COMMUNIST LITERATURE IN THE CITIZENS BOOKSHOP

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 467
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 11, 2010
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: April 15, 1957
• Content Type: REPORT

Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
T.' r_lIlI,.
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
This material contains information affecting the National Defense o' the United States within the meaning of the Espionage Laws, Title
18, U.S.C. Secs. 793 and 794, the transmission or revelation of which in any manner to an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.
50X1 -HUM
REPORT
SUBJECT Communist Literature
DATE DISTR. 15 April 1957
NO. PAGES 2
REQUIREMENT
NO.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
DATE OF
INFO.
PLACE &
DATE ACQ.
communist propaganda
listed below:
50X1 -HUM
/3z
50X1 -HUM
Manifesto of the Communist Party, Moscow 1955
How to Be a Good Communist by LIU Shao-Chi, Peking, Revised edition 1952
Documents on Hungary, Soviet News Booklet No. 24, 1956
How to Deal with Unemployment by I. Barbadoro
Speech by Ma Suslov, 1 February 1956
Visit of N.A. Khrushchev to India, Moscow 1956
The Tasks of the Youth Leagues, Moscow 195
The Soviet Electoral Law, Moscow 1955
Marxism and Problems of Linguistics, Moscow 1955
J. Stalin Works 13, Moscow 1955
Short Stories by Oless Gonchar, Moscow
Marx, Engels, Marxism by V. L Lenin, Moscow 1953
Short Novels and Stories by A. P. Chekhov, Moscow
Life Triumphs by A. Sharov, Moscow 1955
S -E -C -R-E -T
50X1 -HUM
50X1 -HUM
NAVY
(Notez WasMn9ton distribution indicated by "X"; Field distribution by "#
AEC
ASJI II , ? . 2 ~ s . ,~
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
attachments described above 1 articles, 861i- pages in all)
are UNCLASSIFIED when
detached from this cover sheet.
50X1 -HUM
50X1 -HUM
S -E -C -R-E -T
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
11
Free
Subscription
Offer
Efective up to
June 30, 1956
Qe invite you to join This caul
~ 2aiyaz
nro11 your jcends as subscribers
CHINA RECONSTRUCTS
A Monthly English-Language, Mag`zine
Published by
THE CHINA WELFARE INSTITUTE
(SOONG CHING LING, CHAIRMAN)
* Please send the subscription fees you collect to one of our dealers and request
him to return the receipt to you.
* Please consult the enclosed folder for subscription rates and list of our dealers.
YOU SEND US: WE GIVE YOU:
* Receipt of payment (issued by our * Half-year FREE subscription
dealer) for 2 annual subscriptions
* Receipt of payment (issued by our * 1 annual FREE subscription
dealer) for 3 annual subscriptions
Fo The Circulation Manager
CHINA RECONSTRUCTS
157 Changshu Lu
Shanghai, China
Date:.
.. ....................................................... .
Enclosed pleasei find the receipt of the payment for two/three annual subscriptions to
CHINA RECONSTRUCTS from your dealer. Please send my free subscription to:
My Name-------------------------------------------------------------------- .......:.......
My Address ....:...:.......:.....-
(Please print)
50X1 -HUM
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Next 2 Page(s) In Document Denied
Iq
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
IN
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
11
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PUBLISHER'S NOTE
This translation of J. V. Stalin's
Marxism and Problems of Linguis-
tics has been made from the Rus-
sian edition published by Gospolit-
izdat, Moscow 1953.
CONTENTS
CONCERNING MARXISM IN LINGUISTICS
CONCERNING CERTAIN PROBLEMS OF LIN-
GUISTICS. Reply to Comrade E. Kra.
sheninnikova . . . . . . . . 46
REPLY TO COMRADES .
56
To Comrade Sanzheyev . . . . 06
To Comrades D. Belkin and S. Furer b8
To Comrade A. Kholopov . . . 62
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
CONCERNING MARXISM IN LINGUISTICS
A group of younger comrades have Basked me
to give my opinion in the press on problems relat-
ing to linguistics, p~articuliarly in reference to
Marxism in linguistics. i yam not ,a linguistic ex-
pert and, of course, cannon fully satisfy the
request of the comrades. As to Marxism in lin-
guistics, as in other social sciences, this is some-
thing directly in my field. I have therefore con-
sented to answer a number of questions pit by
the comrades.
QUESTION. Is it true that language is a
superstructure on the basis?
ANSWER. No, it 'is not true.
The basis is the economic structure of society
at the given stage of its development. The super-
structure is the political, legal, religious, artistic,
philosophical views of, society and the polit-
ical, legal and. other institutions corresponding
to them.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Every basis has its own corresponding super-
structure. The basis of the feudal system has its
superstructure, 'its political, legal and other
views, and the corresponding institutions; the
capitalist basis has its own superstructure, so has
the socialist basis. If the basis changes or is
eliminated, then, following this, its superstruc-
ture changes or is eliminated; if a new basis
arises, then, following this, ~a superstructure arises
corresponding to it.
In this respect language radically differs from
the superstructure. Take, for example, Russian
society and ?the Russian language. In the course
of the past thirty years the old, capitalist basis
has been eliminated in Russia and a new, social-
ist basis has been built. Correspondingly, the
superstructure on the capitalist basis has been
eliminated and ~a new superstructure created cor-
responding to the socialist basis. The old political,
legal and other institutions, consequently, have
been supplanted by new, socialist institutions.
But in spite of this the Russian llangu!age has re-
mained basically what it was before the October
Revolution.
What has change.d 'in the Russian language
in this period? To a certain extent the vocabulary
of the Russian language has changed, in the
sense ithaf. it has been replenished with ~a consid-
erable number of new words land expressions,
which have arisen in connection with the rise of
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
the new socialist production, the ~appearnance of
a new state, a new socialist culture, new social
relations and morals, and, lastly, 'in connec-
tion with the development of technology and
science; a number of words and expressions have
changed their meaning, have acquired a new
signification; a number of obsolete words have
dropped out of the vocabulary. As to the basic
stock of words and the grammatical system 'of the
Russian language, which constitute the foundia-
tion of a language, they, rafter the elimination of
the capitalist basis, far from having been elimi-
nated and supplanted by ~a new basic word stock
and ~a new grammatical system of the la'nguiage,
have been preserved in their entirety and have
not undergone zany serious changes-they have
been preserved precisely as the foundation of the
modern Russian language.
Further, the superstructure is a product of the
basis, but this by no means implies that it mere-
ly reflects the basis, that .it is passive, neutral,
indifferent to the fate of its basis, to the fate of
the classes, to the character of the system. On the
contrary, having come into being. it becomes an
exceedingly active force, actively assisting its
basis to take shape !and consol;id~ate itself, and
doing its utmost to help the new system tto finish
off and eliminate the old basis and the old classes.
It cannot be otherwise. The superstructure is
created by the hasi~ precisely in order to serve it,
 to lactively help it to take shape sand consolidate
itself, to actively fight for the elimination of the
old, moribund basis togeTher with its old super-
structure. 'Fhe superstructure has only to re-
nounce this role of auxiliary, it has only to pass
from a position of active defence of its basis to
one of indifference towards it, to adopt an equal
attitude to gall classes, and 'it loses its virtue and
ceiases to be a superstructure.
In this respect liangutage radioally differs from
the superstructure. Language is not ~a product of
one or another basis, old or new, within the given
society, but of the whole course of the history
of the society and of the history of the bases for
many centuries. It was created not by some one
crass, but by the entire society, by all The classes
of the society, by the efforts of hundreds of gener-
ations. It was created for the satisfaction of the
needs not of one particular crass, bust of the
entire society, of all the classes of the society.
Precisely for this reason it was created as a
single language for the society, common to gall
members of that society, as the common lan-
guage of The whole people. Hence the functional
role of language, as is means of intercourse be-
tween people, consists not in serving one crass to
the detriment of other classes, but in equally serv-
~irig the entire society, all the classes of society.
This in fact explains why a language may equally
serve both The old, moribund system and the new,
m
rising system; both the old basis and the new
basis; both the exploiters and the exploited.
It is no secret to anyone that the Russian
language served Russian capitalism and Russian
bourgeois culture before the October Revolution
just as well as it now serves the socialist system
and socialist culture of Russian society.
The same must be said of the Uknainiian, Bye-
lorussi'an, Uzbek, 1i(azakh, Ceorgitan, Armenian,
Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Moldavian, Tatar,
Azerbaijanian, Biashkirian, Turkmenian sand other
languages of the Soviet nations; they served the
old, bourgeois system of these nations just as
well as they serve the new, socialist system.
It cannot he otherwise. Language exists, lan-
guage has been created precisely in order to serve
society as ~a whole, !as ta means of 'intercourse be-
tween people, in order to be common to the mem-
bers of society and constitute the single language
of society, serving members of society equally,
irrespective of their crass status. A language has
only to depart from this position of being ~a lan-
guage common to the whole people, it has only
to give preference and support to some one social
group to the detriment of other social groups of
the society, and it loses its virtue, ceases To be la
m pans of intercourse between the people of
the society, and becomes the jargon of some
social group, degenerates =and is doomed to
disappear.
11
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
In this respect, while it differs in principle
from the superstructure, language does not differ
from instruments of production, from machines,
let us say, which are as indifferent to classes as
is Ian,guage and may, like it, equally serve a capi-
talist system and is socialist system.
Further, the superstructure 'is the product of
one epoch, the epoch in which the given economic
basis exists sand operates. The superstructure is
therefore short-lived; it is eliminated sand disap-
pears with the elimination and 'disappear!ance of
the given basis.
Langutage, on the contrary, is the product of
a whole number of epochs, in the course 'of which it
takes shape, is enriched, develops and is smooth-
ened. A language therefore lives immeasurably
longer than any basis or any superstructure. This
in fact explains why the rise and elimin,aition not
only of one basis and its superstructure, but of
several buses and their corresponding superstruc-
tures, have not led in history to the elimination
of a given language, to the elimination of its
structure and the rise of a new language with
a new stock of words 'and a new grammatical
system.
It is more than ~a hundred years since Pushkin
died. In this period the feudal system and the
capitalist system were eliminated in Russia, sand
a third, a socialist system has arisen. Hence two
bases, with their superstructures, were elimi-
12
nated, and a new, soci~aFist basis has arisen, with
its new superstructure. Yet, if we take the Rus-
sian language, for example, 'it has not in this
long spun of time undergone any fundamental
change, and the modern Russian liangu,age differs
very little in structure from the language of
Pushkin.
