern
scholars.
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Three are outstanding: 1) the anonymous Secret History of the
Mongols (Monggol-urn Niucha Tobchiyan) phonteically tran-
scribed into Mongolian with Uighur characters (ca. 1240) and
preserved until recelntly only in a Chinese transliteration.
Yuanch'ao pi-shih; 2) the great Chronicle (Er dem yin tochi)
of sanang Setsen (1604-1660?), a semi-legendized account of
Jenghiz Khan's conquest completed in 1658; 3) the roughly
contemporaneous "Altan Tobehi, and the Bolur Erike (String
of Pearls by Rasi Pungsuk
The most honored figure of Mongol historiography is Sanang
Setsen, an Ordos noble of the Usin banner, whose full honorary
name was Janang Erke Setsi Khung. Born in 1604, he dies some-
time after 1658 when his Chronicle was completed, becoming a
folk-hero to the Ordos tribes who sacrificed formally on his
anniversary as recently as at least 1934. In this honor and in the
respect paid him among almost all Mongols, there is evidence
that a quasi-intellectual figure could achieve statusin this unso-
phisticated society. It is probably, however, that veneration of
Sanang Setsen is a tribute to his having celebrated so well
that zenith of Mongol power in which the tribes took defensive
pride during their times of trouble.
In any event, his quality was not afterward matched, and the
creation of works in Mongolian history declined.
During the Ch'ing period, a number of Chinese works--dynas-
tic histories and some Confucian writing both orthodox and he-
terodox for the period?received incidental Mongolian transla-
tions in the course of official renderings into Manchu, but such
production ceased almost entirely in mid-I9th century when the
Peking court had troubles which their Mongol quondam-allied
could not help solve. There is little indication that these works
were popular in Mongolia except with those who had taken the
Chinese examinations or studied Chinese philosophy avocationally.
The period from 1880 to about 1920 was one of stagnation and
barrenness in formal writing either scholarly or literary, though
the folk literature persisted quite strongly at the same time in
face of Chinese immigration. Original works in Mongolian were
not forthcoming, and even the monasteries suffered the prevail-
ing sterility in production of devotional material.
During the late 1920's and early 1930's, some books and ar-
ticles by Mongol intellectuals trained in the new learning ap-
peared, notably those of Mcrse (Kuo T'ao-fu) who published in
Mukden, and of Sangbo (Pao Wei-han) in Peking, but while these
concerned Mongol history and current' problems, they were writ-
ten and printed in Chinese, betraying the academic background
of their authors. Some words were printed dually in Mongol
and Chinese in Nanking at the behest of the Nationalist government,
and it is likely that Mongols cooperated in their compilation.
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These, like the Mongol 10-Day Journey (Monggol-on Arban.. .
and Table of Mongol Leagues and Banners (Monggol Chigolgan)
were tabular in form. The Azure Chronicle of the Yuan dynasty
(Ktike Sudur, Peiping, ca. 1929), was a recreation of the glo-
rious chronicle of Mongol traditions printed only in Mongolian.
Writing since the Japanese and civil wars has been much re-
stricted, the burden of Mongol publication tinder the Communists
falling to literary men such as Malchinhu, to be discussed
later. Understandably the Chinese Communists are not anxious
to stimulate a Mongolian national historiography, although they
are quite capable of citing the Chronicles to inspire Mongols with
a belief in their own capacities --a gesture which, like all other
intellectual and artistic policies of Peking,is a propaganda wea-
pon to secure work and harmony with the Red regime.
E. Mis.cellancous
Lest one dismiss too readily the quickness and keenness of
nomadic intelligence, in the absence of deep intellectual tradi-
tions outside religious ones, we should remember that. the
Buddhist theology as accepted and understood among the Mongo-
lian tribespeopte who entered the monasteries is, in itself, a
profound and subt:e intellectual exercise. One may hIpothesize
that the dimness of Mongol intellectual tradition is the result not
of a lack of capacity, but of opportunity. Nomadic life was
demanding and rugged, and few of its captives had either leisure
or need to develop the pursuits commonly regarded as intel-
lectual--scholarship, formal literature, scientific inquiry,
critical philosophy, or conscious and professional arts. Con-
sidering their environment, those who did so produced some
remarkable results. Those who did not, expressed in their
folk literature and arts a feeling of great depth. And in the
herdsman's yurt, removed by a hundred leagues of steppe from
the glittering awareness of the intellectual, the redeemer of
unbusy hours to these many centuries has been that cerebral
paraclete, the game of chess.
III. Artistic Expression: Literature and Literary Expression
A. Formal Literature and Legends
Because the number of literate Mongols has not usually
been large, most native literature has been colloquial. Because
their history has been an active and often violent one ranging
between virtual world conquest and almost total subjection,
most of their colloquial literature exists in the form of heroic
legends of songs. Because classical Mongolian script was
largely the instrument of the lamas, few educated Mongols wrote
literary works in it. During the 19th century, there was a
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literary works in it. During the 19th century, there was a fashion
for Chinese works or translations among Mongols educated for the
Confucian examinations, and today Chinese remains the predomi-
nant scholarly and literary language of Inner Mongolian and West-
ern Manchuria, due in part, to the customarily Chinese educa-
tion which contemporary Mongols received above the lowest
level. Russian has similarly become the fashionable literary
language of Outer Mongolia.
There has been an amount of formal literature, usually
an echo of popular vernacular tradition. One of the most impor-
tant works of this kind is the long Tibetan heroic legend Gesser
Khan which was first printed in Mongolian script about 1716.
This work, also anglicized Gesar of Ling is highly imaginative
and written with great beauty. Its apotheosis of the romantic
nomad knight and conqueror appeals well in the Mongol tradition.
Magic beasts and warring spirits help or hinder the hero, and
courtly love mixes with revenge and ambition to notivate him.
and Gessar was cast. into the hole of wasps, but when
they swarmed about. him and would have pierced his eyes
from his head, he scattered the tears of the black fledgling
among them and the wasps breathed their odor and perished.
And Gessar slept, but. with the dawn he lifted up his
voice and sang, The glorious Khan of China thought to slay
me by casting me into his hole of wasps. Yet he must needs
rejoice in the end that Gessar was not slain by his wasps,
but his wasps by Gessar."
Vigorous and exultantly strong, the image of Gessar, "lord
of the ten great regions of the earth whose coming was foretold"
was a messianic chieftain with whom the Mongols identified
their aspirations readily. His legend has become almost a
Mongol annexation from the literature ofTi bet.
Besides Gessar Khan, major popular works of Mongols in-
cluded the quasi-epic Janggariad , perhaps second in importance.
The Siddhi-khur, too, remained widely popular into the 1930's
as did some collections of imaginative buddhist talcs recorded
from the popular tradition. Memorized selections fnirn these
works passed also around the campfires of the illiterate nomads,
mixing with unwritten legends in a blur of folk history and
heroic fiction. Another source which may be very roughly taken
as literary was the Chinese story or novel borrowed through
contact with the colonists and through the Chinese-educated
Mongol from its own tradition and sufficiently disguised to
make it palatable to the tribespcople as a tale of their own.
The line between fiction and record in Mongolian written
literature, prior to the 1950's has been almost as tenuous as
that in the folk legends. The problem of defining fiction does
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not seem to have arisen, and while the tellers and hearers
of tales may have known that embellishments were common, they
seem to have made few attempts to sort factual history out
from them.
The content and emphasis of Mongol folk legends vary some-
what with the location and tribal or clan history impinging their
origins. Most clans have legends of their founder as either
a mythical animal or a hero, very similar to popular tales of
this kind among the Chinese. Others preserve legends about
historical figures prominent in the life or limes of their clan.
The Korchin, for example, tell several religious and heroic
legends about Khabto Khasar, brother of Chinggis Khan under
whom Korching fought Graeda Merin The, and about the K'ang
Hsi Emperor of the Manchu Ch'ing dynasty whose blood was
said to be three-quarters Mongol. The Jasaktu of Western
Manchuria, early allies of the Manchus, have legendary recol-
lection of that alliance and the glory of the conquest which they
shared in 1644 and after. Tribes further west, in Inner Mongolia,
specialize more in the days of Chinggis Khan.
The Ordos Mongols have a well preserved body of legend.
Living close to Chinese areas, they yet inhabited land less
inviting to Chinese colonists and suffered less than most Inner
Mongolian people from the devilitation of their native culture
which seemed to flow from the dominance of the Han immigrants.
The burden of Ordos heroics is usually the superiority of their
race to the Chinese, the conquests of Chinggis and the Manchus,
and the bravery of their own people during them. One of their
legends relates that Sanang Setscn, the chronicler, was put to
death for refusing to serve the Manchu emperor because his
empire was stained with Chinese population. Mure legends,
however, identify the Mongol cause and success with that of
the Manchus and argue a strong loyalty to thv Ch'ing dynasty.
The amount of factual history in these legends is considerable,
even at the expense of the herodcs. Sanang Setsen himself wrote
an account since legendized of an adultery forced upon a tri-
butary chief's wife by Chinggis Khan. The incident is based
on the execution of the Hsi Hsia king in 1227, though the reasons
for it and its consequences (the murder of Chinggis by the ra-
vished widow) are probably romantici7-41.
The subjects and themes of Mongol iolk tales and other forms
of vernacular literature tend to be standard among all the tribes -
people. A very large number concern lamas and ret igious lifc,
which traditionally bulked large. The lamas are both heroic and
the butts of these, but scholarly monks who have a Tibetan de-
gree in Religious Sciences and especially holy mendicant pilgrims
are usually favored Morality tales and stories of revenge,
mixing Buddhist ethics with nomadic chivalric codes are mPr--
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B. Riddles, Anecdotes, and Minor Literary Forms
Riddles are a form of folk entertainment known in most
societies and more comnion in the less sophisticated. Mongol
riddles, often poetic in expression, are universally popular
in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. They concern famil
jar things --animals, places, processes of daily living, stars,
parts of the body, costume, well known persons or several re-
lated subjects. Some arc so frequently posed and answered
that they have become a kind of folk poetry rather than a true
game. Most arc made by allegorical reference with an occa-
sional disginsed description. The former are better literature,
but none are so reckoned by the natives who tell them. Many
contain crude poetic insights, and they reveal the nomad's
profoundly lyrical vision of his hard environment and spartan
life. They are indigenous expression, herdsman and prince
alike puzzling over "The pearls which cannot be strung" (stars)
"The thread which cannot be wound in a ball" (road), "Two
houses having but a single beam" (the nose), "The pen is nar-
row, the sheep are many , the ram strikes with his horn"
(husking millet with mortar and pestle), "In a deep well, a
crimson bird emits a hollow cry" (the heart).
The Mongols have, in addition to this strain of poetry, a
ready hwoor whose produce is a comic literature of anecdotes
anent human frustration, witful an moral pomposity, the
inevitable Chinese, and the adventures of itinerant or, less
often, of monastic lamas. In clerical anecdotes, w hich fre-
quently reflect the relious prestige of Tibet, the priests usually
win their gambits; for the itinerant mendicants, especially, this
rule is not invariable. A delightful example is this dialogue be-
tween a lama Doctor of Religious Sciences (a degree obtainable
in Tibet, signifying great scriptural erudition) and a tribal
prince:
"The Prince asked, 'When a Lama dies, what does he become
become (in reincarnation)?'
The Lama replied, 'He becomes an ass.'
The Prince asked again, ' And when a Prince dies, what does
does he becomce?'
The Lama replied, 'He becomes a Doctor of Religious
Sciences.'
The Prince asked, 'How comes it so?'
The Lama replied, 'That is to say, one become (in reincar-
nation) a bit like the people one has known.'" (A. Mostaert
Folklore Ordos , p. 137).
Most minor forms of Mongol expression are gnomic. Riddle,
anecdote, ejaculatory prayer, curse, proverb, invocation arc
suited to the brief exchange of the busy day; their economy fits
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t'nem for ---e/me--rt'il of .eelief from bard work. Legends and
s;ongs,
as well, of crr-e,, as riddles and jokes, entertain the
teigrure z.)1 the night camp and its fireside circle; but
most of -them are 'avo tong for the busy day.
Among Mongols as among the once-nomadic Hebrew, pro-
verbs and invocatio=s crowd the tongue v,ith habitual attitudes
of ctiltt=r,- amr3 environment. Buddhist piety and the qualities
of be land- --ea D''.7i10125 to the herds "figure in most. "Who
tets the -tx?olf ro falivel sins against the grassland," "A blind
man can crawl all his life without getting out of the Khorchin
grasslands. " Secular proverbs are current even in a Communist-
inspired literature, though the religious are not, and so are
familiar invora4ionst-When a thirst burns your vitals, may you
find a peach orchard; whg.tn a grass fire starts, may the north
wind bring a dowapour." Rhythm and customary slight literary
elevation of language and figure remove most minor forms of
express:on from the simply con-.ersatioal
Mongol children's rhymes share at least the rhythmic qual-
ity of more serious expression. Some keep time for games of
pace like skipping, some are lullabies, some the usual cruel
raillery of childhood, some are musing nonsense chants. Most
are in the strong trochees 01 heartbeats very natural to the
young. Like some anecdotes, a few legends, and unlike the
majority of riddles or proverbs, these rhymes reflect contact
with Chinese colonists. Adult forms express this consc1ous13.,
in content; the child:en'siz.: the form itself. In regions heavily
infiltrated by Han people, Chinese words re;,- with Mongol in
nursery rhymes: the same verse may, though, occur in less
colonized places without the loan word. The nonSense,"Candy,
candy, sugar candy;/ My food to nourish me, " is sung by chil-
dren of the eastern Monggolcin with the Chinese "yang-yang"
for "nourish." The western ithalk'na Darkhan Beile children
render the same in unadulterated Mongolian.
Like most relati:ely primitive people, the Mongols have a
lively uninhibited sense of rhythm. We shall discusc it later
anent music and dance, but it is not limited to these media.
Prayers and liturgical chants, the above noted minor forms of
expression, the nurser:, rhymes of children all reflect it. The
natural rhythms of season, regenerating herds and flocks, puls-
ing horses, childbirth, and work intrude variously the Mongol's
life. Undiverted by sophisticated palliatives and labor-saving
devices, the nomad sees, feels, and reproduces them more
readily- than the city man and in some ways more fully than the
farmer. The characteristic traits bred of Mongol culture which
slow most clearly in its literary forms of expression before the
rise of Communism among and over its people are thus piety,
courage, clan loyalty, pride, poetic spirit, itgo
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courage, clan loyalty, pride, poetic spirit, good humor and a
deep sense of rhythm. They and their expression show how
much of human value a culture called primitive can inspire.
C. Under the Communists.
Under the Chinese Communists' program for "preservation
and encouragement" of minority cultures, there has been a
limited revival of some native art forms a century in decline,
but the value and content of these and other better surviving
have been diluted with ideological messages, and "preservation
and encouragement" themselves have been selective. Legends
and stories with an anti-Chinese burden, traditional or contem-
porary, arc not tolerated officially, and tribal groups with well
organized cadre systems do not indulge in them. Buddhist
moralities are not encouraged, but similar tales exemplary of
patriotism and service are circulated by cadres and'4-eformed"
persons to rival or replace them. Communist morality is
otherwise uttered in new anecdotes, revised proverbs, and re-
worked nursery rhymes.
Peking policy is apparently to discourage positively as
seldom as possible any form of folk literature, but simulta-
neously to educate and organize through native cadres and com-
mittees working with approved materials. New values in arts
and expression are thus to be inculcated whereby the natives
will more or less voluntarily, instinctively, abandon the less
useful and desirable of the old. The government. is also intrud-
ing original items in the more common forms of folk expres-
sion are thus to be inculcated whereby the natives will more or
less voluntarily, instinctively, abandon the less useful and de-
sirable of the old. The government is also intruding original
items in the more common forms of folk expression, each
bearing in some familiar style a message suitable to the Com-
munist order. This procedure is analysed in the propaganda
chapter.
Of the old literature and minor expression, much remains
intact: anecdotes, riddles, proverbs, invocations, children's
rhymes, prayers, even a number of legends, purged only of
the blatantly offensive. To a degree not presently calculable,
the bulk of this traditional literature will probably continue to
survive while the nomadic life of the tribes is not very radical-
ly changed. Communist alterations in it. will, henceforth, tend
to be by addition rather than subtraction, but unless the process
is halted by other events, the entire tone and color of Mongo-
lian literary expression of every kind is likely to become Com-
munist-inspired and Chinese oriented. This seems to be as
much as Peking intends at present, and its effects, intentional
or not, will include a qualitative sinicization of Mongol outlook.
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A change in nomadic economy and societal structure will have
a deeper consequence, somewhat open to speculation, from the
present division between town and -steppe Mongols. The former
are still weak and weakening in their own culture though the
present policy toward minorities may restore a little their
interest in and opportunity to express it, especially in dance,
the visual arts, and songs and homiletics serviceable to pro-
pagandaists. If other Mongols become as they, sinicizing
processes may accelerate and even be open policy.
More positively, Peking's "encouragement" is sponsoring
a formal literary movement among Mongol authors. In one
sense this is a way to complement with Communist habits of
mind the native body of art. In another, it is a departure from
tradition. Together with the artist, the literary man is now of-
fered prestige as a creative member of the community. Art is
rated a metier, valuable in itself. Neither idea has any root in
Mongol experience or tradition; the former, at least, is
Chinese.
The literary product of this movement is so far not very large,
but there is little reason why it should not grow with the Mongol
literacy rate. Imaginative and intelligent Mongols are plenti-
ful, and the history and condition of their people offer rich ma-
terials for fiction. It is conceivable that, in time, the new ar-
tists and authors of this race will be allowed to express them-
selves with at least partial freedom of choice; it is equally pos-
sible that, should such a time come, the persons concerned may
be so conditioned to the ideology as to make the change unno-
ticeable. For the present, the bulk of formal training in both
literature and art takes place in ChinIse schools or institutes
under careful state supervision and review. The thread of the
party line, therefore, is thick and pervasive of this newly-wo-
ven cloth.
Mongol authors and poets receive ready publication in Chi-
nese government journals and literary collections. Some are
subsidized. Most arc p raised before their own people, China,
and the world. The Mongols, at least, are a captive audience
for their work, but one wonders whether it does not sit strange-
ly on their ears even after six years of indoctrination. An
example is Malchinhu, a Khorchin, thus far the best-publicized
Mongol novelist. His short story, "On the Khorchin Grass-
lands" (printed in English in Chinese Literature, Vol. I,
Peking, 1954), like Chinese Lommunist-inspired literature in
ideological approach, contains many typically Mongol themes.
Briefly, it recounts the pursuit and capture of a sinister Kuo-
mintang agent and incendiary by a heroic girl, her lover, a
venerable cadre, and the people of a Mongol settlement who
later, with good socialist coordination, put out a bull rush fire
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set by the villain. The story is interrupted by encomiums
on committee organization and verbatim quotes from half a
dozen directive of the local constabulary headquarters, but it
has a touch of iteppe heroics and action to the Mongol taste.
Old themes mix with new. The nomad's love of his pastures,
native places, animals, his proverbs, his clan spirit trans-
lated into the "cooperative action," his chivalrous and roman-
tic sexual code--all are here. Beside them are political self-
help, the unfailing wisdom and benificen'ce of party leaders,
the .ralue of youth activities, Mongol duty to the new China,
loyalty to the person of Mao Tse-tung; collectivistic morality,
self denial and sacrifice for group good, and a world of simple-
minded anti-Kuomintang and anti-American propaganda. The
propaganda, however, is not necessarily ineffective. Devils,
demons, and bad Daniels generally are favored whipping boys
in tribal legends and popular Buddhist lore. Thorough vil-
lains arc not new to Mongol imagination and mentality, and the
image of a crafty, cowardly, ugly, Kuomintang votary armed
with locofocos fresh from a Wall Street vendor and sent among
them to incinerate the people's weeds has all the essentials of
a shining popularity. Against this design, nevertheless, must.
be weighted the so far imponderable progress of acclimatiza-
tion. When the village cadre, climaxing the story, praises the
heroince as , "a true Mongol of the era of Mao Tse-tung," the
words are so strange in a Mongol context, we cannot be sure
that they are not by now commonplace there, and we cannot
estimate that., if they are not, persistence and the absence of
contrasting style and idea will not soon made them so.
IV Artistic Expression: Music, Song, Dance, and Drama.
In the arts of music, song, dance, and drama, the differences
among the Mongol tribes emerge more than in literary arts,
and the boundary between Manchurian and Inner Mongolian tribes
becomes more important. In these, too, the differences between
Chinese and Mongol and their mutual influences are explicit.
Respecting some of them, colonial Chinese differ from their
kind in China proper more than in intellectual matters, and they
deserve here scrutiny which, for their intellectual and literary
expression, was adequately offered in the General China Hand-
book. Excepting song, the content of these arts less intimately
related to the national history and emotional sympathies of the
two races was more subject to osmotic cultural exchange be
them.
A. Music
The basic scale used by both Chinese and Mongols is penta-
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pentatonic ( major FGACD, beginning on any one of these).
Demi-tones occur infrequently in Chinese usage, very seldom in
Mongol, and notation, a rarity, is commonly in the Chinese
form among both where it exists. A heptatonic scale like the
European major scale (FGABCDE) appeared in China probably in
in the reign of Kublai Khan (1260-1294) and may have been the
prevailing Mongolian scale of the time orta loan from Western
Asian or Russian music. It is still known by a few Mongols,
notably the Chinese-in filtrated Tumets of Suiytian, but it is
now an antique curiosity. The Ordos Mongols,strotig adherents
of tribal tradition, use the pentatonic scale wholly in both con-
temporary and ancient songs as well as in religious chants and
psalmodies.
Mongolian music is not an independent art but serves solely
as accompaniement to songs, dances, and rites. This is not
equally true of Chinese music, but among Inner Mongolian
cOlonists at least it is more true than among their kin to the
south perhaps because of Mongol influence, perhaps because
leisure and intellectuals lacked to prcduce or preserve a pure
music.
Mongolian religious music, like thought, literature, dance
and other arts serving the church, forms a category apart in
native culture. Tibetan influence and loans are large, and
except for Buriat chants possibly influenced by Russian music.
Tibetan liturgical music provides the Mongols with most of
their demi -tone usage. Chants of priests are often quite
melodic, but the accompaniment is usually uncoordinated
among the several instruments and tends to disguise the theme.
Rh ythin in Mongol popular song and dance tunes is com-
monly one stressed quarter followed by two unstressed eighths,
suited t.o the usual dactyls of secular verse. Time is most
often 2/4 or 4/4 and melody commonly has two phrases re-
peated according to the lyrics.
Instruments are primtive in development if not in manu
facture or use. Temples and monasteries use two kinds --Ti-
betan long horns and cymbals for liturgy, orchestras of
trumpets, clarionettes, strings, drums, and other percussion
devices including! cymabls. Secular instruments include flute,
drum, castanets or wood blocks, and a variety of stringed
items either bowed, strummed or plucked. Some of the latter
are Chinese, includin,g a seven-stringed zither, the ch'in, and
the presence of these may account for change if any in Mongol
music rhythms since they arc suited to the Chinese. Profes-
sional balladeers and itinerant minstrels use bowed strings
or guitars, and the more rustic tribal herdsmen still play a
simple shepherd's pipe.
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Both Chinese and Mongols learn and perform music by ear
alone. A handful can read Chinese notation.
hinese music in the colonial areas as elsewhere is es-
sentially monodic without harmony or counterpoint. Melody is
derived from the succession of notes each self-important and
tonally related to those before or after it. Musical phrasing,
therefore, notably in Chinese theatricals, is not rigidly fixed
but often extemporized on some melodic convention which is
followed throughout the presentation.. Embellishments are
personal. Instruments are standard Chinese with strings, flutes,
and percussion dominant. The chief uses of this music are, like
that of the Mongols, accompaniment, though the "lonely flute
and lonely fiddle" arc consolation solo instruments. Religious
uses are less important among the Ciiinese, songs equally
important, dramatics more so. In the latter or "operatic"
performance, accompaniment proceeds from one to another
kind of combination of instrument according to parts, scenes,
and moods. Song accompaniment is usually by one instrument
or several of a kind.
B. Songs
Singing has several functions among the Mongols. It is
a form of entertainment, of communication, historical recol-
lection, group fellowship, and exhuberant expression. The
best Mongolian poetry occurs in song lyrics; and the closest
affiliation of individual Mongols with their culture and traditions,
their most common personal participation in artistic expression,
is through singing. There is some distinction between the
songs and singing of the Manchurian and Inner Mongolian tribes,
and we shall review them separately.
Mongol singing is a gregarious activity in general, most of
it taking place around campfires after the evening meal. Among
the Eastern Mongols, singing is usually solo with the turn
passed to all men who wish to participate. Women do not sing
in public. Itinerant and professional troubadors are popualr
among strictly nomadic groips, but infrequent where modern
ways have reached the tribes. Their occupation is an ancient
tradition, and they sometimes carry messages between chiefs
of the nomad. Frequently they lead group songfests of the kind
described above, but in these cases they share time with the
others. MUre regularly they sing or recite traditional epic
legends and ballds, adding verses of their own invction.
Balladry is still current and unlike many other forms of expres-
sion, it retained creativity through the 19th and 20th centuries.
Eastern Mongols had by 1950 become less active balladeers
than Western, but the older men still invented in amount. Ballad
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themes in Manchuria were multiple--a few colorfully autobio-
graphic, other homiletic Buddhist. The age of the great Khans
and conquests, the beauty of nature and animals, age and physi-
cal decline and sexual love and the ideal of the perfect woman,
nostalgia for native places were common leisure themes. Drin4-
ing songs, heroic legends, and the hunt served more sanguine
occasions. Japanese occupation and modernization policies de-
crez.sed the incidence of firelight balladry, but groups which re-
mained on the steppe preserved it; old men universally clung
to it, and even young men near the cities remembered the story
of Djangsara Anga, "the girl of many qualities" so well-known
in more primitive places.
The Japanese established elementary schools for Mongol
children and taught them patriotic songs, but some of these used
native verses about the glories of Chinggis Khan to stir feelings
and motivate behavior pleasing to the occupation authorities.
Satiric songs are common to all Mongols, but those of Man-
churian origin have tended more to become popular among Mon-
gols in western parts of the Autonomous Region than have those
of the latter to imitate the process. In very recent times, Ja-
panese expansion into Inner Mongolia and the anti-Chinese re-
grain of some such songs may have helped their migration
westward.
Among those Mongols who have escaped the heaviet Chinese
settlement, notably the Ordos tribes, a slightly greater number
of two-part songs and chants, both secular and religious, em-
phasizes the social use and importancc of singing. In their pop-
ular songs, the customary stanza is a quatrain of imperfectly
regular lines, though cinquains and other arrangements are
known. The occasions for song are identical with those of Man-
churian Mongols, and troubadors arc common, the institution of
them having spread to the Chinese as well. Mongol folk ballads
from many Inner Mongolian tribes are sung in Chinese scale
and tonality, the latter perhaps the consequence of using Chinese -
type instruments, but the Ordos Mongols, like the Manchurian,
have retained the older tonality and melodies while using the
pentatonic ccvle.
If their scale and in some cases tonality are identical with
the Chinese, their verses arc strongly different and express
feelings of Mongol race apartness suggestive of the negative
aspects in Dr. Sun Yat-sen's theory of nationalism. Historical
ballads dwell on Chinggis, Bayan, Ogotai, and their triumphs
particularly over Chinese. The body of ballads shows charac-
teristic exhubcrance, naivete, occasional pleasure in earth, sky,
sex, and drink, more common sensitivity to emotion and beau-
ty. Ballad subjects include the gamut of nomadic experience--
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horses, thieves, religious men, parents and family, girls
married far from their native places, zodiacal animals, ele-
gies, domestic quarrels, love, soldiers and war, humorous
situations and a horde of minor excuses for making a song.
There are separate songs for festivals, satire, lament, and
war, none of them stri ctly ballads in form or development ,
and all but the first of them usually sung in stanzas longer than
quatrain. Strangely enough, songs of love, satire, and family
affections outnumber those concerning liorses, hunting, and war.
This fact may reflect a changing environment since the days
of conquest, but it also demonstrates the continuing romanti-
cism and lyric sensibility of the nomad.
Secular songs on religious topics, local monasteries or
famous lamas, show one more aspect of the omnipresent nos-
talgia for the beloved place of one's birth. Strictly devotional
songs, popular hymns inspired by, but not part of church music
and litu rgy, share with the topical religious ballad the frequent
use of regrain and chant-style. Some are styled for two-part
singing as are the secular songs on other themes; many employ,
stock phrases common to songs of several tribes. Few are as
original or poetic as the ballads.
"At the Spring of Sandhain Ghol is a temple whose several
buildings were constructed bit by bit,
Whose tern pie is it and of what kind? It is the temple of
our Lama.
There do we not read scriptures and recite holy offices?... "
(A. Mostaert, Folklore Ordos, pp. 338-339 et. seq. ).
Satiric songs, Eastern and Western, are a native art of re-
finement. Mongol gallads are both literary and folk composi-
tions in general, a number being both in part. Troubadors learn
a traditional form and add their own stanzas which, in time, be
traditional themselves. Satires, however, are almost
all literary--i.e. composed ab pvp by one or a few balladeers
on a given occasion and with an intentional design. Wit is a
common Mongol possession, but the skilled wit of these songs
requires a little more than haphazard practice. In all parts of
the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, satires, deal with un-
just magistrates, proud and rich men, wilful animals, and
standard balloons to be pricked. In the Inner Mongolian re-
gions more even than the Manchurian, the more savage arc
aimed at Chinese in general and at. Chinese merchants specifi-
cally.
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"Think you that silk hat and bald head ride well (together)
on him?
Think you the black jackass that pushes this Chink* before
him to (point of) exhaustion cannot proceed?
Think you European socks and oxfords go well on him?
If you ask his family name, ...is it Chang?
(A. Mostaert, Folklore Ordos, pp. 333-334)
( go'Chink"-- the Mongolian argot is "todi" a term of derisive
disrespect for which this is an English approximation. The
song refers to a Chinese businessman notorious among the
Usin clan ca. l91.2)
Western Mongolian love songs tend to rich images, likening
admired women to desirable animals or associating conjugal
love with love for one's birthplace. Since both of the latter are
vital values in Mongol scale, the disrespect of women is less
than it seems in our words. The ideal female or ideal lover
archetype so common in Manchuria is also present in Inner
Mongolia but less pronounced. Many love songs are earthy and
natural, and the Freudian might descry rampant symbolism in
their frequent references to caparisoned stallions, verdant
declivities, trees and the like--with some reason. Some deal
with historical persons.
"The Tsoroin dunes and Ghurban valleys are the regions'
cry.
Undurma Oki, ... is loved of all, they say.
The bay-maned mare, ...what is its price?
The frivolous young Undurma, ...what is her age?
At the river's source in Burghastan valley are pools and
trees.
Undurma Oki, born to a good destiny, has an affable nature,
they say."
(Ivlostaerl, op. dl., p. 346)
The romantic aspect of love, due a more lyrical treatment, is
not neglected.
"At the hill of Gandari is the line which divides the lands.
When we meet, be it but once, it is distraction to your soul.
Oh: Had I a violin, I should pass my time playing it:
Oh: Were there no (contrary) law, we two should dwell to ...
For the trotting horse stones and pebbles are a plague...
For lovers who wish to meet, a crowd is a plague. ..."
(Mostacrt, Ordosica, n. 91)
?
Other songs include a few recent political compositions dat-
ing from the end of the Ch'ing dynasty whe, restive under the
pinching of Chinese commercial "swindles," members of some
clans formed secret revolutionary clubs. From these cam cam-
paign songs of little importance per Sc but proof that Mongol
temperament had room for this kind of conscious literature and
that the sense of brotherhood toward the Manchu people was dis-
solving under pressure. These circulated almost entirely
among Western tribes.
Some of the best and most poetic Mbngol songs are nostalgic
laments, for the nomad was ever closest to the little land he
could call his own--his place of birth. Departure from it was
almost university inevitable in husbandry, and the poignancy of
laments by men dying far from this kind.of "home" reaches
almost a speculative mystique.
"That which abides in the Great Void is the Blue Firmament;
Those who leave for war in the cold and dark arc we, poor
lads.
By the waterside the wild geese and ducks give their cry;
When I think of my native place and my pastures, tears
roll from my eyes.
If the black horse (of the army) dies (in war), the (Banner-
men) will indemnify for him.
If we the miserable ones die (in war), they will leave our
bodies in a foreign land..."
(Mostaert, Ordosica, p. 86)
The same theme is common in Chinese poetry, but the expression
is purely Mongol.
Chinese colonists among Mongols developed some distinctive
habits andtimitatons in respect to songs. We have remarked
that the intellectual expression of these people was typically
Chinese but limited in quantity and that their literature was
usually their own traditional stuff. Considering the patterns
of Chinese intellectual and literary history, this is as much as
to say that the creative intellectual and leisure artist was in
short supply on the frontier. Folk literature involves a different
set of vitalities, and songs are the easiest, shortest, most com-
mon and usable form of any folk literature. It is interesting,
therefore, that the production and singing of them by colonial
Chinese differed from place to place. The cultural expression
of the Mongol was most vigorous where the race was dominant,
weakest where it was under pressure from the Chi nese. With
the latter, the opposite was true, and the difference is largely
explicable by the two kinds of dominance. Chinese superiority
meant a combination of nurneriral advantage and political-mili-
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meant a combination of numerical a dvantage and political-mili-
tary power involving often an organized state whosepolicies
were in their favor. Mongol meant numerical plus a certain
economic advantage, for it usually occurred in territory bet-
ter suitcd to husbandry than agr,culture, reinforced by occasional
acts of banditry or terrorism which could not. be regularized
against the power of Chinese governments. In the latter situa-
tion, immigrants had reason to band tightly with their own kind,
assert themselves, and hope reasonably t.o survive. In the
former, the nomad was without hope unless he retreated to far
steppes; those who did not became cowed. Similarly, their
immigrant neighbors became flabby with security; In more re-
cent times, moreover, the Chinese could approach the Mongol
with selectively tempting goods?learning, competitive progress,
and a chance for improvement in position--to trade for nomadic
cultural traditions. The Mongol never had equivalents to offer
the Chinese.
These elements reflected in cultural developments of which
Chinese folk songs are an example. In the Tumet regions of
Suiytlan province, heavily colonized, the settlers crowded in
agricultural and corrimercial villages and towns. Grgarious -
nese was common, but that kind served by song fests was not
a vital necessity either for group identity or fellowship. These
colonists sang fewer songs less often than their neighbors.
What they did sing were often literary ballads based on Confucian
moralities, farm festival songs, drinking songs, and laments
over their distance from ancestral sites which, lacking the per-
sonal intensity of Mongol laments, were close to them in form.
These people, before the Kuomintang educational movements
and Communist propaganda, had no European concept of patria.
China was a cultural tradition and the center of ancestral scats,
a frame of reference and standard of values by which they could
claim superior attainments and worth to those of the Mongol
primitive, an echo of a Golden Age which belonged to their race
independent of polity. They had no national songs, only a few
resitual military ones, and no precisely political ones either.
Chinese in the Ordos regions were a minority, by contrast,
and gregarious by emotional necessity. Like the Mongols,
they gathered frequently, w:t-inever possible, to talk and to
sing. Their songs were universally popular folk ballads
customarily from China Proper, and the singers emended and
embellished them at will. The men took turns soloing; the
women did not sing in public. The melodic lines of most of
these songs were quite similar to each other, but the themes
and stories of them varied among lo'. c, war, morality, nostal-
gia, agriculture, war, and herodes.
Among all Chinese colonists, and Indeed among Mongols
?.
too, women's songs were privately sung?chiefly lullabies, of
which some of the Chinese are quite lovely, and funderal la-
ments, of which a majority were only undulating ejaculations
or moans. Men, too, intoned these brief, repetitious dirges.
The lyric varied with the degree of kinship to the dead and
tended to be formalized as was the melody. Expression of
sudden grief, e.g. at fatal accidents, are with almost all people
naturally rhythmic and easily disposed to a chant. These, how-
ever, were so conventionalized in form as to be habitually asso-
ciated with grief by the Chinese.
Children's songs were very like those of Mongols, and the
two mingled regularly. The Chinese included perhaps more
two-part rounds for games, but there was small difference
otherwise except in language. Festival songs were sometimes
original to the Chinese of Mongolian areas or those immediately
south of them in Shensi, Shansi, and Hopei. Most famous for
its adoption by the Communists as a Carmagnole is the two-part
EniLL.co, originally sung and danced by gyrations and counter-
movement on the Lantern Festival. This was and is timed by
percussion instruments.
Love songs were almost as popular among the colonists as
among the Mongols, but in the better settled places tended to
prosaic detail and melodic repetition. Most originated in China.
The major aspect of love in their colonial versions was physical,
the male dominating a suppliant vessel of his pleasure, with few
of the rich allegories and little of the poetry of Mongol lyrics.
Chinese colonial songs generally, and love songs especially,
tended to more rigid numerical sequence and formalism than
Mongol equivalents. The ten stages of conducting the lover to
fulfillment, the five watachcs of the day likened to steps of woo-
ing, more regular stanzaic. patterns were characteristic of
them. This formalism reflected the more sophisticated culture
of China in which the bulk of songs originated, but it lacked the
imaginative use of form and flexibility within form maintained
by intellectual vigor in the culture and society of China within
the wall. In a regressive way, therefore, some aspects of
Chinese colonial culture contained a primitivism of their own.
C. _Dances
Among the Chinese in Mongolian territories, folk dances were
relatively common and popular. Only a few were indigenous,
but festival dances from nearby North China could be claimed as
almost so . The vigorous yang-ko mentioned above has become
the most important by its use as a Communist stimulant and
symbol.
Mongol dances may be divide d between relig ous ritual and
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secular amusement. Of the latter, some were topical solo
dances, mostly for male performers, such as the daghur, a
depiction hunting accompanied by a two-stringed lute or viol.
Others were rhythmic stomps, on occasion quite athletic, in
which women participated. For these, percussion was the most
audible accompaniment. Both kinds were universally popular,
and mixed dancing was an element at Mongol festivals and
celebrations among all tribes.
Temple dances were liturgical, but they partook of super-
stitions and practices syncretized by Mongolian Buddhism from
Shaman-magic and primitive folk religion. The Devil Dance,
invoking spirits, was performed by priests elaborately robed
and masked about a Gurtum, or seer, who was to receive and
speak for the spirit thus summoned. Accompanied by drums
and Tibetan long-horns, the dance was a series of frenzied
pirouettes and posturings culminating in the "possession" of the
Gurtum . The exorcistic Tsam dance, similar in performance,
was an exercise of allegorical figures--human, divim ,natural,
deathly, and the like. It resembled similar dances in Tibet and
originated there, but its Mongolian form, indigenous and in
some respects modified by shamanism, was a little less demo-
naical than the Devil Dance.
Another dance of the same genre, known as the "Magicians'
Dance" was the wildest of the lot. Armed Gurtums, pre-pos-
sessed by divine spirits, whirled their bodies and weapons
round a ring of spectators injuring them freely. The veneration
for wounds thus received parallels that appurtaining certain
analogous Hindu rites and is not uncommon in more primitive
religions. It is surprising to find it in a Buddhist setting, but
the Mongol nomad balanced between the very crude and very
profound need occasion to express both. This dance was such
an occasion; in theory symbolic of Buddhism's triumph over
the old folk religion, it was in fact grossly atavistic.
Mongol secular dances were among the last forms of tra-
ditional expression to adhere to tribespeople settled near the
Chinese, and they continue unabatedly popular among nomads
more free. Temple dances survived until 1950 most vigorously
in Inner Mongolian monasteries, and their general popularity
among the faithful was retained by complicated appeal of devo-
tional frenzy and colorful spectacle. The more violent, however,
are not in favor with the Chinese Communist regime as legiti -
mate forms of folk art. Their survival is problematical. Their
religious content is probably rntrked for retirement by education
to the status of an antiquity.
?
S
D. Drama
There is no indigenous Mongol theater. Dramas currently
are written and performed in Urga and other Outer Mongolian
cities, but their inspiration is Communist and their traditions
begin only after 1912. The celebrated Ytfan dramas, foundation
of modern Chinese opera of the Peking type, were Chinese pro-
ductions supported by the Mongol court and inspired or stimu-
lated, possibly, by Mongol musical recitation and song. Con-
temporary Mongols of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region
are exposed to dramatic performances by Chinese troupe and
encouraged to undertake themselves tableaux and theatricals
after the design of Chinese propagandists. From their own his-
tory, they have no resources upon which to draw except the re-
ligious allegories of temple dances which constitute an analogous
quasi-drama. These we have discussed in example above.
Chinese colonists, close to the Pang-tzu style of Chinese
operatic tradition, originating in Shansi, have a well-developed
theater--one of their most active forms of artistic expression.
The pieces presented are in the Chinese sense opera--musical
dramas whereof the orchestra provides appropriate background
music and accompanies the solo parts. Some are scored, but
non completely so, and embellishments ex-tempore are added
by both musicians and singers. Instruments include blocks,
triangles, plucked strings, cymbals, tambourines and the like.
This style de-emphasizes music and stresses acrobatic dancing.
The absence of fiddles, so vital to Peking style opera, is no-
table.
The sources and themes of these dramas are traditionally
Chinese, the difference between frontier and homeland reper-
toires being only a matter of taste and selection among existing
works. Chinese heroes of adventure are popular, an example
being Liu Pei, a swashbuckler from the era of the Three King-
doms (San Kuo0 (ca. 221-264) which produced so much Chinese
romance. An opera about his doings Return to Ching-chou was
one of the most popular of all among Inner Mongolian Chinese
down to the civil war and may yet be.
E. Under the Communists
The main points of Communist policy toward literary arts
apply also to the present four--minimal deletion, maximal pro-
paganda intrusions, supervised encouragement, and selective
preservation. Because of the auxiliary nature of Mongol music,
Communist cultural programs have touched it only through the
other media it serves. Dramatic groups on Chinese models are
sponsored to present propaganda plays or tableaux which, in
one aspect, serve as graphic means of disseminating news like
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_
the "living newspaper" tableaux used in north China after the
Long March. These are useful to condition illiterates, but
they hardly deserve the name art.
In song and dance the Communist program is more extensive.
On the side of preservation, scholars, artists, and political of-
ficers arc sent to tour the tribes collecting, cataloguing, and
eliciting performances of traditional songs and dances. Local
cadres are responsible for organizing groups of native amateurs
to revive or increase nublic interest and participation in these
arts. The ideological and political value of this system is two-
fold: by introducing official materials to familiarize Mongols
with party doctr?ne and dispose them to party activity; by per-
mitting and helping truly native cultural expression to win friend
ship and trust for Mao's regime.
On the side of encouragement, Chinese publicize native arts,
give prestige and favor to native balladeers and dancers, send
groups of folk performers on tour, and urge the tribespeopte
themselves to honor the artist as a useful citizen.
Such policies are influenced heavily by the dominantly Chinese
background of the ruling group, and one result we have noted is
a subtle drift toward sinicizing Mongol mentality and habit.
Troupes of Chinese folk and professional artists have been sent
to minority areas to study the native arts and to entertain with
their own. The stated objective is to find themes and elements
among all forms of folk expression within China's bounds which
can be used to create a formal, professional national art on the
broadest base. Obviously, if such a syncretic body of art is
created, the vast majority of artists making it will be Chinese,
but beyond that, the mixture of study and performance which
accompanies the effort helps orient once hostile peoples like the
Mongols to Chinese forms of expression. Since there is empha-
sis on formal as well as on folk arts, the well-developed Chinese
traditions of the former assume the stature of recommended
models among minorities whose expression is predominantly
through folk arts.
The Communist Ministry ofCultural Affairs sponsors perio-
dic competitive festivals of folk art for Chinese minority per-
formers as well. The first of these, for music and dance, was
held in Peking during 1954; it was preceded by local eliminations
in which criteria included enthusiasm, and orthodox viewpoint
as well as artistic skill. At least ten nationalities were repre-
sented, including Mongolian dancers and accompanists. As
early as 1950, moreover, similar troups of minority folk dan-
cers were invited to parade and perform in Peking on national
holidays. A similar festival was held in 1955 and another in
January of 1956.
The content of Mongol contributions in these events has
been marked by Communist. organizations and propaganda. Pre-
sentations included songs and dances, enacted by masked per-
formers. If the costumes were Mongol, and the origin of se-
lections native, the moral emphasis, atmosphere of presenta-
tion, and at least some of the media were not. Some songs were
done in concert style, an innovation for tribe speople, e.g.
Hai Liu Ma, a song about a miraculous horse. Ordos dancers
performed on a formal stage and were elaborately costumed.
Ritual heroic and romantic themes endured, but careful point
was made of social class differences and folksy virtues in these.
Masked dancers, in parody of temple lama and gurtum dancing
rather than a tradition of Mongol lay arts, spoofed the heredi-
tary nobility and old sages. Even where official ideology was
not formally intruded, it colored and supported the forms of ex-
pressiop; and troubadors sang of the ''Iron Oxen" with Peking's
medals on their tunics reflecting the footlights of Peking's stage.
This condition of Mongol folk expression has been a relatively
long time in process. The proximity of the Communist wartime
center of Yunan to Mongol areas, and the strategic manouvering
precursing civil war, occasioned formation of a Mongol. folk
dance group at Yenan in 1946. An experiment,was conducted when
these dancers entertained troops and tribesmen and adapted cer-
tain propaganda themes to traditional dance forms. The Sword
Dance was given a motif of fighters from the Peoples Liberation
Army; the Wild Goose Dance, a simple depiction of birds migrat-
ing through storms toward the warm south, was allegorized as the
People's struggle for liberation. The south, of course, is China
and Mao is the sun.
White clouds drift in the azure sky,
Swift tun the horses below.
I crack my whip, its sound is heard afar;
Countless birds fly overhead.
Should anyone ask me:
What is this place?"
I would proudly reply,
This is my native land!
Thus far one is in the ancient wo rld of nomad nostalgia and
lyrici sm. But what fo lb o ws
We dearly love peace ,
We love our native land.
Sing, sing of our new life:
Sing of the Comm urnst Pa rty.
Chairrnan Mao and the Communist Party:
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They shine over us and watch us grow.
Now the sun never sets on the steppes'
(Wang Sun-tang, China, Land of Many Nationalities,
pp. 63-64).
One dancer specializing in this tradition was sent to the
World Youth Festival at Prague in 1950. Other individual
performers have accompanied national art groups to other coun-
tries since.
No favoritism in cultural express ion is shown the Chinese
In Mongolian areas. Their own art forms are encouraged on
the same basis as those of other Chinese, but their drama is
expec ial ly favored and flavored by Peking. Since they lay in
the path of the red march"during the civil war, and since they
we re predominantly peasants of a kind familiar to communist
activists, party organization and the demand for response has
been, if any th ing, mor c intense a mong them than among the
Mongols.
It is not yet possible to evaluate the Mongol response to
Communist cultural polic y, but th ere is no in that it
has proved grossly unpopular. There is only on.e reason, from
the Mongol position, why it should--it is created and applied
by Han people. So long, however, as the minority people can
be made to think that they can seek rapprochement with the
Chinese on their own terms, their response may well be if
not immediately enthusiastic, at least tolerant and interested.
V. Artistic Expr ession- -Static and Gra phic Arts and
Ar tis anship
Desp ite the theory th at animal Ii usban dry is a poore r
economy than agriculture, Mongols not circumstanti all y coerced
into sedentary occupations among Chinese settlements have re-
tained a greater flexibility of leisure time and of ten a more
nearly surp Lus economy than their land-grubbing neighbors.
This advan tage has aff ected minor arts and crafts of both peo-
ples, sti mutating production of Ch inese luxury goods for
sale to Mongols, depre ssing the Mongol artisan, often to the
level of pure utility. Some specialities have remained Mon-
gol m onopo lie s.
Mongol culture. tends to rank stati c and graphic arts with
crafts. Specu lat lye art, professional a rtl sts in the i ndepe n -
dent defi nit ion we know, do not. exist in the Mongol profes-
sional register. The Mongol craftsman, however, whether of a
kind we sho uld call "ar tis t" or not, used to command prestige
higher than his colleague in Chinese society. Metal -
smiths, for example, especially in silver, we re well regarded.
Their work was individualistic, mixing ornament with utili-
ty, th eir patte ms w ere indigenous, and their produ cc oft en
finely finished. Th is art-craft, however, has been diminish-
ing for almost a century under Chinese competitive trade-
goods. Pe king has indeed become a center for production
by Chinese artisans of fin e Mongol silver ew elry and carv-
ing. Such native craftsmen as survive among the tribes, never-
theless, still occupy a place of prestige. After balladeer
and legenda riots, th ey are the most c reative of Mongol folk
artists, and the recognition which their creativity commands
excee ds that r eceived by any of th e more lite rary or intel-
lectual forms of expres sion. Among static arts, however,
only such relatively practi cal ones as th, s receive such public
reward. Abili tie s to paint, carve, or build are less considered
as creative than ability to design a silver button; but the for-
mer arts are often subsidiary and res tri cted by traditional
forms while the latter is relatively free. The Mongolian at -
titude s, then accurately repres ent relations among arts de-
termined by the cultural environment.
A. Painting, Sculpture, and Tapestry
Mongol painting and sculpture are restricted ancillaries
of religious expr ession; the style and form are traditional
derivatives of Tibetan and Chinese. Temple entries.are
guarded by carved demi -gods and demon s, boddh isatva sta-
tuette s, large Buddha statues, elaborately carved screens,
cornices , altars and canopies comprise most sculpture. Orna-
mental carving, pro bably indigenous, in cludes cony entionali zed
flowers (e. g; daisies), beasts, and allegorical figur es. Origi-
nal work may have been done by laymen or priests, but main-
tenance and repair are priestly functions; perhaps for this rea-
son, perhaps because of declining int crest, such temple art
is not flour ishing now and resotrations are often crude.
Temple painting, beyond the coloring of carved images
and deco rations which is universal and colorful, extends to
panel pictures sometimes in story sequence and to p or trai-
ture. Subjects are devotional or saintly, th c workmanship
that of Lamas; but like sculpture, painting is virtually a lost
art, especially in M anchu Tian monasteries.
Religious tapesries or carp ets, displayed on sacred fes-
tivals are monastery prop ertics; and their posse ssion is a
matter of competitive pride for rcli gious communitie s.
Many are quite large, thirty by twenty feet being unexc eption-
al. Their subjects are Buddhist saints or quasi-divinities
such as the Lamaist Messiah Maiclari (Isilaitreya) woven in
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such as the Lamaist M essiah Maidar (Malt reya) woven in
varicolored wool or stitched on silk. Occa sionally stitch-
ing is done with gold thread, a likely influence of fine Chinese
needle-portraiture, though the devotional ta pestry genr c i s
Tibetan, Indian, or Central Indian in origi n. Workman-
ship is obscure, possibly that of seamstresses who serve
monasteries, and it is not considered an' art in our sen se,
but priests care for such community treasure metic ulously,
and many remain in very good condition. A fine ornamental
rug industry, ranging from Pao -t' ou to Ningh sia is maintained
largely by Chinese Moslems Living in the area. De signs are
influenced by both Chinese and Islamic Central Asian t radi-
tio ns.
B. Architecture
Mongolian architecture is di vided between religious and
urban, both kinds derivative. Towns usually center about
monasteries. Th e I att er are divided int o several b uil d -
ings for worship, residence, and utility. Older monasteries
in all parts of the Autono mous Re gion are customarily
Tibetan style, some being fairly large potalas or monolithic
fortified buildings of several stories built against the side of
a hill. The Tibetan style is plain and clean, block buildings,
sli ghtly trapezoidal windo ws , t errac ed levels, straight
lines, fl at roofs. This style predominates in Outer Mongol
towns as well, excepting larger temples or potaLas the standard
height of town and of secondary monastery constructions is
one or two stories. Construction mat erials include stone and
clay.
Monastic temples built a fte r the 17th century are fre-
quently Chinese in style o:. Sino -Tibetan hybrids of Chinese
porticoes, and roofs on plain Tibetan buildings. The Chinese
is an elaborate arch ite cture chara cterized by ornamental bal-
conies, car 'ed corn ices, curving roof lines, pillared por ches
and gene ral ornateness. Its large-scale introduction among
the Mongols came via a spate of pious building spon sored
by the Manchu rulers of China afte r 1650; and its most ex-
tensive use was in Inner Mongolia. The further west in the
present Autonomous R egion, the more purely Tibetan, monas-
tery architecture becomes.
If the Mongols can be said to have an indigenous architec-
ture, it is that?of th c yurt, a hi ghly functional nomadic dwel-
ling of uncomplicated design and hard ty anyone's idea of
architectural art. The original native tc mples were tents of
Tibetan design and a number of these portable shrines stil 1
exist either as shaman istic or lamai sti c places of worship.
Their in tenors are often elaboratel:.? ornamented with hanging
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religious tapestries, prayer fla gs, colored streamers, to-
gether full temple altar and clerical regalia. The portable
yurt, felt over sapling frames, shaped round and peaked, is
the perfect union of available materials and domestic needs
for no mad hue bandmen . In a minor uncomplicated wa y, it
is an architectural masterpiece, retentive of h cat, windpr oof,
roomy, easy to build.
The Sub urgan reliquary, a copy of the Indo-Tibetan
Ch orten also known in Ch in i s symbolic in design of th e
five elements --block base fo r earth, platfo rm fo r wood, out-
rising bulbous body for water, shaft for fire, crown or ornamen
tal top-piece for air.
Urban architecture in Inner Mongolia, and somewhat less in
Manchur Ian parts of the Autonomous Region, is dominantly
Chinese, a style copied by Mongol conquerors in building
their luxury residences and pub lic build ings. Private homes
and business buildings are reproduced from the towns of
China Prop er.? by H an colonists. Sedentary Mongols have
more or less conformed to these patterns with some admix -
tures of Tibetan, while the latter persists for minor build-
ings in monasteries even in Chinese towns.
Among both peoples, architecture is a function of build-
ing and i s ranked as a craft rather than an art; but the value
of beauty is a conscious consideration in Chines c style, and
utility of a good design in Tibeto-Mongo lian so that both have
artistic elements.
C. Minor Orn amental Ar ts
Clothing, especially of noblemen and women and lama
cerernonial costumes are heavily dccora ted by overlays of
crochet work, embroidery, tassels, and wrought s ilv er
pieces. Purpose s include aesthetic and tat ismanic. Work-
manship is divided between hereditary artisans for silver and
other metal wo rk and women for all kinds of fabr ic wo rk.
Southern tunics are frequently ..vov en in Chinese designs; eas-
tern are plain Mongol t raditi onal more often. Facings and
embroidery, too, copy Chinese designs of conventionalized
flo we rs, drag ons, signifi cant charac ters, geometric borders.
Men's dress is the most plain, women's the most ornate, re-
ligious (e.g. Tsar-n) dancers ' the most. artistically symbolic ,
shamans ' the most primitively tali smanic and cluttc red. The
status of such wo rk is that of househ old a rtis anship, but much
of the work is very finely done and the women of bette r fami -
lies are paintakingly trained to it as are hereditary daghour
or ornamental rn etalsmiths.
Hats and boots are simila Hy ornamented with overlay
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designs in cloth, leather, or braid. Women's, warrior's' and
shamans ' boots are the most elaborate in about that order, la-
mas generally the most plain. Materials for hat ornamentation
Include feathers, stones, buttons, cloth tails, and embroi-
deries; and the objective seems almost exclusively decorative,
except for res tri cti on of some more elaborate patterns to tr i-
bal nobles.
Saddles of powerful robbers, nobles, and other men of note
are elaborately affixed with wrought silver, another example
of the valued daghou r 's a rti sansh ip.
Chinese in Mongolian areas have domestic and minor arts
and artisanship like those of their kin to the south and east which
have been described in the General China Handbook. The cus-
tom o f decorating windows with colored cutouts on oile d paper,
native to North China, extends here. Subjects are familiar
animals, lo cal scenes, and the idea, if not the workmanship,
Is imaginative. Some urbanized Mongols have adopted the cus-
tom.
D. Under the Communists
As a matter of anti quarian interest and ingratiation of la ma-
ist s everywhere, the Chinese Communist government has un-
dertaken to restore and pres erve at least a few lamaist temples
and their relig ious sculpture, cars' ing, and painti ng. The se are
restored a la mode by teams of speciali sts fr om universitie s,
and the process incidentally introduces to Mongols the idea
that religion is a relic rather than a creative and living force.
Town architecture, notably of public buildings where new
ones are built, is wholly respon si..?e to the architectural poli -
cy and party line current at Peking. Since this has shifted
from sever ely plain to el abora te traditional to hybrid plain
once more, the present condition of architecture in any part of
Communist China is confused. The architect has more pres -
tig e as a practical artist in the value scale of Maoism, but
his imaginative freedom hardly exists to justify the honor.
Outer Mongolian architecture is si mi tarty respo nsive to Ru s -
sian developments. In m anchu rian towns of the Inner Mongo-
lia Autonmous Region, a few public buil dings survive in t he
simple functional design of the Japanese occupation. A very
few Mongols may be trained as architects, but their training
and models are.Chinese.
The win dow cutouts of Norther n and Inner Mo ng oh i an
Chinese have been adopted vigorously by the Communist pro-
paganda system. State schools and academies study this as
folk art, for example the Lu Hsun Art Academy formerly of
Yam
3.L't
Yenan. Modern artists such as Ku Yuan and Chang Kuang-yu
are urged to add these to their forms of expression. New
designs of the People's Fighters, "Revolutionary Peasants,"
industrial developments and Communist leaders are circula-
ted for public use, and the household folk artists who origi-
nated this form are encouraged to produce their own poltica
cutouts.
The Communist campaigns to break down the prestige of
the hereditary nobility and shift social emphasis among Chinese
and minority people alike may in time seriously curtail the
native seamstresses and silversmiths, finest of Mongol artisans,
whose products were luxury goods. Similarly, the mass publi-
cation of lithographed cutouts will probably devitalize the
Chinese folk art. Any pramising Mcngol painters or sculptors
who may rise under the "preservation and encouragement" pro-
gram will receive, if possible, training in Chinese ateliers; but
the extension universally of state-approved standards in all will,
like that of intellectual dogrna, almost certainly stifle and stul-
tify original work either of Chinese or minority people. The
results will also, probably, extend to national uniformity, ef-
fectual Communization and sinicization after the Commtinist
pattern for Chinese culture, but the cultural unity of all peoples
within the Chinese frontiers will then come at a qualitative low
ebb of Chinese civilization viewed from those standards which
have in the past made so much of it intellectually and artistically
great.
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Additional Readings
Hansen, Henny H. Mongol Costumes. Nordisk Forlag, Kibenhaven
1950
Haslund, Henning. Men and Gods in Mongolia. 'New York,
E. P. Dutton, 1935 . (Translation from Swedish Zayagan).
Heissig, Walther. "Seven East Mongolian Nursery Rhymes,"
in Folklore Studies Vol. IV, 1945, pp. 332-335.
matchinhu. "On the Khorchin Grasslands" (short story), in
Chinese Literature No. 1, Peking, Spring 1953.
Mostaert, Antoine, c. 1. c. m. Folk lore Ordos (Monumenta Se -
rica monograph XI). Peking, Catholic University Press, 1947.
Ordosica. Catholic University of Peking Bulletin
no. 9, Nov., 1934.
van Oost, Joseph. Chansons populaires de 1a region Sud des
Receuil des Chansons mongols.
1,
f. ?
EDUCATION
I. Pre-Communist Education
A. Introduction
B. Traditional Mongol Education
C. Frontier Education and the National Government
1. Educational Policy
2. The National Frontier School and the Mongol-
Tibetan School
3. Secondary and Primary Education
D. Education in Japanese Occupied Areas
II. The Communist Period
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-1(P.0.400.eir.kaireaboo(
EDUCATION
I. Pre-Communist. Education
A. Introduction
Jr. Pre-Communist Inner Mongolia, education was the con-
cern of the family, the Church, the community, and only inci-
dentally of the government. Government and community spon-
sored schools were primarily for Chinese in the area, although
during the Republic some effort was made to set up schools for
Mongols, especially in the settled regions. Attendance was not
compulsory, and illiteracy was high. The secondary schools
(beyond the primary level) were found in the cities such as
Kuei-sui, Kalgan, etcetera. Emphasis in the Chinese schools
was on reading and writing Chinese, study of the Confucian
classics (prior to the Republic) and elementary arithmetic,
geography, Chinese history, hygiene and physical education.
During the Republic, particularly after 1928, efforts were made
to enforce compulsory attendance, with little success in the
frontier area. For the most part, education was left to the
provincial and local governments, and the amount and quality
varied widely in the region. The formal pattern of Chinese
education in the region followed that of China "inside the Great
Wall"; textbooks were standardized, particularly for the ele-
mentary and some secondary schools. Materials relating to
modern life were used, and Confucianism was replaced, in
general, .by "Sun Yat-Sen-ism." (For detailed treatment of
Chinese Education, see China Handbook, Education).
Other than the regular, if imperfect, school system in
Inner Mongolia, the Christian missions offered another source
of education for Chinese and Mongols alike. The Missions,
however, were few in the nomadic areas, and their efforts
were added to those of the schools in the cities and settled
countryside. Their students primarily were the children of
Christianized Chinese and Mongols, subject matter conformed
to that taught in regular schools, with the addition of material
on Christian ethics and doctrine and perhaps more emphasis on
sanitation. Mission schools in some areas also emphasized
handicrafts and introduced new ideas in agricultural practices.
During the Republic, as in Manchu days, those Chinese
who received the best education were the children of landlords,
rich merchants and officials. Elementary education became
somewhat more widespread under the Republic, and more stu -
dents were encouraged to attend higher institutions of learning
by subsidy, but the majority of Chinese in Inner Mongolia were
unable to afford the pleasure of allowing many children to spend
a.Gir
long periods away from home---the struggle with the soil re-
quired all hands, except in the most favored regions. Yet the
Chinese in the region were still Chinese, and the prestige of
learning was high; those who were able to make the sacrifice
did attempt to educate a son so that he might enter government
service or better his status in some other way.
B. Traditional Mongol Education
Nomadic Mongol education, for the commoner, was almost
entirely obtained in the family or in the Tibetan Buddhist
(lamaist) monastery. Family education consisted of teaching
the boys and girls their separate tasks. Boys arc taught herd-
ing, delivery of young animals, trade, milking of the mare,
perhaps some Chinese characters or Mongolian script if the fa-
ther was himself educated; girls were taught household duties
such as preparation of food, sewing, etcetera, by their mothers.
All members of the family cooperated on some tasks, for ex-
ample, felt-making. Itinerant, musicians might recite folk
songs telling of the deeds of heroes or of Chingis Khan, or an
elder might tell a folk tale such as the legend of Cesar Khan.
In areas of Chinese-Mongol contact, the Mongol child usually
picked up an ability to speak Chinese at an early age, and be-
came familiar with local Chinese custom and beliefs.
By far the most formal education that the common Mongol
might obtain was through the Lamaist. monastery. Here, how-
ever, the teaching was theological, reading and writing were
Tibetan (rather than Mongolian or Chinese), and handicrafts
such as painting, embroidery, carpentry, etcetera, were de-
voted to the production of religious items. In the monasteries,
prior to the later Republican period, the Mongol youth might ob-
tain his broadest education, with the possibilities of an "aca-
demic" career in medicine, mathematics, or theology. If he
proved an apt pupil, and could manage to obtain the necessary
finances either from his family or by other means, the pupil
might hope to go to Tibet and study in one of the famous mona-
steries. If his abilities lay in the direction of administration,
he might aspire to a position in the monastic hierarchy, or to
become the head lama at a small local monastery. At the very
least, Mongol youth who had obtained some education at. a mona-
stery might be able to fill a minor position in the retinue of a
prince.
Pei-tzu-miao and Wu-tan-chao are two of the most reknown-
ed academic monasteries of Inner Mongolia. Pei-tzu-miao is
located about 250 miles northeast of Kalgan in the territory of
the East Abaghanar Banner of the Silingol League. Its name in
Mongolian is Pandita Gegen Stime, meaning the Monastery of
Pandita Gegen, which is the title of the Khutuktu of Pei-Lzu-miao.
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The monastery wa's founded in 1729 by a Tibetan without any
Chinese assistance. This independence of its foundation was
still reflected in its later position: it was the only major lama-
sery with no connections to Peking. It was instead, closely re-
lated to the Sera monastery in Tibet and represented in its
teachings the Sera school, an uncommon kranch of the Yellow
sect. The monastic academy was divided into four departments,
the Department of Dogma or Exoteric Department, the Esoteric
Department, the Medical Department and the Astronomical De-
partment, all housed in separate buildings. When visited by
Nagao in 1943, over 800 lamas indulged in academic studies, by
far the largest number of them in the Exoteric Department (over
700). Less than one-half of .the students came from the imme-
diate neighborhood, the other represented all parts of Inner
Mongolia and included even some Outer Mongolian lamas, who
of course at that time were not in a positon any more to return.
As far as the number of students is concerned, Pci-tzu-miao
was the largest monastic academy in Inner Mongolia; due
probably to the lack of connections with any other center, how-
ever, the level of academic learning did not seem to be the
highest.
Wu-tan-shao is a short distance northeast of Pao-ttou and
can be reached by a three hours' horse-back ride from one of
the stations of the Peking-Pao-00u Railway. It was founded in
1751 by a TUrnet Mongol after completion of his academic studies
hill Tibet. The Mongolian name of the monastery is Bogotar
Sumc; Bogotar, the peony, was the name of a woman who had a
relationship with the founder. The lamasery is one of the rich-
est in Inner Mongolia, owning among other things, coal and lime
mines. Much less secluded that Pci-tzu-miao, its academic
level was particularly praised. By 1943 the Academy had about
400 students, about one hundred of them in what could be called
preparatory courses, about 200 in the Exoteric Department,
and thirty each in the Astronomical Department and in the Lower
and Higher Exoteric Departments. Here, too, students came
from all over Inner Mongolia, including the Ordos and Alashan,
and even some students from Tibet were in attendance.
The higher monastic and secular positions, however, were
usually filled by sons of the nobility. During the Manchu dynasty,
Mongol nobility were encouraged to send their sons for training
and eventual participation in the Chinese literary examinations
for civil service eligibility. A few Mongols became so Sinified
in this process that they were cut off from their own people, and
found more in common with the Manchu Bannerrnen and scholars
with whom they associated than with Mongols.
I. Education policy
Nationalist frontier education was based on directives pro-
270
mulgated by the Ministry of Education in 1930. These direc-
tives were supplemented by regulations issued during the war
years, of which the one of May 1941 concerning unification of
secondary education in frontier districts is of particular im-
portance. The emphasis placed by the National Government on
frontier education is shown by the fact that some of the secon-
dary and normal schools for national minorities became national
institutIons during and after the war, whereas normally they
were the responsibility of provincial and city governments.
In 1947 Chu Chia-hua, then Minister of Education of the
National Government. demonstrated that frontier education was
not so much concerned with geographical or administrative
frontiers, but primarily with cultural frontiers, the ultimate
aim being the abolition of these frontiers. Even though policies
on frontier education had been issued half a generation ago, Chu
argued, the realization of tins aim was still ?i the distant fu-
ture, chic, among other reasons, to the low rate of school at-
tendance. 13y July, 1947, only 6.2 percent of the Mongol chil-
dren of school age attended school in tiw province of Jehol.
For Chahar and Suiyuan, the percentages were 3.1 and 3.5
respectively.
In Chu's thinking, frontier education was to be based on the
traditions?of the nationalities, "selecting what is good and re-
jecting what is bad." These traditions should then be supple-
mented by education based on the National (Chinese) culture and
nationality students should be led to embrace this national cul-
ture, so that the cultural frontier would eventually disappear.
Chu was well aware of the fact that the government was not
at that time in a position to do more than work toward this aim.
Government educational institutions were few in number and
qualified educational personnel was hard to enlist. Chu there-
fore proposed to make use of clerical educational institutions
particularly in Mongolia and the Northwest, where lamaseries
and mosques had traditionally almost monopolized educational
activities. The plan was to impose upon clerical schools the
curriculum of secular education. The first experiment along
these lines was undertaken at Labrang monastery, where a
vocational school for young lamas was established. Other simi-
lar experiments were still in the planning stage by 1947. (Mini-
stry of Education, Pien-chliang Chiao-yu Kai-Muang, Nanking
1947, passim).
2. The National Frontier School and the Mongol Tibetan
School
There were no educational institutions above the secondary
level in Mongolia in pre-Communist times, Mongol students were
supposed to get their higher education in China proper. Two
schools were especially established to serve frontier education,
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the National Frontier School at Nanking and the Mongol Tibetan
School of Peiping.
The National Frontier School (Kuo-li pien-chriang hsueh-
hsiao) is an outgrowth of the Mongolian and Tibetan classes of
the Central Political Institute (Chung-yang Cheng-chih hsueh-
hsiao) and was established as an independent unit in 1930. It
was known by different names and exercised different functions
until itt, reorganization in 1941. Its main purpose then was to
serve as a normal school for secondary and vocational teachers
to be used in frontier regions. After the war the school returned
from its exile in Szechwan to Nanking with newly provided faci-
lities. By 1947 it had an enrollment of 301 students, the number
of Meng?ls among them was not specified.
In the declining years of the Dynasty, and continuing with
modernized curricula on into the Republican period, a Mongol-
Tibetan School was established in Peking. This school had a
checkered career. It was reinstituted as a National school in
1946 with an enrollment of 337 students. The primary purpose
of the school was to train Mongols and Tibetans for govern-
mental positions. In effect, this was the first modern school
which specifically concerned itself with these groups. In its
founding ordinance, the percentages of students from the differ-
ent ethnic groups was stated to be the following; Inner and Outer
Mongols --fifty percent; Tibetans -- fifteen percent; people
from Chinghai ten percent. The remaining twenty-five per-
cent were to be Chinese and Manchus.
Mongol students for the school were almost always the sons
of nobles. Students were selected by heads of leagues, general
commissioners, and chief administrators of each area, and
travel expenses of the students to the Capital were to be fur-
nished by local governments. Tuition and living expenses,
however, were granted by the government. Only males between
the ages of fifteen to twenty were to be admitted, and the num-
ber was set at "over 200." The school required students to
complete four years in order to graduate, and the curriculum
was divided into a preparatory course and a specialized course.
If a student entered the school with poor preparation, he was re-
quired to study elementary subjects for one to two years before
actually beginning his course work in the school. Classes were
limited to a maximum of fifty students.
The curriculum in the preparatory course included Chinese,
Mongolian, and Tibetan language, Ethics, Geography of China,
History of China, World Geography, World History, Algebra
Geometry, Trigonometry, Biology, Physiology-, Health Sciences,
Physics, Chemistry, Art, Physical Education, Music, Handi-
crafts, Government and Economics.
Successful completion of this course of study made the .
student eligible for the "specialized" course. The purpose of
this course was to teach "the science of law, government and
economics." Three years of work was required for gradua-
tion. Students of the advanced curriculum were exempt from
paying tuition, ,but were required to furnish their own living
expenses. The studies were as follows: Chinese, Introduction
to Law, Constitution, Civil Law, Criminal Law, Business Law,
Administrative Law, International Law, Geography of China,
History of China, World Geography, World History, Statistics,
Diplomatic History, Foreign Policy, Introduction to Economics,
Economic Policy, Political Theory, Science of Finance, Trans-
portation Policy, Colonial Policy, Bookkeeping.
3. Secondary and primary education
From this school a small group of "westernized" Mongols
developed, a group who later played a part. in the growth of
nationalistic feeling in Inner Mongolia, or were the chief instru-
ments of the Nationalist Government in dealings with the Inner
Mongols.
On a lower level, the Nationalist government, as represen-
ted in the provinces, attempted to carry through its policy of
"assimilation" in the border areas through the schools. As
mentioned above, the energy with which education, even of the
purely Chinese model, was taken to the frontier communities
depended upon local and provincial conditions, the 1\htional
government however, taking an active part in frontier educa-
tion. In Nationalist areas of Inner Mongolia in the years 1938-
1944, primarily in Western Inner Mongolia, some attempt was
made to write texts and reference books suitable to education
in the region, and loans and scholarships were to he appropri-
ated. In 1942, there were five national normal (higher level)
schools, four vocational and a small number of primary schools
distributed in different frontier localities. The purpose of
"frontier" education during the war was to unify the various
peoples of the borders under Chinese culture. Primary educa-
tion emphasized citizenship training, language, vocational
education and hygiene. Secondary education concentrated on
technical subject matter. Needless to say, few Mongols parti-
cipated in this scheme. For example, as late as 1945, a school
established by General Fu Tso-yi among the WesternOirat of
the Ulanchap League "had carefully avoided teaching anything
that might arouse the boys interest in their national (i.e.,
Mongol) culture. They had never even had anything as practi-
cal as history or geography; just some Chinese Nationalist
songs and a few characters." (Camam, Land of the Camel
page 110)
However, in addition to the regular provincial school system,
some schools were also maintained by the banners, such as the
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elementary school'of the Timet banner in Kuei-su, located in
the Temple of Confucius, with an enrollment of about 300 in 1947
(many Chinese among them), where four hours of Mongolian
were given each week.
Among the schools established by the National Government
in Inner Mongolia, the most advanced one was the National Mid-
dle School for the Ikhechao League, established in 1939 in the
Talat banner, with a branch in the Chtin-wang banner established
in 1947. The main school had an enrollment of 310 in 1947 and
a staff of fifty, among whom some resolute Mongols were also
represented. The school was provisionally housed in Japanese
barracks in the outskirts of Pao-t'ou after the war.
in 1942 the National Government established a National Nor-
mal School for the Mongols of the unoccupied parts of Suiyuan
and Ninghsia at 1:uang-chxu-chliao, Ninghsia. By 1947 this
school had an enrollment of 259. Dependent upon this Normal
School, elementary schools were set up between 1943 and 1946
in the following banners in Western Suiyuan: Dsungar, Hangin,
Dalat, Otok, Jasak, Wu-fan, Chun-v.,ang, and Hsi-king with a
total enrollment of 838 in 1947. Immediately after the war the
National Government established two more National Normal
schools for the Mongols of Chahar and Jehol at Kalgan and
Ch'ao-yang respectively, in which student enrollment by 1947
was 116 and one hundred. Political developments did not allow
enough time for these normal schools to branch out Into elem-
entary schools.
D. Education in Japanese Occupied Areas
Japanese penetration, first into Western Manchuria and
then, in consort with Mongols lead by Prince Teh, into Inner Mon-
golia, was accompanied by attention to the problem of education
and re-education. Re-education was to be applied to the Lamas
(monks) in both a religious and a secular sense. Religiously,
attempts were made to send groups of lamas to Japan for this
study of Buddhism, beginning in 1934 and continuing into the
early 1940s. Japanese Buddhist scholars travelled in Inner
Mongolia, studying in the monasteries and preaching the neces-
sity of reform. The intent of this double-barreled approach was
to re-orient Mongolian Buddhism toward Japan, as a center of
the faith, and to promote a Mongolian Lamaist National Church,
whose doctrine would be "purified" and brought more into line
with Japanese Buddhist theology. Tokyo was to replace Lhasa
in the affections of the Mongol Buddhists. Some success was
obtained, although never widespread. To some extent, these
attempts were hampered by the policy which was simultaneously
employed with the purpose of secularizing many of the lamas.
Recognizing that many abuses had grown up in the rnonas-
;
? . ?
??.
teries, the Japanese attempted to reduce the number of lamas
by means of tests. Failure in such a test meant return to secu-
lar life, accompanied in some cases by re-training in secular
occupations. The Monastery was to be the channel for the intro-
duction of new ideas, particularly for the introduction of courses
in handicrafts and practices of modern medicine. Steps of this
sort taken by the Nationalists in 1930-1933 'included the institu-
tion of a pharmacy in the courtyard of the famous Peking Lama-
ist temple, Yung-ho Kung. Weather prediction was to be insti-
tuted by re-educating the Lama-astrologers.
Thus were the Lamas to be brought into participation in
modern education. But the Japanese (and later Prince Te under
their supervision) realized that more was needed to prepare
the Mongols for a key role in the Greater East Asia Co-prosper-
ity Sphere. In the Hsingan Manchurian region, 314 schools had
been established by 1936, in which compulsory attendance was
enforced. Mongolian was established as the official written
language and was taught in the schools. Teachers were trained
in Japan or literate elders were used as teachers; such a com-
bination in one school brought starkly to the fore the attempt to
combine the traditional knowledge and the new. The response
of the Mongol pupils was, in most cases,eager. Haslund
(Mongolian Journey, p. 98) describes one group of pupils in this
way: "The lads were dressed in a sort of cadet uniform with
polished buttons, and I had to look closely at their clean washed
faces to convince myself that they were really Mongols. They
made not the slightest, attempt to show that indifference to sur-
prises by which Mongols usually set so much store; as soon as
the lesson was over they flung themselves upon me with a stream
of eager questions."