What has changed in the Russian language in
this period? The Russian vocabulary has 'in this
period been greatly replenished; a large number
of obsolete words have dropped out of the vooab-
uliary; the meaning of a great many words has
changed; the grammatical system of the language
has improved. As to the structure of Pushkin's
language, with its grammatical system and its
basic stock of words, in all essentials it has
remained as the basis of modern Russ'itan.
And this is quite understandable. Indeed, what
necessity is there, rafter every revolution, for the
existing structure of the language, its grammat-
ical system and basic stock of words to be de-
stroyed sand supplanted by new ones, as is usually
the case with the superstructure? What object
would there be in calling "water," "earth,"
"mountain," "forest," "fish," "man," "to walk "
"to do, "to produce," "to trade," etc., not water,
earth, mountain, etc., but something else? What
object would there be in having the modification
of words in a language and the combination of
words in sentences follow not the existing
13
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
griamm~ar, but some entirely different grammar?
What would the revolution gain from such an up-
heaval in language? History in general never does
anything of any importance without some special
necessity for it. What, one asks, can be the neces-
sity for such a linguistic revolution, if it has been
demonstrated that the existing language and its
structure tare fundamentally quite suited to the
needs of the new system? The old superstructure
can and should he destroyed and replaced by a
new one in the course of a few years, in order to
give free scope for the development of the pro-
ductive forces of society; but how can an existing
language be destroyed and a new one built in its
pliace in the course of a few years without caus-
ing anarchy in social life and without creat-
ing the threat of the disintegration of society?
Who but ;a Don Quixote could set himself such
a task?
Lastly, one other nadical distinction between
the superstructure and language. The superstruc-
ture is not directly connected with production,
with man's productive activity. It is connected
with production only indirectly, through the econ-
omy, through the basis. The superstructure
therefore reflects changes in the level of develop-
ment of the productive forces not immediately and
not directly, but only after changes in the basis,
through the prism of the changes wrought in the
basis by the changes in production. This means
11
that the sphere of action of the superstructure is
narrow and restricted.
Language, on the contrary, is connected with
man's productive activity directly, and not only
with man's productive activity, but with all his
other :activity in all his spheres of work, from pro-
duction to the basis, and from the basis to the
superstructure. For this reason language reflects
changes in production immediately and directly,
without waiting for changes in the basis. For
this reason the sphere of Faction of Language,
which embraces all fields of man's activity, is far
broader :and more comprehensive than the sphere
of ;action of the superstructure. More, it is prac-
tically unlimited.
It is this that primarily explains why lan-
guage, or rather its vocabulary, is in ~a state of
almost constant change. The continuous develop-
ment of industry and agriculture, of trade and
transport, of technology and science, demands
that Language should replenish its vocabulary
with new words and expressions needed for their.
functioning. And language, directly reflecting
these needs, does replenish its vocabulary with
new words, and perfects its grammatical system.
Hence:
a) A Marxist cannot regard language as a
superstructure on the basis;
b) To confuse language and superstructure is
to commit a serious error.
15
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
QUESTION. Is it true that language always
was and is class language, that there is no such
thing as language which is the single and com-
mon language of a society, a non-class language
common to the whole people?
ANSWER. No, it is not true.
It is not difficult to understand that in a so-
ciety which has no classes there can be no such
thing gas to class language. There were no classes
in the primitive communal clan system, and con-
sequently there could be no cltass language-the
language was then the single and common Lan-
guage of the whole community. The objection that
the concept class should be taken as covering
every human community, including the primitive
communal community, is not an objection but ,a
playing with words that is not worth refuting.
As to the subsequent development from clan
languages to tribal liangu:ag'es, from tribal Tan-
guages to the languages of nationalities, rand
from the languages of nationalities to national
bangnages-everywhere and at gall stages of
development, language, as a means of inter-
course between the people of to society, was the
common Land single language of that society,
serving it's members equally, irrespective of their
social status.
I tam not referring here to the empires of the
slave Land mediaeval periods, the empires of Cyrus
16
or Alexander the Great, let us say, or of Caesar
or Char,es the Great, which had no economic
foundations of their own ,and were transient and
unstable military and ~administrative associations.
Not only did these empires not have, they could
not have had a single language common to the
whole empire and understood by all the members
of the empire. They were conglomerations of
tribes and nationalities, each of which lived its
own rife and had its own language. Consequently,
it is not these or similar empires I have in mind,
but the tribes sand nationalities composing them;
which had 'their own economic foundations 'and
their own languages, evolved in the distant past.
History tells us that the languages of these tribes
and nationalities were not class languages, but
languages common to the whole of a tribe or na-
tionality, and understood by all its people.
Side by side with this, there were, of course,
dialects, local vernaculars, but they were domi-
nated by and subordinated to the single and com-
mon '.,anguage of the tribe or nationality.
Later, with the appearance of capitalism, the
elimination of feudal division and the formation
of national markets, nationalities developed into
nations, and the languages of nationalities into
national languages. History shows that national
languages are not class, but common languages,
common to tall the members of each nation
2-1416 17
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
and constituting the single 1!anguage of that
nation.
It has been said above that language, as ~a
means of intercourse between the people of ~a so-
ciety, serves all classes of society equally, and in
this respect displays what may be called an in-
difference to classes. But people, the various so-
ciial groups, the classes, iarL fear from being indif-
ferent to langu!age. They strive to utilize the l;an-
guiage in their own interests, to impose their own
special lingo, their own special terms, their own
special expressions upon it. The upper strata of
the propertied classes, who have divorced them-
selves from and detest the people-the aristocratic
nobility, the upper strata of the bourgeoisie-
particularly distinguish themselves in this re-
spect. "Class" dialects, jargons, high-society "lan-
guiages" ;are created. These dialects and jargons
are often incorrectly referred to ?in literature as
languages-the "aristocratic language" or the
"bourgeois language" in contradistinction to the
"proletarian language" or the "peasant lan-
guage." For this reason, strange as it may seem,
some of our comrades have come to the conclusion
that national language is a fiction, and that only
class languages exist in reality.
There is nothing, I think, more erroneous than
this conclusion. Gan these dialects and jargons
be regarded as languages? Certainly not, They
cannot, firstly, because these dialects and jargons
13
have no grammatical systems or basic word
stocks of their own-they borrow them from the
national language. They cannot, secondly, be-
cause these dialects and jargons are confined to a
narrow sphere, are current only among the upper
strata of a given class and are entirely unsuit-
able as a means of human intercourse for society
as a who:e. What, then, have they? They have a
collection of specific words reflecting the specific
tastes of the aristocracy or the upper strata of the
bourgeoisie; a certain number of expressions 'and
turns of phrase distinguished by refinement and
gallantry and free 'of the "coarse" expressions
and turns of phrase of the national language;
lastly, a certain number of foreign words. But all
the fundamentals, that is, the overwhelming ma-
jority of the words and the grammatical system,
are borrowed from the common, national lan-
guage. Dialects sand jargons are therefore off-
shoots of the common national language, devoid
of all linguistic independence and doomed to
stagnation. To believe that dialects and jargons
can develop into independent languages capable
of ousting and supplianting the national language
means losing one's sense of historical perspective
and abandoning the Marxist position.
References are made to Marx, and the passage
from his :article "St. Max" is quoted which says
that the bourgeois have "their own language," that
this language "is a product of the bourgeoisie,"
19
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 that it is permeated with the spirit of mer-
cantilism and huckstering. Certain comrades
cite this passage with the idea of proving that
Marx believed in the "crass charactser" of lan-
guage and denied the existence of a single na-
tional language. If these comrades were im-
partial, they should have cited another p~assiage
from this same article "St. Max," where Marx,
touching on the ways single national languages
arose, speaks of "the concentration of dialects
into a single national language resulting from
economic and political concentration."
Marx, consequently, did recognize the neces-
sity of a single national language, as a higher
form, to which dialects, as lower forms, are sub-
ordinate.
What, then, can this bourgeois language be
which Marx says "is a product of the bour-
geoisie"? Did Marx consider it as much ;a Lan-
guage ;as the national language, with a specific
linguistic structure of its own? Could he have
considered it such a language? Of course not.
Marx merely wanted to say that the bourgeois
had polluted the single national language with
their hucksters' lingo, that the bourgeois, in other
words, have their hucksters' jargon.
It thus appears that these comrades have mis-
represented Marx. And they misrepresented him
because they quoted Marx not like Marxists but
20
21
like dogmatists, without delving into the essence
of the matter.
References are made to Engels, and the words
from his The Condition of the Working-Class in
England are cited where he says that in Britain
"... the working-class has gradually become a
race wholly apart from the English bourgeoisie,"
that "the workers speak other dialects, have other
thoughts and ideals, other customs and moral
principles, a different religion and other politics
than those of the bourgeoisie." Certain comrades
conclude from this passage that Engels denied
the necessity of a common, national language,
that he believed, consequently, in the "class char-
acter" of language. True, Engels speaks here of
dialects, not languages, fury realizing that, being
an offshoot of the national language, a dialect
cannot supplant the national language. But ~ap-
p!arently, these comrades regard the existence of
a 'difference between a language and a di~aleot
with no particular enthusiasm....
It is obvious that the quotation is inappro-
priate, because Engels here speaks not of "class
languages" but chiefly of class thoughts, ideals,
customs, moral principle, religion, politics. Itt is
perfectly true that the thoughts, ideals, customs,
moral principles, religion and politics of bour-
geois and proletarians are directly antithetical.
But what has this to do with national language,
or the "class character" of language? Can the
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81 -01 043R0007001 00003-6
existence of class antagonisms in society serve
as an ;argument in favour of the "cl:ass character"
of language, or against the necessity of a single
nnationa: language? Marxism says that .a common
language is one of the cardinal ear-marks of a
nation, although knowing very well that there are
class antagonisms within the nation. Do the
comrades referred to recognize this Marxist
thesis?
References are made to Lafargue, sand it is
said that in his pamphlet The French Language
Before and After the Revolution he recognizes
the "class character" of language and denies the
necessity of a national Language common to the
whole people. That is not true. LTafargue does in-
deed speak of a "noble" or "aristocratic lan-
guage" and of the "jargons" of various strata of
society. But these comrades forget that LTafargue,
who was not interested in the difference between
languages and jargons and referred to dialects
now as "artificial languages," now as "jargons,"
definitely says in this pamphlet that "the :artifi-
cial language which distinguished the aristocracy
. arose out of the language common to the
whole people, which was spoken both by bour-
geois and !artisan, by town and country."
Consequently. Lafargue recognizes the exist-
ence and necessity of a common language of the
whole people, and fully realizes that the "aris-
tocratic language" and other dialects and jargons
22
I
subordinate to ,and dependent on the language
common to the whole people.
lit follows that the reference to Lafargue 7s
wide of the mark.