? ?
II. The Communist Period
During the period of the Japanese war, education was an
area of struggle for the minds of the youth of Inner Mongolia.
Despite efforts by the Japanese, Prince Te's Government, and
some attempts by the Nationalists in the western part of Inner
Mongolia, the number of primary schools by 1947 was slightly
above 800 and a few secondary schools existed.
Communist emphasis on minorities' education has always
been strong. In Yenan days they gained some experience in edu-
cating Mongol youngsters, as the Shen-Kan-Ning Border Area
included periodically Mongol inhabited territory. Already at
that period they applied the principle, always neglected by the
KMT, of using the Mongolian language for general topics in
schools for Mongols. They also had used a set of textbooks in
Mongolian on such disciplines as geography, history, and the
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natural sciences. ?During the war years a College of Nationali-
ties was founded at Yenan for training national minority cadres,.
many of these Mongols (Report of Ulanfu, JMJP January 20,
1952). Ulanfu was at one time head of the College. Out of this
College grew the Central Institute for Nationalities, headed by
Ulanfu, which was opened on June 11, 1951 at Peking. At the time
of its foundation the Institution consisted oft three training class-
es for administrative and military workers. The enrolled stu-
dents comprised minority students as well as Chinese to be
trained to work in minority areas. Required courses at the
Institute are: Introduction to the general conditions of the coun-
try; Fundamentals of China's international relations; The
Sino-Soviet alliance; Chinese history including history of the
nationalities; The Common Program; The Chinese Communist
Party; The People's Liberation Army. Care was taken to have
the .Institute housed in a particularly impressive new building
(Hsu Cliien, Education for Minorities, China Monthly Review,
October 1952, 361-365).
In Mongolia, an Inner Mongolia Military and Political Col-
lege, an Inner Mongolia Autonomy College, an Administrative
Cadre School, a Health Cacires School, and other cadres classes
were founded after the inauguration cI the IMAR. To these
were added later an Inner Mongolian Teachers Training College
founded in 1952; and an Institute for Animal Husbandry and
Veterinarian Medicine. '
For the period from 1947 to the present, we are at the
mercy of the figures given by the Chinese Communists. Even
if such figures arc discounted, it is probabfe that the number of
schools and students has risen with the concerted drive by the
Communist. Government to increase the effectiveness of organs
of mass communication, such as newspapers and books. Accept
ing, for the moment the Communist figures, prior to 1947 (the
establishment of the 'MAR). there were about 27.424 Mongol
children in primary schools; by the end of 1951 there were 109,140
Mongols distributed among the 4084 or 4227 primary schools.
The number of Mongol pupils, if this figure is even approxim-
ately correct was about one-third of the total number of pupils
enrolled.
In 1953 the number of Mongol primary schools (i.e., having
only Mongol pupils) was stated to be 1,140 with 93,166 students
enrolled who were taught by 3,387 Mongol teachers. The number
of mixed Mongol-Han schools is unstated. It was said that the
number of Mongol primary students was 211 percent more than
in "pre-liberation days." We are given a check on the consis-
tency of the Communist figures by comparison with the figures
for 1954: at the end of this year there were 7,400 primary
schools in the region with 560,000 children, of which 1,194
primary schools with 83,424 children were Mongol. The?nurn-
ber of Mongol pupils here is said to be "three times the peak pre-
liberation figure." If we now compare the results of dividing
83,424 by three, we obtain a figure of roughly 29,800, a figure
which is close to the 27,424 mentioned carlier;and is as close
as many official figures come to one another. By the end of 1954
twenty-seven Mongol or joint Mongol-Chindsc secondary schools
are reported.
It must not be assumed that the number of schools and stu-
dents mentioned represent concrete reality. On the basis of de-
velopments in other parts of China, many of these are probably
"paper schools," and do not actually open for lack of textbooks,
premises, administrators, etcetera.
Despite the increase in number of schools and in total en-
rollment, evidence points to the concentration of schools in
areas of joint Mongol-Han settlement. By the end of 1954 we are
told that there were forty-five primary and two middle schools
in livestock areas (i.e., nomadic regions). Enrollment in the
forty-seven schools was about 6, 000 pupils. This was about
seven percent of the total Mongol student enrollment in primary
schools for 1954. Some of the schools in livestock areas were
in fixed locations, where the herdsmen had been stabilized;
some were boarding schools, and some travelled with the no-
mads. There are indications that attempts are being made to
settle the nomads still mbre by fixing the grazing grounds--in
effect, by gradually turning the nomad into husbandman.
Turning to the problem of teachers, it is indicated that up
to 1955, teachers were procured from three sources; Chinese
teachers trained in China proper; Mongol or other minority na-
tionality teachers trained in the Inner Mongolian Teachers Train-
ing College (established in 1952); and teachers trained in local
training centers or special Party schools. The Inner Mongolian
Teachers Training College was supposed to have trained 400
teachers in the three years from 1952 to 1955; but in 1953 there
were listed a total of 3,387 Mongol primary teachers, 243 Mon-
gol secondary teachers, and sixteen Mongol teachers in the
Inner Mongolian Institute of Animal Husbandry and Veterinary
Medicine, and the Mongol Language School and the Inner Mongo-
lian Teachers Training College. No figures are available to us
for later periods. In addition to teachers from the above men-
tioned sources, two specialists from the Mongolian People's
Republic were invited in 1955, presumably to teach in the Animal
Husbandry and Veterinary Medicine Institute.
Attempts are being made to institute schools of all levels
for the students of nationalities other than Chinese or Mongol,
but by the end of 1953 there were only 6,77Z primary, 742 sec-
ondary and twenty-eight higher studies students of Chinese
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Moslem, Korean, Manchu and Orochon groups. Teachers from
these groups numbered 256 primary and 37 secondary. By the
end of 1954, only 300 teachers of these nationalities were counted,
a very minor increase.
There seems to be a concerted effort to teach the minority
nationalities pupils in their own language, and to prepare text-?
books for them in that language if it is written. More than
300,000 copies of textbooks in Mongolian were printed in 1952;
and in 1955 a special organization was set up to translate and
edit textbooks for Inner Mongolian students. Mongols are taught
in Mongol where possible, but also learn Chinese, and in those
places where a joint Mongol-Han school is established, separate
classes arc set up for each group if it is feasible. The lack of
Mongol teachers has resulted, in many places, in the Mongol
being taught in Chinese, and thus some dissatisfaction has been
expressed. It is true, however, that more attention is being
paid to training Mongol teachers and using the Mongolian langu-
ages in the schools for ivIongols. Until 1955, the old Mongolian
script was taught, but beginning in 1956, a new script, based on
the Cyrillic alphabet is to be instituted. By 1960, all publication
except the classics are to be in the new script.
In the schoolr of other nationalities, such as those belong-
ing to the Chinese Moslem, Manchu, Korean or Orochon groups,
Mongolian and Chinese are studied along with the mother
tongue. The content of education under the Communists is ori-
ented toward bringing the youth wholeheartedly into the national
framework. A primary aim is the elimination of illiteracy, and
in the first half of 1956 drives were being conducted to eliminate
illiteracy in the various regions by certain target dates. For
the IMAR, "young Mongolian illiterates arc to be eliminated
in 1958" (CMP 81202, Jan. 6, 1956).
The forwarding of this plan is not left to the schools alone;
associations for eliminating illiteracy are being formed in all
areas, through which every person capable of reading and writ-
ing is to teach an illiterate. Cooperatives, trade unions, youth
organizations, etcetera, arc to be pressed into the drive, and
arc to set up classes and programs for coping with the problem.
Teachers arc pressed to cooperate in the compilation of text-
books. The basis for the drive against mass illiteracy is stated
to be so that "the people may keep pace with the needs of the
growingly developed industry and agriculture, and promote the
accelerated development of Socialist construction." (scmp
81221, Feb. 2, 1956).
One of the means used to combat illiteracy is through adult
education. In 1950, a Workers' and Peasants' Short-term
Middle School and a Workers' and Peasants Sparetimc School
were established for the purpose of raising the literacy stand-
?-21S
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4
ards of both Mongo.1 and Han-Chinese cadres recruited from the
farmers and workers. In January, 1954, at the express orders
of the Central Committee of the CCP, the local party committees
in Inner Mongolia as in other parts of China, were instructed
to redouble their efforts at promoting spare-time cultural edu-
cation work, for members of the party and the New Democratic
Youth League, and winter schools for the peasants and herdsmen.
In January, 1955, it was reported that there were 270,000
peasants and herdsmen in the IMAR attending winter schools
taught by over 5,700 part-time Han Chinese and Mongol in-
structors.
Education in the IMAR, follows the line laid down at. the
First Conference on Nationalities Education in Inner Mongolia
Autonomous Region (Nov. 22-Dec. I, 1954). One of the fore-
most tasks projected was the need to "strengthen education in
patriotism, internationalism and nationalities solidarity and
simultaneously to conduct education labor and discipline so as
to cultivate the students' right viewpoint of labor and their self-
conscious discipline." (Nei MK Jih Pao, Dec. 23, 1954).
Within the schools this task is carried out not only in connec-
tion with materials used in course work, but through extra-cur-
ricular activities. Among these activities arc participation by
students in Young Pioneers' groups, in the Communist Youth
League (formerly the NDYL), and in Student Unions (in the sec-
ondary schools). The Students Union in a secondary school
must be led by the school principal, and the Student Union
Committee aids him "to lead and the teachers to impel the stu-
dents to implement the measures for elevating the quality of
the students in study, to impel the students to abide by rules,
to arouse the interest of the students in domestic and foreign
events, and to organize adequately the students to take part in
social and political activities."
Students also are expected to participate in extracurricular
cultural, recreational and political activities, take part in pub-
lic welfare and social work, and help to prepare wall posters
and blackboard news.
The most important problems of the educational authorities
in the IMAR seem to be the lack of teachers and the low stand-
ard of present teachers, the language problems (which will
probably continue to be complicated .due to the recent decision
to introduce a new alphabet and pronunciation for Chinese and
a new alphabet for Mongolian), the lack of material for teaching
in the Mongolian language, the problem of providing separate
classes or schools for Mongols and Chinese, and the necessity
for students to leave the region to obtain specialized training
other than Veterinary Medicine, Animal Husbandry, and Teach-
ing.
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(For further data on Books, Magazines, Newspapers and
other mass media of communication, cf. sections of IMAR Hand-
book on Propaganda, and Public Information, and the Section on
Education in the China Handbook).
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1 4
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? 2.10 ?
RELIGION
I. Lamaism
A. Development
B. Inner Mongolian Lamaism
C. Social and Political Role of Lamaism
II. Shamanistic Traditions
III. Communist Policy Toward Lamaism and Mongol Religious
Practices
IV. Islam
V. Religions of the Chinese
VI. The Fate of Christianity
Additional Readings
21s1
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RELIGION
I. Lamaism
A. Development
Lamaism is a distinct form of Buddhism, differentiated
from the type prevailing in Japan, China, Southeast Asia and
India by certain doctrinal and organizational variations. Yet
Lamaism stems from the same source as does the Buddhism
of these regions, and shares with them certain fundamental
beliefs. The Buddhism of the sixth century B. C. gave rise to
two major schools; the "pure" school called Hinayana (Small
vehicle) or Theravada and the "mixed" school called Maha-
yana (Great vehicle). These two schools, respectively, arc
also called Southern Buddhism and Northern Buddhism, a
divisiOn based on the area of influence each possesses. South-
ern i3uddh srn is prevalent today in Ceylon, parts of India,
Burma, Thailand, and parts of Indo-China. Northern Buddhism
has followers, grouped into several schools, in China, Japan,
Indo-China, and of course, Tibet and Mongolia.
The Hinayana (Southern School) became a somewhat austere
and abstract creed, emphasizing salvation for the individual
by meditation, abstinence from worldly desires, and under-
standing of the causes of suffering in the world. It was a highly
personal belief; one sought to retire from the world, ideally
to join the community of monks as the only road to complete
emancipation and salvation.
Prior to the beginning of the Christian era, forces working
within Buddhism began to emerge. The need of a more human,
emotional religion, offering a way of salvation to more than the
world-renouncing individuals. This need eventually came to be
expressed in the Mahayana school. Instead of individual salva-
tion only, the salvation of all sentient beings became a goal;
the individual who reached "sainthood" or enlightenment (Nir-
vana) renounced his salvation and returned to the world to
work for the enlightenment of all. This "world-returning" in-
dividual became known as a Bodhisattva, and the historic Buddha
himself, Sakyamuni Gautama, was considered to be only one of
a number of "enlightened" Buddhas who appear in recurring
periods to show the path to salvation. It is possibly from this
idea of the re-appearance of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas that the
concept of reincarnation of deities in human form took hold,
and was extended to include the reincarnation of human "saints."
Such reincarnations in Lamaism (Tibetan Buddhism) are the
well-known Dalai and Panchen Lamas in Tibet, or the Chang-
chia Khutukhtu and the Urga Jebtsun Damba Khutukhtu of Inner
irawngs
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and Outer Mongolia. These reincarnates, and many other re-
incarnations in Mongolia have been improperly called "living
Buddhas."
Belief in a Buddha or Bodhisattva assured one of salvation
in the Northern School, and the path to enlightenment was broad-
ened. One did not need become a mot* to be saved; pure be-
lief, good works, or intellectual knowledge were alternate ways
to enlightenment, and even a layman could aspire to "become
Buddha."
It is the I?krthern form of Buddhism which came to Tibet,
and became known as Lamaism. Lamaism itself is a further
development of Northern Buddhist ideas, and it incorporates
Mahayana ideological conceptions, native Tibetan beliefs in a
sort of Shamanism called B8n, and Tantrism. Tantrism, which
played a large part in forming the Lamaist ideology, is a sys-
tem of magical and sacramental rituals, which professes to
attain the highest aims of religion by such methods as spells,
diagrams, gestures and other physical exercises. The influ-
ence of Tantrism and specialized aspects of the system is evi-
dent in the constant repetitions of the formula "Om mani
padme hum," the usc of the prayer cylinder and prayer flag,
etcetera. Tantrism was much in consonance with the old Tibet-
an beliefs, and Padma Sambhava, founder (ca. 647 A. I).) of
the "unreformed" Red Sect of Lamaism, the first to be esta-
blished in Tibet, employed much Tantric ritual in planting the
belief among the Tibetans.
The complex theology incorporated into or developed by
Tibetan Buddhism included a massive pantheon of Buddhas,
Bodhisattvas, tutelary deities or protecting spirits, female
deities who are consorts of the many Buddhas and Bodhisatt-
vas, country, local and personal spirits, and "saints"...
canonized mortals who were teachers, disciples of famous
teachers, or scholars. The basic doctrines and explanations
of the doctrine were translated from the Sanskrit into Tibetan,
commentaries were written by Tibetan scholars through the
ages, and the whole (forming the doctrinal basis of the present
dominant sect in Tibet) was grouped together as the Kanjur
and Tanjur.
But it was only the lamas (monks) who really grappled with
the intricacies of the theology; the mass of believers were
spared this intellectual exercise. In Tibet, and in the Lama-
ism which came to Inner and Outer Mongolia, the layman was
told to put his faith in the Buddha, the Dharma (the rules of
behavior, 'concepts of the world, the doctrine and way to salva-
tion) and the Sangha (the community of Buddhists, primarily
monks). In practice, the belief in the community of monks, the
lamas, became the most important aspect of the religion for
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the layman. it was only through the lama and his intercession
that the layman could be saved; it was the lama who interpreted
and simplified the pantheon of gods, demons, and spirits for
the layman. The layman accepted the pantheon, prayed to the
various Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, believed in the concept of a
purgatory where fierce demons lead by the god of death battled
with the "angry" aspects of the benevolent,gods for the souls
of the dead, believed in the power of the lama to coerce the gods
or supplicate them into aiding a man in his daily life, and be-
lieved that the very existence of a community of lamas protected
the lay community. The importance of the lama as a mediator
between layman and the spiritual world cannot be exaggerated--
for from this importance grew the social and political impor-
tance of Lamaism and the monastic system among the Mongols.
The lama was the guide on the path to eventual escape from the
apparently endless round of re-birth into the world, or at least
was the one who could aid a person to obtain re-birth into a
higher status. The position of the lama is nowhere better stated
than in the work of Timkowski (Travels of the Russian Mission
through Mongolia to China. London, 1827, v. 2, 13. 350-51):
"You will attain the highest wisdom if you honour the lamas;
the sun itself, which dispels impenetrable mists, rises only
that honour may be rendered to the lamas; the most enormous
sins obtain pardon, by showing respect to the learned lamas.
By glorifying the grand lama you incline the Bourkhans (deities)
and the Bodisaclu (Bodhisattva) to diffuse blessings, and to
avert evil. The benediction of the grand lama gives bodily
strength, communicates great advantages to you, and confers
glory. If you sincerely implore, during a whole day, the bene-
diction of a lama, all the sins committed during innumerable
generations arc effaced; a man then becomes a Bourkhan."
B. Inner Mongolian Lamaism
The Mongols arc followers of Tibetan Buddhism. They be-
long to the reformed sect founded in the fifteenth century by
Tsongkhapa. The older sects, collectively known as the "Red"
sects, had incorporated much magic and tantric ritual into their
beliefs, and had permitted their monks to marry. Tsongkhapa
established a strict monastic discipline, marked by insistence
upon celibacy, eliminated some of the magical practices (many
were retained) which had crept into the religion and distinguish..
ed his sect from the older sects by a distinctive costume, the
yellow "horse mane" hat. From the color of this distinctive cos-
tume the sect became known as the "Gelugpa," the yellow sect.
Within a century and a half, the Yellow sect had established its
dominance in Tibet, and held its position to the present.
The spread of Lamaism among the Mongols was rapid, cover-
Tuel?atacy,,
.164f
is
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?
ing almost All Mongolia by the end of the seventeenth century.
In the eastern and northern portions of the present Inner Mon-
golian Autonomous Republic, Lamaism did not become dominant
until the mid-1700's, and even today some groups of Mongols
in this area practice shamanism. A strong impetus to the
spread of Lamaism was given by the Mongol nobility and the
Manchu (Ch'ing) dynasty, particularly during the eighteenth cen-
tury. The Manchu Court contributed to the building of temples,
including magnificent centers in Peking and Jehol, and encour-
aged lamaism as a means of institutional control of the Mongols.
An interesting sidelight upon the Manchu socio-rcligious policy
toward the Mongols is found in many Mongolian monasteries.
Frequently one finds a temple in the Lamaist monastery dedi-
cated to the deified Chinese warrior Kuan Yti or Kuan Kung.
When the Manchus had conquered the Mongols, they drew upon
the popular Chinese tale, San-kuo-chih, wherein Kuan YU, Liu
Pei, and Chang Fei, three heroes, arc allied. Drawing the
parallel, the Manchus placed themselves in the part of Kuan
the Mongols in the part of Liu Pei, and the Chinese in the part
of Chang Fei. In effect, then, the temple of Kuan Yid in the
Lamaist monastery is perhaps both a secular reminder of the
alliance between Mongol and Manchu, and a religious symbol
of the Emperor as head of the religion and defender of the
faith.
Lamaism introduced new elements into the social structure
of the Mongols. The most important introduction was the cleri-
cal hierarchy, the monks. At the time of the introduction of
Lamaism (ca. 1560), the various levels of the hierarchy were
equated with the different levels of Mongol society; thus rein-
carnations and high lamas were equated with the nobility, lamas
of the lower grade and those without rank were equated to the
commoners. Lamas were recruited from all classes of society,
those belonging to the nobility being called "Toin." It was not
rare for some of the sons of banner chiefs to become lamas and
be placed at the head of large monasteries. Throughout the
Ch'ing dynasty, the Court attempted to discourage this practice,
and to keep separate the clergy and lay nobility.
Within the lamaist institutional organization, a complex
structure of statuses, grades and ranks existed. Lamas might
seek academic degrees (based on knowledge of theology, astrol-
ogy and mathematics, medicine, or esoterics), monastic admi-
nistrative positions, or positions as part-time lamas in local
temples in the nomadic regions. Basically, the clerical hier-
archy and its aspirations were modelled on the Tibetan proto-
type, and those who sought academic status attempted to spend
some time in Tibetan monastic schools.
.Lamas were divided into four classes: reincarnations
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(Khur.iilvattit), 'ai: lamas, " monastery lamas and lay lamas.
The rt. ane.arna.ons 3Ps're those called. 'living Buddhas" and
-were tho,igut to appear en new bodies generation after genera-
reinc.--a.rnaon could be rouno emong commoner or noble
c-1 b, )ugh noble reincarnates predominated P: irar
7.111-enee. 145.piaol.i.a during t.t...e Ch'ing dynasty were the Changchia
Tyl:irtailthro and .a otra of re iteicarna eson s resident in Peitin2.
.1-71,enLt 1Pte as the nbiic and the period of 3apan.ese ir.va-
saan of 7"71''''' M.o.:Toile some of these Peking reincarnates
Played
an ..trziportanet politi,ctal role. During the Ch'ing dynasty
tthe r 7?=al.P " spread most strongly in inner Mora-
reolia, wtiere officially 157 'such personages were counted, and
the ten?. "Tifit:ial :lumber 'was even higher.,
:iateekl.:,--,Ps were not very well represented in lnnee
These were the group who were both larnas and princes,
haveng e.ontrol f pastures, people, and herds as their private
.1. sal la eras entitled to both political and rel
pout; w.e.ree in his territory. In Inner Mongolia, the most pro-
minent a sak Lamas were the Cha.r.gct.ia Khutukhta, with ter:- i -
tory ar.e.-rand Dt.ilonor, Shireen }Culun _la salt Ta Lama of
Kulum., sznall ter: itory in the southeast extremity of
present .dey inner lslongolia Autonomous Republic, and the re-
incernalions reside= at Kueihaa and Dolonor. The power of
these lames vees greatly restricted during the Republic and
under the 3apanese domination during the Mengchia.ng period.
M.f.mastery lamas -were those attached full-time to a mon-
astery. This group was divided into "academic" lam. as and
?ad.enthistrative" lamas. The academicians were those con-
cerned with studying or teaching various aspects of the doc-
trine, and the administrators, of various ranks, with the ac-
tual day to day optrailon of the monastery. In most cases, re-
incaen.ations were also actually "monastery lamas," having
control over academic and/or adrninistra.tiye pffairs within the
monastery, either by prestige or by virtue of office.
Lay-lamas were most often widows and widowers who had
reached the age of fifty. They had taken first vows of abstin-
ence, celibacy, belief in the community of lamas, etcetera,
and remained at home. They were entitled to wear lamas' robes
and for the most part they devoted their lives to the service of
the Buddha, through prayer, pilgrimage, and worship.
Not least in importance was the introduction through Lama-
ism of the monastery itself, into a region of nomadism, Lama-
ism brought a center of stability, a sedentary establishment.
The monastic system functioned as a means of population con -
trot, a necessity imposed by the restriction of the Mongols to
banner territories. Almost every family had at least one son
in the monastery, and many families found it necessary to Place
17"
?
more of their male children there because of the lack of pas-
ture land. The monastery also drew inhabitants from among
the old, sick, and crippled, thus functioning as a sort of "rest
home." Within the monasteries, almost one-fourth of the
total Inner Mongolian population resided, or between fifteen
to thirteen percent of the male population. The monasteries
were the points around which the nomads began to settle down.
In places where a monastery was located there were frequently
established administrative headquarters and trade centers. Mon-
aster es were erected in key positions; along caravan routes,
in wooded areas, near major border towns.
Monasteries became important economic institutions in
Inner Mongolia. In addition to their roles as trade centers,
the monasteries held land, loaned money, manufactured small
articles, participated in transport, stored grain. Much of the
monastery income was derived from contributions, and the
effect was to deplete the resources of the lay Mongol, parti-
cularly on the numerous occasions of major religious celebra-
tions. Basically, the monastery was a prime consumer of Mon-
gol subsistence goods, although its role as a catalyst in the
exchange process between Chinese and Mongol cannot be ignored.
In addition to its institutional aspects, Lamaism brought
into Mongolia certain aspects of Tibetan culture. Tibetan
language, dress, art forms, medicinal practices, ceremonial
calendar, folktales were adopted by monks or lay Mongols and
became part of Mongol life. The influence of the religion it-
self penetrated deeply into the every-day life of the people.
The whole life of the Mongol was impregnated with religion,
and there were few occasions of importance which were not
accompanied by some religious rite. Attempts by rival reli-
gions such as Christianity to convert. the Mongols have had
little success.
The day-to-day influence of the religion and the clergy upon
Mongol life can be described best by illustrations. For example,
the Mongol built his tent or house only in a place indicated by
the lama, and occupied it only after the lama had blessed the
habitation. Each Mongolian family had, usually in front of the
door a "kei mori," a square piece of white linen covered with
magic formulas in Tibetan letters, bearing a picture of a horse
with a jewel (chindamani) on his back. This flag was tied to a
post and blessed by the lama at the moment when the pole was
sunk into the ground. In front of the "kci mori" is a small
hillock, usually of beaten earth;it is on this hillock, which
serves as an altar that an offering of incense was made to ob-
tain good luck. It might be offered every day, on the first or
fifteenth of the month or on special occasions.
Like the Tibetan, the Mongol lamaist caryied a rosary
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which was counted while the formula "Om mani padme hum" was
recited over and over again. Contributions were given to the
mendicant rhonks, and to temples for maintenance and construc-
tion. Contributions were also periodically requested and given
for the purchase of religious books or pictures of divinities
for the temples, images, or for celebration of a service. Those
families which had a son in a monastery wiere obligated for a
port:on of his up-keep, and if he were studying for an academic
degree, had to contribute to a feast for the monks at his "grad-
uation." Lamas were invited and paid for funeral services,
sick calls, to bless a journey, at births, etcetera. On almost
every possible occasion, the religion and its practicioners were
called in to participate.
Religion entered into the occupations of the Mongol as well.
The nomadic herders paid honor to "Hayan Kirwaa" (Hayagriva,
the horse-headed god) by dedicating a horse to him. Such con-
secrated horses wore a distinguishing band of linen, blessed by
a lama, which was tied into the mane. The mane was never
thereafter cut. For prosperity and fecundity of the oxen, sheep
goat and camel herds, the "White Old Man," a pre-Buddhist
figure (since the entry of Lamaism incorporated into Buddhism)
was worshipped. (See section on Social Values and Patterns of
Living.)
The agricultural Mongols also resort to the lama and to a
religious ceremony to obtain a good harvest. Each year, a little
before the harvest is ripe, a certain number of cultivators of
neighboring fields meet in a pre-determined place and plant in
the earth a bundle of willow-branches brought from the sand-
dunes. This bundle is called "shangshi." It has been blessed
by a lama, and a little flag covered with formulas and prayers
is fixed to it. On the occasion of the ceremony, a goat is sacri-
ficed near the "shangshi" and wrestling contests held. Lamas
arc also asked to perform a ceremony to bring rain, particular-
ly in time of drought. The ceremony lasts for three days or
longer, and may be performed in one of these three forms:
1) use of a "rain-stone" (jada), which is buried in a marshy
place inside a bottle; 2) reading of a section of the Tibetan
religious work Kanjur by larnas in' horse-back procession;
3) reading of the Kanju (yOm volumes) by lamas in the temple,
on a hill, or near a spring.
Lamas were also called in for purification ceremonies on
many occasions, such as the following: if iron should drop into
a well, the lama had to be called as soon as possible to purify
it. A woman who had given birth was unclean for a month, and
during this period a stranger could not enter house or tent on
pain of contamination. Should he do so, a lama had to perform
the purification.
s..SS
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C. Social and Political Role of Lamaism:
As has been noted above, Lamaism brought into Mongol
society a hierarchical clerical organization with its own complex
economic-political-ideological system, and the necessity for a
sedentary life for the majority of its adherents. From the first,
the upper ranks of the clergy were allied with the Mongolian no-
bility and the Manchu court. The lamas of all ranks became a
privileged class within the society, having about them an aura
of sanctity which was useful in claiming their privileges. The
lamas of all classes had religious authority over secular prin-
ces and were exempt from all secular duties and taxes. As
the educated group of Mongols, other than a few of the higher
nobility, lamas frequently became important in secular ad-
ministrative affairs in the role of scribes.
Within the class of lamas, however, there was a consider-
able gap between the rank and file and the reincarnations and
monastery administrators. In some areas, the economic dif-
ference between an ordinary lama and his monastic superiors
was perhaps greater than the difference between a common
herdsman and his prince. Thus during the Japanese occupation
of Jehol, it was found that the ordinary lama in Chteng-te was
barely able to elv: out a living of about six yen a month, from
a government subsidy, worshipper's offerings, money from
sales of incense, etcetera. Some lamas turned to helping farm-
ers in the fields as part-time laborers. However, despite
such a situation, the lamas as a group formed a class apart
from the rest of the Mongol people.
The Japanese did not underestimate the position of this
class in Mongol life when they began preparations to move into
Inntcr Mongolia. One section of the Japanese high-policy plan-
ners considered it important for the Japanese to continue the
Manchu policy of setting Lamaism in oppo sition to the temporal
Banner system and using it as an aid in settling the Mongols.
Japanese use of Monasteries and Lamas had begun as early as
the Russo-Japanese war. After the war a party of thirty high
lamas and dignitaries were invited to Japan and a conference
was held between them and the Higashi Hongwanji Buddhist
sect, around the idea of pan-Buddhism. In 1918 a "Buddhist
Association of Mongolia and Japan" (Nichi-Mo Bukkyokai) was
established, with seventeen lamas in attendance. In 1919, as
a result of a Japanese tour of Inner Mongolia, the name of the
association was changed to the Buddhist Association of Asia,
and a Mukden agency was founded to aid in the exchange of
students between Japan and Mongolia. Japanese interests reach-
ed as far west in Inner Mongolia as Chinghai, with the journey
in 1920-21 of a Kudo Tesusaburo to the "Living Buddha" of the
Labrang monastery to collect funds for the purpose of financing
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troops and restoring "the world as it was in the days of the Ch'ing
Dynasty."
Over the course of time, many abuses had grown up around
the lamaist system, and despite the veneration in which the reli-
gion and the lamas were held, a small group of Inner Mongol
princes and "progressive youth" desired to reform the church.
This movement was supported by the Japanese, since it fit in
with their desire to use the Church in their political designs.
Reforms included the re-orientation of Mongol lamas toward
Japan and away from Tibet (to be accomplished by re-educating
a number of lamas in Japan); the replacement of Tibetan by
Mongolian as the religious and monastic language; the restric-
tion of the number of lamas and the forbidding of lamas to deal
with Chinese merchants; denial of the right of reincarnations to
hold "shabinar" ("disciples, " either lama or lay, who were
obliged to work for the one whose shabinar they were); intro-
duction of new medical and scientific ideas into monastic educa-
tion; and encouragement of a "militant monasticism," by
training lama troops.
?The admitted need for reforms in the church did not indi-
cate a denial of religion; rather it meant a revitalization of the
religion. Lamaism was to do again what it had once done in its
early life in Inner Mongolia--to infuse into Mongol life new
aspects of another culture, and bring even the old gods into the
modern world. (For more on the political role of Lamaism in
the Mengchiang peri, see section on History).
II. Shamanistic Traditions
Lamaism established itself among the Mongols by coopera-
tion with the nobility, by the support of the dominant political
power in the region, and by incorporation of many aspects of
the existing religious beliefs into the Lamaist system. This
existing religion consisted of worship of deities of the moun-
tains, fire, the hearth, sickness, thunder, spirits of the an-
cestors, etcetera. Only the shaman was en rapport with the
spirits or had them at his command. It was through the shaman
that one established connection with the spirits. In all religious
ceremonies, the shaman was the principal actor. But shaman-
ism was not an organized religion; it had no established church,
no clerical hierarchy. Only certain individuals, usually those
with emotional or physical abnormalities, were marked out to
become shamans. Such a loose and un-structured system read-
ily gave way before Lamaism. Most of the deities were equated
by the lamas with Buddhist deities, although some of them were
taken over in toto. One such deity is the White Old Man, pre-
viously mentioned, who has a prominent place in the annual
masked dances of Mongol monasteries. The shaman himself has
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been supplanted in many of his functions by a special lama, the
gurtum," who functions during the dances as an oracle and
diviner.
The major religious ceremonials of the Mongols arc con-
ducted by the Lamas or with the participation of a lama. Chief
among these ceremonies is the annual monastery performance
of the masked dances of "Cham," commonly called "devil
dances." During this ceremony, the dancers perform a series
of "acts" which tell the story of the founding of the religion
and the triumph over the pre-Buddhist forces in Tibet. Inter-
polated into this story in Mongolia arc the symbolic struggle
of the White Old Man with the Dragon King, for the souls of
men or the spirits of cattle.
Oho Festival
In the popular religion, however, the annual "Obo" festi-
val is perhaps the most significant among the nomads. Obos,
usually placed in conspicuous points in the countryside, con-
sist of stones, branches of trees, and the remains of skele-
tons, piled up to form a pyramidal structure. Such struc-
tures are carried over from the pre-Buddhist religion, and
are offerings to the various local deities of the place of their
erection. Obos were made by banners as a whole or by a sec-
tion of a banner, and during the Ch'ing dynasty, some were con-
structed as boundary markers between banners.
In the fifth month of every year, the banner always ob-
served festivities in honor of its obos. The banner chief him-
self took charge of the observances, on the day calculated by
.the astrologers to be the luckiest day for the festival. When
the preparations had been made at the foot of the obo by priests
and laymen-attendants, the fire was lighted around the obo and
on the oho top lamas blew blasts on conches. The Chief lama
and his assistants knelt in front of the oho and recited prayers.
The chief lama, representing all the people, prayed to the gods
of heaven and earth, mountains and rivers, for the protection
of all the people of his banner and the safety of their cattle.
All the people then worshipped simultaneously while facing the
obos, and the service ended with the scattering of pieces of
sacrificial animals to the obo, the fire, and into the air. After-
ward all joined in horseracing, wrestling and archery contests.
The whole ceremony came to an end with the distribution and
? eating of the food left over from the sacrifices.
But despite the inclusiveness of Lamaism, some aspects of
Shamanism, and in some places shamans, still exist outside of
the pale of the organized religion. The ceremonial fire worship
is still primarily a pre-Buddhist ceremony. This ceremony
is
held once a year, on the twenty-third day of the Mongols'
twelfth month. Each tent conducts its own ceremony. All fires
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are extinguished on the morning of the twenty-third, and prep-
arations for the ceremony begun. An elder of the family offi-
ciates as the director of the sacrifice. The hearth is prepared
by. the chief woman of the tent and the kindling is lit by her.
The director of the ceremony then throws bits of sacrificial
meat, liquor, and butter into the fire while reciting a prayer
to the.fire-god and the divine fire-maiden. No lamas take
part in this ceremony.
The stronghold of Shamanism among the Mongols of the
Inner Mongolia Autonomous Republic, however, is in the Hu-
Na League (northernmost Inner Mongolia). It is prevalent
among the Dagurs, Solons, Olonchons, and some Buryats.
Traces of shamanist worship and extant shamans however,
occur down to the southeastern part of the Inner Mongolia
Autonomous Republic, and in the northeastern portion of the
Silingol league. Among one Jarod group, located on the east
face of the Hsingan mountains, the position of shaman was her-
editary. The chief function of the- shaman was in the treatment
of illness. Numerous gods were invoked, drums were beaten
and a dance perfo rmed, accompanied by chants. The treat-
ment was aimed at driving the evil spirits of sickness out of
the patient's body. Frequently the gods that are invoked are
those who reside on the tops of mountains.
Among the Ordos, in particular (although practiced else-
where as well), the cult of Chingis Khan is prominent. Three
local sanctuaries were most. important: Yeke Edjin Khoro,
Domd Edjin Khoro, and Baga Edjin Khoro. In the Yeke Edjin
Khoro were kept the bones of Chingis Khan, according to legend.
These sanctuaries were guarded by a special "tribe."' called
Darkhat, members of which were not subject to pay taxes and
were not subordinated to other princes. The Darkhat were
due honor equivalent to that of princes. Darkhat collected alms
for the maintenance of the sanctuaries from as far afield as
the Chahar and Khalkha Mongols, none of whom could easily re-
fuse a contribution.
Every year on the twenty-first of the sixth lunar month, a
ceremony in honor of Chingis Khan was held in a special place
located near the Yeke Edjin Khoro. On the day of celebration,
all three Edjin Khoro were dismantled and brought together.
Lamas are invited to participate in this ceremony, reading
prayers in honor of Chingis. Only men take part in the worship,
women watching from a distance. First the men proceed to the
three Edjin Khoro and bow before them; they then proceed to
the horse which represents a horse which Chingis Khan dedi-
cated to the gods, bow, and leave money before it; then they go
to the person who represents the golden picket to which the
Khan's horse was to be tied--this picket was, in the legend,
?
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stolen by an ancestor of the person chosen to represent it in the
ceremony. The group then proceeds to the horse which Chingis
used for riding, and finally to the nine white camels which drew
the carts carrying the Edjin Khoro.
During the time when the worshippers go from one place to
another, the Darkhats hurry the worshippers. To the most
important Prince of the group, the Darkhats shout "quickly,
quickly Prince, go, go!" Not even old and fat princes are al-
lowed to move slowly. The commoners arc treated even more
roughly; they are pursued by the Darkhats with willow twigs
and beaten. Lesser nobility are also treated to the twig if
they appear without their bead of rank on their hats.
The ceremony lasts two days, the second day being de-
voted to sacrifices and worship of Chingis alone. During the
second day, a sheep's chest is opened and the heart, lungs,
and possibly the windpipe from the living animal are placed
before the shrine of Chingis. Signs arc supposed to appear
on the quivering heart, from which arc foretold the future for
the area. Toward the end of the day, the Darkhats of the l3aga
Edjin Khoro load it on a cart and depart secretly. The Dark-
hats of the Yeke Edjin Khoro pursue them through the night,
and if they do not manage to catch up with the Maga Edjin Khoro
before it crosses a river en route to its permanent locale,
they are in disgrace for the year. The reverse holds true
should they succeed.
Recently, the Communist Government has attempted to
make use of the veneration of Chingis by building a mausoleum
at Edjin Khoto to house the remains. Obviously, this cannot
help but change the nature of the ceremony and the position
of the Darkhats.
Another remnant of the old pre-Buddhist religion is the
"Cult of Heaven." It is to Heaven (Tengri) that the first drops
of milk are offered after the morning's milking. Buddhist ele-
ments are incorporated into the practice of this cult, how-
ever, for when the drops of milk arc tossed toward the sky,
the formula "Om Ah Hum" is uttered. A similar practice
is observed before drinking tea, alcohol, fermented mare's
milk (kumiss) etcetera. A portion of solid food is also dedi-
cated to Heaven before beginning to eat.
Where Mongols and Chinese have resided side by side for
a number of years, some Chinese influence has crept into
Mongol practices. The Chinese New Year's Eve, for example,
is celebrated in addition to their own Lamaist ceremonies.
Sheep and hogs arc sacrificed on thiS day and are offered be-
fore the image of Buddha. Sweets and bean-jam buns are also
offered to the Buddha. The whole family assembles and has a
meal called "pu-ho-lo" in the morning. In the evening, a
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? service for the Buddha is held, under the auspices of a lama.
When the reading of the service is completed by the lama, the
head of the family and the members of the family bow to each
other and firecrackers are exploded three times. Then the
youngest greets father, mother and seniors in order of age,
each taking his or her turn. Following the greeting, each re-
ceives a small amount of money, and the 4-lead of the house-
hold is knelt before. Throughout this evening, the fire must be
kept burning, for should it go out, there will be trouble about
food and shelter during the year.
On New Year's day, the yurts (tents) are wrapped with red.
Morning worship is made to the gods of the four directions and
to the Buddha. Then all members of the family gather in front
of the head of the family, kneel down and pay respect, and await
his words. Such words include a wish for long life, marriage
or children, happiness and prosperity in the coming year. The
rest of the day is spent in visiting or being visited by neighbors.
The period of visiting is generally spent at home until the
fourth or fifth of the first month, when a round of calls to rela-
tives and friends begins. Newlywed couples are expected to
visit the house of the wife's parents as well as the husband's
parents, where they are entertained with food.
A ceremony which seems to be pecul.arly Mongol occurs
on the sixteenth of the first month. This is known by the Chinese
name "Ta-hua-lien." On this day there is observed the custom
of mutual daubing, with a jet black mixture of soot and oil,
between a man and his elder sister-in-law and a man and his
younger sister-in-law. It is not permissible to become angry,
whatever one has to suffer. If daubing is successfully done,
it is believed that the year's crops will have no destructive
diseases. On this night, also, when all the stars arc shining,
all households remove the offerings which have been displayed
before the image of the Buddha.
III. Co:n:1111'1,st Policy Toward Lamaism and Mongol Religious
Practices
Very little data have come to light on the policy toward
Lamaism of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Republic People's
Government or the central Peoples' Government. In theory, of
course, freedom of worship is guaranteed in the Constitution.
In fact, there have been various phases in the policy of the
Party toward religion in general, from early persecution of
organized religions to a policy of absorption into the state ap-
paratus.
Writing in the publication "China Youth" (Chung-kuo
ch'ing-nien), February 1, 1955, the author Wen Ch'ing reviews
Communist doctrine on the origins of religion, then states the
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thesis of Mao Tze-tung: "The idolswere set up by the peasants,
and in time they will, pull them down with their own hands; there
is no need for any body else prematurely to pull down the idols
for them it is wrong for anyone else to do these things
for them." This seems to be more or less the present line in
Inner Mongolia in regard to Lamaism. Attention is less aimed
toward destruction of the religion by direct attack than by cut-
ting the ground out from under it. Education and medicine, for
example, have been taken over by secular authorities; opportu-
nities are open for Mongol youth to participate in many other
fields than simply herding or the clerical life. The period of
persecution which led to the killing of many lamas and the con-
fiscation or destruction of monastery property has passed for
the moment; the lamas as a group arc disunited, and Com-
munist policy attempts to keep them divided amongst them-
selves.
Distinction is made between the high dignitaries of the
Church and the ordinary lama?przpaganda and attack against
the higher lamas was conducted on the basis that they were an
exploiting group comparable to landlords and "reactionaries."
Some "upper-class" lamas have been able to reform themselves
through contribuUons to drives such as the Resist America,
Aid Korea Movement. Ordinary lamas arc persuaded to take
up secular occupations, given a chance to "reform themselves
through labor," or even to participate in political activities.
Lower rank lamas were given the chance to be re-educated,
and some have become representatives to local People's Con-
.gresses. Lamas have also participated in signature obtaining
drives, such as the Anti-Atomic Bomb drive. There seems to
be little attempt to interfere actively with the performance of
religious ceremonies by the people, but it is questionable
whether the multiplicity of activities in which an individual
must participate leaves him much time for such religious
ceremonies.
Some of the activities of the Church, such as the annual
temple fair, have been completely taken over by the Government.
One fair, the Natamu, has been "transformed into a really big
event in trade, an exhibition and demonstration center for the
spread of scientific knowledge, and an occasion on which new
plays, dances and music arc performed." (Wang Shu-tang,
"China, Land of Many Nationalities, " Foreign Languages
Press, 1953, pp. 49-50). In some cases, the monasteries
themselves have been used as schools; newspaper reading
groups and literacy classes have been held in them.
On the national level, the policy in Inner Mongolia toward
Lamaism has been overshadowed by the emphasis placed on
Buddhism and Lamaism as such, particularly with the incorpo-
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ration of Tibet into the CPR. Attention has been given to re-
storation of famous Lamaist temples, such as Yung-ho-kung
? in Peking, ?This temple has become a showplace, to which
Buddhist visitors are taken on their arrival in Peking, to illus-
trate the "freedom of worship" and the tolerant attitude of the
Government toward religion.
An effort has also been made to "nationalize" Lamaism to-
gether with Chinese Buddhism within a joint association. In
1953, ninety-three persons were elected to the Board of Direc-
tors of the newly formed Chinese Buddhist Association, repre-
senting the monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen of different
nationalities and Buddhist. schools of the various regions. The
Dalai Lama, the Panchen Larna, the Chagan Kogen ?nner
Mongolia (a reincarnate lama) and the Venerable Hsu Yun were
elected honorary presidents of the Association. Such a develop-
ment is fully in accord with the policy of bringing together the
various nationalities in China into the "big happy family." There
is little doubt, however, that such an Association, like the
Islamic Association is aimed at impressing Buddhists in South-
east Asia and Japan with the broad-mindedness of the Chinese
Government.
The policy of "undercutting" and removing the secular
functions of the monasteries and of the religion has apparently
had some success, more so than a vigorous attack might have
had. Peter Townsend (China Phoenix, London 1955, p. 329)
offers an illustration of the effects of this policy: "At the Lama
Temple in the north-west corner of Peking, this absence of
business (i.e., in charms and incense, etcetera) was very
obvious. The buildings, scheduled as ancient monuments, were
undergoing repair at government expense. An old monk guided
me round and tried to interest mc in seeing, for a payment,
the mildly pornographic paintings of the Passion Buddha. 'No?'
he said sadly, 'no one does these days. Three alcolytes in-
toned prayers in the central hall. 'There were five hundred
When the Manchus were here, he said. 'Now there are only
ninety, and not. many of those arc here during the day. ...They'-
ve gone to dig irrigation ditches. They get paid for that. Then
they come back here to sleep. They all want to find other jobs.
There's no money in this monk business any more. If I was
younger, I'd be after a job, too?'
In view of the results of the Japanese experiment in re-
training Lamas in Japan during the period of Manchukuo and
Mengchiang, this view may not be wide of the mark. Many who
went to Japan as monks returned to secular life on coming back
to Inner Mongolia, and with many sources of income cut off
from the monastery today, it is no doubta difficult matter to at-
tract disciples. The abuses of Lamaism by its practitioners
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in Inner Mongolia laid it open to attack, and reform was inevi-
table. The Communists had a fertile field in which to work.
IV. Islam
Lamaism is the most striking religion of the Inner Mongolia
Autonomous Republic, it is, after all a Mongol religion having
few, if any Chinese adherents. Islam, in contrast, is the belief
of about 40,000 to 60,000 Chinese inhabiting the region. Of this
group, about 15,000 live in Kueihua, descendants for the most
part, of Mohammedans, settled there during the reign of the
Chlien-lung emperor. Kucihua is the center of Inner Mongolian
Islamic culture, four schools of Arabic and Chinese being
established there. Islamic schools in Kueihua draw students
from the Moslems of Chahar (i.e., Kalgan, Dolonor and Hstian-
hua). Other groups are scattered in cities such as Pao-t'ou,
Saratsi (Sa-la-ch'i) and Chlang-pei.
The center of Moslem life in a city or in the few rural com-
munities where they live is the mosque. A community of sever-
al hundred is most common, except in the larger cities. The
community is defined by its mosque, which is an essential and
integral part of community life. If the population of a commu-
nity reaches such a size that its members cannot hear the call
to prayer from the mosque, the community splits in two, with the
excess members forming a new community. In Kuei-sui
(Kueihua and Suiy-uan-cheng) the maximum size of a community
was about 2,000.
Moslems are either born, converted or zdoptecl into the re-
ligion. Conversion was generally due to marriage or econo-
mic causes. Conversion might be brought about by the attrac-
tion of the mutual interdependence and solidarity of the Mos-
lem community, or because in close trade relations, it was
financially advantageous to become a Moslem.
Each community has a council. of elders, elected by all the
male tenants of the community to a certain term of office. The
number of a community's elders generally did not exceed a
dozen. The elders are charged with the management of their
mosque's general affairs; they arc responsible for its treasury
and have the virtual power of appointing or dismissing the
"Ahung," the ministrant of the mosque.
Th.: religious officials of the mosque parallel those of other
Islamic communities. The chief ministrant (ahung) once ap-
pointed, is charged with the performance of religious services
and at the same time of maintaining the Islamic social order
of his community. In Inner Mongolia, most of the ahung were
born in North China, trained in Peking or Tientsin and came
ultimately to their Inner Mongolia positions. Anyone holding
the title of ahung, whether Chinese or Turk from S.nkiang, is
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eligible to till the post of chief ministrant in a mosque in Inner
Mongolia. The powers of the ahung in Inner Mongolia were
more limited, and his ability to sanction transgressors against
Islamic custom was circumscribed. The major power of sanc-
tion which the ahung has is expulsion from his community,
though in the larger mosques, such as at Pao-P(3u, corporal
punish-nent may be levied.
The duties of the ahung arc: I) propagation of the faith;
2) direction of religious services; 3) performance of matri-
monial, funereal and other rites; 4) instruction of the khalifa
and children of the tenants; 5) maintenance of the Islamic law
and order in the community.
While there are other offices to be filled in the mosque,
most Inner Mongolian mosques have only one functionary other
than the ahung. This second official is the khalifa (an appren-
tice ahung. The term "khalifa? for an ahung apprentice seems
.
to be specifically in use in Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. In
Central Asiatic and Western Moslem Countries, the word
"khalifa" literally meaning "successor," is used exclusively
for the su ccessor to the Prophet and similar positions of
high power). This limited roster of officials shows consider-
able deviation from the practice in Western Asiatic Islam.
Most of the mosques in Inner Mongolia derive their re-
venues from ground and house rents and from monthly contri-
butions of their tenants. An income tax (zakat) and an alms
tax (sadaqa) arc given to mosque officials and to the poor,
usually in the month of Ramadan. The income tax is obliga-
tory, while the alms tax is voluntary. Offerings are also made
to mosque officials on the occasion of marriage, funeral and
other rites.
Two distinct sects of Islam exist in Inner Mongolia, called
thc "Old Teaching Sect" (Lao-chiao) and the "New New Teaching
Sect" (lisin-hsin-chiao). The Old sect, represents the majority
of the Moslems in Inner Mongolia. While sub-sects of the Old
Sect exist, differences among them are merely in minor de-
tails, and an ahung of one sub-sect may be chosen to officiate
in the mosque of another sect. Between the Old sect and the
"New New Sect," however, there is considerable antagonism.
The "New News" insist on purity of ritual and a shedding of the
Chinese elements which have crept into the religion. The New
News tend to be more Pan-Islamic in outlook than others, and
adherence to the letter of Islam is more strict among them.
Inner Mongolian Islamic communities evidence a diver-
gence from their co-religionists in China proper in a number
of respects. First, they were, on the whole, founded more re-
cently (after the end of the Ch'ing Dynasty); secondly, they
tend to have very few officials other than the ahung and khalifa
?
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in their mosques; thirdly, they are supported by monthly con-
tributions of their tenants, whereas the Moslem communities in
China proper (i.e., south of the Great Wall in this comparison)
depend more upon revenues from real estate; fourthly, they arc
a relatively homogeneous group; and finally, Inner Mongolian
Moslems tend to be more strict in their observances of rules
of Islamic society and ritual.
While Chinese influences have made some inroads, the In
ner Mongolian Moslems arc characterized by a lack of ances-
tor worship, by ignoring the Chinese important yearly festi-
vals, and by different matrimonial and burial customs. In
external features, such as dress, food (with the exception of
pork), and habitation, there is little distinction between the
Moslem and the Han Chinese in the Region.
V. Religions of the Chinese
Religiously, the Chinese in Inner Mongolia, as those in
other parts of the country, can be divided into two classes. One
is a higher class, which believes in or practices higher reli-
gions. The other class includes those whose religious activi-
ties are more or less of the natural or primitive types.
Sophisticated Chinese in the cities of Inner Mongolia mostly
believe in and practice traditions which center around the
widely-Imownancestor worship or veneration and the continua-
tion of the family line. At the New Year celebration and other
festivals either simple or complicated rituals are practiced in
homes and in the community. On such occasions, family or
clan ancestors are remembered and not a few people believe
that the spirits of the ancestors are in existence in the other
world and have unseen relations with them. These relations
mean that the descendants' filial conduct, will be blessed while
those in contradiction with traditional ethics will sooner or
later be punished.
In addition to ancestor worship and family perpetuation,
people who have been brought up in the teachings of Confucianism
revere Confucius and some of his renowned as deities. An
official temple of Confucius accompanied by Tseng-tzu and Yen
Yuan is seen in every significant city. In such a temple the
local Confucian scholars and students of the traditional type
conduct homage offering ceremonies at some special occa-
sions during the year. Though these ceremonies are con-
ducted more in the sense of remembrance and respect than
as strictly religious worship, the tradition has nevertheless
become a cult of the Confucian gentry class.
The majority of the city people, however, do not go to the
temple of Confucius and his disciples. A general idea is that,
although every Chinese is indebted to the teachings of Confucius,
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the temple of Confucius is a place reserved only for the schol-
ars or members of the gentry; it is too exalted a place for
ordinary people. Persons with no ambition of becoming either
scholars or members of the gentry have other places for the
expression of their religious feelings. Artisans, for example,
go to temples or shrines where there are images of the an-
cestoy:s or founders of their respective trades or professions
and merchants go to the temple or shrine of the God of Wealth.
In addition, everybody goes to the temple of Kwan Yu or Yueh
Fei. Kwan YU and Yueh Fei were great national heroes, per-
sons of great integrity and virtue. People worship them either
out of respect for great heroes and great persons, or with a
sense of religious faith. Iitthis case, the heroes are deified
and the worshippers believe that as deities they can fulfill
their prayers and protect them from harm. Temples of Kwan
YU, the temple of Yuch Fei, or the temples of other great
historical figures, the temple of the God of Wealth, the temple
of Lu Pan, founder of the carpentry trade, etcetera, are found
in every one of the county scats and larger cities. It is the
same in Inner Mongolia as it is in other parts of China. That
temples of Kwan YI, the God of War, arc particularly plenti-
ful in Inner Mongolia, may be due to the fact that traditions of
the expeditionary- armies have been kept alive by the Chinese
settlers, many of whose ancestors may have first entered
the country in connection with some martial exploit. Further-
more, Kwan Yu, has always been considered the protective
deity of secret societies prevalent in Inner Mongolia.
There are two composite religions which have followers
both in the main parts of China and in the cities of Inner Mon-
golia. One is an earlier combination of elements of Confuci-
anism, Buddhism and Taochiao. This con?bination is seen
in temples in which the deities are Wen Chang the God of Liter-
ature, and Kwan Yliti (representing Confucianism), Buddha and
Kuan-yin, the Goddess of Mercy (representing Buddhism), the
God of Mountains, the God of Earth, the God of Wealth, the
King of Horses and the Dragon King (representing lower
Taoism). Near Wu-yuan, in the county of Suiyuan, there is
a temple called the Temple of Four Branches (Szti-Ta-Ku-
Miao), or the Temple of All Gods. The images in the temple
include the God of Devil Suppression, the True Emperor of
the Virtue of Fire, the God of the River, the God of Medicine,
the God of Horses, the God of Cattle, the Yellow Emperor,
Wen Chang, and others.
The other composite religion embraces elements of Con-
fucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, Islam and Christianity. This
combination religion is still new and is .mainly practiced by
members of religious and social welfare organization, such as
oo
?
?
the Red Swastika Association and the Tao-te-hui. Members of
these organizations are in the main retired old-fashioned war- ?
lords, politicians, old-fashioned members of the gentry with
means and leisure, and a few local businessmen who wished to
mingle with people of importance. Both the Red Swastika Asso-
ciation and the Tao-te-hui have magnificent buildings. In
these buildings there are tablets of ConfUcius, Buddha, Laotzu,
Mohammed and Jesus. On certain days of the month members
come to practice ceremonies, paying homage to all the tablets,
listening to the reading and interpretation of the classics of the
five religions. There is also the meditation hour, but most
members pass the idle hours playing the game of fu-luan(writing
in sand with a stick supported by two blindfolded persons, a
form of planchette). Even though tablets of both Mohammed
and Jesus are there, very little attention is paid to these two
religious founders and practically no interpretations are given
of the Bible or the Koran.
Christian teachings and Christian faith may not have
caught the interest of the members of the Red Swastika Associ-
ation or the Tao-te-hui, but they too have established foot-
holds in Inner Mongolia. The most important Protestant insti-
tution in this region is the China Inland Mission. It first
arrived in Suiyuan in 1890. The first church was established
at Tung-shun-kai and was named the China Inland Church, or
Chung-kuo Nei-ti-hui. Until the 1930's this church had a
membership of over ZOO people. A fey., other China Inland
churches were established in nearby regions. Missionaries
of the China Inland Mission in Inner Mongolia came mostly
from Sweden. The churches grew slowly. During the I3o:?:r
Movement several members of the China Inland church in
Pa-tzu-pu-lung were killed. For this the church received a
large indemnity. The Swedish missionaries used the money
to build an irrigation canal and were able to reclaim a great
section of arable land, a project which recruited a large mem-
bership and stimulated the development of the church. One
third of the congregation were Mcngols; later, however, the ?
number of Mongol converts decreased considerably due to the
fact that one of the succeeding missionaries could not speak
Mongolian. The number of Chinese members, however, con-
tinued to increase. After some years, when the church's
irrigation canal was taken over by the government, the increase
in members stopped and then declined. In 1936 when 1,?i Ying-
fang made a survey of the religions in Suiyuan, this church
had a membership of some twenty to thirty people. Its only
educational institution, a primary school, was also about to
be closed.
For some years, an indigenous Christian organization
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I-.
called the Chinese Church of Jesus, or Chung-Hua Yeh-Su
Chiao-Hui, founded by a Chinese pastor named Li Chin-piao
prospered in Inner Mongolia. Li founded several churches in
Kui-sui, Pao-tiou, Feng-chen, T'ao-lin, Chi-ning and other
places. Some of these churches have big congregations rang-
ing from two hundred to five hundred people. All of Li's
churches are independent of foreign influence. They are
really indigenous Christian churches. At thesame time an-
other man by the name of Chleng Yang-hsun started a similar
movement. He also succeeded in establishing in the Wu-ytian
district a few really Chinese Christian churches. His
churches emphasized self-support; all the evangelists in this
movement have their own vocations and do not depend upon a
salary from the congregation which would be too hard for poor
converts to muster. In the 1930's there was a kind of Christ-
ian organization called the "Family of Jesus" or Yeh-Su Chia-
'Ping which was started and prospered in Tai-an, Shantung. '
A man named Meng Chao-han brought this movement to Pao-
t'ou and established such an organization there. The member-
ship is not large but it stresses a life of Christian socialism
with all the members working and living cooperatively in the
manner of a big family, on the basis of Christian love.
Actually, however, it is the Catholic Church which has
the greater influence in Inner Mongolia, especially in the
district of Lin-ho. The Catholic Church came to Suiyuan in
1857 where it started in the city of Kuei-hua. After some
eighty years, it had established many branch churches, social
welfare institutions, schools, and had acquired real estate worth
over half a million
dollars
"The strongest points of the Catholic Church in Suiyuan are
the places around Shen-pa in the county of Lin-ho. The earli-
est Catholic Church in this district was built in the thirteenth
year of Kwang-hsu (1888). The church was located in San-
sheng-kung. After three or four years another one was built
in a place called Huang-yang-mu-ttou; one was built in Yu-
lung some years later. In the year 1901 the Catholic Church
in Ta-fa-kung was burned and destroyed by the Mongols and
thirty-two Church members were killed in the incident. For
this, the Mongols compensated the Catholic Church with a con-
sicrable amount of money. The Church used this money to
build the Huang-tu-la-hsi Irrigation Canal, and established a
number of Catholic Churches in the territories along the canal.
To mention a few, the Catholic Church in Vali-ho-chei was
built in 1902, the churches in T'ai-chao-hsiang and Val-an-
ellen were built in 1911; the church in P'ing-hua-hsiang was
built in 1923. In the next year the churches in T'ai-feng-
hsiang, T'ai-ping-hsiang were built. In 1925 the church re-
WanralaAsus.
claimed a big piece of land in a place called Fa-tch. Now in the
whole district, the Catholic churches are operating registered
lower primary schools and one registered complete primary
school. The total number of pupils is over 280
"The Catholic Church in Tiai-an-chen now has a congregation
of over 600 families. The one in Tiai-ho-chen has between 600
and 700 families, the one in rai-chao-hsfang has 150 families,
the churches in Trai-wu-hsiang, Pai-tisi-hsiang and P'ing-
hua-hsiang have around 100 families each; in the third and
fourth districts of Lin-ho county there are altogether over ten
thousand Catholics, constituting one-tenth of the population of
the whole county. The cultivable land in these two districts
amounts to several thousand ching (one ching equals 100 mou
and one mou equals one-sixth of an acre). Each year over two
thousand ching are actually cultivated and of this Catholics have
over nine hundred ching, or about one half.
"The reason for the prosperity of the Catholics in thse dis-
tricts is that they have had a leader by the name Li Kao who
was very capable at managing the irrigation system belonging
to the Catholics, that is, the Huang-t'u-la-hsi Irrigation Canal.
In comparison with other canals this one irrigates agreat deal
more land but damages very little. Unfortunately, Li died
last year (1935). The more important reason is, however,
that the Catholic churches have a strong and stable organization
among themselves. In each of the Catholic churches there is,
in addition to the religious leaders, a priest who is charged
solely with the civil and economic affairs of the church mem-
bers. Regardless of what kind of political, social, or natural
changes or troubles may happen in the districts, the Catholic
Church's programs will go on as usual, or at least not be dis-
rupted. When a Catholic farmer has any difficulties he goes to
see his priest in the church. The priest will always help him in
one way or another. The Church may lend money to its needy
members, or may help them with draft animals and other means
which are needed on the farm. In case a member is involved
in political or legal affairs and he is too timid to visit the
county government or the county court, the priest would go in
the member's behalf to see the official concerned. Occasion-
ally, the priests even help the Church members in fighting
against bandits. Thus, the relationship between the Catholic
Church and its members is cons iderabl y different from that
between the government and the local people. It is also differ-
ent from the relationship between the tenants and their capital-
istic landlords. The common peasants arc afraid to see the
officials or the capitalists. The priests do this for them. When
a Church member calls on a priest the latter always welcomes
the caller with kindness, sympathy, and a helping hand. He
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helps the troubled member meet his need, solve his problem,
and attempts to relieve him from difficulties. The churches
have rules and regulations which the members must observe.
The members observe the rules and regulations eagerly. As a
result of this situation, the Catholic people in Lin-ho county
seem to recognize only the priests as their leaders and the
Catholic Church as the organization upon which they depend for
help. They have faith in their priests instead of in the govern-
ment. Consequently, the Catholic churches have become organ-
izations which are almost independent of the Chinese Govern-
ment. Needless to say, this is not a normal situation. But
the Catholic Church members ought not be blamed for this situ-
ation. Instead, the local government should take the responsi-
bility. (Yu-Kung 6, S. Nov. 1, 1936, 145-147)
People who believe in natural or primitive religions are
by and large the peasants and the lower classes in the cities.
By natural or primitive religions we mean the worship of moun-
tains, rivers, the sun, the-moon, gigantic trees, or peculiar
animals. Anything which is unusual, which has an odd or
striking form, or which is powerful and frightening is consid-
ered as some sort of deity and worshipped. All Chinese
peasants in Inner Mongolia originally came from North Chinese
provinces. When they came, they brought with them all kinds
of primitive religious beliefs and practices of which the North
China villages have plenty. In both North China and Inner
Mongolia rainfall is scarce and for this reason the peasants in
these regions consider water a great treasure during the grow-
ing seasons. Consequently, a water cult has developed a
long time ago. In the rural areas of Inner Mongolia the
most numerous temples are those in which the Dragon King
(the rain maker or water provider) is enshrined and a great
part of the peasants' religious activities are related to pray-
ing and pleasing the Dragon King.
An investigation conducted by a team from the Catholic
University in Peiping in 1948 in the District of lisuan-hua,
Chahar, resulted in the following report: "If the Wu-tao temple
is the most popular, the Lung-wang temple, (Temple of the
Dragon King), is by its size and by the wealth of its images .
and of its lateral buildings (except for a few Buddhist monas-
teries) by far the most important temple of the region. There-
fore it is often chosen to be the seat of the official administra-
tions recently introduced in village life: Mayor's office,
primary school. It fulfilled a similar role, with greater in-
fluence, even, under the Empire by its association. (Grootaers,
1951).
The Lung-wang temple is visited by the people mostly to
obtain rain in time of drought. Theatrical performances or
? 301
;1
?.1
?
'rain plays' are often held in honor of the Dragon King, at
which occasion the other gods of the villages are 'invited' by
a delegation of villagers going from one temple to the other,
some minutes before the play starts in front of the Lung-wang
Temple, so as to make sure that all the gods are present. ? ? ?
"These theatrical plays may of course occur any day when
the local people feel the need of rain morb urgently. But be-
sides i such extraordinary performances, the Lung-wang Tem-
ple, as many other temples, have their miao-hui, or Temple
Day, on which plays are regularly held, with a concourse of
people from all neighboring villages. The expression miao-
hui means often Temple Fair as well, giving an idea of the
secular festivities connected with the religious feast.
"The Lung-wang Temple in the Hstian-hua area is the cen-
ter of another semi-religious activity, which is of greater
importance than the temple feasts. It. is the center of a bene-
volent society, called Lung-wang lao-she, 'The venerable
Association of the Dragon King.' The nature and the workings
of this society are not always welcome subjects of conversa-
tion, specially with complete strangers as we arc. There
are good reasons to suppose that such a society exists in all
important villages An indirect indication of its existence
in some other villages was given by a wooden board hanging
in an abandoned sanctuary.
"By putting together the fragmentary information we could
obtain on this society, a somewhat coherent image emerges,
although there is no guarantee that every single detail will be
? verified in all villages. The attributions of the association are
rather broad: it takes care of everything pertaining to village
government, waterways and irrigation, crops, charity works,
legal suits, schools, temple feasts and temple revenue accru-
ing from foundations. The heads of the association were said,
in one place, to be four: tslun-tso, village secretary, tsiun-
chang, village mayor, she-shou, head of the association and
hsiang-yuch, village headman. They wcrc six in another; in
the latter case however, it was explained that two were
chosen from these six men. These two manage practically
everything and are called: hsiang-yuch, village headman and
pu-chang, treasurer. These heads of the association were
chosen by election accessible to everybody and held yearly
on the second day of the second moon.
"We suspect that the latter set-up is more general. It is
in fact striking that the official mayor. is not even men-
tioned in the association board. We were lucky to find in one
place the Lung-wang Temple completely deserted; we had a
look at the numerous registers held by the local Lung-wang
association for decades. The list of expenses for several years
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showed conclusively that no important thing was done in the
village except through this association. For the gathering of
funds, the contributions of the official mayor were listed among
those of other villagers and were, if anything, less important
than those of the real masters of the village, the members
of the board of the Lung-wang she.
"It is particularly for the ever-recurring problem a ra-
tioning the water from the irrigation canals, that a strong
authority is needed. The Lung-wang association appoints
she-t'ou, 'bosses of the society,' one for every canal used by
the village. This function is given to one man chosen yearly
from among the four main owners of the fields using that parti-
cular canal. Considering the role of the Lung-wang she in the
management of the irrigation canals, it is but natural to find
in the Lung-wang temple the official documents pertaining to
an irrigation scheme extending over severd villages. When
canals are dug with the common labor of several localities
the distribution of the water is determined in full detail on a
stone slab, put up in the Temple of the Dragon King, where the
association has its headquarters, " (ibid, 39-40)
"In the above chapter we have seen the Lung-wang temple
functioning as a Clearing-house for many other cults; and as a
center of village administration. The cult itself of the Lung-
Wang combines features of a god granting rain and punishing
evil, as is made clear from the lateral frescoes. Two further
details emphasize these separate characteristics. In two
Lung-wang temples, the beams of the temple are supporting
the frightening representations of huge coiled dragons, which
tear to pieces the bodies of evil doers." (ibid, 41)
In another Lung-wang temple the text reads:
Lung-1.yrig wen Shui-mu
Hsia-yu to tai ylitan
Yu hsia san-chtien ii
Feng shui wan-wan nien.
'The dragon King asks the Mother of the Water: "When it rains,
many injustices accompany it. May the rain fall on 3,000
may wind and water last forever."
VI. The Fate of Christianity
The fate of the Catholic Church in the Inner Mongolia Auto-
nomous Republic was determined by two factors: The Church
was particularly well entrenched in this region and had shown
proof of its adamant anti-Communist stand to the extend of or-
ganizing armed resistance; and Communist measures of re-
pression started earlier here than in sick the Great Wall, at
a period when a carefully mapped-out strategy against the
?
;
Church had possibly not yet been conceived. In the later stages,
particularly since 1952, the patterns of Communist repression
resemble those applied in other regions (see Northwest Hand-
book, Religion): in the earlier years, however, uncoordinated
action led to much bloodshed. In this period the situation re-
sembled somewhat the events in Manchuria. Among the earli-
est martyrs were those of Chlih-feng and ilrang-chia-p'ing;
the center of Hsi-wan-tzu was particularly hard hit; Father
Pierre Tchang of Jehol was executed; Father Micheal Tchang
of Suiyuan died in a forced labor camp; and Bishop Leon de
Smedt of Hsi-wan-tzu died in prison (November 1951).
From then on, the policy of expelling all foreign Church
workers went into action. In November 1954, the last Sisters
from Hsi-wan-tzu left; and in November 1955, the last Schcut
Father, active in Mongolia, was deported.
As in other parts of China, the spirit of the Chinese clergy
was magnificent. They maintained the cohesion of the Church
and the continuation of the services of the Church under most
difficult conditions. Archbishop 13. Wang, particularly, carried
on in a way that won him wide re cognition. This attitude of the
Chinese clergy is all the more commendable since in Mongolia,
in contradistinction to other regions of China, the Chinese
clergy.was hit as hard as the foreigners. Bishop Melchior
Chang of Hsi-wan-tzu was imprisoned right at the beginning
and according to latest reports is still in prison. The exact
number of Chinese priests thrown into prison or forced labor camps
camps on charges of collusion with imperialist countries and
.promotion of the Legion of Mary is not known, there must be
several dozens of them. But still, the "independent" Catholic
Church which the Communists attempted to introducc in Inner
Mongolia proved to be a failure here, as well as in other parts
of China.
307
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ADDITIONAL READINGS
Bell, Charles, "The Religion of Tibet, " Oxford, 1931.
Burtt, E. A., "The Teachings of the Compassionate Buddha;"
Mentor Books. New York, 1955.
Grootaers, Willem A., "Temples and History of Wanchtuan" in
"Monumenta Serica 13, 1948, 209-316.
Grootaers, Willem A., "Rural Temples Around Hstlan-hua" in
"Folklore Studies, 10, 1951, 1-116.
Hastings, James, "Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics,"
articles on Buddhism, Lamaisin, Monasticiam.
Hyer, Paul, "Lamaist Buddhism and Japanese Policy in
Mongolia." MA thesis, U. of California, 1953.
Iwamura, Shinobu, "The Structure of Moslem Society in Inner
Mongolia," in Far Eastern Quarterly 8, 1, Nov. 19488
34 - 45.
Li, An-che, "Tibetan Religion," in: Ferm, Vergilius ed.
"Forgotten Religions." Philosophical Library, New York
1950.
Miller, Robert T., "the Socio-Political and Economic Role
of Monasteries in Inner Mongolia," Ph. D. thesis, U. of
Washington, University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1955.
Waddell, L. A. ,"Buddhism of Tibet, Lamaism." London 1895.
Mission Bulletin, Hongkong, 1953 - 1956.
30B
or-IltIP
n Part
A
PUBLIC INFORMATION
I. Introduction
II. Publishing
A. Books
B. Newspapers
C. Periodicals
. III. Radio Broadcasting
IV. Films and Lantern Slides
V. Libraries, Cultural Halls and Cultural Troupes
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? PUBLIC INFORMATION
I. Introduction
This section deals exclusively with the utilization of news-
papers, periodicals, radio broadcasting, and films for mass
communication and persuasion by the Chinese Communists in
the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region (IMAR) during the
period 1947-1956. To begin with, it is necessary to review the
policy of the Chfnese Communist regime toward nationalities.
According to the Common Program of the Chinese People's
Political Consultative Conference set forth in September, 1949
their aims are to eradicate "discrimination," greater national-
ism and local nationalism," and the "remnants of counter-
revolutionaries" (Article 50); "to develop their spoken and
written languages;" "to preserve or reform their traditions,
customs and religious beliefs"; and "to assist the broad masses
of all national minorities to,develop their political, economic,
cultural and educational construction work" (Article 53) by
means of "the spirit of equality, unity, fraternal-cooperation,
and mutual assistance under the regional autonomy and demo-
cratic-coalition governments of nationalities! This policy was
restated in the "General Program of the People's Republic of
China for the Implementation of Regional Autonomy for Nation-.
alities" promulgated by the Central People's Government on
August 9, 1952 and also in the Constitution of the People's
Republic of China.
For the Chinese Communists, the implementation of this
policy of "a big multi-national family" through the system of
mass communications presents difficulties. Numerous prob-
lems are involved due to the variety of nationalities (Chinese,
Mongols of both the Eastern and Western branches, Russians,
Manchus, Tunguso-Manchurians, Koreans, and Chinese Mos-
lems) inhabiting the IMAR, the different tongues spoken in the
area, the low degree of literacy among the local peoples of this
region, the limited radio facilities and scarcity of receiving
sets, and the underdeveloped state of China's film industry.
The following are some of the efforts being made by the present
regime in the different fields of mass communications. (See
China General, Public Information).
II. Publishing Enterprises
A. Books
In accordance with the principles and policies outlined by '
the Central People's Government towards nationalities, the Cen-
tral Commission on Nationalities was assigned to translate
3r0
II
Mao Tse-tung's writings, important party-government decisions
and policies, Marxist-Leninist treatises, scientific and techno-
logical studies, writings on natural and social sciences, and
certain novels and other literary works into the various languages
of the national minorities. In addition, the Commission was put
in charge of issuing textbooks for elementairy and secondary"
5 chooli. For the IMAR alone, it is reported that by 1953, a
total of 2,700,000 books comprising 366 titles were distributed
by the branches of the Hsin-hua Bookstore and cultural centers
throughout the region. Of these works, the most significant
ones were translations into Mongolian of such works as Mao
Tse-tung's "New Democracy," the "Chinese Revolution and the
Chinese Communist Party", "On Practice," and "On Coalition
Government," and Liu Shao-chti's "On the Quality of Chinese
Communist Workers," and "The Leaders of the Chinese Revo-
lution." As a further step in the Communist re-education,
ideologically, culturally, and politically,. of China's many nation-
alities, the Nationalities Publishing House of the Central
People's Government was established in January, 1953, in
Peking. It is reported that up until 1955 over 500 titles, includ-
ing school textbooks, important party-government documents and
decisions, writings on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, histories
of the Chinese Revolution, popular reading materials, illustrated
handbooks on animal husbandry and health, folk literature, arts
and music, and plays and poems by Chinese and foreign authors,
totaling approximately 3.8 million copies had been published
for the IMAR. Among these works, the Mongolian edition of
the first volunic of the "Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung"
(1953) and Mao's "On the Collectivization of Agriculture (1955)
ranked the highest; the former, which was claimed to be in its
third edition, sold over 1,650,000 copies by the end of 1954. The
Mongolian edition or3oseph Stalin, a Short Biography" was sold
out as soon as it was on sale in the Hsin-hua Bookstores in
March, 1953. Important party and government documents and
decisions appearing in Mongolian were the following; The Agree-
ment between the Central People's Government and the Tibetan
Local Government on the peaceful liberation of Tibet (1951), the
Organic Law of the National People's Congress of the People's
Republic of China (1954), the Constitution of the People's Repub-
lic of China (1954), Chou En-lai's Report on the Work of the
Government (1954), the Organic Law of the State Council (1954),
the Organic Laws of the Local People's Congresses and Councils
of the People's Republic of China (1954), China's First Five-
Year Plan (1954), Draft Model Regulations for Agricultural
Producers' Cooperatives (1955), and the Resolution of the Com-
munist Party of China on tht. Collectivization of Amiculturc
(1955). In the field of literature, there were Luhsun's "Mad-
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man's Diary" and "The True Story of Ah Q;" Liu Ching's
"Wall of Bronze" based on the war of "liberation;" Yang Shouts
"Over the Expanse of 3,000 Li" on the Korean War',' the popu-
lar Mongolian folk story, the "Ko-ssu-erh ti ku-shih" (the Story
of Ko-ssu-erh); the famous novel from Outer Mongolia,
"A-yu-hsi;" Malchinhuis "On the Korchin Grasslands;" Pun.sek's
"Golden Khingan Mountains;" and the Soviet novels "Days and
Nights" by K. Simonov, and "Mother" by M. Gorky. In April,
1955, the Inner Mongolian People's Publishing House was esta-
blished to augment the distribution of books and magazines by
the Nationalities Publishing House in Peking, with plans to issue
one and a quarter million books in the Mongolian language.