References are made to the fact that at one
time in England the feudal lords spoke "for cen-
turies" in French, while the English people spoke
English; and this is alleged to be an argument in
favour of the "class character" of language and
against the necessity of a language common to
the whole people. But this is not an argument,
it is rather an anecdote. Firstly, not all the feu-dal
lords spoke French at that time, but only a small
upper stratum of English feudal lords attached
to the court and at county seats. Secondly, it was
not some "class language" they spoke, but the
ordinary language common to all the French
people. Thirdly, we know that in the course of
time this French language fad disappeared
without a trace, yielding place to the English
language common to the whole people. Do these
comrades think that the English feudal lords "for
centuries" held intercourse with the English peo-
ple through interpreters, that they did not use the
English t:anguage, that there was no language
common to all the English at that time, and that
the French Language in England was then any-
thing more than the language of high society,
current only in the restricted circle of the upper
English aristocracy? How can one possibly deny
23
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
the existence and the necessity of a language
common to the whose people on the basis of ~anec-
dotic "arguments" like these?
There was a time when Russian aristocrats at
the tsar's court and in high society also made a
fad of the French language. They prided them-
selves on the fact that when they spoke Russian
they often lapsed into French, that they could
only speak Russian with a French accent. Does
this mean that there was no Russian language
common to the whole people at that time in Russia,
that a language common to the whole people
was a fiction, and "class languages" a reality?
Our comrades are here committing at least
two mistakes.
The first mistake is that they confuse language
with superstructure. They think that since the
superstructure has ~a class character, language
too must be a class language, and not a language
common to the whose people. But I have already
said that language and superstructure are two
different concepts, and that a Marxist must not
confuse them.
The second mistake of these comrades is that
they conceive the opposition of interests of the
bourgeoisie and the proletariat, the fierce class
struggle between them, as meaning the disinte-
gration of society, as a break of all ties between
the hostile classes. They believe that, since so-
ciety has disintegrated Land there is no longer a
24
25
single society, but only c.~asses, a single language
of society, a national language, is unnecessary. If
society has disintegrated sand there is nolonger
to language common to the whole people, is na-
tional language, what remains? There remain
classes and "class languages." Naturally, every_
"class l.angu:age" will 'have its "class" gramniiar
--a "pro~etari;an" grammar or a "bourgeois"
grammar. True, such grammars do not exist ~any-
where. But that does not worry these comrades:
they believe that such grammars will appear in
due course.
At one time there were "Marxists" in our
country who asserted that the railways left to us
after the October Revolution were bourgeois rail-
ways, that it would be unseemly for us Marxists
to use them, that they should be torn up and new,
"proletarian" railways built. For this they were
nicknamed "troglodytes"... .
It goes without saying that such a primitive-
anarchist view of society, of classes, of language.
has nothing in common with Marxism. But it un-
doubted:y exists and continues to prevail in the
minds of certain of our muddled comrades.
It is of course wrong to say that, because of
the existence of a fierce class struggle, society has
split up into classes which are no longer econom-
ically connected with one ranother in one society.
On the contrary, as long as oapital;ism exists, the
bourgeois and the proletarians will be bound
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R0007001
00003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11
CIA-RDP8 1-01 043 R000700 100003-6
together by every economic t'hrea'd as parts of ia
single capitalist society. The bourgeois cannot
Live sand enrich themselves unless they have wage-
Labourers iat their command; the proletarians can-
not survive unless they hire themselves Ito the cap-
italists. If 'all economic ties between them were
to cease, it would' mean the cessation of all pro-
duction, and the cessation of .all production would
mean the doom of society, the doom of the crasses
themselves. Niatur~ally, no class wants to incur
self-destruction. Consequently, however sharp the
class struggle may be, it cannot lead to the disin-
tegration 'of society. Only ignorance of Marxism
sand complete failure to understand the nature of
Language could have suggested to some of our
camriades the fairy-tale 'about the disintegration
of society, 'about "crass" 'lianguiages, and "class"
grammars.
Reference is further made to Lenin, and it is
pointed out that Lenin recognized the existence
of two cultures under capitalism-bourgeois and
proletarian---.and thiat the slogan of national cul-
ture under capitalism is a nationalist slogan. All
this is 'true and Lenin is absolutely right here.
But what has this to do with the "crass charac-
ter" of language? When these comrades refer to
what Lenin said about two cultures under capi-
talism, it is evidently with the idea of suggesting
to the reader that the existence of two cultures.
bourgeois land proletarian, in society means that
26
2T
there must also be two languages, inasmuch as
language is linked with culture-+and, conse-
quently, that Lenin denies the necessity of ~a sin-
g'.e national Language, and, consequently, that
Lenin 'believes in "class" languages. The mistake
these comrades m:aloe here is thatthey identify
and confuse language with culture. But culture
and language are two different things. Culture
may be bourgeois or socialist, but language, as a
means of intercourse, is always a hangu~age com-
mon to the whole people and can serve both bour-
geois Land socialist culture. Is it not ~a fact that
the Russian, the Ukrainian, the Uzbek languages
are now serving the socialist culture of these
nations just as well as they served their bourgeons
cultures before the October Revolution? Conse-
quently, these comrades are profoundly mistaken
when they assert that the existence of two differ-
ent cultures leads'to the formation 'of two different
languages Sand to the negation of the necessity
of a single language.
When Lenin spoke of two cultures, he pro-
ceeded precisely from the thesis that the existence
of two cultures cannot lead to the negation of is
single languiage and to the formation of two Ian
gu~ages, that there must be ia single ?languiage.
When the Bundists `accused Lenin of denying the
necessity of ~a national language and of regard-
ing culture as "non-national," Lenin, as we know,
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
vigorously protested ?and declared that he was
fighting against bourgeois culture, and not
against national languages, the necessity of
which he regarded as indisputable. It is stnange
that some of our comrades should be trailing in
the footsteps of the Bundists.
As to a singe language, the necessity of which
Lenin is ialleged to deny, it would be well to pray
heed to the following words of Lenin:
"Language is the most important means of
hum:an intercourse. Unity of Iiangu'age rand its
unimpeded development form one of the most im-
portant conditions for genuinely free rand exten-
sive commercial intercourse appropriate to mod-
ern capitalism, for a free rand broad grouping of
the population in all its separate classes."
It follows that our highly respected comnades
have misrepresented the views of Lenin.
Reference, lastly, is made to Stalin. The pias-
sage from Stalin is quoted which says that "the
bourgeoisie sand its nationalist parties were and
remain in this period the chief directing force of
such nations." This is all true. The bourgeoisie
and its nation+alist party really do direct bour-
geois culture, just gas the proletariat and its in-
ternationalist party direct proletarian culture.
But what has this to do with the "class chanac-
ter" of language? Do not these comnades know
that nattiomal language is ra form of national cul-
ture, that ra national language may serve both
2&
bourgeois rand socialist culture? Are our comrades
unaware of the well-known formula of the Marx-
ists that the present Russian, Ukrainian, Byelo-
russian and other cultures are socialist in con-
tent and national in form, i.e., in language? Do
they ;agree with this Marxist formula?
The mistake our comrades commit here is that
they do not see the difference between culture and
i:angu'age, and do not understand that culture
changes in content with every new period in the
development of society, whereas language re-
mains basically the same through a number of
period's, equally serving both the new culture sand
the old.
Hence:
a) Language, as ~a means of intercourse, al-
ways was and remains the single language of ~a
society, common to all its members;
b) The existence of dialects and jargons does
not negate but confirms the existence of a lan-
guage common to the whole of the given people,
of which they ,are offshoots and to which they are
subordinate;
c) The "crass chanacter" of Language formula
'is rerroneous and non-Marxist.
QUESTION. What are the characteristic fea-
tures o F language?
ANSWER. Language is one of those social
phenomena which operate throughout the existence
29
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
of a society. It arises land develops with the
rise ,and development of +a society. It dies when
the society dies. Apart from society there is no
llangua.ge. Accordingly, liangu+age and its laws of
development can be understood only if studied
in inseparable connection with the history of so-
ciety, with the history of the people to whom the
language under situdy belongs, and who are its
creators and reposiories?
L+angu+age is +a medium, an instrument with
the help of which people communicate with one
another, exchange thoughts and understand each
other. Being directly connected with thinking,
language registers and fixes in words, and in
words combined into sentences, the results of the
process of thinking and achievements of m+an's
cognitive +activity, and thus makes possible the
exchange of thoughts in human society.
Exchange of thoughts is a constant and vital
necessity, for without it, it is impossible to co-
ordinate the joint ;actions of people in the struggle
against the forces of nature, in the struggle to
produce the necessary m:ateri+al values; without it,
it is impossible to ensure the success of society's
productive activity, and, hence, the very existence
of social production becomes impossible. Conse-
quently, without +a language understood by a so-
ciety and common to all its members, that society
must cease to produce, must disintegnate and
cease to exist +as ~a society. In this sense, Lan-
30
gu,age, while it i:s a medium of intercourse, its at
the same time an instrument of struggle +and
development of society.
As we know, all the words in a language taken
together constitute what is known as its vocabu-
lary. The chief thing in the vocabulary of a lan-
guage is its basic stock of words, which includes
also all the root word's, as its kernel. It is liar less
extensive than the 1+anguage's vocabulary, but it
persists for a very long time, for centuries, and
provides the language with a basis for the Iorm~a-
tion of new words. The vocabulary reflects the
state of the language: the richer +and more diver-
sified the vocabulary, the richer and more de-
veloped the l~angu+age.
However, by itself, the vocabulary does not
constitute the language-it 'is rather the building
material of the language. Just as in construction
work the building materials do not constitute the
building, ;although the latter cannot be construct-
ed without them, so too the vocabulary of ;a Lan-
guage does not constitute the language itself,
although no Language is conceivable without it.
But the vocabulary of a Language assumes tre-
mendous importance when it comes under the
control of grammar, which defines the rules gov-
erning the modification of words +and the combi-
nation of words into sentences, and thus makes
the l+anguage ~a coherent and significant function.
Grammar (morphology, syntax) is the collection
31
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
of rules governing the modification of words and
their combination into sentence's. It is therefore
thanks to grammar that it becomes possible for
Languwage to invest mean's thoughts in a material
linguistic integument.
The distinguishing feature of grammar is that
it gives rules for the modification of words not in
reference to concrete words, but to words in gen-
eral, not taken concretely; that it gives rules for
the formation of sentences not in reference to
particular concrete sentences-with, let us say, a
concrete subject, a concrete predicate, etc.-but
to all sentences in general, irrespective of the con-
crete form of any sentence in particular. Hence,
~abstracting itself, as regards both words and sen-
tences, from the particular and concrete, gram-
mar takes that which is common and basic in the
modification of words and their combination into
sentences and builds 'it into gnammatic:ai rules,
grammtatioal haws. Grammar is the outcome of a
process of ~abstraction performed by the human
mind over a long period of time; it is an indica-
tion of the tremendous achievement of thought.