Later in the year it was reported that this Publishing House
had published (distributed?) some 500 titles totaling 3,792,800
copies of which more than 82 percent were in the Mongolian
language.
B. Newspapers
In addition to national newspapers like the "Jen-min jih-
pao," the "Kuang-ming jih-pao," and "Ta-kung-pao," which are
distributed in the IlvIAR, it is reported that up until the summer
of 1955 there were six bilingual Mongolian-Chinese newspapers
published in Inner Mongolia. These papers are organs of local
party-government organizations, part of the entire C hinese
Communist press apparatus, and in a way serve essentially
the same functions for the region that the national papers fulfill
for the nation at large. To a certain extent, the format and
other characteristics of these newspapers are similar to those
of the "Jen-min jih-pao." As expected, their pages are devoted
to the reprint of both central and local party-government di-
rectives, documents, laws, and regulations, along with authori-
tative comment, interpretation, and justification. These papers
also reproduce speeches by Communist leaders and editorials
from major national newspapers, and print directives for party
and government officials on improving local sanitation, reviv-
ing and expanding trade, and increasing the agricultural and
industrial production. They all follow the policy of "a big
multi-national family," designed to obtain the support of the
local people for the central authority, to increase production in
accordance with the first Five-Year Plan, and to further the
collectivization of agriculture.
Of the six newspapers in Inner Mongolia, the most influ-
ential is the "Nei Meng-ku jih-pao" (Inner Mongolian Daily), the
organ of the Inner Mongolian Sub- Committee of the Communist
Party of China. However, its circulation in 1953 was only
6,500, despite efforts to make subscriptions mandatory among
all cadre members and all agencies and institutions and to
? ?
encourage the formation of newspaper-reading groups among
the literate. To make up for the low literacy as well as the
lack of interest shown by the readers, the Communists have
made full use of pictorials such as the fortnightly "Nei Meng-ku
hua-pao" (Inner Mongolia Pictorial), the Mongolian edition
of the "Jen-min hua-pao" (People's Pictorial), and the "Min-
tsu hua-pao" (Nationalities' Pictorial). These pictorials are ac-
companied by supplements, the one with the largest circulation
being the "People's Pictorial Supplement'; published in Peking.
In addition to the above-mentioned newspapers, blackboard
newspapers and farm newspapers are popular. Aside from con-
taining local news of all kinds as well as important decisions
and policies of the local governments and local party organs,
the blackboard newspapers offer suggestions as to how to im-
prove sanitation, treat venereal diseases, and prevent plague.
The farm papers are devoted to the introduction of scientific
techniques of livestock breeding, soil amelioration, water con-
servation, and the like.
C. Periodicals
Since 1949, Inner Mongolian periodicals, like other journals
throughout China, concentrate on the expositon of the principles
of patriotism, internationalism, dialectical materialism, and
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in a more direct and simplified
language. The periodicals carry articles to further the local
readers' understanding of timely issues of importance such as
the elucidation and evaluation of Mao Tse-tung's writings, the
manifestation of national sentiment against dominant-nationality
chauvinism, the promulgation and "improvement" of Mongolian
folk literature and music, the advqcation of the projected Mon-
golian language based on the Cyrillic alphabet, and the exposure
of "reactionary" ideologies. Like the periodicals throughout
China, these publications also supported the Resist-America-
and Aid-Korea campaign, the "three-anti" and "five-anti" move-
ments, and the campaign for the liberation of Formosa. In
addition, they contain articles on such subjects as the impor-
tance of China's first Five-Year Plan, the significance of the
collectivization of agriculture, and the gradual realization of
the socialist construction of the nation. It is believed thai
periodicals will not only increase the local readers' political
consciousness and patriotism, but will make them remain loyal
to the central government and party.
Of the magazines published in Inner Mongolia, the two
with the widest circulation arc the"Nei Meng-k1 chou-kian (inner
Mongolian Weekly), and the "Hsin Nei Meng-ku" (New inner
Mongolia). Other important magazines are the "Inner Monc?olt,t
Militia Bulletin," "Nei Meng-k1 chiao-yil" (Inner Mongol:.:
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Education), and the'Nei Mcng-ku chling-nien" (Inner Mongolia
Youth). "Inner Mongolia Education" advocates the study of folk
literature from the Mai-xist viewpoint; deals with the reform of
the Mongolian grammar and phonetics; publicizes the projected
Mongolian script, still being developed, based on the Cyrillic
alphabet; and criticizes "bourgeois Idealistic interpretations"
in the field of education. In addition, it alpo publishes folk
songs and rhymes, and Mongolian folk legends and fairy tales.
The chief objective of "Inner Mongolia Youth," the organ of
the Inner Mongolian Sub-Committe of the New Democratic Youth
League (now the Communist Youth League), is to develop pa-
triotism and internationalism among the youth. In accordance
with the programs of self-education, its contents consist of
short and easy-to-understand articles on current events, agri-
cultural techniques, languages, history, geography, and
sciences.
III. Radio Broadcasting
Radio broadcasting was first used as a medium of mass corn
munication and persuasion in Inner Mongolia in February, 1947,
when Ulanfu, then chairman of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous
Association, set up three stations in the Silingol League to broad
cast the themes of autonomy and the unification of the Eastern
and Western Mongolian governments. Of these, two were in
the Abaga Banner, and one in the Ujumuchin Banner. Since 1949
the Central People's Broadcasting Station in Peking regularly
broadcasts special programs in Mongolian beamed to the IMAR.
In addition, there are two Inner Mongolian People's Broadcasting
Stations located at Huheh t
e at Ulanhot (Wang-yeh-miao),
and another one at Kalgan. On the whole, the programs of the
Central People's Broadcasting Station consist of special talks
on how to familiarize the population with important party and
government decisions, how to rally the different nationalities
under the banner of the party, how to increase their political
knowledge and political awareness, how to mobilize the local
people for the fulfillment of the political and economic tasks
faced by the nation, and how to popularize the new farming me-
thods and scientific livestock breeding, along with brief news
commentaries, music, and educational subjects. Aside from
these network programs and the information and propaganda
sent by radio or telephone for rebroadcast, the various stations
present local news, peasant's hours, policies and decisions of
the local people's governments and local party organs, folk
music, plays, and literary readings.
Owing to the underdeveloped Chinese electronics industry,
the IMAR, like other parts of China, has to depend primarily
3t9-.?
upon diffusion and monitoring stations, as well as upon group
listening. It is said that in 1955 there were forty-seven diffu-
sion stations and 575 monitoring stations scattered among
livestock and agricultural cooperatives, and in army units and
distant areas. The diffusion stations, as described in the gen-
eral handbook, consist of one portable receiving set with an
amplification system and many loudspeakers. Through these
outlets, not only can the programs of the main stations be re-
ceived and channelled through, but they can also do their own
local broadcasts on a small scale. In Inner Mongolia, the
primary function of these diffusion stations is to provide the
local peoples with programs which include domestic news, mu-
sic, weather forecasts, and information about scientific methods
of raising livestock, soil amelioration, water conservation,
and so on. In the monitoring stations, particularly those in
distant border regions and in outlying grasslands where there
are poor communication facilities, an operator takes down com-
mentaries, talks, and news from the main stations at dictation
speed, and circulates them locally through printed or dupli-
cated bulletins. The operations of the radio personnel in Inner
Mongolia are similar to those in China proper (sec China
General, Public Information). In addition, there arc meteoro-
logical stations in the northern grasslands of Inner Mongolia to
help prevent natural calamities. To remedy further the shortage
of receiving sets, a large number of five tube battery-operated
superheterodyne radio receivers manufactured by the State-
operated People's Broadcasting Equipment Factory in Shanghai
were distributed to cooperatives in the IMAR in May, 1955.
IV. Films and Lantern Slides
Because of the shortage of Chinese-made films (art fea-
tures, newsreels, documentaries and scientific educational
films), and the lack of acceptable scripts, the Chinese Corn-
munists have turned to dubbing in Chinese and Mongolian sound
tracks on Soviet and foreign films. Also to compensate for the
lack of theatres in Inner Mongolia, they have made use of mobile
film projection and lantern-slide teams sent from China (see
China, General, Public Information). For Inner Mongolia, the
dubbing-in of Mongolian is conducted by the Northeast Film
Studio. It is reported that in 1954 there were thirty-four mobile
film projection teams touring the villages and pastoral and
hunting communities of Inner Mongolia. The planning commis-
sion of the IMAR calls for the increase of such teams to 140 by
the end of 1955.
The most significant feature films about Inner Mongolia for
Inner Mongolian consumption have been "Victory of the People of
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Inner Mongolia," produced in 1952, and the "People of .the Grass-
lands," with screenplay by the Mongolian writer, Malchinhu.
The former deals with the war with the Nationalists in 1947; the
latter, portrays the "free and happy life of the herdsmen of Inner
Mongolia," depicts the story of a girl leader of a mutual aid
team in love with a boy leader of another mutual aid team, and
how thcy foiled the plot of a Kuomintang agent. The themes be-
hind other art features delineate the unification of the national
minorities of the IMAR in the struggle against imperialist ag-
gression, their happiness and progress under the present re-
gime, and their suffering and bravery under the Japanese
domination and Kuomintang administration.
Newsreels and documentaries on similar themes portray
the progress of the IMAR since 1947. Representative documen-
taries are 'Inner Mongolia Advances," "Folk Songs and Dances, "
and "The Great Union of Nationalities in China."
Scientific educational films such as "Water and Soil Con- ?
servancy," "Safe Use of Electricity," "Modern Baby-Delivery
Methods, " "Food and Nourishment" and the like, aim to pro-
mote advanced production methods, disseminate scientific
knowledge, advocate safety measures in mines and factories,
and initiate village health work in the prevention of endemic
diseases.
Special programs have been developed in Inner Mongolia
to promote the showing of lantern slides. These are widely
used for propaganda on the policies of the central government,
the dissemination of scientific knowledge and technical skills;
the popularization of artistic works, spreading information on
the prevention of the plague, syphilis and other diseases, and
the promotion of production in industry and agriculture. The
lantern slides have captions written in Mongolian.
V. Libraries, Cultural Halls and Cultrual Troupes
The expansion of activities in the publication of books and
periodicals, the use of films, lantern slides and radio was ac-
compiinieci by the increase in the number of outlets for these
media of mass communications. In the spring of 1953 there
were already motion piCture theaters and cultural halls in the
major cities of Inner Mongolia, such as Huhehot, Ulanhot, and
Pao-tiou, and there were five cultural troupes that toured the
region giving exhibitions and propaganda-type theatrical per-
formances. Considerable promotional work was done by the
Inner Mongolia chapter of the Federation of Literary and Art
Workers, which, in addition to giving encouragement to native
writers, artists and actors, also trained large numbers of
native cadres to serve as librarians, managers of cultural halls
31(o ? .
;Is
and supervisors of travelling cultural troupes. Early in 1953,
as many as fifty-eight percent of the cultural and art workers
in the IMAR were Mongol cadres.
In May of 1954, there were some eighty cultural halls, cul-
tural stations, libraries and mobile cultural troupes for the pas-
toral areas in the IMAR. The largest library in Inner Mongolia
had some 100,000 books in Mongolian and Chinese languages.
In addition, there were many radio receiving stations, motion
picture theaters, opera houses and workers cultural palaces.
Plans for further expansion in 1956 are now underway. The
Bureau of Cultural Affairs of the IMAR People's Government
plans to establish 5,000 cultural clubs throughout the region.
The number of libraries in the agricultural areas will be brought
up to 5,000 this year, and for the pastoral areas, sixteen new
cultural halls will be set up. Travelling cultural teams and
dramatic troupes will visit the more distant parts of the region
to give stage plays, pictorial exhibitions and lantern slide
shows.
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HEALTH AND SANITATION
I. Sanitary Conditions
A. Housing
B. Clothing and Washing
II. Dietary Habits and Nutritional Status of the Mongolian
People
III. People's Concepts of Health and Disease
IV. Incidence of Disease and Mortality
V. Medical Practitioners and Institutes
A. Lamaist Medical Practices
B. Medical Institutes and the Training of Medical Lamas
C. Health Work of the Chinese Nationalist Government
D. Christian Medical Missions
E. Japanese Medical Practices
' F. Medical*Service of Prince Te
VII. Present Conditions of Health and San'
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tation.
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HEALTH AND SANITATION
I. Sanitary Conditions
A. Housing
The Mongols in general live in tents, usually called "yurts"
and which the Mongols themselves call "gei.." Because the
Mongols are engaged in nomadic life, tents' can be moved
about in order to look for areas where there is abundant
pasture with nearby lakes, streams, and wells. Wherever
they go, they put up a tent on the northeastern slope of
hills for the cool breeze in the summer time, and in the
southeastern valley where sunshine pours down, to protect
themselves from the northerly wind during the winter season.
There are many shortcoming in living in a tent, especially
in the winter season. The ventilation is not good. An opening
on top of the tent which serves as a vent is not. enough. Oil
is used for lighting and the right is dim and unsatisfactory.
The Mongols use animal dung for heating and cooking. Among
them sheep dung is the best, because it has no odor and
its heat is strong and long-lasting. Cow dung is next and
horse dung is worst. However, the dung fuel as a whole
emits pungent smoke which causes eye diseases and leaves
a bad odor. As movable tents of the commoners do not have
wooden couches, rugs or the skins of cows or sheep are
spread on the ground. Since the Mongols sleep on the ground,
which is damp and cold, they are subject to many illnesses,
especially rheumatism.
In the districts occupied by them, the Chinese settlers
build stationary houses. But these houses are small and
narrow mud huts, and one third of the interior is raised
for a floor on which they sleep and live, and a k'ang (a
brick bed warmed from underneath by a fire) is installed
for protection against cold. The interior of both tents
and stationary houses are extremely unclean.
However, the officials in the capital towns and the lamas
have relatively better houses. Lamaist temples are station-
ary buildings. Some of them are famous temples. Lighting
in the temples is comparatively good and ventilation is fair.
In fact, lamas enjoy a much more agreeable life than the
commoners. But they live together in a larger number
which suggest the possibility of an easy source of contagious
deseases.
In short the Mongol housing is unsanitary.
B. Clothing and Washing
The dress of both sexes, as far as shape is concerned.
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is much alike. The main difference is that the men gird
themselves with a belt, while women are beltless. Both
men and women wear boots.
The rich dress impressively. The men have beautiful
robes lined with the finest lamb's skin, and hang a pro-
fusion of massive silver ornaments from their belts.
They also wear expensive fur caps. The &less of the poor is
wretched. Men and women go about in rags, tatters, and
filth, shivering in the cold.
The Mongol women's hair ornaments and headdresses
are remarkable. Even a poor woman, if married, has a
profusion of silver ornaments and fittings on her head, which
hang from her hair. By looking at these ornaments one
can tell which tribe a woman belongs to because the precise
nature and shape of ornaments vary with tribes. (See
Social .Value and Pattern of Living.)
The Mongols, with the exception of lamas and princes, do
not wash their clothes even if their garments are shining
black with grease and filth. They also rarely wash their
faces and when they wash they use little water. Feet and
body are occasionally washed. The Mongols discharge their
excrements in the field. The lack.of washing results from
the religious taboo which regards water as a sacred object.
It is also due to the fact that water is scanty in the region.
The uncleanness of Mongols' clothes and body is the
source of skin diseases which sweep over Mongolia and also
the brepding place for lice. "One of the most prevalent
diseases in Mongolia is itch. The Mongols very seldom
change their clothes and practice the least possible amount
of washing, either of their persons or of their clothes,
having a superstitious belief that if they use too much
water, after death they will become fish. In their tents they
live so closely huddled up that when one gets itch, all soon
have it. Travellers and visitors, who pass the night in an
infected family, arc pretty sure to catch the disease too,
as they have to borrow a garment to serve as a blanket."
(James Gilmour, Among the Mongols, p. 192-3.)
II. Dietary Habits and Nutritional Status of the People
The variety of Mongol food is extremely limited. They do
not eat vegetables and grain very much. Their principle diet
is animal products such as sheep, cattle, horses, yaks.
Poor people even eat camel meat They use all these animals'
milk, but yak and mare milk are most favored, and from milk
they make butter and cheese. They use sheep milk to make a
kind of tea called marija, which is their popular drink. They
0
A
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drink this kind of tea in the morning and noon. They also
take brick tea which they get from the Chinese. They'always
drink brick tea whenever they have time. Tobacco, too, they
are extremely fond of. In the evening they eat mutton and
tripe; occasionally millet cooked with soup might be added.
Despite the Mongols' simple food, they do not seem under-
nourished. They are not aware of what vitamins are yet
they are supplied with vitamins unconsciously from butter
tea and the entrails eaten with their mutton.
The most serious problem in Mongolia is drinking water.
The drinking water used by natives every day is from shallow
and exposed wells and is used also for washing and for the
livestock. The quality of the water is generrily bad, and the
color is yellowish and frequently much sediment is left. The
taste and smell of the water are peculiar. Chlorine contents
sometimes are sixty percent, and other substances are
found in the water. This is because the opening of Mongolian
wells is usually lower than the ground level and they also are
not deep enough. The water slopped by horses and cows while
they drink and in some extreme cases, even the urine voided
by people right after they drink seeps into the well. Therefore
the well water contains ammonia and nitrous acid and tastes
very bad. This unsanitary drinking water causes epidemic
di!seases such as dysentery.
III. People's Concepts of Health and Disease
A great majority of uneducated Mongols or even educated
old-type Mongols believe that all diseases are caused by the
activities of evil spirits and the punishment of Buddha.
People enjoy their health or suffer from disease as controlled
by Buddha. When a Mongol is convinced that his case is
hopeless, he takes it very calmly, and bows to his fate,
whether it be death or chronic disease; and both physicians
and patients, after a succession of failures regard the af-
fliction as a thing fated which is beyond human wisdom to
cure. (See Health and Sanitation in General Handbook.)
The Mongols have complete faith in lamas and they worship
Lamaism for their whole life. Their conduct in everyday life
is commanded and controlled by the Lamaist doctrines and
the suggestions of lama. To show their belief, an example
may serve: a lama instructed a couple to divorce because
the bad combination of the ages of husband and wife invoked
evil upon each other and caused eye trouble. They took the
instruction and parted.
The Mongols being Lamaists, their traditional concept of
disease is extracted from Lamist scriptures in Mongol or
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Tibetan which in turn are based on Indian sources. In
contradistinction to Hinayanistic writings in which the exercise
of the medical art is not recommended to the clergy, Maha-
yana Buddhism derives the duty to heal from its concept of
the great compassionate Bodhisatva. The Bodhisatva is a
healer not only in the spiritual sense but is also concerned
with the diseases of the body. He is thus the "unus medicus
animarum et corporum." Diseases of the body were pro-
claimed one of the great obstacles to enlightenment, the ul-
timate goal of the Bodhisatva; thus human beings should be
cured of their pains before the law of harnessing the spirit is
preached to them. The main agent and patron of the art of
healing is the Bodhisatva par excellence, Avalokitesvara
(Chin.: Kuan-yin, Mong. Nidtiber lidzekchi). In Tantric
Buddhism however another Bodhisatva has generally replaced
him (or her) in importance. This is the Medicine King, or
Lord of Healing (Chih.: Yao-wang, Mong.: Otochi). Fre-
quently also a group of five deities, the so-called Medical
Buddhas, are implored in cases of disease. In this group
Gautama Buddha is surrounded by Maitreya (Mong. : Maidari),
Sarvanivaranavishkambe (Mong. :Ttitker tein arilghakchi),
Manjusri and Avalokitesvara.
Throughout Buddhist literature, diseases are considered
to be caused by an imbalance of the four cardinal elements
of the body: the solid element of earth, the humid element
of water, the hot element of fire, and the agitating element
of wind.. In particular, three major types of afflictions are
discussed: afflictions of the wind element, which can be
cured by butter, afflictions of the hot element (the bile),
which can be cured by butter, afflictions of the water element
(phlegm), which can be cured by ginger infusions. They corre-
spond to the three major afflictions of the mind: cupidity, hate,
and error. Each of these major afflictions is subdivided into
101 diseases, to which another 101 are added caused by a com-
bination of major afflictions, which gives a total of 404 dif-
ferent diseases.
Recognized causes of disease include faulty diet and hygiene,
overexertion or faulty attitudes during meditation, fractures
and wounds due to accident or violence, poison, and spells
and demoniac obsessions. Retribution of misdeeds committed in
a previous existence is however the major source of diseases.
Therapy may take different forms according to the cause of
the disease: administering of drugs, correct forms of medi-
tation, exorcism and charms, and finally repentance. The
Mongol materia medica is again largely dominated by Tibeto-
Indian traditions; it has however been greatly enriched by the
formulae of Chinese herbalists.
3 )_/..
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IV. Incidence of Disease and Mortality
Common diseases among the Mongol population are: (1)
skin diseases which are widespread and are due to their
uncleanness of body and clothing, (2) bronchitis caused by
the arid climate with its dust, (3) smallpox (4) venereal
diseases (5) tuberculosis, and (6) rheumatism, which is
induced by the climate of the country and the manner of life.
All these diseases have contributed to the high rates of mor-
tality and sickness.
The principal diseases are diphtheria, typhoid fever and
bubonic plague. Infant mortality is high. For instance, in
1929, 248 out of the 928 infants born during the year in a
certain banner of the Jaoda League died of influenza. In
another banner, 320 infants died of contagious diseases
during the spring. In still another banner, 124 of the 261
infants died during the spring months.
V. Medical Practitioners and Institutes
A. Lamaist Medical Practice.
The Mongol native practitioners were, in the past, mostly
lamas. There were also a few laymen who added medical
practice to other occupations. The reasons why lamas were
trained to be physicians were: (1) educational institutions
in the monastic academies included generally a department
of medicine; (2) a lama in riper years, being free from family
care and government duty, had his time more at his own
disposal than the laymen and so had more opportunities for
using his medical skill; (3) Mongols seldom separate medicine
from prayers, and a clerical physician had the advantage
over a layman in that he could attend personally to both
departments, administering drugs on the one hand and per-
forming religious ceremonies on the other.
The medical lamas, whom the Mongols call "emchi lama,"
acquired the medical science of Tibet which is _similar in
many respects to the ancient medical science of China.
Clinical dignosis is limited to the examination of the pulse,
the purity of the color of urine, the condition of the tongue,
and vever as gested by the palm of the hand, the rest depending
upon the complaint of the patients. But the greater part of
the treatment consisted of incantation and prayers of a Buddhist
scholar.
The treatment included two parts, one of which was for
internal purposes. The medicine which the medical lama used
for internal treatment was made from grinding various materials
out of mineral, animal, herbal and vegetable matters and
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then making them into a kind of compound measured by eye
in a silver spoon. The patients take them internally. The
other was surgical treatment, rarely practiced, which con-
sisted of a group of shallow scratches made ,on the skin
with a thin-bladed knife.
B. Medical Institutes and the Training of Medical Lamas
All medical institutes belong to Lamaist monasteries.
The better ones in Inner Mongolia are Pei-tzu-miao and
Pai-ling-rniab. The boys in the banners who were bright
and who had completed primary education entered the institute
as lamas. But they must have knowledge of the Tibetan
language because the medical text gooks used are written
in Tibetan. The whole course was divided into three steps:
the elementary class, intermediate class, and advanced
class. The students attended lectures on the fundamental
science of medicine, diagnostics, and therapeutics, and
many kinds of ceremony. Lectures and clinical instructions
are given by the principal of the medical instutite.
It is not easy for a student to graduate from a medical
institute. He must study the voluminous Tibetan medical
books and master them. It required many years for a stud-
ent to pass the graduation examinations. After that he had
to debate on various subjects with all the lamas of the monastery
and overturn their arguments; then something like a medical
doctor's degree was conferred. However, another difficult
problem arose at this time. The student had to offer a. piece
of trimmed silk, gold and silver, confections, food, etc., to
the lamas in the monastery. But in a large monastery with
hundreds or thousands of lamas, he was bound to spend a
great sum of money; and if he was poor, the degree was
unattainable even if he qualified. This wai the reason why the
number of medical lamas was small in Mongolia. There were
usually one or a few medical lamas in a Lamasery, most of
whom were unqualified; the level of their knowledge and
technique was low. In fact, only a few of the medical lamas
could understand Tibetan medical books. The rest only
glanced through the medical books translated into Chinese,
and were merely trained for several years in either their
own temple or by the older medical lamas who had more
experience.
Medical lamas asked a rather high fee for treatment with
the purpose of elevating their influence and status.
The Mongols' treatment of disease was filled with super-
stitions. Most disease they failed to cure; therefore medical
lamas invented pretexts in order to reduce their responsibil-
ities. They would tell their patients that diseases were given
3 2. 4
?
?
t?
?
by Buddha and there was in the nature of things no need for
treatment.
C. The Chinese Nationalist Government Health Work
The Chinese Nationalist Government set up a Prevention of
Bubonic Plague Planning Committee for Inner Mongolia in
1931. Later the government sent prevention' teams to Suiyuan.
Between 1931 and 1935 there were ten hospitals in Kalgan,
Chahar, and .six hospitals in Huhehot (Kuei-sui), Suiyuan.
The former had 112 beds and the latter 163 beds. These hospi-
tals were both established by the provincial government and
by individuals.
After the Japanese war, the Nationalist government set up
a number of health centers in different provinces which were
under the provincial health departments. In the early period
of 1947, there were twelve health centers in Jehol, sixteen
in Chahar and nine in Suiyuan which were scattered in various
localities of these three pro-vinces.
According to the central government's health administration
system, a hsien (county) health center was under the guidance
of the provincial health department. "There shall also be a
health center in each district, a health station in each town
or village, and a health worker in each pao (six to fifteen Chia
which comprises six to fifteen households each). Each hsien
health center is to maintain a hospital of twenty to twenty-four
beds, an out-patient department and a mobile unit. In case
of epidemics, a separate isolation ward is to be set up. Each
hsien health center shall be staffed by an officer in charge,
one to three doctors, one to eight nurses, two to four mid-
wives, one or two dispensers, two to four sanitation inspect-
ors, one to three clerks, and several health workers.", (Public
Health and Medicine, p. 685. China Handbook, 1950.)
There are no available data to indicate whether Inner Mongolia
followed the Nationalist government health administration system
and had actually carried out the health work or not. However,
it was certain that some of the Nationalist Government health
work had been undertaken in Inner Mongolia during its rule on
the China mainland.
D. Christian Medical Missions
In four cities in Chahar Province and cities in Suiyuan
Province, there were Christian missions of Catholics and
different denominations of Protestants. They practiced medical
treatment as a part of evangelical work. However, Mongols
who have received the modern medical treatment are few in
number. This is partly due to their superstitions and suspicions
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of foreigners and partly due to the rumors invented by medical
lamas which caution against the dangers of foreign medicine
and physicians.
There is a Swedish Unitarian Church in the Chahar League,
which operated a hospital on a rather large scale. The mission
rendered free treatment and medicine to those who believe
in Christianity. But they charged the unbelievers for medicine.
A modern Catholic hospital near Hou-ho was established in
the vicarage of Suiyuan in 1921 by T.R.P. Joseph Rutten, at
the time the*head of the Mission of Scheut. The hospital had
120 beds, eight wards and about thirty rooms. Its buildings
and grounds covered fifteen hectares. Its staff consisted of
three doctors, fifteen sisters, forty native hospital attend-
ants (men and women) and fifty other employees.
A school for training hospital attendants was attached to
the hospital. Before it was closed down, it had trained one
hundred attendants.
The hospital had equipment for surgery, radiodiagnostic,
ophthalmology, obstetrics, laboratory work, pharmacy, and
auxiliary services.
There was an average of one hundr,ed patients in treatment
at one time. The average number of consultations in 1942 was
500 per month, of cases cared for by the free dispensary,
six hundred. Treatment lasted from two or three days to
several months. Patients came from the various cities and
towns of Suiyuan.
The Mission also established many dispensaries at different
localities in Suiyuan.
E. Japanese Medical Practices.
Before and during the Japanese War of 1937-45 the medical
facilities by the so-called Government of Manchukuo in
Manchuria and Mongolia increased. The Manchuria Medical
College dispatched a Medical Treatment Party to Mongolia
every summer since 1923, which carried out a touring medical
service throughout Heilungkiang, Liaotung and Jehol. Besides
the medical treatment, the Party also investigated medical
herbs, insects, hot springs and the quality of water.
F. The Medical Service of Prince Te
It was reported that In Inner Mongolia under Prince Te,
the Chairman of Federated Autonomous Government of Inner
Mongolia, and the others, through the aid of the Japanese,
organized a Medical Treatrne.nt Party in Inner Mongolia since
1934. This Party established the medical stations in several
places of different banners with the purpose of improving the
sanitation and health of the /vIongolian people, such as the medical
?
?
' ?
stations in Pei-tzu-miao in the Abaghanar Banner, in the
vicinity of the Sunit Banner of the Silingol League, and in
some banner i of Charhar League, etc. It was estimated
that the stations had treated altogether 17,000 out-patients,
4,000 in surgery, 2,500 in medicine, 4,200 in dermatology,
2,400 in ophthalmology, 3,200 in urology and venereal
diseases, 300 in gynaecology and obstetric 4 and 200 in
dentistry, etc. The active epidemics, the Medical Treatment
Party treated were mainly dysentery and smallpox. However,
the number of cases was small and the total number of the
patients treated at the entire stations between the years 1934
and 1938 was some twenty in smallpox cases and slightly
over a hundred dysentery cases.
The Japanese had set up quite a few hospitals in Inner
Mongolia which benefited a number of Mongols.
VI. Present Conditions of Health and Sanitation
Both the Chinese Communist regime and the Inner Mongolian
regime have given some official data in regard to the Inner
Mongolian present conditions of health and sanitation.
Ulanfu, the Chairman of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous
Region said: "In the field of public health, we are presently
engaged in the prevention of bubonic plague. By this August
(1950), 7,380,000 rats have been caught, and 273,187 people
have been inoculated against the disease. As compared with
.last year, both the number of people stricken by this disease
and the number of deaths through it has decreased greatly.
(Last year, 343 people were stricken and 196 died thereof,
while this year, 19 people were stricken and 11 died). There
now are a total of 700 anti-plague personnel, and anti-plague
organizations of a permanent nature have been established
in localities where plague has been found to occur. The badly
stricken area of "1"ungliao hsien has been turned into an anti-
plague experimental hsien. As a result of effective anti-
plague measures, not a single instance of plague has been
discovered in the numicipality of Ulanhot for the past three
years. With the establishment of an experimental station for
the cure of venereal diseases in one bannet' of the Hu-na
League, a start has been made in the important movement for
the eradication of venereal diseases." (Jen-min jih-pao. Oct.
1, 1950.)
It was also reported that the medical facilities have been
improved and medical personnel trained since the inauguration
of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region in 1947. In four years
(1947-1951), a fair record has been set in health work, epidemic
prevention, and health protection in the region. Up to the
37-7 ?
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? present, three clinics for the prevention and treatment of
syphilis, one epidemic prevention corps, one regional hos-
pital, one sanitorium, one nursing school, four hospitals
for .the Leagues, one health center, three epidemic prevention
station, two isolation hospitals for contagious diseases, eight
centers for bubonic plague prevention and control, thirteen
maternity stations, and six chit helath centers have been
established. The medical personnel has increased ten-fold
as compared with the old days, with 704 for epidemic prevention,
179 medical 'doctors, and 201 nurses and assistants. In maternal
and child health work, over 500 old-fashioned midwives have
received new training. Modern midwifery is being practiced.
Infants are given the necessary vaccination and inoculations
after they are born. The work for health protection is also
conducted for adults, such as to help them to get rid of the
opium smoking habit.
Pal Chih-pin, one of the Inner Mongolian government's of-
ficials and a Party member; re marked:"Great emphasis has
been laid on the promotion of public health by the People's
Government of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. In
the past, the health of the Inner Mongolian area was extremely
poor as a result of the oppression of interior and exterior
reactionary rulers. Venereal diseases were common and were
one of the principle reasons for the steady decrease of popula-
tion. Even in the early stages of the liberation, over sixty per-
cent of the population in the pastoral areas still suffered from
.syphilis. In 1950, the Department of Health of the Inner
Mongolia Autonomous Region People's Government set up an
anti-syphilis center in the Hu=na League for the prevention
and cure of the disease, and an anti-syphilitic campaign was
launched. By the end of 1951, all syphilitic subjects in the
four pastoral areas in Hu-na League were given preliminary
treatment, and at the same time treatment was extended to
the Silingol League. A total of 34,813 persons have been
examined, and 14,068 of .these have received treatment. A
survey in Ch'en Pa-erh-hu (Old Bargu) Banner in Hu-na
League shows that 72.6 percent of the treated subjects have
been completely cured and another 12.6 percent have shown
improvement. The victory of the anti-syphilitic campaign
has effectively checked the tendency of the fall of the popu-
lation, which is beginning to increase instead. In 1950 a total
of 201 babies were born in Ch'en Pa-erh-hu Banner, and 151
persons died in the same year, showing an increase of fifty
in the population of the banner. During the year of its liberation,
the total births were only fifty, while the total deaths were 109.
To eradicate the scourge of syphilis, the anti-syphilitic center
in Hu-na League has been expanded this year (1952). into a venereal
disease clinic.
?
?
"In agricultural areas, as a result of the energetic pro-
motion of new midwifery and reform of old-style midwives,
infant mortality rates have fallen considerably in certain
areas. For instance, the infant mortality rate in T'uch'uan
hsien, Hsing:-an League, has fallen from the normal 37.1
percent to 3.2 percent." (Jen-min jih-pao, June 9, 1953.)
On October 8, 1955 the Jen-min jih-pace reported that the
first session of the Women and Children Health Work
Conference of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region was
convened frOm September 15 to 24, 1955 at Huhehot. The
meeting summed up the women and children health work of the
Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region for the past six years. It
was reported that during the past six years, the region fostered
a total of 295 obstetric nurses and 442 health workers (of
which 259 were nationalities cadres). The old-style medwives re-
molded and the new midwives trained also numbered 10, 538.
At the same time, large numbers of personnel to give publici-
ty to women and children health work were also trained.
Through the promotion of modern midwifery in two-thirds
of the region, a lesser number of infants and lying-in women
were reported to be dying of tetanus and puerperal fever. In
the pastoral areas, the pre-liberation trend for the population
to go down was checked. In the cities and towns as well as the
industrial and mining districts, the women and children
work met with great improvement.
The Conference resolved to set up the next two years health
centers for women and children and to give rotary training
to the senior and middle-level backbone elements engaged in
women and children health work of the banner, hsien and
municipality level and above in the autonomous region and the
heads of the health centers for women and children in the
pastoral areas. Junior working personnel for the women and
children health work should also be trained. The Conference
also resolved that the hygienic knowledge for women and
children must be vigorously publicized, and the line of
giving priority to prevention must be implemented in earnest.
The practitioners of Chinese and western medicines must
unite to learn the advanced Soviet experience in a positive
manner and their relations with the leadership must be clarified.
The above reports show that the Inner Mongols' present
conditions of health and, sanitation arc much better than before.
However, the basic requirements for health and sanifation,
such as sewage systems, electricity for lighting, running
water or at least improving the old-type wells, the sanitary way
of disposal of excrement, and improving the people's living
quarters are not mentioned.
vi
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?1
?
?
? PUBLIC WELFARE
I. Introduction
II. Some Public Welfare and Relief Measures
A. By Mongolian Local Government
B. By Religious Groups
1. Catholic Church
2. Red Swastika Society
3. Monastery or Lama Temples
III. The Chinese Government Famine Relief Measures
IV. The work of UNRRA and CNRRA
V. Present Public Welfare and Relief Measures
A. In Pastoral Areas
B. In Agricultural Areas
C. Famine Relief
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?
. PUBLIC WELFARE
I. Introduction
The Mongol family was small. It was easy for the head
of the family to look after each of the members, old and
young, of his family. There were very few' cases in which
a family needed outside help.
Children were welcomed and prized everywhere in Mongolia.
There were no deserted babies. Children born out of wedlock
were welcomed just as if they were legitimate. No one thought
of the mother as a disgrace to her family or to herself. This
was because Mongolian families were small, often childless,
seldom with more than one or two children. Children of
both sexes were equally welcomed and treated affectionately.
Orphaned children were immediately adopted by other families.
Aged people were always respected and supported by the
younger generation of their families if they had no means of
self-support. So there were few aged people who needed
help or care outside of their own families. Moreover, the
Mongols were generous in giving charity to folk who by mis-
fortune were without means of support. They also took care of
travellers. Since there were no inns or hotels in old times,
all travellers depended on monasteries or private houses for
shelter and refreshment. 'Travellers received hospitality
everywhere. All these practices showed that Mongols were
kindhearted and generous. They had a saying which was "If
a neighbor has no`horse and I have two, then it is only sensible
that he should have one of them. A man can take nothing with
him when he leaves this World."
A particular case, however, were beggars and thieves.
Mongol beggars were frequently sturdy fellows who begged
round the country, and mounted beggars were quite common in
Mongolia. The lamas among them sometimes rode good
horses and lived on the best the tent afforded. Not contented
with this, they expected a gift in mbney or food when they left.
No one liked to refuse admittance or withhold the gift, lest
the lama should curse them. But if those beggars were too old to
beg on horseback, they lived night and day on the stony ground,
covered with a few scraps of filthy skins and cast-off felts and
waited there to die. They received no government relief. ?
In Mongolia known thieves were treated as respectable members
of society as long as they managed well and were successful and
not caught. Sometimes lamas became thieves after they did so
they did not lose their status.
The Banner Government had no provision for reforming
beggars and thieves. The people themselves practically took
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care of every detail in their own society. The term public ?
welfare in modern sense was unknown to the Mongols except
the limited sort of relief work carried out by the banner
government for its people.
II. Some Public Welfare and Relief Programs
A. By Mongolian Local Government
1. Old Time Relief.
In the past, a banner government in Inner Mongolia taxed
thirty percent of its people's grain in the ggricultural areas.
In the pastoral areas, cattle were taxed from well-to-do
families. The government used grain and cattle for relieving
the poor in time of famine and the severe winter season.
A half century ago Inner Mongolia was penetrated by all
sorts of international influences. The Mongols'relatively
peaceful and simple and backward life underwent great changes.
Naturally the situations of all levels of society became com-
plicated. Social problems arose one after another. More notably
one was poverty. This was also due to the fact that the number
of Chinese immigrants increased. As a result, relief was
needed as well as welfare work.
These were some government public welfare and relief
institutions:
2. Modern Type Institutions.
The municipal government in Kalgan established an orphanage,
a rest home for the aged, a poor house for women, a refuge
tenter for unmarried women, and a free clinic for the poor
in 1929. There were seventy-two children in the orphanage
receiving instuctions in shoe repairing, sewing, music and
the Mongol dance performing. Forty aged people were ad-
mitted to the rest home. Practically all of them were incapable
If doing any kind of productive work. The home provided'
everything for them. There were 115 women in the poor house
most of them widows. They engaged in sewing and spinning.
They could support themselves partially by working. The refuge
center was for prostitutes and concubines who had given up
their occupations and homes. At the time of reporting only eight
women were in the center. They also did sewing and spinning
in order to earn a part of their board and room.
The Municipal Government of Pao-t'ou had some relief in-
stitutions such as the home for vagrants, the refuge for homeless
poor and unemployed persons. At the time of reporting these
institutions had admitted only twelve people.
During Prince Te's administration as the head of the Mengchiang
Government some charity work \vas done for Inner Mongolia.
He set up a philanthropic society in Hou-ho in 1929 which served
as a center for distribution of old clothing, food, books and other
331..
?
?
Useful things donated either by the government officials or
by well-bo-do people to the poor. The society also had a young
labor service, a primary school for poor children which was
somewhat similar to an orphanage. There were 100 children
in this school and everything was free. In addition, the
society had a medical clinic for free treatment of the poor.
Prince Te also supported the families of soldiers who were
killed in action, and gave provisions to disabled veterans.
B. By Religious Groups
1. Catholic Missionaries.
The Roman Catholic Church Mission in Inner Mongolia owned
a large amount of land. For instance in Chahar one church
owned over 137 acres of land while another owned over 171
acres. The latter received over 496 bushels of crops from the
farmers to whom the land was leased. In Suiyuan the total
church property was estimated at over 1,421 acres of land,
and some 6,400 head of livestock.
Because the Church was in a good financial condition, it
had a large scale program of public welfare. The work was
distributed in the large cities in Chahar, Jehol, Ninghsia, and
Suiyuan. The following chart shows the kinds of welfare in-
stitutions in 1938:
TABLE
Welfare Work in Inner Mongolia. 1938 (Moko.Taikan,
I.
p.118) Number Number Number ?
of dispen-
Location saries
Chahar 2
Jehol 3
Ninghsia 1
Suiyuan 8
TOTAL 14
1,
of
patients
82
58
37
910
087
of orphan-
ages
5
23
10
40
78
Number
of
children
Number of
children in
nurseries
303
1,319
395
116
167
70
1,760
2,269
2,625
3,774
It was reported that all dispensaries were under direct management
of a Catholic missionary. In 1933 the record revealed that with-
in a period of one year over. 2,000 patients received treatment
in different dispensaries. Children under five years of age
were being cared for by nursery schools and those over five
were under the care of the missionary orphanages.
A Kuei-sui Public Hospital was built in 1924 by the Church.
This was considered the largest hospital of its kind in Suiyuan.
There was one foreign doctor, two Chinese doctors, and ?
twelve foreign nuns. It was equipped with some ten patient
rooms, an X-ray room, and a maternity ward. A nurse-training
school was attached to it with an enrollment of forty male and
thirty female students. The fee charged was low and free
clinical treatment was given to the poor. The Church also
provided the farmers with an opportunity to cultivate its lands.
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Lands were leased, various agricultural tools, and water
supplies were distributed and other essential needs were offered
to the poor farmers. In return, the Church received from the
farmers twenty percent of the total harvest and allowed them
to keep the remaining eighty percent. This was a kind of
relief work.
2. Red Swastika Society.
The Red Swastika Society in Kalgan and in other large cities
has done agreat deal of charity work. The Society operated
hospitals, orphanages and homes for the aged. In addition, the
Society also distributed food and clothing to sufferers during
the time of famine. In winter months it set up porridge
kitchens and warm shelters while in the summer season
free medicines were given to the poor.
3. Monasteries.
The monasteries or lama temples rarely did any charity
work for Mongols. If there was any, it was in the form of
prayers and blessings for the people during certain occasions,
such as at weddings, funerals and natural disaster times.
Sometimes a lama temple gave free herb medicine to the
very poor sick people.
Very often the common Mongols helped the lama temples with
their wealth instead. It was not uncommon for rich people to
give their property to the monastery. For instance a Mongol
who had been rich in his,younger days but who in his old age
was somewhat reduced in circumstance, andhad no son on
whom he could devolve the management of his affairs would
sometimes seek to escape from the losing battle of life by
transferring all his property to some lama temple, on con-
dition that the temple would feed, lodge and clothe him
for the rest of his life. This arrangement had a great fascin-
ation for some; it relieved them from anxiety about their ?
temporal affairs, freed them from the necessity of labor in
their declining years and permitted them to devote the close
of their lives without distraction to the duties of religion.
There were still two other kinds of people who entered
the lama temple. Those who suffered from some incurable
disease would leave their homes and wait death in the temple
belonging to their native place. The others were those who,
before sickness had laid its hand upon them, would leave the
turmoil of the world and withdraw to the longed-for sanctity
and peace, which they hoped to find in some holy temple. ?
III. The Chinese Government Famine Relief Measures
The Yellow and Yangtze Rivers with their many tributaries
account for the major part of flooding. In all there are some
.1.09?0.?????lon
1
fifteen provinces subject to flood from these two great water
courses. The provinces of Inner Mongolia are among them.
During drought times, Ninghsia and Suiyuan were alWays
most affected. As a result there was famine.
In 1928-1929 there was a serious drought in Ninghsia,
Suiyuan and Chahar. In 1933 there was a severe flood along
the Yellow River. Suiyuan was one of the Provinces affected
by it. Each time during flood and drought, the government spent
a large sum of money on relief in the region through the help
of the China International Famine Relief Commission ard.other
relief organizations. For instance, in 1920-1921 in Suiyuan
an important project was started in the irrigation system at
Saratsi, which was planned to improve 250,000 acres of
farm land. The Saratsi irrigation system, while initiated as
a famine relief project, was carried to completion in 1931
primarily as a famine prevention project. Although later
this project proved a failure due to too much alkali in the
soil and the location, yet thousands of relief laborers were
benefited by the employment given to them.
For flood relief in Ninghsia provinces during 1942, the
National Relief Commission made two appropriations of
$500,000 and $1,480,000. The latter amount was partly
used for the relief of drought sufferers from Honan who had
been sent to Ninghsia to engage in land reclamation projects
there. In 1944, appropriation for the relief of suffers of
flood and famine in Ninghsia totalled $2,000,000.
IV. The Work of the UNRRA and CNRRA
At the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese
government organized the Chinese National Relief and Rehabili-
tation Administration (CNRRA) on January 21, 1945, and to
assist the CNRRA carry out its program, the China Office
of United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration
(UNRRA) was established at the end of January, 1945. These
two organizations conceived their relations as a partnership.
Through these two organizations relief and rehabilitation
programs were carried out throughout the whole of China.
Inner Mongolia, of course, was included. However, due to
the difficulties of transportation and the armed rebellion of
the Chinese Communist's in the North and Northeast of China,
the relief and rehabilitation work done in Inner Mongolia
was only limited to large cities, while the interior and remote
areas could not be reached easily and the people in those areas
were not benefited.
Despite the fact that Most parts of Jehol, Chahar and Suiyuan
were occupied by the Chinese Communist force right after the
Japanese surrender in 1945, UNRRA still (.iistribiiked large
?,;!55
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amounts of relief supplies to these three provinces, that is
Inner Mongolia. The relief supplies included food, clothing,
medicines and industrial, agricultural materials and facilities.
The following table shows the amount of distribution:
TABLE II. Supplies Distributed to Communist Areas (Unit: Ton)
Region Food Clothing Medical Industrial Agricult.
Hopei-Jehol-Pei- 4,522 3,363 834 2,419
ping-Tientsin
Shansi-Chahar- 1,525
Suiyuan
(Source: China Handbook 1950, P. 717.)
The table is incomplete and just serves to give the reader a
general idea showing the amount of supplies distributed to the
Communist-occupied area of Inner Mongolia. There were the
areas of Jehol, Chahar and Suiyuan, which were under the
Nationalist government control, which received a large amount
of the CNRRA's relief supplies. The total figures (including
the Chinese Communist occupied areas) were: Hopei-Jehol-
Peiping-Tientsin received 52,283 tons of relief supplies and
Shansi-Chahar-Suiyuan received 27,784 tons.
The reason why the several provinces were joined together as
indicated above was because the CNRRA divided the whole of
China into different relief areas. How much relief supplies Jehol,
Chahar and Suiyuan actually received individually is not recorded.
In addition to CNRRAls relief work, its welfare program was
also carried to some extent to the Inner Mongolian region. For
instance, for child welfare, the CNRRA set up nutrition
stations, service stations, recreation stations and education
stations; for homeless old people, who were over sixty,
charity homes were provided w'nere they were properly
clothed and fed and were given some pocket money; and
also provisions were given for the disabled. For refugees,
the CNRRA helped thousands of the Mongol refugees to return
to their own homes.
372 69
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V. Present. Public Welfare and Relief Measures.
Inner Mongolia became an Autonomous Region of Communist
China in 1947. Ever since then the Red regime is modeled after
the Chinese Red regime's. The principal aim of the Chinese
Communist Party's policy in Inner Mongolia during the past
few years has unquestionably been the training of young
Mongol cadres. This is to prepare for industrialization of the
region and indoctrination of the people. Both the regional
regime and the Red Chinese regime care little for public
welfare. But in their publications they show how much progress
the region has been making since its "liberation." Among this
propaganda literature very little mention is made of welfare
work among the Mongols. The data available are classified
into four categories.
A. In Pastoral Areas.
The Mongol. regime as well as the people value their live-
stock above anything else. So the first thing the Red regime
did was to help people increase the number'of thdr cattle.
It is reported that in pastoral areas, through the govermnent
help, the rate of propagation of livestock has generally gone
up. (See the Agriculture Section). This is the result. of the
government policy of free pasturage, promotion of epidemic
prevention work for livestock and encouragement of breeding,
intensive wolf hunts and improvement of animal husbandry
methods.
The New China News Agency in Huhehot reported in 1955
that 237 veterinary organizatinns and clinic.; have been set
up in the livestock areas of inner Mongolia. They receive
financial and technical aid fiOill the Region's People's
Autonomous Government. They are staffed by more than 4,000
veterinarians of Mongolian, Chinese Han and Hui (Chinese
Moslem) nationalities. A scientific study of measures to
improve the pasture land has begun in 1955 with the arrival
of experts from Peking, Nanking and other parts of China
proper.
During the last few years mutual-aid teams were organized
by the Party leaders in the pastoral areas of the region.
Two of them are concerning this survey. One of these is the
seasonal mutual aid teams such as the winter anti-calamity
mutual-aid teams, spring anti-calamity and breeding mutual
aid teams, summer haying mutual aid teams. The other is
the annual pastural mutual-aid teams fur preventing calamities,
undertaking breeding and haying. In short., these teams arc
formed to aid herdsmen and shepherds. They include pre-
ventative veterinary medicine, organized campaigns to kill
wolves, mobilization of the people to cut. and store gi Ass for
winter feeding, digging of wells where surface water is
scarce and building of cattle-pens and sheep-folds for shelter
against snowstorms and wild beasts.
In. addition, the regional regime also made loans to the
herdsmen. It is said that during the first. eight months of
1952 alone, loans in the form of livestock equipment, and
supplies, aggregated 15,000 million ydan. (Approximately
U.S.$667,557.) Mongol herdsmen today own an average of
sixty-four bead of livestock each. In some places the
average is as high as 108 head. The mutual aid teams and
cooperatives are intended to help the herdsmen to give up their
nomadic existence in favor of homes in permanent sett.1,1n(,i.i,.
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This in turn is believed to help to raise their living standards. '
B. In Agricultural Areas
It is reported that the agrarian reform in the agricultural
areas in Inner Mongolia was completed in 1948. Since then the
gradual decline of agricultural production was halted and
every year has seen a constantly increasing crop yield. This
is the result of government help in form of loans, constructing
irrigation systems which have benefited farming a great deal.
Moreover, the regime encourages the farmers to use fertilizers,
select seeds for sowing and modern farming implements and
methods, and also working on large-scale installations to pre-
vent both drought and flood.
Ulanfu, the Chairman of the People's Government of the
Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, said that due consideration
must be given to the very poor in the allocation of loans,
trading centers and cooperatives must be established without
discrimination and the old custom of mutual help and the
freedom to borrow and lend must be encouraged. In the semi-
farming and semi-pastoral areas, because of physical and
transportation limitations, the local masses have often not
become better off in spite of their hard labor on the land year
by year. Hereafter, the government: should continue to en-
courage and help them, in a planned and guided manner, to
develop animal-husbandry in order to achieve the purpose
of improving their standard of living.
C. Famine Relief
It is reported tint in the past few years, as a result of
organizing the peasants in the region to fight against the
calamitous effects of storms, pests, frost, snow, cold, hail,
etc. , over 150,000 mou of stricken land have been plowed
and planted over again. Active measures have been taken for
the repairing of dikes and emergency flood prevention. For
instance, in the Jerim League alone, a total of over 400,000
man-days have been devoted to dike repairing in the course
of 1950. As a result a million mon of fertile fields in different
areas have been saved from the ravages of flood. Drought is
also-controlled by improving irrigation systems.
The above reports are very vague and sound like propaganda.
In fact, if there are any relief measures against flood, drought
and other disasters undertaken by the regional regime, it is
mostly the animals which would be benefited first and the people
next. This is because livestock are the wealth of the region.
So the party leaders value them much more than the people.
For example, snow storms hit Inner Mongolia in March-April
in 1953, endangering the lives of several tens of thousands
338
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of animals in the Mongelian steppes, (human potential ?
victims were not counted) and cutting the line of communi-
cation. In face of this threat, the Inner Mongolian Sub-
Bureau of the Communist Party went into actison. The Sub-
Bureau issued a slogan to the public: "save every sheep."
There was no mention of human beings. The airforce
sent out fifteen planes which in three days April. 1-3)
dropped 14,000 kilograms of fodder and food, and innumer-
able leaflets, bearing consoling messages (torn the Central
Government. As the food and fodder from the Government
was insufficient, the neighboring sections were ordered to
send food and fodder to the famine stricken area. Although
the government's relief work did not amount to much, yet
the fact that the government used planes in its relief work
served a wide propaganda purpose and touched the hearts
of the discouraged sufferers.
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ATTITUDES AND REACTIONS OF THE PEOPLE
Attitudes Of The Mongols
Ad Introduction
Li Attitudes Toward Mongolian Nationalism
C. Attitudes Toward Other Peoples
1. The Chinese
2. The Outer Mongols
3. Europeans and Americans
4. The Japanese
D. Material Concepts
1. Property and wealth
2. Science
3. Collectivization
E. National Symbols
F. Summary
II, Attitudes Of The Chinese Settlers
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ATTITUDES AND REACTIONS OF THE PEOPLE
I. Attitudes Of The Mongols
A. Introduction
Inner Mongolia as a political and geographical unit dates
only from the conquest of China by the Manchus in the seven-
teenth century. At that time the Mongol inhabitants of the region,
who had aided the Manchus in the latter stages of the conquest,
were brought into the political and military system of the new
regime, and, in recognition of their services to the conquerors,
were treated with a certain degree of consideration in the con-
duct of their own affairs and in their relations with the Manchu
government. This preferential treatment helped to set apart
the region and its people from Outer Mongolia, which was more
stubborn in its resistance to the Manchus and more remote from
the seat of the empire.
While the new administrative structure divided Inner and
Outer Mongolia politically, and perhaps psychologically, Chinese
penetration along the border regions of Inner Mongolia, even
before the Ch'ing Dynasty, had already introduced a factor
which contributed to the distinction of the two regions. As a
consequence of this Chinese influence, Inner Mongolia has be-
come a transitional zone in which Mongolian culture ranges
from a sedentary, almost wholly Chinese type through a semi-
agricultural form to a purely nomadic culture indistinguishable
from that of Outer Mongolia. The degree of acculturation de-
pends upon accessibility of the region from the Chinese border,
value of the land to the Chinese and other factors, but in general
Chinese cultural, as well as political influence has been greater
throughout Inner Mongolia than it has in Outer Mongolia. The
situation is further complicated by certain regional differences
of another character, some of which had begun to develop be-
fore the Ch'ing Dynasty, and others of which were introduced
by the Manchus when they transplanted whole tribes from Dzun-
garia to easter Mongolia after their conquest of the Mongols in
the northwest.
Thus the attitudes and reactions of the Mongols who inhabit
the IMAR today are colored by the history and varied origins of
the people, and differ in many ways from those of Mongols who
live in Outer-Mongolia and elsewhere in Asia.
B. Attitudes Toward Mongolian Nationalism
Although nationalism in the sense of devotion to national
unity or aspiration for independence is of recent origin in Inner
Mongolia, Mongols of all classes and in all parts of the region
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are bound by a cultural unity which manifests itself in their every-
day life and which, since the eighties of the last century, has
periodically expressed itself in the form of local uprisings: pro-
tests against Chinese domination or attempts to join with Outer
Mongolia in a pan-Mongolian union (See Political Dynamics Sec-
tion for further details). The basis for this cultural unity is es-
sentially pride in being a Mongol, in the Mongols' way of life
which is ideally the nomadic life. Yet even those who have
given up much of this life and live in sedentary or semi-pastor-
al districts are still proud to be Mongols and can be easily dis-
tinguished from the Chinese in the subtler aspects of their cul-
ture, particularly in their devotion to Lamaism and their ad-
hertnce to their own principles of kinship. These Sinicized
Mongols usually speak Mongolian at home and do not like to be
mistaken for Chinese.
The typical Mongol, then, is a herder of livestock who be-
lieves that his way of life is superior to all others. He loves to
show off his skill in riding and athletic contests, he values his
almost unlimited freedom of movement and likes to hear visi-
tors tell him how wonderful Mongolia is. Yet the pride he feels
in his country and his culture is a negative thing and seldom
finds expression until a major event or the cumulative force of
sustained pressure threatens to expel him from his homeland
or disrupt the pattern of his life. Under normal conditions he
is content to pursue his nomadic existence without interfer-
ence or aid from outsiders. Although he is conscious that he
has a country, he has little interest in politics or government
and less in history. He supports, or at least tolerates the rul-
ing class and has faith in the church, and feels that he shares in
the prestige which these institutions enjoy.
This complex of institutions, customs and patterns of be-
havior supplies the basis for Mongolian unity, a unity which was
felt and sometimes expressed by the Mongols themselves. Thus
the potentiality for political nationalism has long existed in
Inner Mongolia in the form of what might be called a cultural
nationalism.
Development of nationalism was long retarded by the system,
introduced by the Manchus for control of the Inner Mongolian ter-
ritories. Under this dynasty the Mongolian ruling princes became
in effect agents of the Manchu government in administering the
affairs of the Mongols and enforcing imperial decre es. In return
for this service the imperial government subsidized each prince
and supported his authority in his own territory. This arrange-
ment served as an effective mechanism fox - preventing national
unity. During periods of Chinese colonization and land reclama-
tion in Mongolian territories, the military and landlord class
of the frontier provinces utilized the power and position of the
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princes to support their seizures of Mongolian lands. Subsidies
to the princes, and to some of the high lamas, were even contin-
ued for a time under the republic. It is not surprising, there-
fore, that a nationalistic movement failed to develop among the
ruling Mongolian aristocracy who had everything to gain by per-
petuating the old system. It was, rather,, the lesser nobility,
those who lost power and privilege as the Chinese advanced,
that supplied the leadership for the early insurrections, which
were not really nationalistic, though pro-Mongolian in character.
It is almost impossible to determine whether these "rebel"
leaders or those Mongols who followed them in rebellion were'
motivated by aspirations for Mongolian political unity, but such
incidents supplied the foundation for a later development of na-
tionalism. The consequences of these uprisings, moreover,
which almost always resulted in harsh treatment and further
land seizures by the Chinese, were such as to increase Mongol-
Chinese hostility. Only in a few instances were Mongol insur-
rections directed against the banner chiefs. Apparently the Maj-
ority of the Mongols did not associate their misfortunes with
their own ruling princes, who were generally respected by
their subjects.
Thus the concept of nationalism developed and spread gradu-
ally among the Mongols of Inner Mongolia as the pressure of
Chinese colonization and control increased, both before and after
the Revolution. Outer Mongolia's independence movement, Jap-
anese propaganda and occupation and the introduction of western
ideas and technology all contributed to the germination of new
movements for independence or autonomy and supplied the means
for a broader disscminiation of nationalistic ideas to include all
strata of the society and a wider area of the country.
The Mongol's attitude toward nationalism has developed,
therefore, from a feeling of cultural unity through a vague and
localized type of anti-Chinese protest movement, to emerge as
a widely held public opinion with positive aspirations for poli-
tical unity. From its inception until relatively recent times the
concept of nationalism has been restricted to a small segment
of the society: chiefly the educated youth and lesser nobility,
most of whom favored the idea, and the ruling princes and high
.church officials, who usually opposed it. The uneducated Mon-
gol commoners had little opportunity to acquire concepts of
nationalism until they were exposed first to Japanese and then
Chinese Communist propaganda. The first attempt to extend edu-
cation to include all Mongols came during Japanese occupation.
The Communist government has carried the program even fur-
ther in an attempt to make all Mongols literate, and the new
educational system probably encourages the development of a
Mongolian nationalism acceptable to the present. regime.
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C. Attitude Toward Other Peoples
Foreign travelers through Inner Mongolia almost invariably
comment upon the sincere friendliness and hospitality of the
Mongols. The hospitality is typically Mongolian and is extended
to all travelers as an obligation of the host, who will expect the
same reception when he travels, but the warmth and friendliness
experienced by Europeans, Americans and Japanese in their re-
lations with the Mongols is a manifestation of a particular atti-
tude toward foreigners. The Mongols like most foreigners and
most foreigners like the Mongols. This generalization, however,
does not apply to the Chinese, whose long andintimate associa-
tion with the Mongols has given rise to special attitudes among
both peoples.
1. Thc Chinese
In general the Mongol attitude toward the Chinese has been
one of hostility and contempt, but this statement is subject to
considerable modification, since feeling for the Chinese ranges
from intense hatred to friendly acceptance, depending upon class,
locality, nature of Chinese contacts and other factors. What-
ever their attitudes may be, however, the Mongols agree, al-
most without exception, that they arc superior to the Chinese.
Proximity to Chinese settlements or residence in the same
village with Chinese has no necessary correlation with the Mon-
gols' likes or dislikes of their Chinese neighbors. Under such
conditions the Mongols tend to dissociate the Chinese farmers
from Chinese officialdom, as in one small southern Chahar
community, where the two groups cooperated to some extent in
community projects or in defense against bandits. Here Mon-
golian banner officials even intervened in behalf of Chinese
peasants in disputes with the tax collector or other government
representatives. This attitude of tolerance on the part of the
Mongols did not mean that. they accepted the Chinese as equals.
Though they rented their lands to Chinese tenants and derived
profit from the arrangement, the single Mongol in the communi-
ty who himself engaged in farming was looked upon with extreme
contempt.
Close association of Chinese with Mongols and acceptance by
the Mongols of Chinese goals and cultural elements did not always
guarantee a friendly integration of the two societies. In two
southern ichol agricultural communities, for example, the ap-
parently Sinicized Mongols who accepted the goals of the Chinese
bureaucracy and society and failed to attain them, reacted by
becoming even more Mongolian, by adopting typical Mongolian
cultural elements which they had lost or never had, and by shift-
ing their aims toward what they considered to be the ideals of
Mongolian society.
The agricultural Dagurs in far northeastern Inner Mongolia
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consciously rejected Chinese culture and disliked Chinese sol-
diers and civil officials. Even a Chinese storekeeper was re-
quired to obtain consent first from the leading family in the vil-
lage before he was permitted to set up shop. Schools establish-
ed by the Chinese for the Dagurs were attended only under Chin-
ese pressure.
The pastoral nomadic Mongols and the%Chinese usually
viewed each other with mutual distrust and contempt. Success-
ful Chinese traders were often respected and sometimes liked
by the Mongols, but in general those who engaged in buying and
selling and dealt in money instead of livestock were looked upon
as men without scruples. Yet some of these traders were ex-
ceptional men who understood and like the Mongols and made
friends of them in even the most hostile Mongolian territory.
Schuyler Cammann attended a Mongolian festival in the notori-
ously anti-Chinese Ordos region where the guests of honor in-
cluded a Chinese landlord and two Chinese traders who had been
adopted into the Oirat banner (Carnmann, p. 103).
Positive attitudes of open hostility toward the Chinese were
generated only under extreme provocation, as in late Manchu
and early Republican times when the Mongols were subjected to
harsh treatment in reprisal for local uprisings. In these cases
the Chinese armies often punished the guilty and the innocent in-
discriminately and thus hardened the dislike of the Mongols.
These incidents usually occurred in the early stages of coloni-
zation or land-grabbing, and the intensity of Mongol feeling sub-
sided somewhat as the Chinese consolidated their advances into
Mongolian territory. Even under extreme conditions the dislike
of the Mongols was often directed more toward the Chinese gov-
ernment than toward the Chinese as individuals or as a people.
Marriage of Mongols, either men or women, to Chinese, was
considered undesirable but occurred occasionally among the se-
dentary Mongols, especially between Chinese merchants and Mon-
golian girls who were wither poor or socially outcast. A Chin-
ese woman who married a Mongol, head of a prominent family
in southern Chahar, was treated as an inferior by her husband
and denied many of the usual prerogatives of a Mongolian wife
(Vreeland, p. 151).
2. The Outer Mongols .
Frequency of contacts between the Mongols of Inner Mongo-
lia and those of Outer Mongolia varied with locality, but there is
not evidence that in recent years any general feeling of hostility
has existed between the two peoples. On the contrary, the Mon-
gols of what was then western Manchuria twice attempted to form
a union with Outer Mongolia during the Chinese revolution, and
the hope of consummating such a union was held by Inner Mon-
golian revolutionary leaders during the early years of the Chinese
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republic: When Outer Mongolian troops invaded Inner Mongolia
with Russian forces after the fall of Japan, there was much
fraternization between the Outer and Lriner Mongols. The Pan-
Mongolian movements were opposed by the ruling princes of In-
ner Mongolia, who feared Russian and Outer Mongolian influ-
ence, but were favored by the young Mongol leaders and a large
segment of the Mongol population in the northern part of Inner
Mongolia. In the south and west there was little intercourse
with the Outer Mongols except when Khalkha refugees from Com-
munist purges began to settle across the border and occupy
Inner Mongolian pastures in northern Suiyuan. The Ordos and
Alashan people had little contact with them, but. those who vis-
ited the Khalkha camps felt uneasy in the presence of the north-
erners. Yet there were common bonds, such as membership
in the same league, and the two groups communicated without
difficulty. Pan-Mongolism generated little enthusiasm in the
southwest, although representatives from the Ordos attended
meetings called in 13arga to further the movement. In general,
the Mongols of Inner Mongolia looked upon the Outer Mongols
as a people closely related, but recognized the political, eco-
nomic and cultural harriers which set them apart, and had no
particular incl;.nation to participate in their affairs, or to turn
to them for assistance.
3. Europeans and Americans
Europeans and Americans have generally been welcomed by
the Mongols and received with courtesy and respect. Before
the Chinese revolution and even during the Republican period,
most westerners were either missionaries or explorers who
treated the Mongols with consideration, paid well for the goods
and services they required and, in return, were hospitably
treated by the Mongols. In these relationships, as in those with
other foreigners, the attitudes of the Mongols differed somewhat
depending upon their own experiences and upon the aims and be-
havior of the visitors. Missionaries, for example, were not
always well-received, and other travelers often found it neces-
sary to overcome a prejudice toward westerners which the Mon-
gols had acquiredas the result of missionary activities. In
his travels through Inner Mongolia in the 1930rs Sosiderbom found
that "It was often very hard for us non-missionaries, because
the Mongols looked upon us as belonging to the faith of the mis-
sionaries, which was true. We had, therefore, to establish our-
selves in a manner often displeasing to the Mission, for instance
by contributing to the Lama Church, by placing an offering on
the altar, etcetera" (Soderborn, mss. lk, p. 8).
Such an attitude on the part of the Mongols was not general,
but was perhaps typical of lamas, who at first resented the intro-
duction of a competitive faith. The Mongol laity were less cri-
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tical of missionaries and at times rendered them great service,
even to the point of assisting in their escape during the Boxer
rebellion. Mongol friends of Larson, the noted Swedish mission-
ary, crossed over into China to rescue other Christian mission-
aries from the Boxers. Successful missions, such as that of
the Belgian Catholics in the Ordos region, attracted Mongol ad-
herents under the intelligent leadership oPmen who understood
and sincerely liked them, respected their religious institutions
and encouraged their cultural individuality. The Mongols some-
times responded by making the mission, instead of the lamaser)i
the focus of their traditional social activities.
Mongols commonly make no distinction between foreigners
of European stock, but lump them all together under a term which
means "Russians." As a result. of this classificiation, Khalkha
refugees in the northern Ordos region were extremely hostile
toward American visitors until they were Lonvinced that the
travelers were different from other "Russians." Mongols in
some regions, particularly the northeast., have learned to dis-
tinguish between "White Russians" and "Red Russians." The
latter were associated with the Chinese Communists and were
thought to be very ferocious and cruel. Even after their experi-
ences with the "Red Russians," the Mongols felt no animosity
toward other foreigners. Their attitude in this respect may be
summed up as one of reserve and curiosity, rather than fear or
hostility, until the strangers have revealed the purpose of their
visit and their own attitude toward the Mongols.
4. The Japanese
First Mongol contacts with the Japanese were made under
exceptional conditions; i.e., at a time when the depredations of
undisciplined Chinese troops had strengthened the developing
spirit of Mongolian nationalism and aroused in the Mongols a
new and intensified anti-Chinese feeling. The promises of the
Japanese to establish Inner Mongolian autonomy, and their more
refined and better controlled methods of exploiting the Mongols
at first inspired confidence in the new over-lords. The Japanese
at least respected the Mongols' religion and refrained from loot-
ing or destroying their property. Schools were provided to edu-
cate Mongol youth and children, lamas were sent to Japan to be
instructed or indoctrinated in the principles of Japanese Buddh-
ism, and farmers and herders were given substantial aid. The
new regime quickly accomplished more than the old had promised
and, moreover, delivered the Mongols from the domination of
the hated Chinese. It is not surprising, therefore, that rela-
tions with the Japanese were, at first, harmonious and the atti-
tude of the Mongols was friendly. As late as 1944 Japanese
travelers in southern Chahar encountered no Mongol hostility.
Their reteption was very much the same as that accorded to
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Europeans or Americans in other sections of Inner Mongolia.
Only in the far west, remote from their centers of operation,
did the Japanese fail to win the cooperation of the Mongols; and
even here it was not loyalty to the Chinese that influenced Mon-
gol attitudes. Nationalist troops had thoroughly looted the terri-
tory, and the Mongols hated the Chinese as individuals and as a
people, but the presence of Chinese troops and the failure of the
Japarese to penetrate the area in force left the Mongols with
little choice.
D. Material Concepts
Due to the sparsity of population, lack of urban settlements,
absence of facilities for rapid communication and mass trans-
portation, relative remoteness of the region in relation to the
complex civilizations of the world, and the nature of the economy,
the Mongols have, until very recently, been spared the neces-
sity of developing attitudes toward many of the material con-
cepts common to European and some Asiatic societies. There
have been no problems of industrialization, financial manipula-
tion or economic control comparable to those in the densely
populated, technologically advanced nations. No serious con-
flicts have arisen between science and religion, labor and man-
agement., or consumer and producer in the same sense as they
have in urban societies. Nevertheless the Mongols do have,
as does any human group, patterned attitudes toward the mate-
rial things within their experience.
I. Property and wealth
Mongols a r0 very conscious of wealth and the social distinc-
tions which it engenders; but the tokens of wealth are not always
the same as those valued by other societies, nor are concepts
of wealth and property the same everywhere in Inner Mongolia.
Before Communist days everyone usually had a little cash, and
wealthy men sometimes owned a quantity of gold bullion, but.
when an individual had accumulated enough money, he invested
it in livestock, preferably horses.
Land was never individually owned in the traditional nomad-
ic society, but was held by the clan in pre-Manchu times and by
the I3anner the The territory was used in common by
members of the clan or banner. ?l he concept of private owner-
ship of land or of land as a form of property was therefore al-
together foreign to the Mongols until they were influenced by
Chinese colonization along the southern border of the region.
Banner princes then began to first lease and then sell land to
the Chinese who occasionally sold tracts back to Mongol farm-
ers. Thus Mongols in the sedentary agricultural regions often
became landowners and came to look upon land as a form of
property.
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Property other than land was owned either-by the individual
or the family, and its inheritance and distribution were governed
by well-defined rules. Dwellings, livestock, tools and equip-
ment were family property, with ownership vested in the male
head of the family. Domestic animals were all marked with the
owner's brand and recognized as his property. Articles of per-
sonal adornment--jewelry, clothing, etcetera, --were always
individually owned, and the Mongols took great pride in the dis-
play of such finery. Property was never owned jointly by two or
more families. Kinship rules and the continual splitting up of
extended families made such a situation impossible. (For fur-
ther details on ownership and inheritance of property see Family
Section, IMAR Handbook).
Z. Science
Until recent years the Mongols have had little contact with
the concepts or products of modern science. Missionaries and
travelers have attempted, sometimes successfully to treat the
diseases of men and livestock, but until Communist control was
introduced these treatments were often opposed by the lamas and
rejected by the laity. The Mongols' concept of the operation of
natural laws and the occurrence of natural phenomena was inex-
tricably bound up with superstitious and religious ideas. Man
had achieved a sort of balance in his relations with natural and
supernatural forces, and any interference with the established
order might have disastrous consequences. It was this attitude
that members of the Sino-Swedish expedition encountered when
they sought to inoculate the Mongols' cattle during a severe epi-
demic in the 1930's. Only a few herdsznen consented to the treat-
ment offered by the Europeans, but after most. of the untreated
cattle had died, much of the Mongol opposition disappeared.
Their reluctance or refusal to accept the products or con-
cepts of foreign science does not imply that the Mongols lacked
their own means of coping with problems which might be dealt
with "scientifically" in another society. There were treatments
or cures for the ailments of man and domestic animals, and ex-
planations for all natural phenomena. This body of knowledge
and practice embraced concepts and methods which, though per-
haps not arrived at scientifically, were nevertheless more than
empirical. The Mongol did not move blindly, without consider-
ing cause and effect. He knew causes, had his own methods of
dealing with them, and predicted the outcome. If the results
were not those he had expected, it was due to an error in meth-
od or to interruption of the natural course of events by some in-
imical force. Foreign science might be just such a hostile in-
fluence, and it. was safer to rely on traditional methods until it
was shown that the new ideas were beneficial or, at least, harm-
less.
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That the Communists have succeeded in overcoming or over-
riding Mongol attitudes toward scientific innovations is evident
from reports of improved health conditions in the IMAR, mass
treatment of venereal diseases, and a rising birth rate. The be-
nefits of scientific knowledge have also been applied to the care
of livestock, a field which was, in traditional Mongolian society
almost of greater concern to man than his own welfare. Improve-
ment of livestock is one of the prime targets of the Communist
government in the pastoral regions, and it is clear that the Mon-
gol's objections to modern methods must have been either re-
moved or ignored. The acceptance by the Mongols of modern
scientific ideas may be correlated to some extent with the decline
of the power and influence of the Tibetan-Buddhist church, but
the Communists have even utilized this influence in Ulanchab
League by establishing a lama clinic where the churchmen are
trained to give medical care to the pastoral people.
It must be remembered that for many years, under the Chi-
nese Republic, the Japanese and the various autonomous govern-
ments, young Mongols have been sent in increasing numbers to
be educated in progressive schools. Many of these men are now
leaders in the Autonomous region and each is a potential source
for the diffusion of new ideas to other Mongols.
3. Collectivization
Cooperation in work is not new to the Mongols, nor are true
cooperatives a Communist innovation in Inner Mongolia. Banner
co-ops were in operation during the Republican period. Collec-
tivism, however, as practiced under the Communist government
has little in common with the voluntary and informal exchange of
services so generally practiced in traditional Mongolian society.
Under the new system participation is organized and directed by
government agencies; the spontaneous nature of the old system
is lacking. The aims of collectivization, furthermore, are such
as to deny to the Mongols that cherished freedom of movement
which is so essential to their way of life.
Early Communist attempts to "convert" the Mongols of
Inner Mongolia were nothing more than campaigns of terror and
destruction, conducted without benefit of propaganda, and the
Mongols either resisted or destroyed their livestock to keep it
from falling into the hands of the enemy. Subsequently the Com-
munists adopted a subtler approach, prefacing their organiza-
tion campaigns with skilful propaganda drives which seem to
have achieved some success.
Present Mongol attitudes toward collectivization can only be
inferred from Communist news sources which depict the "pros-
perous and happy life" of the Mongols, the continuous growth of
farm and herding cooperatives, and the manifold activities of
mutual-aid teams. There is a hint as to the reaction to land
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reform,which has been carried out in the region, in the admoni-
tions to "raise revolutionary vigilance" against the counter-
revolutionary who "sets fire on the farm of our peasants. He
manipulates individual backward peasants, sows discord among
them, instigates them to create disturbances and seeks to under-
mine the internal unity of agricultural producer cooperatives
and mutual-aid teams and hamper or check the development of
the mutual-aid and cooperative movement." (Hailar Nei Meng
Ku Jih Pao, SCMP, No. 970, Jan. 18, 1955). Evidence of Mon-
gol opposition to collectivization and to the Communist regime
in general is, however, scanty, and the process of organization
and reorganization continues with the apparently enthusiastic
support of the educated young Mongols who arc being trained in
ever increasing numbers by the cadre training centers and in
the new schools and colleges. (For further details on Mongol
reaction to the present regime see Political Dynamics section,
IMAR Handbook.)