In this respect grammar resembles geometry,
which in giving its laws abstracts itself from
concrete objects, regarding objects as bodies
devoid of concreteness, and defining the relations
between them not gas the concrete relations of
concrete objects but as the relations of bodies in
general, devoid of gall concreteness.
32
Unlike the superstructure, which 'is connected
with production not directly, but through the
economy, language is directly connected with
man's productive activity, as well as with all his
other activity in all his spheres of work without
exception. That is Why the vocabulary of ~a lan-
guage, being the most sensitive to change, is in
a state of almost constant change, sand, unlike
the superstructure, language does not have to
wait until the basis. is eliminiated, but makes
changes in its vocabulary before the basis . is
eliminrated and irrespective of the state of the
basis.
However, the vocabulary of a language does
not change 'in the way the superstructure does,
that is, by ;abolishing the old and building some-
thing new, but by replenishing the existing vocab-
ulary with new words which arise with changes
in the social system, with the development of
production, of culture, science, etc. Moreover,
ialthough is certain number of obsolete words
usually drop out of the vocabulary of a liangaage,
a fear Larger number of new words are added. As
to the basic word stock, it is preserved in all its
fundamentals and is used as the basis for the
vooabuliary of the language.
This is quite understandable. There is no ne-
cessity to destroy the basic word stock when it
can be effectively used through the course of sev-
eral historical periods; not to speak of the fact
--1 4 16 .?3
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
that, it being impossible to create ta new basic
word stock in ~a short time, the destruction of the
basic word stock accumu:ated in the course of
centuries would result in p;analysis of the itan-
guiage, in the complete disruption of intercourse
between people.
The grammatical system of a lianguiage
changes even more slowly than its basic word
stock. Elaborated in the course of epochs, and
having become part of the flesh .and blood of the
liangutage, the grammatical system changes still
more slowly than the basic word stock. With the
lapse of time it, of course, undergoes changes,
becomes more perfected, improves its rules,
makes them more specific sand acquires new rules;
but the fundamentals of ithe grammatical system
are preserved for is very long time, since, as his-
tory shows, they are able to serve society effec-
tively through a succession of epochs.
Hence, grammatical system and basic word
stock constitute the foundation of language, the
essence of its specific character.
History shows that languages possess great
stability and a tremendous power of resistance
to forcible lassimilation. Some historians, instead
of explaining this phenomenon, confine them-
selves to expressing their surprise :at it. But there
is no reason for surprise whatsoever. Languages
owe their stability to the stability of their gram-
matical systems sand basic word stocks. The
34
Turkish assimilators strove for hundreds of years
to mutilate, shatter and destroy the languages of
the Balkan peoples. During this period the vo-
cabuliary of the B~a:kan languages underwent
considenable change; quite a few Turkish words
and expressions were absorbed; there were "con-
vergencies" sand "divergencies." Nevertheless, the
Balkan languages held their own and survived.
Why? Because their gnamm:atical systems and
basic word stocks were in the mein preserved.
It follows from gall this that a language, its
structure, cannot be regarded gas the product of
some one epoch. The structure of a language, its
grarnmatiaal system and basic word stock, is
the product of ~a number of epochs.
We m,ay assume that the rudiments of modern
language already existed in hoary antiquity, be-
fore the epoch of slavery. It was ta rather simple
language, with a very meagre stock of words, but
with ?a grammatical system 'of its own-true, ia
primitive one, but a grammatical system none-
theless.
The further development of production, the
appearance, of classes, the introduction of writing,
the rise of the spate, which needed ~a more or less
well-regulated correspondence for its administration, the development of trade, which needed
a well-regulated correspondence still more, the
appearance of the printing press, the develop-
ment of literature-all this caused big changes
31i 35
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
in the development of l~angu;age. During this time,
tribes Land nationalities broke up and 5ca~tter' d,
intermingled and intercrosse.d; later there iarose
national languages and. states, revolutions took
place, and old social systems were replaced by
new ones. All this caused even greater changes
in language and its development.
However, it would be is profound mistake to
think that language developed in the way the
superstructure developed-by the destruction of
that which existed and the building of something
new. In point of fact, languages did not develop
by the 'destruction of existing languages sand the
creation of new ones, but u extending but by xtendin a
?~ ?,g and per-
fecting the basic elements of existing languages.
And the tnarnsit'ion of the language from one
quality to another did not take the form of an
explosion, of the destruction at one blow of the
old and the creation of the new, but of the grad-
ual and long-continued accumulation of the ele-
m'ents of the new quality, of the new linguistic
structure, and the gradual dying away of the
elements of the old quality.
It is said that the theory that that the theory ll~a~ lan ffu;a yes
develop by stages is a Marxist theory, since it
recognizes the necessity of sudden explosions as
a condition tar the transition of a language from
an old quality to a new. This is of course untrue
for it is difficult to find anything resembling
Marxism 'in this theory. And if the theory of
Sanitized
stages really does recognize sudden explosions
in the history of the development of languages,
so much rthe worse for that theory. Marxism does
not recognize sudden explosions in the d'ev'elop-
ment of languages, the )sudden death of an exist-
ing Languiage and the sudden erection of ~a new
language. Lafargue was wrong when he spoke
of is "sudden linguistic revolution which took
place between 1789 and 1794" 'in Fnance (see
Uatargue's p:amphiet The French Lan ua.e Be-
tore and After the Revolution). There was no
linguistic revolution, let alone ~a sudden one, in
Fnance at that time True enough, during that
period the vocabulary of the French Language
was replenished with new words and expressions,
ta certain number of obsolete words dropped out
of it, and the meaning of certain words changed
-but that was all. Changes of this nature, how-
ever, by no means determine the destiny of is Lan-
guage. The chief thing in a Language is its gram-
matical system sand basic ward stock. But far
from disappearing in the period of the French
bourgeois revolution, the gnammatioai system
and basic word stock of the French language:
were preserved without substantial change, and
not only were they preserved, but they continue
to exist in the French language of to-day. I need
hardly say that five or six years is a ridiculously
small period for the eliminahion of an existing
i'angu;age land the building of a new national
Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
language ("ia sudden linguistic revolution"!)-
centuries pare needed for this.
Marxism holds that the transition of a lan-
guage from an old quality to ~a new does not take
place by way of an explosion, of the destruction
of an existing Language and the creation of ;a new
one, but by the gnadual ;accum 'lation of the ele-
ments of the new quality, and hence by the
gnadual dying away of the elements of the old
quality.
It should be said in general for the benefit of
comrades who have an infatuation for explosions
that the law of transition from an old quality to
a new by means of an explosion is inapplicable
not only to the history of the development of lan-
gnages; it is not always applicab:e to other social
phenomena of a basis 'or superstructural char-
acter. It !applies of necessity to ~a society divided
into hosti:e classes. But it does not necessarily
apply to ia society which h!aS no hostile classes.
In a period of eight to ten years we effected a
years
transition in the !agriculture 'of our country from
the bourgeois, individual-peasant system to the
socialist, collective-farm system. This was ;a rev-
olution which eliminated the old bourgeois eco-
nomic system in the countryside and created 'a
new, s?ociialist system. But that revo:ution did not
take place by means of an explosion, that is, by
the overthrow of the existing government power
and the creation of a new power, but by a gradual
38
trransition from the old bourgeois system in the
countryside to a new system. And it was possible
to do thiat because it was a revolution from
above, because the revolution was accomplished
on the initiative of the existing power with the
support of the bulk of the peasantry.
It is said that the numerous instances of lin-
guistic crossing in past history furnish reason to
believe that when languages cross a new lan-
guage is formed by means of ian explosion, by is
sudden transition from an old quialfly to a new.
This is quite wrong.
Linguistic crossing cannot be regarded as the
single impact of a decisive blow which produces
its results within a few years. Linguistic crossing
is a proonged process which continues for'hun-
dreds of years. There can therefore be no ques-
tion 'of explosion here.
Further, it would be quite wrong to think
that +the crossing of, slay, two l:anguiages results
in a new, third language which does not resemble
either of the l~anguiages crossed and differs
qualitatively from both of them. As ;a mutter of
fact one of the languages usually emerges
victorious from the cross, retains its gnam-
miatical system and its basic word stock and
continues to develop in accordiance with 'its in-
herent laws of development, while the other
language gradually loses its quality and grad-
ually dies away.
39
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Consequently, ~a cross does not result in some
new, third language; one of the languages per-
sists, retains its gnamm,at'ical system and basic
word stock and is able to develop in accordance
with its inherent laws of development.
True, in the process the vocabulary of the
victorious language is somewhat enriched from
the vanquished language, but this strengthens
rather than weakens it.
Such was the case, for instance, with the Rus-
sian language, with which, in he course of his-
torical development, rthe languages of a number
of other peoples crossed and which always
emerged the victor.
Of course, in the process the vocabulary of the
Russian language was enlarged at the expense
of the vocabularies of the other languages, but
far from weakening, this enriched and strength-
ened the Russian language.
As to the specific national individuality of the
Russian language, it did not suffer in the slight-
est, because the Russian l:angu'age preserved its
grammatical system sand basic word stock and
continued to advance and perfect itself inaccord-
ance with its inherent laws of development.
There can be no doubt that the crossing theory
has little or no value for Soviet linguistics. If :it is
true that the chief task of linguistics is to study
the inherent laws of language development, it has
to be admitted that the crossing theory does not
40
41
even set itself this tusk, let Malone accomplish it-it
simply dues not notice it, or does not understand it.
QUESTION. Did "Pravda" act rightly in start-
ing an open discussion on problems of linguistics?
ANSWER. Yes, 'it did.
Along what lines the problems of linguistics
will be settled, will become clear at the conclu-
sion of the discussion. But it may be said already
that the discussion has been very useful.
It has brought out, in the first place, that in
linguistic bodies both in the centre sand in the
republics a regime has prevailed which is alien
to science and men of science. The slightest crit-
icism of the state of affairs in Soviet linguistics,
even the most timid attempt to criticize the so-
called "new doctrine" in linguistics, was per-
secuted and suppressed by the leading linguistic
circles. \ alu,able workers and researchers in lin-
guistics were dismissed from their posts or de-
noted for being critical of N. Y. Marr's heritage
or expressing the slightest disapproval of his
teachings. Linguistic scholars were appointed ito
leading posts not on their merits, but because of
their unqualified acceptance of N. Y. Marr's
theories.