E.
National Symbols
To imbue the Mongols with an officially approved concept
of nationalism the Communist government has been compelled
to reconcile the former conflicting interests and mutual hostil-
ities of Chinese and Mongols, to create symbols which will be-
come rallying points for Mongol nationalism, and at the same
time to prevent the growth of a "narrow nationalism" inimical
to the interests of Communist China.
To preserve the cultural identity of the Mongols, the Com-
munists have encouraged the use of the Mongolian language and
dress, the performances of native singing and dancing teams,
and the holding of traditional festivals. These are all elements
and activities intimately associated with Mongolian life, and their
sponsorship by the government may produce favorable Mongol
reactions, but even these forms of expression are rigidly chan-
neled to make them conform to the current ideology. Publica-
tions in the Mongolian language are mostly translations of Russi-
an or Chinese Communist works, dances depict scenes from the
new, happy and prosperous life of the Mongols under Communism
and patriotic songs arc sung to old Mongolian tunes. The fes-
tivals, formerly partly religious in character, arc now held
in celebration of national holidays set to commemorate some
great event in the history of local or international Communism.
National heroes have been created, revived or refurbished
to become symbols of Mongol greatness. The alleged remains
of Chingis Khan, who in the early days of Mongolian Commu-
nism, was condemned as an enemy of the people, were re-
enshrined recently (1955) in a new mausoleum, after they were
recovered from the "fleeing Chiang Kai-shek bandits." Other
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historical figures from Mongolia's. past have been given new
characters in keeping with the marriage of Mongolian national-
ism and Chinese Communisni. Galdan, for example, has e-
merged as a patriotic Mongol leader fighting against Manchu op-
pression instead of an ambitious conqueror who fought both Chin-
ese and Mongols in his rise to power.
The symbols of nationalism createdifor the Mongols have
been carefully blended to convey an impression of respect for
tradition combined with enthusiasm for Communist progress.
It was not necessary to destroy any important symbols of nation-
al unity, for the unity itself has never existed in Inner M ongolia.
F. Summary
If the Communist government meets with repeated successes
in its program for organizing and controlling Inner Mongolia, it
could mean that the old style Mongols with their traditional atti-
tudes and way of life would eventually disappear, to be replaced
by the educated youth, already trained to carry out the direc-
tives of the state. These youths would, in turn, be followed by
others as the children now being educated in the primary schools
grow up to take their places in the organization. Education,
therefore, is one of the keys to the Communist program for
political, social and economic reform. Once all or the vast
majority of the Mongols have been indoctrihated and trained
from childhood, the state can carry out its objectives almost
without opposition.
The accomplishment of such objectives would necessarily
bring profound changes in the Mongol social structure which
would be so modified as to be almost unrecognizable. The super-
ficial aspects of Mongolian culture would probably be maintained
so long as they were useful to the government. Language may
survive longer than most traits, but all Mongol youths and
adults will be required to learn Chinese, and Mongolian may be-
come the second language.
All Oise developments would require time and the full coop-
eration of the Mongols. If the government's plans meet with re-
verses in the near future, there is still enough of the truly Mon-
golian clement in the region to spark a revival of the old spirit.
There are educated Mongols who were not schooled by the Com-
munists and who may be capable of exploiting the nationalism,
hero worship and organizational methods fostered by the new re-
gime. Increased pressure by the government, whether due to
its own mistakes or to lack of Mongol cooperation, could easily
provoke violent and widespread reactions, as has been demon-
strated repeatedly in earlier Mongolian history. It is also poss-
ible that consistent failure of the government to attain its ob-
jectives might disillusion even the Communist-educated youths,
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who are taught to believe that their own welfare and that of their
country is dependent upon the continued success of the People's
government.
II. Attitudes of the Chinese Settlers
Since a majority of the Chinese in Inner Mongolia immi-
grated not long ago from the provinces of North China, their at-
titudes and reaction arc to a great extend similar to those of the
people in those provinces. For this reason, the reader is re-
ferred to the same section in the General Handbook. However,
Chinese settlers in Inner Mongolia, as those in Manchuria, had
to face natural elements and human environments which differ
in many respects from those in China proper and immigrants,
especially the poor peasants must have had the feeling that they
were unwanted or expendable people in their home communities
and that. they must make good and be successful in the new land
in order to eradicate the shame and bitterness and gain a sense
of pride. These facts account. for attitudes which arc particular
to the settlers in Inner Mongolia.
One particularity can be seen in the people's religious em-
phasis. According to a survey conducted in the area of Hstian-
hua of Chahar by Willem A. Grootaers and his team, the reli-
gious activities of Chinese farmers in this part of Inner Mongo-
lia are mostly related to their farming business, or more speci-
fically, to the obtaining of rain or water; "In reality the great-
est attention, the largest expenses, the most frequent duties
are attached to the various rain cults." (Rural Temples around
Fisilan-hua, Folklore Studies, 1951, p. 115). Of all the larger
cult units of the Hshn-hua area 377 units, or fifty-nine percent,
arc related to prosperity in this world and of these 244 units, or
thirty-eight point three percent, are agricultural cults. Of the
agricultural cults 175, or twenty-seven point four percent are
practiced to obtain rain or water. The next important religious
emphasis is that in regard to retribution. There are more than
one hundred units of religious establishments related to the judg-
ment of evil deeds. "Actually, we have seen that even the temples
dedicated to rain gods show many reminders of the god's power
to chastize evil doers." Thus, the prosperity of the farming
business and the judgment of the soul are by all counts the ba-
sic tenets and practices of the Chinese popular religion in this
part of Inner Mongolia.
This same religious emphasis is seen in the Chinese socie-
ties in the Back Loop regions. Here the Chinese peasants would
worship anything which has the power of giving rain or water
for the growing of crops and the increasing of livestock. Wang
T'ung-chun was after his death in 1935 worshipped as a deity be-
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cause he made a tremendous contribution to the development of
irrigation in the districts of the Back Loop. No one else had
done so much in the land reclamation in that region and Wang's
work played an important part in practically every farm of the
Chinese settlers.
Another distinctive attitude is the one in regard to land. In
the provinces of China proper everywhere land is very much
limited and has a precious value and consequently every person
feels deeply sentimental about the little piece of land he owns.
Land is almost as dear as one's own life. Here in Inner Mon-
golia, as in thc newly developed areas of Manchuria, the situa-
tion is quite different. There are vast sections of land which are
cultivable but have as yet to be developed. Land development
here depends largely upon the building of irrigation facilities.
Such work is beyond the financial power of any average individu-
al. It must be done by corporations or a successful financier.
When the irrigation facilities arc available, large areas of land
arc reclaimed and are cultivated. When the facilities break
down, all the land within their reach loses its usefulness.
When irrigation is available, one owns or cultivates acres by
hundreds. One or one-half acre means nothing. When irriga-
tion is not available, the cultivator has to find another liveli-
hood or suffer starvation. All these facts mean that the Chinese
settlers in Inner Mongolia arc either big landowners, or opera-
tors, or people who give nu thought at all to land. They do not
have a sentimental attachment to land. Owning or operating
farmland is strictly a kind of business. Neither the land, nor
the farming business is something inherited from a long line of
ancestors. Therefore, the Chinese farmers in Inner Mongolia
do not treasure every little piece or every corner of cultivated
acres as their fellow citizens in the densely populated provinces
do. Of course, this statement is not applicable to those who
have been farming in the south and southeastern sections of In-
ner Mongolia and who have, owned the land for many generations.
Because of the frontier situation of life and because of their
past relations with the people in the old provinces, the Chinese
settlers in Inner Mongolia, as those in the north of Manchuria,
are known for their great hospitality, especially if the visitors
arc from the home provinces. This hospitality made the people
less covetous of daily necessities. It is said that when a visitor
enters the home of a family which has abundant food and live-
stock, he can stay as long as he wishes without causing the hosts'
resentment. Every peaceful visitor, whether an acquaintance
or a stranger, is welcomed and generously treated. This fond-
ness of visitors fostered in the pioneers' hearts sincerity, sim-
plicity and open-mindedness toward outsiders. It is reported
that when a traveler stops at the door of a home in the rural
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districts for a drink of water, a meal, or?an overnight lodging,
he is immediately received into the inner chamber of the house.
He is introduced to every member of the household, including
young ladies. If the visitor has to stay, he is invited to share
whatever meal or meals the family can spread on the table. AL
night the stringer may share the same Wang with the family
members, if another room or bed is not available.
Probably because of the influence of Mongolian ethics,
Chinese settlers in Inner Mongolia also make the stealing of
livestock a serious crime. Livestock is property that is jea-
lously guarded and a stranger may not touch a horse, a sheep,
or a camel without the owner's permission.
Those who do not live on farms are for the most part in
trade with the Mongols. These people may not be as generous
as the country folk in receiving visitors, but their attitudes,
compared to those who have fewer opportunities of dealing with
groups of other races, arc cosmopolitan. They are compara-
tively free from racial prejudices against. the Mongols and other
minority groups. They seem to be at case in associating with
Mongols even under those well-known unsanitary conditions,
and appreciate some of the merits of nomad life. It is not rare
for Chinese in Inner Mongolia to become nomads and take up
the business of herd grazing. Traveling across vast deserts
and semi-deserts, trading with people of different cultures, and
looking at the greatness of the extensive plains and magnificent
mountains, one cannot but become broadminded both in facing
nature, and in dealing with fellow men. There are of course,
conflicts between the two peoples whenever their immediate in-
terests are contradictory.
In regard to political affairs, the average Chinese in Inner
Mongolia has very little feeling and not much reaction. What
the Chinese want is for both the Chinese and other ethnic groups
to co-exist peacefully and profitably, all fellow citizens of one
nation. They do not want to be treated as a minority by the Mon-
gols, of course, but they also see no point in those Chinese pol-
icies which the Mongols consider oppressive. But they do agree
that good land belonging to the Mongols ought. to be cultivated by
the Chinese.
Finally, the Chinese in Inner Mongolia are not as strict as
the people in the old provinces in regard to relations between
men and women. This is quite understandable, since in a fron-
tier society, it is difficult to maintain all the conventions prac-
ticed in the old country. Being unconventional is not necessarily
the lack of morality. It might just be a kind of simplicity and
genuineness. But this simplicity and genuineness is occasionally
misinterpreted by more conventional visitors. Some might. even
take advantage of and abuse the hospitality of the frontier peo-
ple. In that case, the immorality is the outsiders' and not the
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pie. In that case, the immorality is the outsiders' and not the
settlers'.
Attitudes of the population of the urban centers of Inner
Mongolia, even though basically the same as within the Great
Wall, have also been influenced to a degree by environmental
factors. In view of the absence of a gentry tradition, the gentry
sense of responsibility was also generally, lacking and was only
faintly reflected in the attitudes of frontier officialdom. Offic-
ialdom on the other hand, all through Republican times, at
least ostentatiously displayed a greater consciousness of Imper-
ial mission. Frontier officials liked to think of themselves as
fighting an outpost battle politically, economically and cultural-
ly. Their position was thus an understandable mixture of Chin-
ese cultural chauvinism and frontier adventurism. Their atti-
tude towards the Mongols was frequently in contradistinction to
that of the rural settlers - universally one of suspicion if not
disdain, at times softened by a certain sense of curiosity. Their
policy toward Mongol life and Mongol aspirations varied, rang-
ing from benevolent assimilationism to unscrupulous exploita-
tion.
The frontier atmosphere also influenced the attitudes of
the mercantile population of Inner Mongolian cities. Merchants
too felt less restrained by traditions and conventions prevalent
in the old provinces. Frontier experience usually added daring
and self-reliance to their personalities and an imaginativeness in
exploiting untraditional opportunities. They were usually not
blinded by political or cultural chauvinism and never displayed,
even rarely felt, that superiority which characterized the fron-
tier official. Their keen individualism did not exclude the in-
sight that the frontier situation makes concerted action an advan-
tage. The mid-morning snack at the tavern and the evening
meeting at the public bath were great social occasions. Their
clubs, however, seemed more like free associations than like
bonded guilds. Yet with all these characteristics, there was
maintained among the merchants too, that nostalgic feeling to-
ward the old home and that sentimental pride in its conventions
and traditions.
Frontier chauvinism is apparently an attitude of which Com-
munist officials and cadres, all protestations to the contrary
notwithstanding, are not free. The special atmosphere, however,
that Chinese merchants gave to Inner Mongolian cities, will
soon be a phenomenon of the past.
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I.
CONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM
Introduction
II. Constitutional and Legal Position of the IMAR
A. Constitutional and Legally Defined Rights of National
Autonomous Regions
B. Constitutional and Legally Defined Rights of National-
ities in National Autonomous Regions
C. Obligations of Autonomous Organs and Nationalities
in National Autonomous Regions
1. Obligations of autonomous organs
2. Obligations of nationalities in national autonomous
regions
D. Actual Practice in the Inner Mongolian Autonomous
Region
ADDITIONAL READINGS
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CONSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM
I. Introduction
The Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region was the first national
autonomous region to be established, and to some extent is the
leading exhibit in the attempt to establish the "attitude of equali-
ty, fraternity, unity, and mutual assistance among the nationali-
ties, and in overcoming all tendencies to domination by the ma-
jority nationality or to narrow nationalism." As a national auto-
nomous region, it is an "inalienable part of the People's Repub-
lic of China." (Constitution, Ch. 1, General Principles, Article
3; General Program for the Implementation of Regional Autonomy
for Nationalities, Article 2). It has no Constitution of its own,
and exists as an administrative area by virtue of clauses in the
Constitution of the Peoples Republic of China relative to "nation-
al minorities" and "national autonomous regions." As such a
region, it functions under the Constitution, the General Program
for the Implementation of Regional Autonomy for Nationalities
(August 9, 1952), and the Organic Law of the People's Congress-
es and People's Councils, as well as all other laws and regula-
tions which may be enforced in China Proper and deemed applic-
able.
II. Constitutional and Legal Position of the IMAR
Legally, the IMAR is established under the provision of the
Constitution that "Regional autonomy applies in areas where
people of national minorities live in compact communities..."
(Constitution, Ch. 1, General Principles, Article 3). The speci-
fic type, of autonomous region that the IMAR represents is pro-
vided for in the General Program, Article 2, which states, "Ac-
cording to the relations obtaining between the nationalities of the
locality, and to the conditions of local economic development,
with due consideration of the historical background..." an auto-
nomous region may be:
1. 'I....established on the basis of an area inhabited by one
national minority.
2. established on the basis of an area inhabited by one
large national minority, including certain areas inhabited by
other national minorities with very small populations who,
likewise, shall enjoy regional autonomy.
3. "... jointly established on the basis of two or rnore areas,
each inhabited by a different national minority...."
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The IMAR is of the second type, established on the basis of an
area inhabited by the Mongols in Inner Mongolia (the "one large
national minority"), and including certain areas inhabited by the
Oronchon, Koreans, Solons, Tungus, Evenki, and Dagur Mongols
(the "other national minorities with very small populations"). Al-
so included in the area of the IMAR are Han Chinese, who corn-
prise,seventy to eighty percent of the population and who provide
the basis for a number of "democratic-coalition" governments
on lower government levels.
A. Constitutional and Legally Defined Rights of National Autono-
mous Regions
The Constitution and the General Program grant limited auto-
nomy to the autonomous regions, allowing them the following
rights:
a)... to determine the actual form which the government of a
national autonomous region is to take. (Article 70; modified
in the General Program, Articles 5, 11, and in Decisions
on*Measures...for Democratic-Coalition Governments).
b)...to use the national minority's spoken and written language
in dealing with various matters of the region. (Article 71;
modified in the General Program, Articles 15-16).
c)...to train cadres from among the nationalities of the region.
(General Program 17).
d)...to carry out internal reforms in the national autonomous
region in accordance with the wishes of the majority of its
people and of the local leaders who are associated with the
people. (Article 70; General Program 18).
e)...to administer the region's finances, to develop the region's
economy and organize its own local security forces, within
the framework of the unified economic system and planning
of the state. (Constitution. Article 70; General Program 19,
20, 22).
f)...to take necessary and appropriate steps to develop the eco-
nomy, culture, education, arts, and health services of the
various nationalities inhabiting the region. (Article 70; Gen-
eral Program 21).
g)...to draw up special regulations for the region, within the
limits stipulated by the people's governments of higher lev-
els. (Article 70, modified by General Program 23).
In the modifications and explanations of these rights are to
be found the real meaning of "autonomy." The right to determine
the "actual form which the government of a national autonomous
region is to take" is a limited right, as that government must be
set up "according to the basic principles of democratic centralism
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and of the system of the people's congresses" (see China Gener-
al, Constitution). Further, the local organs of government in
autonom ous areas are to be instituted "in accordance with the
basic principles governing the organization of local organs of
state 4 3 specified in section IV of chapter 2 of the Constitution."
The functions and powers of these local organs are detailed in
the"Organic Regulations for People's Congresses of All Levels
and People's Councils of all Levels in the IMAR" [cf. Current
Background #370, Nov. 28, 1955].
Areas inhabited by a concentrated population of Han Chinese
are directed to form governments of the type generally in use
in the rest of the country. Where there is a large number of
Hans together with a sizable group of the minority, a "demo-
cratic-coalition" government of nationalities is established. Of-
ficially, such a government is formed to protect the minorities
from domination by the Hans; in fact, it cements more firmly
the place of the minorities within the national structure.
In'effect, the form of government in the autonomous areas is
prescribed at the higher levels of authority, corresponding to
what they have determined to be the "present stage of develop-
ment of the respective nationalities" (Chou En-lai, in a discuss-
ion of the General Program). In the IMAR, some concessions
have been made to traditional forms of governmental organiza-
tion, particularly in regard to nomadic regions. Insistance up-
on a more traditional form of government, or refusal to approve
suggestions that a democratic-coalition be established are inter-
preted as "narrow nationalisz-n." Decisions concerning the readi-
ness of a minority to advance into a new stage of government are
decided by the high-level authorities of the central government.
In all other administrative matters regarding economy, finance,
education, security forces, and the like, regional autonomous
governments function under the national plans and with the aid
and control of the central People's Government. Exercise of any
of the autonomy rights, therefore, must meet the approval of
the national government and conform to its policies. Similarly,
the "right of interpretation and amendment...rests with the
central People's Government."
The total effect of the "regional autonomy" policy, then, is to
bring into administrative circles trusted members of the nation-
ality to act as agents of the central government to interpret to the
nationality their place in the overall plan.
B. Constitutionally and Legally Defined Rights of Nationalities in
National Autonomous Regions
Within the national autonomous region, all nationalities are
granted rights both as individuals and as a collective Body. Such
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rights include representation in government, legal equality with
the Han nationality, freedom in cultural matters (i.e., preserva-
tion of language, development of the language, and preservation
of traditions, customs, and beliefs, including religious beliefs),
and freedom to initiate proposals for the readjustment of the
boundaries of the region, etc. The effect of these rights, which
correspond to those guaranteed to the Hans under the central gov-
ernment, is to put the minorities on an equal footing with the Hans
in participation in the activities of the country. In legislating such
rights specifically for nationalities, the intent is to draw them in-
to the total life of the country; the rights are to be used to aid
nationalities to "establish unity and mutual aid among themselves....
so that the People's Republic of China will become a big fraternal
and cooperative family comprising all its nationalities.... Actions
involving discrimination, oppression, and splitting the unity of
the various nationalities shall be prohibited. "(Common Program
50)
This attitude toward minority nationalities is a reversal of
the earlier Chinese Communist attitude, as stated by Mao Tsc-
tung in 1930, that non-Chinese minorities would have the choice
of either forming their own autonomous region within the Chinese
state, seceding from the Chinese Soviet Republic and forming
their own independent state, or joining the Soviet Union. This
view had already been dropped by 1938, however, when Mao pro-
claimed that minorities would have equal rights with the Chin-
ese in jointly establishing a unified state (see China IMAR, Polit-
ical Dynamics).
Within the Soviet Union, only the Union republics have a con-
stitutionally-defined right to secession. An autonomous republic
or lower unit such as an autonomous region is considered funda-
mentally a part of the Union republic of which it forms a part.
Its constitution, if any, is subject to confirmation by the Union re-
public, which also determines its economic and cultural development,
and the Union republic's Council of Ministers may annul the decis-
ions and orders of its executive organs. Autonomous republics or
regions can, however, eventually rise to the status of a Union re-
public provided they are located on the border of the Soviet Union
and have a sufficiently large population. Thus the autonomous reg-
ions of China are comparable in their relation to the mother state
to those of the Soviet Union.
Viewed from the standpoint of officially-stated doctrine, the
People's Government policy toward nationalities and national auto-
nomous regions is an attempt at integration rather than domination,
assimilation, or indifference. Thus the emphasis is on drawing
minority peoples into the work of national development and con-
vincing them that their future advancement lies in cooperation with
the Hans and that every attempt will be made to prevent the Hans
from forcing Han cultural forms on them.
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C. Obligations of Autonomous Organs and Nationalities in Nat-
ional Autonomous Regions
1. Obligations of autonomous organs:
1) An autonomous organ may adopt the language most commonly
used in the region as the chief medium of intercourse in the
exercise of its authority. But when the autonomous organ ex-
erc.i:3es its authority over a nationality to whom this language
is unfamiliar, the language of the latter nationality shall also
be adopted. (General Program 15).
2) Reforms must be carried out in accordance with the wishes
of a majority of the people in a region and of the local leaders
who are associated with the people. (General Program 18).
3) Special regulations of the Government of an Autonomous Reg-
ion must be submitted through channels to the Government
Administration Council of the central People's Government
for registration, and approved by people's governments of
higher levels. (General Program 23).
4) Autonomous organs must safeguard the rights granted to all
nationalities in the region, and prohibit all acts liable to pro-
voke disputes between the nationalities (General Program 25,
26, 35).
5) Autonomous organs must consult representatives of a nation-
ality about problems relating to that nationality, help the nat-
ionalities to practice regional autonomy, and educate and
guide the people of a region toward unity and mutual assistance.
(General Program 27-29, 30).
6) Autonomous organs must promote love of the People's Repub-
lic of China and patriotism.
7) Autonomous organs must assist efforts to develop political,
economic, cultural, and educational sides of their life, aid
expansion of health services, and acquaint people of the reg-
ion with advanced practice in these matters. (General Pro-
gram 33, 34).
These obligations laid upon the governments of autonomous
regions are repeated for people's governments of lower levels
in the "Decisions on Measures for the Establishment of Local
Democratic-Coalition Governments of Nationalities." It is clear
from the above that the autonomous organs of national autonomous
regions are not intended merely to decide disputes between nat-
ionalities, but are directed to take an active part in promoting
the policy of unity and integration between the nationalities. The
obligations put upon nationalities parallel those put upon the gov-
ernment organs, and may be summed up as follows:
2. Obligations of nationalities in national autonomous regions
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Nationalities must use the rights and privileges granted to
them to rid themselves of "actual inequality," i.e., to emerge
from their "backward" political, economic, and cultural condit-
ions. The rights are granted to them not as a measure of pre-
servation, but as a means of enabling them to assume equality
in the struggle to build a new Chinese nation and culture. There-
fore, the nationalities arc obliged to combat the use of their
rights. to promote "narrow nationalism" (attempts to be inde-
pendent of China and the Hans) and to bring themselves to a
"genuine appreciation for China's greatness and progress."
D. Actual Practice in the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region
Whereas in certain regions exercise of these rights is atten-
uated by virtue of a lower administrative status, in the IMAR
all of the rights granted to autonomous regions and nationalities
may be exercised to their limits. This relative freedom of ac-
tion was originally allowed because the IMAR was classified as
a greater administrative area, on an equal footing with the
North, Northeast, Northwest, East, Central-South, and South-
west Administrative Areas of China proper, and the Tibetan
Autonomous Region. The People's Government of the IMAR is
directly subordinate to the central People's Government, and
functions on behalf of that government. There is thus no doubt
that the IMAR conforms to the constitutional provision that
"National autonomous areas are inalienable parts of the Peop-
le's Republic of China" and that "Each national autonomous
region is an integral part of the territory of the People's Repub-
lic of China" (General Program 2).
In the IMAR, the various rights guaranteed to regions and
nationalities have been implemented; the "forms" of the govern-
ments in the region vary in name and composition from the form
of governments in other parts of China. Thus one has in the IMAR
the league, banner, otok, and kay.a (administrative village), the
equivalents of provinces, hsien (counties), ch'ii (districts), and
chen (administrative townships). In addition to these traditional
groupings, there are, primarily in areas with heavy concentra-
tion of Hans, the regular administrative divisions of hsien, ch'ii,
hsiang, municipalities, and "dez-nocratic-coalition" governments
The principle of regional autonomy for nationalities and the in-
junction upon local governments to aid groups in practicing reg-
ional autonomy has resulted in the establishment in the IMAR of
national autonomous governments for the Oronchons and Koreans,
and nationality hsien and hsiang governments where possible. In
predominantly Han regions, democratic-coalition governments
have been set up. Representation of all nationalities is practiced
more or less in proportion to the importance of the group in the
area; for example in December, 1951, of the 1,272 delegates to the
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representative conferences of the people of various banners, hsien,
and municipalities in the Hsingan League, 47.4 percent were Mon-
gols, 51.6 percent were Hans, one percent were Koreans and Mos-
lems, and eight percent Other groups. In 1953, of the twelve chiefs
and deputy chiefs of leagues, seven were Mongols.
The language provisions of the constitution in regard to national
autonom ous regions are also apparently being heeded. Mongolian
is used concurrently with Chinese, and the junior and senior prim-
ary schools in predominantly Mongol areas use Mongolian instruct-
ional materials. Chinese is studied by Mongols in the middle schools
and colleges, and is the language used in predominantly Han areas.
In the Oronchon area primary school instruction is in the Oronchon
language. There are Mongolian language newspapers as well as
Chinese, Mongolian broadcasts, and an increasing supply of Mon-
golian language literature. There are indications, however, that
the overall language policy is determined for the minority at the
national level of government. One of these indications is the announce-
ment of September 5, 1955 (NCNA, September 15, 1955) that the
IMAR People's Council issued a "Resolution to adopt a new Mon-
golian language." This "language" will, in effect, be a standard-
ized script and pronunciation; the dialect which is to be used as
the standard was not specified, however. The script is to be writ-
ten horizontally instead of vertically, as was the old Mongolian
script, and it is to be based on the colloquial language. It will be
introduced into general use in the second half of 1958. From 1955 to
1958, the fundamental dialects will be investigated and a standard
dialect worked out. Textbooks will be printed in the new script,
which will be introduced in articles and news items, and in a
special alphabet and vocabulary section of the chief newspapers of
the autonomous region.
From 1958 to 1961, the transition to the new script is intended
to be completed. It will then be used in all schools, government
correspondence, and new books and publications. There are indi-
cations that this script is based upon that in use in Outer Mongolia,
and is derived from the Cyrillic script there in use. There is no
indication that this change was initiated by the people or the govern-
ment of the IMAR.
Emphasis has been placed upon the recruitment and training of
cadres, particularly Mongol, and their education in patriotism is
directed toward the Chinese Peoples Republic rather than their
own nationality. In the years from 1947 to 1953 it was stated that
over 15,000 "nationality cadres" were trained in the IMAR.
Han Cadres are taken from both the local Han populace and that
of China proper. A gap between provisions of the constitution and
actual practice appears with regard to the cadre question, but it
is hard to see if it exists in other fields. It is admitted that Han
cadres are not fighting "Greater Han Chauvinism" with as much
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energy as they might, and continue to discriminate against the
non-Hans. It is apparent from the statements 'of Ulanfu (Chairman
of the IMAR) that the Hans show suspicion, distrust, and attitudes
of superiority .toward the non-Hans. However, there has not yet
been reported any case of discrimination brought to the People's
Governments by a nationality group or individual against a Han.
Presumably stich acts, where committed, have been settled by
self-criticism and concession (see China IMAR, Political Dynam-
ics)
Emphasis has also been placed on health measures, production
of food and goods, encouragement of Mongol folk-culture, and de-
velopment of local security forces and the Peoples Liberation Ar-
my. In general, most aspects of the rights, obligations, and dut-
ies specified in the constitution and the General Program have
been followed, with varying degrees of emphasis and success in
implementation. It seems true that the special attention given to
the nationalities question has resulted in more participation by
the nationalities in the political and economic life of the nation
than was the case under previous governments. There is even a
slight degree more freedom in the IMAR for the non-Hans because
of the emphasis on "slower change due to historical factors"
among the nationalities. Thus in pastoral areas, while "abolishing
feudal prerogatives," a policy of "no struggle, no redistribution;
protection and multiplication of animals" was instituted.
The major gaps between the promises of the constitution and
General Program and performance in the IMAR appear to be in
the implementation of the "non-discrimination" policy and the
lack of real free choice in the forms of government in the autonomous
region. Despite repeated statements that the nationalities may de-
termine their own forms of government, the provision has worked
to establish in the IMAR the basic forms of government and organ-
izations which appear in China proper. Aside from the traditional
grouping of Mongols into leagues, banners, and their subdivisions,
no form of government appears to be uniquely Inner Mongol.
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ADDITIONAL READINGS
Constitution of the Peo les Re ublic of China. Peking, 1954.
Fundamental Laws of the Chinese Soviet Re
lublic. London, 1934.
(Chapter VI, No. 2, "Resolution of the First All-China
China.)
Liu
gress of.Soviets on the Question of National Minorities in
Liu Shao-chi. Resort on the Draft Constitution of the Peo le's
Re ublic of China. Peking, 1954.
Polic Towards Nationalities of the Peo les Republic of China.
Peking, 1953.
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STRUCTURE OF GOVERNMENT
Imperial (Manchu) Period and the Republic
A. Internal Mongol Governmental Structure
1. The league, "tribe," and banner
2. Banner administration
3. Special administrative districts
a. The Chahar Mongols
1. Background: early Manchu period
2. The Pastures
3. Summary
b. The Kuei-hua Timet
B. Government of the Chinese in Inner Mongolia
C. National and Provincial Levels
1. The Manchu period and the Republic 1929-30
2. Inner Mongolian autonomy movements
D. General Summary
Structure of the IMAR
A. Development
B. Administrative Divisions and Organs of Local
Self-government
C. Summary
Chart: Structure of the People's Government of the IMAR
Tables: 1. Current Administrative Divisions of Leagues
and Banners
2. Special Administrative Areas
Additional Readings
1V1
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STRUCTURE OF GOVERNMENT
I. Imperial (Manchu) Period and the Republic
From the early years of the Manchu dynasty a dichotomy of
administration existed in the governmental, organization of Inner
Mongolia. Mongol and Chinese administrative systems were
differently organized and staffed. Certain groups of Mongols
were administered separately from other Mongol groups, and
internal civil administration among the Mongols was for the
most part the concern of the Mongol nobility and its function-
aries. The superstructure underwent a change with the instal-
lation of the Republic in China, but the basic organization of ad-
ministration in Inner Mongolia remained the same. The current
attempts to order government in Inner Mongolia on a regional
basis appears to be a well-planned and at least partly success-
ful move to integrate the various ethnic and cultural groups
more firmly than has previously been attempted.
A. Internal Mongol Governmental Structure
I. The league, "tribe," and banner
During the period of Manchu control, the administration
of Inner Mongolia was aimed at keeping the Mongols from unit-
ing and preventing the Chinese from overwhelming them. The
administration of the Mongols was separated from that of the
Chinese, and traditional Mongol organization was retained
where it fitted into the needs of the Manchu state.
The basis of Mongol tribal organization was the aimak
(Chinese: pu or pu-b, tribe) and the khosun (Chinese: ch'i,
banner). Originally, the khosun was a quasi-military princi-
pality under the control of a ruling hereditary prince. The
aimak was composed of a number of more or less related ban-
ners, which formed the inheritance of one princely family. In
the course of time the aimak became divided into several inde-
pendent principalities; but despite the division fostered by
the Manchus, the connection between such groups was not
broken, and the senior prince in the family was considered to
be the head of the aimak. The several divisions of the aimak
usually occupied geographically contiguous territories:e.g.,
the Chahar aimak was broken into several banners resident
in Chahar and bordering areas; and the Khorchin airnalc, admin-
istrated under various leagues, inhabited contiguous regions of
southeastern Inner Mongolia.
In actual practice the aimak division meant little after the Man-
chu conquest in the seventeenth century, though the Chinese con-
tinued to list the aimak along with banner and league affiliation of
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different groups throughout the republican period. The effec-
tive units of government during the Manchu period and the
Republic were the banner and the league. Each banner had an
allotted territory under the rule of the hereditary prince. It
was further subdivided into the "arrows" (Mongolian: sumu,
sumun) or divisions, and the brigades (Mongolian: khara),
each having both cilvil and military functions. After 1644,
when the Manchus ascended the throne of China, the banners
and their subdivisions were organized into larger administra-
tive units of leagues (Mongolian: chugulgan). The leagues
were combined into two sections, the "Eastern Four Inner,"
including the Jerim, Josotu, Jouda, and Silingol Leagues, and
the "Western Two Inner," comprising the Ulanchab and Ikechon
Leagues. Each League had a varying number of banners at-
tached to it, and each league had its "captain-general," who
functioned as chief administrator in both a civil and military
capacity. All leagues were responsible to the Board for Ad-
ministration of Dependencies in Peking.
The captain-general of the league was elected by the Assem-
bly of Chiefs of the Banners, and was confirmed in office by
the Board for Administration of Dependencies. A Chinese
official who functioned in an "advisory" capacity to the captain-
general was appointed by the Board (later by the president
of the Republic through the Mongolian and Tibetan Bureau).
All the josak (chiefs) of the leagues and banners met together
periodically in an assembly, which had the power to settle
only the following:
a) judicial affairs in which persons of different banners
were interested parties;
b) economic and administrative matters concerning the
whole league;
c) matters relating to statistics about the league (i.e.,
census, boundary questions, etc.).
The Assembly of the Leagues was convened by order of the
Peking government, and a Chinese official was specially deputed
to open the assembly. In reality, this official had all the
powers of the captain-general. The clerical work was done
by Chinese. The captain-general of the league had no power of
initiative; his authority stopped at the execution of the as-
semblyts decisions. The league had no power to interfere
with the local administration of a banner. The banner heads
referred to the captain-general appointments to official
positions, the conferring of titles, and especially important
grave sentences for crimes. The orders and decisions of the
Peking government were transmitted through the captain-
general of the league and his assistant, the deputy captain-
general.
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2. Banner administration
Aside from three specially-administered groups of Mongols,
the local government of the Mongols was vested in the heredi-
tary Mongol nobility and their appointed functionaries. The
banner was the basic administrative unit. Not all the Mongoli-
an banners were precisely similar to the Manchu banners. For
II
instance, the banners of the Bargu of Manchuria, the Tu Met
of KueiLhua, and the Chahar, received an organization much
more like the Manchu banners than did those which were placed
under the authority of nobles descended from Chingis or his
brother Khasar, or from Jelme of the Uriangkhan (i.e.,
Kharachin and the left wing of the Tumet). Most of these
banners were grouped in confederations or leagues, each of
which included a certain number of banners. In each league,
the jasak of one of the banners was its daruga, or captain-
general. Another jasak of that same group of banners was its
ded daruga, or deputy captain-general, and a third jasak had
the title of shiidkekchi daruga or chief judge. These three,
although acting as great chiefs of the league, remained jasak
of their own banners. Only the first had a special seal, the
Great Seal of the League, which he held in addition to the seal
of the banner in which he was the jasak. It was the rule that
when the great chief of the League died, the second chief be-
came his successor, and the chief judge advanced to the posi-
tion of second great chief. It sometimes happened that this
rule was not observed and that particular considerations made
the choice of the government fall on someone else. It was
the first great chief who settled the differences which rose
between two banners; in general, any affair in which a banner
chief was a party in the litigation was referred to the first
chief of the league. He also had the right to delegate his powers
to the second great chief.
The grouping into leagues did not change the internal orga-
nization of the individual banners in any way. In its main
features, any banner governed by a prince had essentially the
same organization as another.
The office of chief of the banner was hereditary, but the
Chinese government had to confirm the occupant in his office.
He received a yearly allowance from the central government.
Besides the title of jasak, the chiefs of banners also had
honorary titles, some of which were hereditary. Every jasak
was required to appear in Peking once in three years to at-
tend the New Year court functions, in accordance with schedules
arranged by the Board for the Administration of Dependencies.
If a banner chief died when his son and heir-apparent was
still a zninor (under eighteen) the youth could not immediately
take the title of jasak and govern his banner. Until he became
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of age one of the more important officials, ordinarily the first
minister, kept the Great Seal of the Banner and governed the
banner. When the heir-apparent reached his majority, the
central government conferred on him the title of jasak and in
that way gave him the power of exercising the functions of
chief of the banner.
In most parts of Inner Mongolia, the chiefs had great power.
They controlled and decided all the internal affairs of their
banners; their subjects were practically their serfs, whom
they could give away as dowries or as presents to high-ranking
lamas; they distributed the various state corvees that were
furnished by their banners, including military service; and
they had the power to levy a limited commodity tax and certain
special taxes and imposts upon the people of their banners.
Their administrations could not be interfered with by the
league president. They were permitted by the central govern-
ment to nominate members of their staffs within the require-
ments of the civil service laws, the nominations being con-
firmed by the Board for the Administration of Dependencies
and the emperor.
In the government of the banner, the jasak was helped by
five dignitaries: two tusalakchi (ministers), one jakirukchi
(military assistant) and two meiren (lieutenant-generals). A
commoner could not become a minister, but could fill one of
the three other positions. These five dignitaries were desig-
nated collectively by the name tabun jinken (five principals).
The chief of the banner would decide, according to the circum-
stances and affairs which arose, what duties each of them
would have. The jasak was advised mainly by his two
ministers, and in many cases his staff actually administered
his power.
In each banner there was always a taiji designated to become
minister in case one of the two tusalakchi should die. He was
usually called dashi noyon or dashi tusalakchi. If the first
minister should die, the second minister would take his place
and the dashi noyon would become second minister.