It is generally recognized that no science can
develop and flourish without ~a b:attle of opinions,
without freedom of criticism. But this generally
recognized rude was ignored +and flouted in the
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
11
most unceremonious fashion. There Larose is close
group of infallible leaders, who, 'having secured
themselves against any possible criticism, became
ea law unto themselves sand did whatever they
pleased.
To give one example: the so-called "Baku
Course" (lectures delivered by N. Y. Marr in
Baku), which the author himself head rejected and
forbidden to be republished, was republished
nevertheless by order of this leading caste (CQm-
r~ade Meshchaninov calls them "disciples" of
N. Y. Marr) ~an'd included without any reserva-
ti'ons in the list of text-books recommended to
students. This means that the students were de-
ceived, a rejected "Course" being suggested to
them gas a sound text-book. If I were not 'con-
vinced of the inhegrity of Comrade Mes'h?chaninov
and the other linguistic leaders, I would say that
such conduct is tantamount to 5iabotage.
How could this 'have happened? It happened
because the Arakcheyev regime established in
linguistics culti\Pates irresponsibility and encour-
ages such arbitrary actions.
The discussion has proved to be very useful
first of all because ;it brought this Anakoheyev
regime into the light of day and smashed it to
smithereens.
But the usefulness of the discussion does not
end there. It not only smashed the ol.d regime in
linguistics but also brought out the incredible
42
43
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
confusion of 'ideas on cardinal questions of lin-
guistics which prevails among the .leading circles
in this branch of science. Until the discussion
began the "disciples" of N. Y. Marr kept silence
and glossed over the unsatisfactory state of iaf-
fairs in linguistics. But when the discussion
started silence became impossible, and they were
compelled to express their opinion in the press.
And what did we find? It turned out that in N. Y.
Marr's teachings there pare a whole number of
defects, errors, ill-defined problems land sketchy
propositions. Why, one asks, .have N. Y. Marr's
"disciples" begun to talk about this only now,
rafter the discussion opened? Why did they not see
to it before? Why did they not speak about 'it in
due time openly sand honestly, as befits scientists?
Having admitted "some" errors of N. Y. Marr,
his "disciples," it ;appears, think that Soviet lin-
guistics can only be advanced on the basis of a
"rectified" version of N. Y. Marr's theory, which
they consider a Marxist one. No, save us from
N. Y. Marr's "Marxism"! N. Y. Marr did indeed
want to be, and endeavoured to be, ~a Marxist, but
he failed to become one. He was nothing but is
simplifier 'and vu'.gar.izer 'of Marxism, similar to
the "proletcultists" or the "R~appists."
N. Y. Marr introduced into linguistics, the in-
correct, non-Marxist formula that language is ta.
superstructure, and got himself into a muddle
and put linguistics into ia muddle. Soviet linguis-
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
tics cannot be advanced on the basis of an incor-
rect formula.
N. Y. Marr introduced into 'liguistics another
and ialso incorrect and non-Marxist formula, re-
garding the "class 'ch:aracter" of language, and
got himself into ?a muddle sand put linguistics into
a muddle. Soviet linguistics cannot be advanced
on the basis of an incorrect formula which is
contrary to the whole course of the history of
peoples sand liangutages.
N. Y. Marr introduced into linguistics pan im-
modest, boastful, arrogant tone alien to Marxism
,and tending towards a bald sand oft-hand nega-
tion of 'everything done in linguistics prior to
N. Y. Marr.
N. Y. Marr shrilly abused the comp:anative-
historical method ias "idealistic." Yet it must be
said that, despite its serious !shortcomings, the
comp.anative-historical method is nevwer hele
u1~,1l.JJ
better than N. Y. Marr's really idealistic four-
element analysis, because the former gives a
st'i'mulus to work, to is study of languages, while
the latter only gives a stimulus to loll in one's
Farm-chiair sand tell fortunes in the tea-cup of the
celebrated four elements.
N. Y. Marr haughtily discountenanced every
attempt to study groups (families) of languages
on the grounds that it was a manifestation of the
"linguistic prototype" theory. Yet it cannot be
denied .that the linguistic affinity of nations like
44
the Slav nations, spay, is beyond question, and
that is study of the linguistic affinity of these na-
tions might be of great value to linguistics in the
study of the laws of language development. The
"linguistic prototype" theory, I need hardly spay,
has nothing to 'do with it.
To listen to N. Y. Marr, and especially to
his "disciples," one might think that prior to
N. Y. Marr there was no 'such thing !as the science
of languwage, that the science of language iap-
peared with the "new doctrine" of N. Y. Marr.
Marx and Engels were much more modest: they
held that their dialectical ?mater'ialism was a
product of the 'development 'of the sciences, in-
clufding philosophy, in earlier periods.
Thus, the discussion was useful also because
it brought to light ideological shortcomings in
Soviet linguistics.
I think that the sooner our linguistics rids it-
self of N. Y. Marr's errors, the sooner will it be
possible to extricate it from its present crisis.
Elimination of the Arakcheyev regime in lin-
guistics, rejection of N. Y. Marr's errors, and the
introduction of Marxism into lingu.isti'cs-{that, in
my opinion, is the way in which Soviet linguis-
tics could be put on :a sound basis.
Pravda, June 20, 1950
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
CONCERNING CERTAIN
PROBLEMS OF LINGUISTICS
Reply to Comrade E. Krasheninnikova
Comrade Irasheninnikova,
I am answering your questions.
1. QUESTION. Your iarticl'e convincingly
shows that language is neither the basis nor the
superstructure. Would it be right to regard lan-
guage gas ~a phenomenon characteristic of both
the basis ,and the superstructure, or would it be
lilure cUI rel;i. iU i di U l:ai1gutage as tan lnl~l iut-
diate phenomenon?
ANSWER. Of course, characteristic of ban-
guiag'e, as a social phenomenon, is that common
feature which is inherent in all social phenomena,
including the basis and the superstructure, name-
ly: it serves society just tas society is served by
gall other social phenomena, including the basis
and the superstructure. But this, properly speak-
ing, exchiausts that common feature which is in-
herent iin all social phenomena. Beyond this, im-
46
portiant distinctions begin between social phe-
nomena.
The point is that soaciial phenomena have, in
addition to this common feature, their own spe-
cific features which 'd.istinguis'h them from each
other and which are of primary importance for
science. The specific features of the basis consist
in that it serves society economically. The specific
features of the superstructure consist in that it
serves society by means of political, legal, aes-
thetic sand other ideas and provides society with
corresponding political, legal and other institu-
tions. What then pare the specific features of lian-
gnage, distinguishing it from other social phe-
nomena? They consist in that language serves
society as a means of intercourse between people,
as ~a means for exchanging thoughts in society,
as ;a means enabling people to understand one
another and f Cv o nn LV-'vtiiordinatl joint t work k 111 all
--- ---~.? and ?iii
l'1
spheres of human activity, both in the sphere of
production and in the sphere of economic rela-
tions, both in the sphere of politics and in the
sphere of culture, both in social life and in every-
day .life. These specific features are characteristic
only of banguage, ;and precisely because they pare
characteristic only of language, language is the
object of study by tan independent science-lin-
guistics. If there were no such specific features of
language, linguistics would lose its right to 'in-
dependent existence.
47
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
In brief: language cannot be included either
in the category of bases or in the category of
superstructures.
Nor can it be included 'in +the category of "in-
termediiate" pihenomeriia between the basis and
the superstructure, for such "intermediate" phe-
nomena do not exist.
But perhaps language could be 'included in the
category of the productive forces of society, in the
category, say, of instruments of production? In-
deed, there does exist a certiain ~analogy between
language and instruments of production: instru-
ments of production manifest, just as language
does, ta kind of indifference towards classes and
can serve equally different classes of society,
both o'.d and new. Does this +circumstance provide
ground for including lfan.guage in the category
of instruments ?of production? No, it does not.
At one time, N. Y. Marr, seeing that his for-
mula-"lianguiage is ~a superstructure on the ba-
sis"-encountered objections, decided to "re-
shape" it sand +announced that "Language is an
instrument of production." Was N. Y. Marr right
in including language in the category of instru-
ments of production? No, she certainly was not.
The point is that the similarity between Lan-
guage and instruments of production ends with
the analogy I have just mentioned. But, on the
other hand, there is ~a r+adical difference between
language sand instruments of production. This dif-
48
ference lies in the fact that whereas instruments
of production produce m:ateriial wealth, language
produces nothing or "produces" words only. To
put it more plainly, people possessing instru-
ments of production can produce material wealth,
but those very ~siam'e people, 'if they possess ~a lan-
guage but not instruments of production, cannot
produce material wealth. It is not difficult to see
that were language ?cap+able of producing mate-
rial wealth, wind-bags would be the richest men
on earth.
2. QUESTION. Marx and Engels define lan-
guage as "the immediate reality of thought,'=,as
"practical, ... actual consciousness." "Ideas,"
Marx says, "do not exist divorced from lan-
guage." In what measure, in your opinion, should
linguistics occupy itself with the semantic +aspect
of language. 6eman~tics, historical .i :::uviViV`I historical s. ernasiology
-____.____. ~,.,
and stylistics, or should form Malone be the sub-
ject of linguistics?
ANSWER. Semantics (semtasiology) is one of
the important branches of linguistics. The se-
mantic aspect of words and expressions is of
serious importance in the study of Language.
Hence, semantics (semasiology) must be assured
its due place in linguistics.
However, in working on problems of seman-
tics and in utilizing its data, its significance must
in no way be over-estimated, and still less must
4-1416 49
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
it be abused. I have in mind certain philologists
who, having an excessive passion for semantics,
disregard language as "the immediate reality of
thought" inseparably connected with thinking,
divorce thinking from language and miaint,ain
that language is outliving its ?age and that itt is
possible to do without language.
Listen to what N. Y. Marr nays:
"Language exists only inasmuch as 'it is ex-
pressed in sounds; the action of thinking occurs
also without being expressed.... Language
(spoken) has already begun to surrender its func-
tions to the latest inventions which are unre-
servedly conquering space, while thinking is on
the up-grade, departing from its unutilized accu-
mulations in the past and its new acquisitions,
and is to oust and fully replace language. The
language of the future is thinking which will be
dnrrplnnino' in ferhnlnlle free of natural matter:
No language, even the spoken language, which is
'al.l the same connected with the standards of
nature, will be ;able to withstand it" (see elected
Works by N. Y. Marr).
If we interpret this "Labour-magic" gibberish
into simp'.e human language, the conclusion may
be drawn hat:
ia) N. Y. Marr divorce's thinking from lan-
guage;
b) N. Y. Miarr considers that communication
between people can be realized without language,
with the help of thinking itself, which is free of
the "natural matter" of :l,anguiage, free of the
s'tiandards of nature";
c) divorcing thinking from Language sand
"having freed" it from the "natural matter" of
language, N. Y. Marr bands into the swamp of
idealism.
It is said that thoughts arise in the mind of
man prior to their be in g ex pressed in speech,
that they arise without linguistic material, with-
out linguistic integument, 'in, so to say, a naked
form. But that is absolutely wrong. Whatever
thoughts arise in' the human mind and at what-
ever moment, they can Parise and exist only on the
basis of the linguistic material, on the basis of
language terms and phrases. Bare thoughts, free
of the linguistic material, free of the "natural
matter" of language, do not exist. "Language is
+L, immnr~' + li+Tr ..~ +~n11rr4-" (/Ifcvr%\ Ti--
L11\.. 111i111~..U 1 Q LL. 1~.;ict1'1LJ' 111 L11VLi l2L y~11.Ai.v, ? 111'1,
reality of thought is manifested in Language.
Only idealists can speak of thinking not being
connected with "the natural matter" of language,
of thinking without language.
In brief: over-estimation of semantics and
abuse of it led N. Y. Marr to idealism.
Consequently, if semantics (sem,asiology) is
safeguarded ~against exaggerations sand abuses of
the kind committed by N. Y. Marr and some of
his "disciples," semantics can be of great benefit
to linguistics.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
3. QUESTION. You quite justly say that the
ideas, concepts, customs and moral principles of
the bourgeoisie and those of the proletariat are
directly iant'ithetical. The class chianacter of these
phenomena is certainly reflected in the semantic
aspect of language (and sometimes in its form-
in the vocabulary-+as is correctly pointed out in
your particle). In +analyzing concrete linguistic
material sand, .in the first place, the semantic ias-
pect of language, can we speak of the class es-
sence of the concepts expressed by language, piar-
ticularly in those cases when language expresses
not only the thought of man but iaiso his attitude
towards reality, where 'his class affinity manifests
itself with especial clarity?
ANSWER. Putting lit more briefly, you want
to know whether classes influence ?lianguage,
whether they introduce into language their spe-
cific words and expressions, whether there are
oases when people attach ~a different meaning to
one and the same word or expression depending
on their class affinity?
Yes, classes influence language, introduce into
the language their own specific words and ex-
pressions and sometimes underst~ind one and the
same word or expression differently. There is no
doubt +about that.
However, it does not follow that specific words
and expressions, as well as difference in sernan-
i J t.t u i,
52
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
tics, can be of serious importance for the develop-
ment of ~a single language common to the whole
people, ith;at they are capable of detracting from
its significance or of changing its character.
Firstly, such specific words +and expressions,
as well as cases of difference in semantics, are so
few in language that they hardly make up even
one per cent of the entire linguistic material.
Consequently, all the remaining overwhelming
mass of words and expressions, as well as their
semantics, are common to all classes of society.
Secondly, specific words and expressions with
a class tinge are used in speech not according to
rules of some sort of "class" grammar, which
does not exist, but according to the grammatical
rules of the existing lianguiage common to the
whole people.
Hence, the existence of specific words sand ex-
pressions sand the facts of differences in the se-
ili'anucs 01 language ?uo nol reiuie. DuL, on [Ile
contrary, confirm the existence and necessity of
a single language common to the whole people.
4. QUESTION. In your +article you quite cor-
rectly appraise Marr as a vulgarizer of Marxism.
Does this mean that the linguists, including us,
the young linguists, should reject the whole
linguistic heritage of M;arr, who all the same has
to his credit a number of valuable linguistic re-
searches (Comrades. Chikobav:a, Sanzheyev and
53
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
others wrote about them during the discussion) ?
Approaching Marr critically, cannot we take from
him wheat i5 useful and valuable?
ANSWER. Of course, the works of N. Y. Marr
do not consist solely of errors. N. Y. Marr made
very gross mistakes when he introduced into lin-
guistics elements of Marxism in a distorted form,
when he tried to create an independent theory of
Ianguiage. But N. Y. Marr has certain goad and
ably written works, in which he, forgetting his
theoretical claims, conscientiously and, one must
say, skilfully investigates 'individual languages.
In these works one aan find not 'a little that is
valuable sand instructive. Clearly, these valuable
and instructive things should be taken from
N. Y. Marr and utilized.
5. QUESTION. Many linguists consider for-
malism one of the main causes of the stiagna-
tion in Soviet linguistics. We should very much
like to know your opinion as to what formalism
in linguistics consists in and how it should be
overcome?
ANSWER. N. Y. Marr :and his "disciples"
accuse of "formalism" all linguists who do not
accept the "new doctrine" of N. Y. Marr. This
of course is not serious or clever.
N. Y. Marr considered that grammar is an
empty "forrna?l.ity," sand that people who regard
54
the grammatical system as' he foundation of lan-
guage, are formalists. Thi& is altogether foolish.
I think that "formalism" was invented by the
authors of the "new doctrine" to facilit;aite their
struggle against their opponents in linguistics.
The cause of the stagnation in Soviet lin-
guistics is not the "formalism" invented by
N. Y. Marr and his "disciples," but the Arak-
cheyev regime and the theoretical gaps in lin-
guistics. The Arakcheyev regime was set up by
the "disciples" of N. Y. Marr. Theoretical confu-
sion was brought into linguistics by N. Y. Marr
and his closest colleagues. To put an end to stag-
nation, both the one and the other must be elimi-
nated. The removal of these plague spots will put
Soviet linguistics on ~a sound basis, will lead it
out on to the broad highway and enable Soviet lin-
guistics to occupy first place in world linguistics.
June 29, 1950
Pravda, July 4, 1950
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
REPLY TO COMRADES
To Comrade Sanzheyev
Dear Comnade Sanzheyev,
I lam replying to your letter with considerable
delay, for it was only yesterday forwarded to me
from the ~app.anatus of the Central Committee.
Your interpretation of my standpoint on the
question of diasects is absolutely correct.
"Crass" dialects, which it would be more cor-
rect to call jargons, do not serve the mass of the
people, but ~a narrow 5oci;al upper crust. More-
over, they do not have a gnammatioal system or
basic word stock of their own. in view of this,
they cannot possibly develop into independent
llangu:ages.
Local ("territorial") dialects, on the other
hand, serve the mass of 'the people and have a
grammatical system and basic word stock of their
own. In view of this, some local dialects, in the
process of formation of nations, may become the
basis of national languages and develop into in-
dependent national languages. This was the case,
36
for instance, with the Kursk-Orel dialect (the
Kursk-Orel "speech") of the Russian lianguiage,
which formed the basis of the Russian national
language. The same must be sari of the Poltava
Kiev dialect of the Ukrainian language, which
formed the basis of the Uknainiian national lan-
guage. As for the other dialects of such lan-
guages, they lose their originality, merge with
those liangutages sand disappear in them.
Reverse processes also occur, when the singe
language of a nationality, which has not yet be-
come ia nation owing to the iabsence of the neces-
sary economic conditions of development, col-
lapses as a result of the disintegnation of the
state of that nationality, and the local dialects,
which have not yet had time to be fully uniform-
ized in the single language, revive and give
rise to the formation of'sepiariate independent Lan-
guages. Possibly, this was the case, for example,
with the single Mongolian language.
July 11, 1950
Pravda, August 2, 1950
5-1416
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 'Ct
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
To Comrades D. Belkin and S. Furer
I have received your ktters.
Your mistake is that you have confused two
different things and substituted another subject
for that examined in my reply to Comrade Kra-
sheninnikova.
1. In that reply I criticized N. Y. Marr who,
dealing with language (spoken) and thought,
divorces language from thought and thus lapses
into idealism. Therefore, I referred in my reply to
normal human beings possessing the faculty of
speech. I ?maint,ained, moreover, that with such
human beings thoughts can Parise only on the ba-
sis of linguistic material, that bare thoughts un-
connected with linguistic material do not exist
among people, who possess the faculty of speech.
Instead of accepting or rejecting this thesis,
you introduce anomalous human beings, people
without language, deaf-mutes, who have no lan-
gufage at their disposal .and whose thoughts, of
course, cannot arise on Rhe basis of linguistic
58
material. As you see, this, is ;an entirely different
subject which I did not touch upon and could not
have touched upon, since linguistics concerns it-
self with normal human beings possessing the
faculty of speech ;and -not with anomalous deaf-
mutes who do not possess the facu~ty of speech.
You have substituted for the subject under
discussion another subject that was not dis-
cussed.
2. From Comrade Belkin's letter it is evident
that he places on a par the "language of words"
(spoken Llanguage) and "gesture language"
("hand" language, according to N. Y. Marr). He
seems to think that gesture 1~anguiage ,and the
language of words are of equal significance, that
at one time human society had no language of
words, that "hand" language at that rime played
the part of the Language of words which appeared
later.
But if Comrade Belkin really thinks so, he is
committing ~a serious error. Spoken language or
the language of words has always been the sole
language of human society capable of serving as
an ;adequate means of initercourse between peo-
p:e. History does not know of ;a single human
society, be it the most backward, that did not
have its own spoken language. Ethnography does
not know of a single backward tribe, be it as
primitive or even more primitive rthan, say, the
Austnalians or the Tierra del Fuegans of the bast
o*
59
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
century, which did not have its own spoken l~an-
guiage. In the history of mankind, spoken Lan-
guage h!as been one of the forces which helped
human beings to emerge from the animal world,
unite into communities, develop ibheir faculty of
thinking, organize social production, wage a
successful struggle against the forces of mature
and attain the stage of progress we have to-id~ay.
In this respect, ithe significance of the so-
called gesture Language, in view of its extreme
poverty and limitations, us negligible. Properly
speaking, this is not a language, and not even a
linguistic substitute that could in one way or
another replace spoken language, but ian auxil-
iary means of extremely limited possibilities to
which man sometimes resorts to emphasize this
or that point in his speech. Gesture language and
spoken language are just as incompanable as are
the primitive wooden hoe and the modern cater-
pillar tnactor with its five-furrow plough or
tractor row drill.
3. Apparently, you pare primarily interested
in the deaf-mutes, and only secondarily in prob-
lems of linguistics. Evidently, it was precisely
this circumstance that prompted you to put a
number of questions to me. Well, 'if you insist,
I am not averse to gnamting your request. How
do matters stand with regard to deaf-mutes? Do
they possess the fiacu?Ity .of thinking? Do thoughts
arise with them? Yes, they possess the faculty of
60
thinking and thoughts arise with ahem. Clearly,
since deaf-mutes are deprived of the fiaculty of
speech, their thoughts cannot arise on the basis
of linguistic material. Gan this be taken to mean
that the thoughts of deaf-mutes pare naked, are
not connected with the "standards of mature"
(N. Y. Marr's expression) ? No, it cannot. The
thoughts of deaf-mutes arise land can exist only
on the basis of the images, sensations ;and con-
ceptions they form in every-day life on the objects
of the outside world ~and' their relations -among
themselves, thanks to the senses of sight, of
touch, taste, and smell. Apart from these im-
ages, sensations and conceptions, thought is
empty, is deprived of all content, that is, it does
not exist.