The tusalakchi was nominally chosen from among the
hereditary nobles who had not received any of the Manchu
titles granted to Mongols. The banner jasak nominated a
taiji to the position of tusalakchi through the 'office of the
league captain-general, and the central government confirmed
the choice. The tusalakchi generally had a dominating influ-
ence in the banner administration, ruling it in the absence of
the jasak or during a jasak's minority, or while awaiting
confirmation of a new jasak after the death of a previous one.
Although there were generally two tusalakchi, only one could
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administer at any particular tim. All questions discussed at
a league meeting were reported directly to the tusalakchi.
The military assistant, jakirukchi, was chosen for his
knowledge and ability from among the non-taiji or common
Mongols of the banner. Nominally he looked after the militia
which the banner was required to supply upon demand. He
reviewed the forces of the banner, superintended education,
arranged the care of the horses and arms, and appointed men
to various services.
Each banner had a definite territory. The limits were
fixed by specially-deputed Imperial Commissioners at the time
of the establishment of the different banners. Some official
maps also exist whereon are marked the milestones fixing
the limits of each banner. In spite of this, conflicts often
broke out between banners over the border.
At the time of the establishment of the banners the popu-
lation of each, including the noble families, was distributed
amongst a certain number of sumu. The sumu was originally
a military unit; once could in fact call it a "company. " At
the beginning, a sumu counted 150 male adults, to which the
members of their families were added. At the present time,
it is very probable that in many banners a sumu rarely in-
cluded 150 families. It is a well-known fact that in certain
banners there were sumun which eventually existed only on
paper. Such a sumu was called hoki sumu, "sumu lacking in
dependents."
During times of peace, the military organization was con-
cerned with the collection of revenue, police work, or the
practical work of the jasak's court, In practice, only one or
two officials attended in turn at the jasak's court to transact
business. When necessary, the jasak would call a council
of all his officials. In his court were settled criminal and
civil judicial cases, guided by a collection of former decisions
of the Board for Administration of Dependencies. The Mon-
gols were judged by Mongol laws, as were also the Chinese,
if the offense occurred in Mongolia. If there was no Mongol
law to cover a situation, a Chinese law was applied, irre-
spective of the individual involved. Important cases were
carried to the league and the Chinese representative to the
league. Below the level.of banner and sumu organization
were the bag, groups of ten families, each of which was
headed by an elder.
In a Mongolian banner there were also a considerable num-
ber of other offices of less importance outside of the "five
principals." In some banners the sumun were distributed into
a certain number of khara. Each khara was under the author-
ity of an officer called kharaan jalan. The kharaan jalan were
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considered to be superior officers, and the chiefs of the ?sumun
which formed their khara were under their command; they were
formerly in charge of legal matters and arranged for the trial
of persons belonging to the different sumun. One of their main
functions was to deliberate together with the "five principals"
on the important affairs of the banner and to decide with them
the amount to be raised by taxation and the distribution of
these taxes between the different khara. This deliberation
took place regularly each year at the time of the great assem-
bly of the main officers of the banners, which opened around
the twentieth of the first lunation (chagan sara, "white month").
This meeting, marking the end of the New Year's holidays
was called tamaga-in chugulgan, "meeting of the seal," because
from the day the meeting opened, the yamen again began to
handle the public affairs and the jasak again used his seal.
The chiefs of the sumun were called sumun jangi. Under
their command were different subaltern officers with titles
of tabini kundee, khorini boshko, and arbani daruga, who were
originally appointed over fifty, twenty, and ten families, re-
spectively. In recent years, although the title of the officer
remained the same, the number of families was evidently no
longer the same as it was previously. The main duty of these
officers was to help the sumun jangi to raise the taxes.
Each banner jealously guarded the integrity of its territory,
particularly since Chinese colonists were often tempted to en-
croach upon Mongolian land, and the banners on the common
border sometimes made protest about the milestones which
marked it. Consequently, in each banner there werc officers
especially appointed to survey the border. These officers
were called by different names, depending upon the banner.
The function of some of them was to make sure from time to
time that the milestones had not been moved to the prejudice
of their banner. Others had the function of collecting dues in
money owed by Chinese colonists cultivating Mongolian lands.
The administrative center of the banner was formed by
what was called the shang-yamen. The shang was the palace
of the jasak, chief of the banner and holder of the seal. The
yamen was where the administration of the banner held
session. The shang and the yamen, although separate, were
always close together, sometimes at a distance of only some
ten steps.
The yamen was the scat of administration of the banner,
serving as tribunal and chancellery, in which the archives
of the banner were deposited. The census rples and the role
of the militia were also kept in this office.
Law suits which (1-ould not be taken care of by the lower
authorities were adjudicated by. the yamen. Off.ic:al corre!,-
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pondence,'either with the Chinese authorities or with auth-
orities of other Mongolian banners was written in the yamen.
It was also At the yamen that the documents concerning the ad-
ministration of the banner, such as those relating to the raising
of taxes or military service, were transcribed. Deliberations
were also held there about all the important affairs of the
banner and especially about the way to satisfy the Chinese
creditors, often numerous and troublesome.
At the yamen there was always a demchi, or intendant in
charge of the material administration of the banner. There
was also always one of the "five principals" in attendance.
Depending upon the nature of theaffairs being treated, he
could call in officers of inferior rank, and it was not rare for
all the five principal dignitaries to be in attendance. All
writing was done by scribes (bichechi) who functioned in this
office for two consecutive months, at the end of which time
they were relieved by others.
The yamen also included a certain number of subaltern
officers called boshko. They were employed primarily as
messengers, and as such they were called elchi. It was also
the boshko who, in the name of either the jasak or the yamen,
requisitioned rid;ng horses from private houses or camels and
oxen for the transportation of loads. These requisitioned
animals were called ula (ulaga). Mounts were requisitioned
for the members of the jasak's suite or the retinue of great
dignitaries when they went on a journey. The beasts of burden
were requisitioned mainly for the transportation of grain or
flour stocks, etc? for the shang or the yamen, and to carry
the luggage of the jasak or the higher officials. At the time of
the great assembly (chugulgan) to deal with important affairs,
which took place either at the end of the New Year's holidays
or occasionally during the course of the year, it was again the
boshko who requisitioned the food supplies for the officers
and the grain for the animals. The annual requisition of sheep
for the tables of the jasak and his great dignitaries was also
made by a boshko.
A boshko always rode a requisitioned horse while on official
duty, and was always supplied with a paisa (from the Chinese
p'ai-tzu) or "requisitioner's tablet." The paisa was carried in
the belt on the left side; that. of a banner chief was circular in
shape, and that of a great chief of the league was oblong in
shape. On the front and back sides of this tablet were fixed
silver plates carrying an inscription, in Manchurian on the
front and in Mongolian on the back. The finances of the Mon-
golian banners were often in a miserable condition and in quite
a number of banners the income never balanced the expenditures.
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The amount of money that certain banners owed to Chinese
business houses was sometimes so enormous that it was im-
possible for them to get rid of their debts. This financial situ-
ation was probably due primarily to the mal-administration of
the Mongolian authorities. Another reason was that. the jasak
often allowed himself expenses in excess of his allowance from
the Chinese government, in which case they were charged, at
least in part, to the banner's account. Finally, the debt was
sometimes caused by the rapacity of the Chinese creditors and
usurers.
Strictly speaking, the administrative expenses of a banner
were not very large, because most of the officers were paid
very little or not at all. It is to this latter that the Ordos
proverb alludes in saying: "It is the ox which makes the efforts,
but it is the cart which is anointed with kumys or butter), "
meaning that the officers were the ones who worked, while the
jasak reaped the advantages. It naturally followed that the
officers would recoup themselves by gouging those whom they
administered, and especially by taking part of the banner's
revenue for themselves. In this way, they contributed to the
disorder of the banner's finances.
A considerable part of the banner's revenues was also de-
voured by the militia which each banner had to keep under arms
in order to defend itself against bands of robbers. C ertain
public revenues were also kept for the jasak. These were
called noyani tataburi.
The banner's revenues came largely from the exploitation
of the natural resources, mainly salt, soda, and coal. In
general, the exploitation of these resources was not done on
a large scale. The salt and soda were exploited either by the
Mongols themselves or by Chinese companies which paid annual
royalties to the banner. Certain salt lakes were placed under
the control of a Chinese monopoly, which exploited them to its
own profit in exchange for annual payments to the banner. The
coal mines were generally let to Chinese companies.
Another source of revenue was the exploitation of licorice
and orobanche (broomrape, strangleweed), which were used in
Chinese medicine. The exploitation of these two plants was
apportioned equally to Chinese firms for annual royalty.
As many Mongolian lands were cultivated by Chinese farm-
ers, the rent that they paid each year to the banner consti-
tuted an important source of income. The same held for the
taxes paid by the Chinese for each head of cattle they gave to
the Mongols for herding. These animals were kept together
with Mongol herds in the Mongolian pasture-lands. The Chinese
gave sheep, goats, oxen, horses, and rarely camels, to the
Mongols to herd.
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In the banners bordering or neighboring on Kansu, an im-
poitant source of revenue was the tax on camels that the Mos-
lem merchants of that province brought in great numbers to
Mongolia each year to graze in the pastures during the summer
and part of the autumn. The Moslems would settle in the steppes
in small tents and herd their camels themselves.
The expenses incurred by the banner were also partly cover-
ed by the returns of money coming from the alba (taxes,
contributions), of which there were various kinds. One can
distinguish between ordinary and extraordinary taxes. The
first kind were paid annually, and the others imposed only
when the banner had some extraordinary expense. As has been
said previously, the total amount of ordinary taxes to be im-
posed was fixed each year at the time of the tamagain chugulgan,
or the meeting which took place usually at the end of the New
Years holidays. Among the duties of the "five principal"
dignitaries and the kharan jalan was the fixing of the amount
of these taxes. After the total sum had been fixed, it was
assessed on the various khara and then shared between the
sumu of each khara. It was up to the sumu jangi, or com-
mander of the sumu, to fix the quota to be paid by each of the
taxable families in the sumu. The collection of the taxes was
the function of the same sumu jangi, who was helped by his
tabini kundee.
The taxes were generally paid in silver, and sometimes
partly in wool. Poor tax-payers who were unable to raise the
amount were obliged to pay in statute-labor, to be performed
either in the shang or the yamcn.
The taxes were generally heavy, and the collectors inflex-
ible. When a banner was hopelessly in debt and it was imposs-
ible to delay the payment further, the administration could
resort to an extraordinary tax, payable in cattle. These cattle
were then sold to the Chinese, sometimes for a ridiculously
low price, and the product of that sale used to pay the creditors.
Resort to such a procedure was dangerous, because the people,
shocked by the abuses it entailed, sometimes rose in revolt,
as did the Mongols of the Otok Banner in the Ordos in 1907.
We have mentioned previously the taxes paid by non-Mon-
golian owners of cattle grazing on Mongolian lands. Besides
these, the banner drew revenue from a few taxes of less im-
portance. For example, the tax paid to have a male child en-
tered on the register containing the names of the male non-
noble population; and the tax called golurntan jus (literally
"sapeq-of-the-home"), which means "tax that one pays for the
right to possess a home." The-latter tax was extracted annu-
ally from Mongols of other banners living on the territory of
the banner.
Internally, the Mongols of Inner Mongolia, with the excep-
tions to be noted below, governed themselves under a mixture
of traditional patterns within the framework of the league and
banner system enforced by the Manchus. Outside the banner
government, inter-Mongol and Mongol-Chinese relationships
were channeled through the Chinese superintendent of the
League Assembly (Chugulgan), ultimately to be decided upon
by the Board for the Administration of Dependencies and the
emperor. Requirements laid upon the banners and their
subdivisions by the Imperial Government were passed down
through these channels. The actual power above the local
level rested in the hands of Chinese officials. Under the Nat-
ional Government of the Republic, little change took place on
the local level of administration; the upper levels, i.e.,
provincial and national, are discussed elsewhere in this
section.
3. Special administrative districts
In addition to the six leagues of the forty-nine banners, there
were three special administrative districts in Inner Mongolia:
1) the Chahar Pastures, with eight banners, directly admini-
stered by the Manchu government; 2) the Kuei-hua Tumct in
Suiyuan, who were placed under the rule, of the Kuei-hua
(Suiyuan) general; and 3) the Alashan Mongols of Ninghsia
(see China Northwest, Structure of Government).
a) The Chahar Mongols
1) Background: early Manchu period
The Chahar, who were the last to bow to, the Manchus, were
placed in a special relationship to their conquerors. They were
deprived of the right to be ruled by their hereditary chiefs
(jasaks), but were given the honor of being incorporated into
the Manchu military organization on an equal footing with the
eight banners of the Manchus themselves. Within their territory
were situated the Imperial Pastures, which the Chahars were
charged with guarding. This function, together with their
military position, had an effect upon their internal governmen-
tal structure.
The uppermost level of Chahar government was the office of
the Manchu tu-ttung, or military lieutenant governor. His
jurisdiction extended over all the Chahar banners and included
the Silingol League as well. He was assisted by a deputy
lieutenant governor, a Mongol advisor, and a staff of clerks,
the office being located at Kalgan.
When the Imperial Pastures were instituted among the
Chahar, a variation of this structure was inaugurated.
2) The Pastures
Inhabitants of the Pastures were charged with raising and
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guarding the herds and flocks reserved to the Imperial House-
hold and the Imperial Stud. These territories and their in-
habitants were under the supervision of the military lieutenant
governor of Chahar up to 1908. Below him were the four an-than;
individually assigned to govern four newly-created divisions of
the Chahar residing in the Pastures. These divisions were
called sureg, and were equivalent to the original eight banners.
Below the amban and the siireg level were the smaller units,
called banners by the Mongols, but of a lower administrative
level than the eight banners. Units for these new "banners, "
and through them for the sureg, were drawn from the original
eight Chahar banners.
With the installation of the Pastures, the Chahar admini-
strative units consisted of the eight banners and four stitreg, all
responsible to the Manchu-appointed military lieutenant gover-
nor. Each division had its amban, as described above, and no
united organization was permitted.
Below the stireg and banner level in the Pastures, theuunit
of ten" was instituted. The "tens" consisted of a group of fami-
lies under the control of a "leader of ten", called the arabanai
daraga. These families had no specific territorial unity, and
in some cases the leader of the unit lived in a village inhabited
by only a few of his constituents.
All the officials were assigned assistants in lesser numbers
as the rank descended. Separate offices were maintained by
the Pasture administration and the administrations of each of
the banners (i.e., in a Pasture with five banners, there would
be six distinct offices). The "leader of ten" would hold office
in his own home, aided by his assistants.
In December, 1909, the management of the imperial herds
in the Pastures was placed under the Office of the Superinten-
dant of Government Droves of Horses and Cattle, within the
Ministry of War. Two supervicors were appointed for the two
divisions of Chahar territory, the Left Wing and the Right
Wing, and below them was appointed a staff concerned with the
direct management of the herds. The civil administration of
each of the Pastures delegated certain clerks to deal with
matters concerning the herds, and the amban allocated the
livestock to his subordinates on the banner level.
3. Summary
During the Manchu dynasty and until the reorganization of
1927-28, the Chahars were more directly integrated into the
Central Chinese administrative system than were the majority
of Inner Mongol groups (always excepting the Tilmet). With
the establtshment of the Pastures there was a plethora of
distinct administrative units, none allowing for any unified
control by the Chahar themselves, and all ultimately depending
3
upon the office of the military lieutenant governor. No part of ?
the administrative structure of Chahar derived from indigenous
organization; all was conceived and imposed by the central
government.
ti
b. The Kuei-hua Tumet
The Tilmet of Kuei-hua (Kukuhoto, "Old City") were among
the most Sinified of the Inner Mongols. Sqrne of them had be-
come Amalgamated with Mongols of the Ordos, and a small
group had migrated into Manchuria and had set up as a separate
banner, the Monggoljin. The Tumet who remained in Inner Mon-
golia as a group were divided into two banners, which in turn
were arranged into two wings, the Left and Right. The Kuei-
hua Tumet were governed directly by the office of the Manchu
general-:in-chief of the Sui-yuan-chTeng and the Manchu brigade-
general of Kuei-hua-chteng. (The twin cities of Sul-yllan and
and Kuei-hua have been known as Kuei-sui since 1908). They had
no independent Mongol banner government. Lawsuits and judicial
affairs, as well as questions concerning taxes collected from
It
Chineseand Mongols in the camps of the Tumet were handled
by the Kuei-hua - Suiy-uan-ch'eng intendant and his staff, under
Shansi province. In those areas where Chinese colonization
had given the Chinese a majority, ordinary Chinese county gov-
ernment applied to the Mongols and Chinese alike. In 1928 the
It
Tumet and four Chahar banners were reorganized into the 'new
Suiyuan prokrince.
B. Government of the Chinese in Inner Mongolia
During the later part of the Manchu reign, the problem of
administration of Chinese settlements in the Inner Mongolian
terrlitory became increasingly important, due to an increased
immigration and relaxation of controls. In the. early days of
the regime, it had been enough to apply to the Chinese in this
area a few specific regulations with regard to legal disputes
between Chinese and Mongols, restraining Chinese from pur-
chasing Mongol lands, prohibiting the wives and children of
Chinese men from entering Inner Mongolia, etcetera. With
the relaxation of the immigration controls, the regulations in
force in China proper were applied to the growing Chinese popu-
lation. The regular provincial and county organization was set
up under Chinese officials where a section had become largely
Chinese in population. In places where Chinese influence
predominated, but which were not annexed to one of the pro-
vinces, the immediate official in charge was the tungpan. The
tungpan had control over judicial affairs and the collection of
revenue from the banner under his jurisdiction, and had the
authority to supervise the transaction of business at the office
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of the banner head. Chinese. were subject to the regulations of
the Board for Administration of Dependencies with regard to
relations between them and the Mongols, but were not responsi-
ble to the military lieutenant-governor of the area within which
they lived. Above the tungpan level of administration, the
provincial administrations of Chihli, Fengtien, Jehol, Kuei-
hua (later Suiyan), Heilungkiang, and Kirin had control over
the Chinese of banner areas. (See China NE, Structure of
Government).
C. National And Provincial Levels
1. Manchu period and the Republic to 1929-30
Under.the Manchu Empire, all Mongol affairs were handled
by the Board for Administration of Dependencies, on which
Mongol princes held posts. The units of local government--the
leagues and banners--were placed under the general supervision
of a Manchu military-lieutenant governor. Thus the military
governors at Heilungkiang, Mukden, Kalgan, and Kuei-hua-
ch'eng shared the task of supervising the Mongols of different
leagues residing within their jurisdiction. In the office of each
military governor there was a bureau concerned specifically
with the administration of banner and league matters.
Under the Republic, the system remained essentially the
same. The overall board became known as the Bureau of Mongol
and Tibetan Affairs, retaining the same functions as the old
board. In 1928, after a period of administration as "special
areas," the provinces of Jehol, Chahar, Suiyuan, and Ninghsia
were established and immediate control over the affairs of the
Mongols in these provinces was entrusted to the provincial
department of Mongol Affairs. In Chahar, the Silingol League
was placed under the direct control of the central government,
rather than under provincial control. Four banners of the
Chahar were split off from the main body and incorporated into
the territory of Suiyuan province. Mongols in Jehol were
placed under the Jehol provincial administration, and those in
other parts of Manchuria were governed by their usual provin-
cial administration.
Not all positions in these national or provincial posts were
filled by Chinese, although key positions were kept firmly in
their hands. Mongols who were willing to compromise with or
conform to Chinese policy were appointed to the Board of Mongol
and Tibetan Affairs, or to consultive positions in other agencies.
The ultimate aim of central government policy in the last years
of the Manchu dynasty and during the Republic was the assimi-
lation of the Mongols into the Chinese nation through the agency
of colonization. The recasting of Mongol territories into
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Chinese provinces was cave of a series of steps leading to the
eventual inclusion of the Mongols into the regular Chinese
administrative structure.
During the latter part of the Manchu dynasty and through
the early years of the Republic, colonization became a govern-
ment affair. Under the Manchus, Colonization Bureaus opera-
ting out of the Office of the Military Lieutenant-Governor of the
area were established for the Tlimet, Chahar, Jehol and Man-
churian territories. Frequently the military lieutenant-governor
was concurrently head of the Colonization Bureau. Through
persuasion and/or coercion of the princes, some land was
allotted to the Mongols from their original territories, and the
rest was "purchased" or declared "free for reclamation." A
percentage of the money paid for the "freed" land was paid to
the jasak of the banner concerned, and the remainder was
diverted to the pockets of colonization officials or to the gov-
ernment (see China IMAR, Historical Setting).
2. Inner Mongolian autonomy movements
The attempt of the Chinese government to pursue a policy of
integrating the Mongols into the normal Chinese administrative
and economic structure was clearly visible in 1930. In May,
1930, a Mongolian affairs conference was called, at which only
fifty delegates out of an expected 200 attended. At the confer-
ence a number of concrete proposals were made. These in-
cluded provisions for improving both the banner and civil
administrations in Mongolia; a resolution forbidding the clergy
(lamas) from participating in or interfering with the local
administration of the various banners in Mongolia; and resolu-
tions on the reform of religion and registration of temples, on
financial reform, the abolition of slavery, the institution of
mass education, the organization of a Mongolian militia, the
improvement of the economy and the improvement of communi-
cations. In addition, public health was to be promoted and
opium suppressed.
A development of joint participation by Mongols and ChineNe
on administrative organs was envisaged, but such joint partici-
pation was left to the provincial authorities to implement, and
the old patterns were continued. The conference carefully
sidestepped the issues of Mongol self-determination and their
desire to end Chinese colonization.
The program for improvements was never implemented,
some portions of it being obstructed by many of the princes and
lamas, and the economic development was hampered by the
Japanese War. Anti-Chinese sentiment continued to develop,
and the establishment of the "Putonomous" Mongolian areas in
the lisingan provinces in Manchukuo fanned the flames of
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nationalism.
The administration in the Hsingan provinces retained the old
banner and league systems, but channeled more positions into
the hands of Mongols above this level. The provincial admini-
stration was in part elected by tribal organizations and in part
'appointed by the Manchukuo Government. A national capital
for tie Mongols' was set up, and Japanes advisors to the Mongol
administration were appointed, who exercised little direct
control in the early period. In effect, the Mongol autonomous
areas in Manchuria were formally given the rights and privi-
leges, under Japanese suzerainty, which the Mongols had been
asking from Nationalist China.
After attempting to win concessions from the Natienal
Government, and gaining only acceptance of limited rights to
self-government, a group of Inner Mongols under the leader-
ship of Prince Te and the Silingol League set up, under Japanese
auspices, the Federated Autonomous Government of Inner
Mongolia. The Japanese-approved authorities emphasized the
"Mongol" nature of their government by adopting a new calendar,
based on the "Chingis ,Khan era," dating its beginning from the
birth of Chingis Khan. Initially, the government was controlled
by Mongols Sin all key positions, with Japanese "advisors" as
their colleagues. Immediate attention was directed toward
economic problems, and agreements were worked out with other
Japanese-sponsored governments in North China, leading to a
more unified economy for all. Health measures were insti-
tuted with the aid of Japanese doctors and public-health 'experts.
The Mengchiang government also embarked upon an ambitious
educational program. Despite these measures, antagonisms
between the leaders of Eastern Inner Mongolia (Mengchiang)
and those of the Suiyan-Ordos region led to a complete break
in 1937. These antagonisms were utilized by the Nationalist
Chinese government to withdraw support from Prince Te.
Concessions, essentially of the sort which Prince Te had desired
were made to the western princes in order to advance the break.
The Nationalists, however, were still unable to biing themselves
to grant complete autonomy to these Mongols, and insisted on
establishing their administration under the control of the
provincial regimes involved.
Thus there were, in effect, three governments in Inner
Mongolia: the autonomous governments of the Hsingan pro-
(Mvinces in Manchuria; the Federated Autonomous Government
engchiang) of Prince Te, controlling the region up to Sui yuan;
and the Mongolian adherents to the Nationalist government in
parts of Suiyuan and Ninghsia--the so-called Inner Mongolian
Autonomous Committee.
Prince Te's government anticipated the problems that an
Js),
Z.
indep'endent Autonomous Inner Mongolia would have to face. The
delegatesnto the government-forming congress in 1937 elected
Prince Yun.of the Ulanchab League president, and Prince Te
vice-president. A Ministry of War under Li Shou-hsin was
.established,. and Prince Te concurrently became chairman of
the General Affairs Commission, which handled problems of
industry, finance, education, etcetera. Prince 'Ise began to
introduce modern education and minor economic reforms, and
endeavored to retain as much independence from Japanese con-
trol as he could. A unified currency and bank was established
in the federation, and plans were laid for extending communi-
cations. Economic development was envisaged under a Three
Year Plan which would attempt to improve the production and
marketing of animal products, and develop industry and elec-
trification. The development, however, was primarily carried
on by the Japanese, operating-through the "autonomous" govern-
ment. The three Mongolias?Prince Te's federation, the
Japanese Hsingan regimes, and the Chinese Loyalists--were
all swept away by the end of the war when the IMAR Govern-
ment was established under Chinese Communist auspices.
D. General Summary
With the exception of the changes noted under the heading
"National and Provincial Level," the local structure of govern-
ment changed very little until the institution of the People's
Government of China and that of the IMAR. The trend of
government structure from the time of the imperial Manchu
government through the period of the Nationalist Republic had
been first, to prevent the Mongols from uniting and forming a
threat to the Manchu dynasty or a secessionist movement under
the Republic, and second, under the Republic, to incorporate
the Mongols and their regions into the economic, cultural, and
poli tical system of China proper by assimilation. The !MAR
People's Government reverses these trends, bringing together
into a geographic-political entity both Mongols and Chinese
under a unified government, on a theoretical basis of equality
between the two nationalitie. However, the political separation
of Chinese and Mongol administrative structures continues to
exist on the local level, at least in name, although attempts
have been made to bridge the gap by incorporating local Chinese
administrative units into the leagues where Mongols predomin-
ate, and by establishing "democratic-coalition governments"
where the Mongols or Chinese form a settled large minority.
II. Structure of the IMAR
A. Development
In mid-1947, Ulanfu became president of the Inner Mongolian
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Autonomous Government situated at Wang-yeh-miao (re-named
Ulanhot). The actual formalization of the Inner Mongolian
Autonomous Government, however, came much later. The
focus of activity of the government seems to have been military,
i.e., providing Mongol cavalry to the People's Liberation Army
fighting in Manchuria. In August of 1949, it became apparent
that Inner Mongolia was a regional unit separate from the
Northeastern Administration set up by the Communists, and in
September of the same year the IMAR sent delegates to the
People's Political Consultive Conference in Peking, thus con-
firming its existence.
The actual geographical extent of the IMAR was apparently
not settled immediately upon establishment of the government.
From 1947 to 1950, the region probably included only the four
divisions of the old Hsingan province in western Manchuria and
possibly a portion of northern Chahar province (i.e., Silingol).
In 1950, the capital of the IMAR was shifted to Kalgan, outside
the borders of the IMAR, and took on the designation "People's
Government, " probably incorporating at the time the rest of
Chahar province. It is intriguing to note that in 1949 Ulanfu
claimed jurisdiction over all the Mongols in former leagues and
banners as well as those special groups such as the Mongols
of Ninghsia and the Ttimet. It was not until 1952, however, that
any official indication was given that Suiyan and its banners
and leagues were to be included in the region. On June 28,
1952, the State Administrative Council of the Chinese People's
Republic issued a decree regarding the interrelation and acti-
vities between Suiyuan province and Inner Mongolia, which said:
The People's Government of Suiyuan province is subordinate to
the State Administrative Council and to the People's Government
of the Autonomous Inner Mongolian Region; however, the
Suiyuan Government can settle its own ordinary administrative
matters or matters which are not connected with work that
belongs to the central government in relation to the ethnic
groups living in the Autonomous Region. Nationality problems
of Suiyuan are also decided by the government of Inner Mongolia.
In July, 1952, in order to implement this decision, the IMAR
government moved its headquarters to Kuei-sui, apparently
outside the geographic bounds of its own jurisdiction. It was not
until January 3, 1954, that the Administrative Council of Inner
Mongolia approved the decision of the third Conference of All
Nationalities of Suiyuan to include the province into the IMAR.
With that approval, Kukuhoto (Kuei-sui) became the official
capital of the Region. The actual impetus for this decision
abolishing Suiyuan as a province came not from the conference
of Nationalities of Suiyuan, as explained in the Russian source
drawn upon above, (Dybykov, 1953), but from the Central People's
Government. This was made clear in an NCNA dispatch of May
3, 1955: Ulanfu, reporting to the second session of the first
People's Congress of Inner Mongolia held at Kukuhoto, pointed
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out that "in 1954, the central government decided to abolish
Suiyuan province and place its territory under the consolidated
leadership of Inner Mongolia..." It seems quite apparent that
the decision had been made in 1952, and that the move of the
capital to Kuei-sui was the opening move in preparing the
people of Suiyuan for their ultimate adherence to Inner
Mongolia.
The present jurisdiction of Inner Mongolia remains much the
same as it stood after the inclusion of Suiyuan. There have
been small transfers of territory to the IMAR along the old
southern Chahar border, and portions of five counties (including
the important trading center of Dolonnor) in old northern
Chahar. The most recent transfer of population and territory
into the jurisdiction of the IMAR was officially decided upon
July 18, 1955, and approved that month by the First People's
Congress. By this decision, the IMAR will gain a portion of
the former Jehol province (now abolished): the three hsien of
Chi-feng, Ning-cheng, and Wu-tan, which include the terri-
tories of the Aokhan Banner, and the Kharachin Banner (with
the exception of the Left Wing), and the Onniut Banner.
B. Administrative Divisions and Organs of Local Self-Govern-
ment
Detailed material on the present administrative divisions
of the IMAR is lacking. It appears that the borders of all the
old banner territories have been abolished, in accordance with
the official policy of "free grazing." Some have been reallo-
cated to leagues other than those to which they formerly belong-
ed, and in at least one case, two have been combined into a
"joint banner." Thus each banner, in theory, should no longer
be identified with a specific territory. In the far north (the old
Barga area), the Hulunbuir and Nonni Valley (Naramuren)
Leagues have been joined to form the Huila League. Other
leagues have been split or combined by inclusion into admini-
strative districts. The Eastern Administrative District, which
was abolished in 1954, included the Hsingan, Huna, Jerim
and Jouda Leagues.
The present P'ing-ti-ch'ilian (formerly Chi-ning) Administra-
tive District includes the Timet Banner and four eastern Suiyuan
(Chahar) Banners. The latter were reorganized into three
banners: the Chahar Right Wing Rear (Red), which includes
the eastern part of T'ao-lin hsien and the northeastern part of
Chi-ning hsien; the Chahar Right Wing Central (Bordered Blue
and Bordered Red joint banner), which includes the southwestern
part of T'ao-lin and the northern part of Cho-tzu hsien; and the
Chahar Right Wing Front (Yellow). The borders given here
are as of February, 1954. The P'ing-ti-ch'ilan Administrative
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?
District also included the hsien of Feng-chen, Saratsi, Chi-ning,
Hsing-ho, Liang-ch'eng, Cho-tzu, Ho-lin-ko-er, To-ko-to,
Wu-tung, Wu-chluan, Ch'ing-shui-ho, and P'ing-ti-chluan.
The Hou-t'ao Administrative District includes the Hang-chin
(Hanggin) Rear Banner, and the Talat Rear Banner, the hsien
of Wu-yuan, Lin-ho, An-pei, and Lang-shan, and the town of
Hsia-pa.
The actual structure of the People's Government of the IMAR
is patterned closely after that of China proper, (see China
General, Structure of Government). For a detailed breakdown
of the central administration of the IMAR, see Chart A at the
end of this section.
The military affairs of the IMAR People's Government are
handled by the Inner Mongolian Military District of the People's
Liberation Army under the supervision of the IMAR People's
Government. Ulanfu, chairman of the IMAR People's Govern-.
merit, secretary of the Inner Mongolia Sub-Bureau of the Com-
munist party, and chairman of the government's Economic..
Financial Committee, is concurrently the commander and
political commissar of the Inner Mongolian Military District.
Other members of the civil government also hold such posts in
the military organization as deputy commanders, chief of staff,
and director of the Political Department of the Military Dis-
trict. Lower level organization is not discussed in the avail-
able material. Below the top level it is very difficult to get
data on even the names and positions of individuals in the gov-
ernment.
Semi-governmental organizations of region-wide importance
are the Inner Mongolia Sub-Bureau of the Chinese Communist
Party, the Young Communist League, the Inner Mongolian
Trade Union Council, and the Inner Mongolian Democratic
Women's Federation.
The Inner Mongolia Sub-Bureau of the Communist party has
its secretary, deputy secretary, secretary-general of the dis-
trict committees, executive officer, and committees and de-
partments. It is not possible to differentiate very accurately
the work of the various secretaries on the basis of present in-
formation. There is an Organization Department with commit-
tees for each league and district, a Department of Propaganda,
study groups, and in all probability, other organs paralleling
the organization of the CCP.
The organization of the Young Communist League (formerly
New Democratic Youth League) in Inner Mongolia is nowhere
spelled out, but frequent mention is made of the Work Commit-.
tee and an Organization Department under it. Details are also
lacking on the structure of the Democratic Women's Federation
and the Trade Union Council. (see China General, Structure of
?
t
Government).
The local government structure of the IMAR differs from that
of a province of China proper in that the hsien (county) govern-
ments and other lower levels of the regular administration are
supplemented by the banner organization, and certain innova-
tions have been made such as the "democratic-coalition" gov-
ernments and the special administrative districts, etc. (for a
discussion of the workings of a regular hsien government, see
China General, Structure of Government).
On the secondary and local levels, the IMAR is divided into
leagues (i.e., meng, aimak), banners (chli), counties (hsien),
agricultural regions, cattle regions, administrative villages
(kaza), and units of two or three villages (aimi). There are
also special municipalities directly under the IMAR People's
Government, and in the predominantly Chinese areas, there
are the regular hsien, hsiang, and chen-tsun organiza-
tions. There is also at least one National Autonomous dis-
trict, that of the Oronchons, directly under the Central IMAR
People's Government (see China IMAR, Ethnic Groups).
In the Mongol or Mongol/Chinese agricultural regions, the
banners or the hsien (if the population is mostly Chinese) arc
the local units of government. These are subdivided into sub-
banner districts such as the kaza and the aimi. In the nomadic
regions, the banners arc subdivided into sumun and the sumun
are divided into bag (groups of nomad farmers), khoto ("towns"),
and ail (settlements of a family or a few families of nomads).
The internal structure of these various administrative units is
not detailed in available materials.
The electoral processes and the functions of the local organs
of power in the IMAR follow the stipulations of the Electoral
Law, the Organic Law, the General Line of the People's Con-
gresses on all Levels, and the most recent (November 11, 1955),
the Organic Regulations for People's Congresses of all Levels
and People's Councils of all Levels in the IMAR. The Organic
Regulations are almost identical with those of China proper
(see China General, Constitution), except that they are applied
to the Mongol Banner organization. Since the banners have
been reorganized by the. Communist regime, they differ very
little in administration from the Chinese-type civil administra-
tion. In villages and settlements the members of the admini-
strative organs arc also elected at the time of the general
elections.
The lower level national organs are subordinated to the high?
er administrative units, and all administrative organs of a dis-
trict are subordinated to the central People's Government. In
accordance with the policy of bringing about unity between the
nationalities, an effort has been made to set up "democratic
-
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srl
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coalition governments" in localities where Mongols and Chinese
are both represented in substantial groups (see discussion of
al System):
"democratic-coalition government" in China IMAR, Constitution-
C. Summary
The government of Inner Mongolia is structurally similar to
that of China proper, although certain peculiarities are apparent,
due to the presence of large numbers of nomadic Mongols. It
is clear that while the old names of administrative divisions
have been kept in Mongol areas, some revision has occurred,
such as the shifting of banners from one league to another and
the elimination of all old banner boundaries. The electoral sys-
tem and the functions of administrative organs parallel that in
China. It would be of the utmost interest to be able to find the
reason for the boundary revisions that have taken place.
The most significant feature in the structure of government
in Inner Mongolia is the attempt to govern the region as an
entity, and to incorporate both Han Chinese and Mongol or
other national units into the governmental structure of the whole
region. This is perhaps a logical continuation of the Japanese
Mongol policy of Mengchiang days, with its principle of unity of
all "nationalities" in the region. Prior to Mengchiang, Hans
and Mongols always functioned under two virtually independent
governments, with opposing aims. It is clear that the intent of
the IMAR Government is to make the Mongols an integral part
of the Chinese nation, politically and economically.
MONGOLIAN AUTONOMOUS REG
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League
Huna
Table 1: Current Administrative Divisions of Leagues and Banners
Administra- Banners & adrninistra- Composition: old groups included under
tive center tive districts present divisions
4.9
Nailar
Solon From ten Old Barga banners.
Butekha East Butekha; from the former eight
Butekha banners.
Ayung From the former eight Butekha banners.
Moridawa From the former eight Butekha banners.
Oronchon Includes the Bayan and Nonni Oronchons
(Udehe).
New Barga Right Wing From the former eight New Barga ban-
ners plus the "Old Refugee" Buryat.
All Buryat.
New Barga Left Wing From the former eight New Barga ban-
ners plus the "New Refugee" Buryat.
All Buryat.
Old Barga Includes the Chipchin Bargrut and Hailar
Dagurs. From ten Old Barga banners
and the Hailar Dagur Banner.
Ergun Reindeer Tungus (Evenki) and Manegir
Tungus.
Sigiiitu West Butekha, from the former eight
Butekha banners; Kidsagar, fTorn the
same; possibly also includes Olots
and one Oronchon banner. (part of the
territory of the former Kidsagar
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League
Table I (Continued)
Administra- Banners Ez. administra-
tive center tive districts
Jouda
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Lin-tung
Tung-liao district
Aru Khorchin
Barin Left Wing
Barin Right Wing
Keshikten
Lin-hsi district
Khara chin
Composition: Old groups included under
present divisions
Includes some territory from the Darkhan
and Bo Wang Banners.
May include a very small portion of the
old Jarod West Wing territory.
Barin West Wing or "Little "Barin."
Barin East Wing or "Great Barin."
From part of Barin Right Wing and
part of old Naiman Banners.
Formerly Karachin West Wing and
Center Banners.
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