July 22, 1950
Pravda, August 2, 1950
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
J.
.
f ( A
lr.- r r ,..
iJO 4 ~.l': 'fl r.. ..
ir()lri the hi tc'rica:
s;'r^{}ts, and Cei.C LV.
tories it h,ad not yet occupied, and the law of
uneven development could not yet fully operate,
Marx and Engels concluded that a socialist revo-
lution could not be victorious in one particular
country, that it could be victorious only as a re-
sult of a joint blow in gall, or yin most, civilized
countries. This conclusion subsequently became a
guiding principle for all Marxists.
However, at the beginning of the twentieth
century, especially in the period of the first world
war, when it became clear to everyone that pre-
monopoly capitialism had definitely developed into
monopoly capitalism, when rising capitalism head
become dying capitalism, when the war had re-
vealed the incunable weaknesses of the world
imperialist front, and the law of uneven develop-
ment predetermined that the proletarian revolu-
tion would mature in different countries at dif-
ferent times, Lenin, proceeding from Marxist the-
ory, came to the conclusion that in the new con-
ditions of development, the socialist revolution
could fully prove victorious in one country taken
separately, that the simultaneous victory of the
socialist revolution in all countries, or in a ma-
jority of civilized countries, was impossible owing
to the uneven maturing of the revolution in those
countries, that the old formula of Marx land
Engels no longer corresponded to the new histor-
ical conditions.
r that conclusion or =c. _.._.,a - - rived as a resu:t or stucv... _ _-._-:s of
historical dev-elopme ;t,
of development and th : fcre __.. s;
invariable.
I must Islay that both these pre.ufsrs are
mistaken.
A few examples.
~e..ods
:,.main
deeply
1. In the forties of the past century when
there was no monopoly capitalism as vet, when
capitalism was deve:oping more or less smoothly
along an ascending line, spreading to new terri-
62
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
63
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
To Comrade A. Kholo pov
I have received your letter.
Pressure of work has somewhat delayed my
reply.
Your letter tacitly proceeds from two prem-
ises: from the premise that it is permissible to
quote the work of this or that author apart
from the historical period of which the quotation
treats, and second:y, from the premise that this
or that conclusion or formula of Marxism, de-
rived as a result of studying one of the periods of
historical development, holds good for all periods
of development and therefore must remain
invariable.
I must 'say that both these premises are deeply
mistaken.
A few examples.
1. In the forties of the past century when
there was no monopoly capitalism as yet, when
capitalism was developing more or less smoothly
along an ,ascending line, spreading to new tern-
62
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
tories it had not yet occupied, and the law of
uneven development could not yet fully operate,
Marx and Engels concluded that a socialist revo-
lution could not be victorious in one p!ar~ticular
country, that it could be victorious only !as a re-
sult of a joint blow 'in all, or 'in most, civilized
countries. This conclusion subsequently became a
guiding principle for all Marxists.
However, at the beginning of the twentieth
century, especially in the period of the first world
war, when it became clear to everyone that pre-
monopoly capitalism had definitely developed into
monopoly capitalism, when rising capitalism had
become dying capital'i'sm, when the war had re-
vealed the incurable weaknesses. of the world
imperialist front, !and the law of uneven develop-
ment predetermined that the proletarian revolu-
tion would mature in different countries gat dif-
ferent times, Lenin, proceeding from Marxist the-
ory, came to the conclusion that in the new con-
ditions of development, the socialist revolution
could fully prove victorious in one country taken
separately, that the simultaneous victory of the
socialist revolution in all countries, or in a ma-
jority of civilized countries, was impossible owing
to the uneven maturing of the revolution in those
countries, that the old formula of Marx and
Engels no longer corresponded to the new histor-
ical conditions.
63
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
It is evident thtat here we have two different
conclusions on the question of the victory of
socialism, which not only corntnadict, but exclude
each other.
Some dogmatists and talmudists who quote
mechanically without delving into the essence of
the matter, and apart from historical conditions,
may say 'that one of these conclusions should be
discharged as being absolutely incorrect, while the
other conclusion, as the habsolutely correct one,
should be applied to all periods of development.
Marxists, however, cannot but know that the
dogmatists and talmudists are mistaken; they
cannot but know that both of these conclusions
are correct, though not tabsolutely, each being
correct for its own time: Marx's and Engels's con-
clusion-for the period of pre-monopoly capital-
ism; and Lenin's conclusion-for the period of
monopoly capitalism.
2. Engels 'in his Anfi-Duhring said that
after the victory of the socialist revolution, the
state is bound to wither away. On these grounds,
after the victory of the socialist revolution in our
country, dogmatists and talmudists in our Party
began demtanding that the Ptarty should take
steps to ensure the speedy withering iaway of our
state, to disband state organs, to give up a stand-
ing army.
However, the study of the world situation of
our time led Soviet Marxists to the conclusion
that in the conditions of oapitalistt encirclement,
when the socialist revolution has been victorious
only in one country, and capitalism reigns in hall
other countries, the hand of the victorious revolu-
tion should not weaken, but in every way
strengthen its state, state organs, intelligence or-
gans and Barmy, if that land does not want to be
crushed by the capitalist encirclement. Russiian
Marxists came to the conclusion that Engels's
formula has in view the victory of socialism in gall,
or in most, countries, that it cannot be applied
in the case where socialism is victorious in one
country taken separately Land capitalism reigns
in all the other countries.
Evidently, we have here two different formu-
las regarding the destiny of the socitahist state,
each formula excluding the other.
The dogmatists and talmudists may say that
this circumstance creates pan 'intolerable situa-
tion, that one of these formulas must be discard-
ed gas being absolutely erroneous, hand the other
-tas the absolutely correct one-must be applied
to gall periods of development of th'e socialist
state. Marxists, however, cannot but know that
the dogmLatists and talmudists are mistaken, for
both these formultas are correct, though not ab-
solutely, each being correct for its time: the for-
mulia of Soviet Marxists--for the period of the
victory of socialism in one or several countries;
and the formula of Engels-for the period when
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
the consecutive victory of socialism in separate
countries will lead to the victory of socialism 'in
the majority of countries and when the necessary
conditions will thus have been created for the
iapplioation of Engels's formulta.
The number of such examples could be mul-
rtipli.ed.
The same must be said of the two different
formulas on the question of language, taken from
various works of Stalin and cited by Comrade
Kholopov in his letter.
Comrade 'Kholopov refers to Stalin's work
"Concerning Marxism in Linguistics," where the
conclusion is drawn that, as ~a result of the cross-
ing, spay, of two iangu!ages, one of them usutally
emerges victorious, while the other dies away,
that, consequently, crossing does not produce
some new, third language, but preserves one of
the Languages. He refers further to another con-
clusion, taken from Stalin's report to the Sixteenth
Congress of the C.P.S.U. (B.) , where it is said
that in the period of the victory of sociiali'sm on
ia world scale, when socialism is consolidated and
becomes part of every-day life, national lan-
guages will inevitably merge into one common
Language which, of course, will be neither Great
Russian nor German, but something new. Com-
paring these 'two formulas sand seeing that, far
from coinciding, they exclude each oth ~.~-, Com-
rade Kholopov falls into despair. "From your
66
67
article," he writes in his letter, "I understood
that the crossing of languages can never pro-
duce some new language, whereas prior to
your article I was firmly convinced, 'in conformity
with your speech gat the Sixteenth Congress
of the C.P.S.U.(B.), that under communism,
languages would merge into one common Lan-
guage."
Evidently, having discovered a contradiction
between these two formulas and being deeply
convinced that the contradiction must be re-
moved, Comrade Kholopov considers it necessary
to get rid of one of these formulas as incorrect
and to clutch at the other gas being correct for all
periods sand countries; but which formula to
clutch gat-he does not know. The result is some-
thing in the nature of a hopeless situation. Com-
rade Kholopov does not even suspect that both
formulas can be correct-each. for its own time.
Th:at is always the case with dogmatists and
tialmudists who do not delve into the essence of
the mutter, quote mechanically sand irrespective
of the historical conditions of which the quota-
tions treat, sand invariably find themselves uin ia
hopeless situation.
Yet if one examines the essence of the matter,
there are no grounds for considering the situa-
tion hopeless. The fact is that Stalin's pamphlet
"Concerning Marxism in Linguistics," sand
Stalin's speech at the Sixteenth Party Congress,
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
refer to two entirely different epochs, owing to
which the formulas, too, prove to be different.
The formula given by S't,alin in his pamphlet,
in the part where it speaks 'of the crossing of
languages, refers to the epoch prior to the
victory of socialism on is world scale, when
the exploiting classes are the dominant power
in the world; when national sand oolonital oppres-
sion remains in force; when national isoliat.ion
and mutual distrust among nations pare con-
solidated by differences between states; when,
as yet, there is no national equality of rights;
when the crossing of languages takes place as ~a
struggle for the domination of one of the lan-
guages; when the conditions necessary for The
peaceful ;and friendly co-operation 'of nations and
languages are as yet lsacking; when it is not the
co-operation sand mutual enrichment of lan-
guages that are on the order of the day, but the
~assimiliation of some and the victory of other
languages. It is clear that in such conditions
there can be only victorious and defeated Lan-
guagels. It is precisely these conditions that
Stalin's formula has in view when it says that
the crossing, say, of two languages, results not
in the formation of a new language, but in the
victory of one of the languages and the defeat of
the other.
As regards the other formula by Stalin, taken
from his speech at the Sixteenth Party Congress,
68
in the part that touches on the merging of lan-
guages into one common language, it has in view
another epoch, namely, the epoch after the vic-
tory of socialism on a world scale, when world
imperialism no longer exists; when the exploit-
ing classes tare overthrown and national
and colonial oppression is eradicated; when
national 'isolation sand mutual distrust among
nations is replaced by mutual confidence and rap-
prochement between nations; when national
equality has been put into practice; when the pol-
icy of suppressing and assimilating languages is
abolished; when the co-operation of nations has
been established, sand it is possible for national
languages freely to enrich one another through
their co-operation. It is clear that in these condi-
tions there can be no question of the suppres-
sion and defeat of some languages, and the vic-
tory of others. Herz we shall have not two lan-
guages, one of which is to suffer defeat, while
the other is to emerge from the struggle victori-
ous, but hundreds of national languages, out of
which, as is result of a prolonged economic, po-
litical and cultural co-operation of nations, there
will first appear most enriched unified zonial lan-
guages, and subsequently the zonal languages
will merge into ~a single international language,
which, of course, will be neither German, nor
Russian, nor English, but a new language that
69
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
has absorbed the best elements of the national
and zonal itangu.ages.
Consequent:y, the two different formulas cor-
respond to two different epochs in 'the develop-
ment of society, sand precisely because they
correspond to them, both formulas are correct--
each for its epoch.
To demand that these formulas should not be
gat variance with each other, that they should not
exclude each other, is just as :absurd as it would
be to demand that the epoch of the domination
of ctapittalism should not be gat variance with the
epoch of the domination of socialism, that so-
ci:arism land capita:ism should not exclude each
other.
The dogmatists and t,almudists regard Marx-
ism sand separnate conclusions and formulas of
Marxism tas a collection of dogmas, which "nev-
er" change, notwithstanding changes in the con-
ditions of the development of society. They be-
'lieve that if they learn these conclusions and for-
mulas by heart and 6t:art citing them at random,
they will be able to solve any problem, reckoning
that the memorized conclusions and formulas
will serve them for all times sand countries, for
gall occasions in life. But this can be the convic-
tion only of people who see the letter of Marxism,
but not it's essence, who learn by rote the texts
of conclusions land formulas of Marxism, but do
not understand their meaning.
70
Marxism is the science of the laws governing
the development of nature and society, the science
of the revolution of the oppressed and exploited
masses, the science of the victory of socitaiism in
all countries, the science of bui:ding communist
society. As ta science, Marxism cannot stand
still, 'it develops and is perfected. In its de-
vel'opment, Marxism cannot but be enriched by
new experience, new knowledge-consequently
some of its formu:as and conclusions cannot but
change in the course of time, cannot but be re-
placed by new formulas and conclusions, corres-
ponding to the new historical tasks. Marxism
does not recognize invariable conclusions and
formulas, obligatory for all epochs and periods.
Marxism is the enemy of all dogmatism.
July 28, 1950
Pravda, August 2, 1950
50X1 -HUM
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11
CIA-RDP81 -01 043R0007001 00003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE
V. I. LENIN
[HE TASKS
of the
YOUTH LEAGUES
Speech Delivered
at the Third All-Russian Congress
of the Russian Young Communist League,
October 2, 19201
FOREIGN LANGUAGES PUBLISHING HOUSE
Moscow 1953
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PUBLISHER'S NOTE
This translation of V. I. Lenin's The Tasks
of the Youth Leagues has been made from the
text given in the Collected Works of
V. I. Lenin, Vol. 31, Fourth Russian Edition,
prepared by the Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute
of the Central Committee, C.P.S.U. (Gospolit-
izdat, Moscow 1950).
(The Congress greets Lenin with a
stormy ovation.)
Comrades, I would like to discuss today
the ;undamental tasks of the Young Com-
munist League and, in this connection, what
the youth organizations in a socialist repub-
lic should be like in general.
It is all the more necessary to deal with
this question because in a certain sense it
may be said that it is precisely the youth
that will be faced with the real task of creat-
ing a communist society. For it is clear that
the generation of workers that was brought
up in capitalist society can, at best, accom-
plish the task of destroying the foundations
of the old, capitalist 'social life, which was
built on exploitation. At best, it can' accom-
plish the task of creating a social system
that would help the proletariat and' the toil-
ing classes to retain power .and to .lay a
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
firm foundation, on which only the genera-
tion that is starting to work under the new
conditions, in a situation in which exploiting
relations between men no longer exist, can
build.
And so, in approaching the tasks of the
youth from this angle, I must say that the
tasks of the youth in general, and of the
Young Communist Leagues and all other or-
ganizations in particular, may be summed
up in one word: learn.
Of course, this is only "one word." It
does not answer the principal and most es-
sential questions: what to learn, and how to
learn? And the whole point here is that with
the transformation of the old capitalist so-
ciety, the teaching, training and education of
the new generations that will create the
communist society cannot be conducted on
the old lines. The teaching, training and
education of the youth must proceed from
the material that has been left to us by the
old society. We can build communism only
from the sum of knowledge, organizations
and institutions, only with the stock of hu-
man forces and means that have been left
to us by the old society. Only by radically
remoulding the teaching, organization and
training of the youth shalli we be able to en-
sure that the efforts of the younger genera-
p tion will result in the creation of a society
that will be unlike the old society, i.e., in the
creation of a communist society. That is why
we must deal in detail with the question of
what we should teach the youth and how the
youth should learn if it really wants to jus-
tify the name of communist youth, and
how it should be trained so as to be able to
complete and consummate what we have
started.
I must say that the first and most natu-
ral reply would seem to be that the Youth
League, and the youth in general that want
to pass to communism, should learn com-
munism.
But this reply-"learn communism"-
is too general. What do we need in order to
learn communism? What must be singled
out from the sum of general knowledge to
acquire a knowledge of communism? Here
a number of dangers arise, which often
manifest themselves whenever the task of
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
learning communism is presented incor-
rectly, or when it is interpreted too one-
sidedly.
Naturally, the first thought that enters
one's mind is that learning communism
means imbibing the sum of knowledge that
is contained in communist textbooks, pam-
phlets and books. But such a definition of the
study of communism would be too crude
and inadequate. If the study of communism
consisted solely in imbibing what is
contained in communist books and pam-
phlets, we might all too easily obtain com-
munist text-jugglers or braggarts, and this
would very often cause us harm and dam-
age, because such people, having learned by
rote what is contained in communist books
and pamphlets, would prove incapable of
combining this knowledge, and would be
unable to act in the way communism really
demands.
One of the greatest evils and misfor-
tunes left to us by the old capitalist society
is the complete divorcement of books from
practical life; for we have had books in which
everything was described in the best pos-
sible manner, yet these books in the majori-
ty of cases were most disgusting and hypo-
critical lies that described capitalist society
falsely.
That is why it would be extremely
wrong merely to absorb what is written in
books about communism. In our speeches
and articles we do not now merely repeat
what was formerly said about communism,
because our speeches and articles are con-
nected with our daily work in every branch.
Without work, without struggle, an abstract
knowledge of communism obtained from
communist pamphlets and books would be
absolutely worthless, for it would continue
the old divorcement of theory from practice,
that old divorcement which constituted the
most disgusting feature of the old bourgeois
society.
It would be still more dangerous to start
to imbibe only communist slogans. Had we
not realized this danger in time, and had we
not directed all our efforts to avert this
danger, the half million or million young
men and women who would have called
themselves Communists after studying corn-
*
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
munism in this way would only occasion
great damage to the cause of communism.
Here the question arises: how should we
combine all this for the study of commu-
nism? What must we take from the old
school, from the old science? The old school
declared that its' aim was to produce men
with an all-round education, to teach the
sciences in general. We know that this was
utterly false, for the whole of society was
based and maintained on the division of men
into classes, into exploiters and oppressed.
Naturally, the whole of the old school, being
thoroughly imbued with the class spirit, im-
parted knowledge only to the children of the
bourgeoisie. Every word was falsified in the
interests of the bourgeoisie. In these schools
the younger generation of workers and
peasants were not so much educated as
drilled in the interests of this bourgeoisie.
They were trained in such a way as to be
useful servants of the bourgeoisie, able
to create profits for it without disturbing
its peace and leisure. That is why, while
rejecting the old school, we have made
it our task to take from it only what we
require for real communist education.
This brings me to the reproaches and ac-
cusations which we constantly hear levelled
at the old school, and which often lead to
totally wrong conclusions. It is said that the
old school was a school of cramming, grind-
ing, learning by rote. That is true, but we
must distinguish between what was bad in
the old school and what is useful for us, and
we must be able to choose from it what is
necessary for communism.
The old school was a school of cram-
ming; it compelled pupils to imbibe a mass
of useless, superfluous, barren knowledge,
which clogged the brain and transformed
the younger generation into bureaucrats reg-
imented according to one single pattern.
But you would be committing a great mis-
take if you attempted to draw the conclusion
that one can become a Communist without
acquiring what human knowledge has ac-
cumulated. It would be a mistake to think
that it is enough to learn communist slo-
gans, the conclusions of communist science,
without acquiring the sum of knowledge of
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
which communism itself is a consequence.
Marxism is an example of how communism
arose out of the sum of human knowledge.
You have read and heard that commu-
nist theory, the science of communism,
mainly created by Marx, that this teaching
of Marxism has ceased to be the product of
a single Socialist of the nineteenth century,
even though he was a genius, and that it has
become the teaching of millions and tens
of millions of proletarians all over the world,
who are applying this teaching in their
struggle against capitalism. And if you
were to ask why the teachings of Marx
were able to capture the hearts of mil-
lions and tens of millions of the most revo-
lutionary class, you would receive only one
answer: it was because Marx took his stand
on the firm foundation of the human knowl-
edge acquired under capitalism. Having
studied the laws of development of human
society, Marx realized the inevitability of the
development of capitalism leading towards
communism. And the principal thing is that
he proved this precisely on the basis of the
most exact, most detailed and mot profound
Jo
study of this capitalist society, by fully as-.
similating all that earlier science had pro-
duced. He critically reshaped everything that
had been created by human society, not
ignoring a single point. Everything that had
been created by human thought he reshaped,
criticized, tested on the working-class move-
ment, and drew conclusions which people
restricted by bourgeois limits or bound by
bourgeois prejudices could not draw.
\\Te must bear this in mind when, for
example, we talk about proletarian culture.
Unless we clearly understand that only by
an exact knowledge of the culture created
by the whole development of mankind and
that only by reshaping this culture can we
build proletarian culture-unless we under-
stand that we shall not be able to solve this
problem. Proletarian culture is not some-
thing that has sprung nobody knows whence,
it is not an invention of people who call
themselves experts in proletarian culture.
That is all nonsense. Proletarian culture
must be the result of a natural development
of the stores of knowledge which mankind
U
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
has accumulated under the yoke of capi-
talist society, landlord society, bureaucratic
society. All these roads and paths have led,
are leading, and continue to lead to prole-
tarian culture, in the same way as political
economy, reshaped by Marx, showed us
what human society must come to, showed
us the transition to the class struggle, to
the beginning of the proletarian revolution.
When we so often hear representatives
of the youth and certain advocates of a new
system of education attacking the old school
and saying that it was a school of cram-
ming, we say to them that we must take
what was good from the old school. We must
not take from the old school the system of
loading young people's minds with an im-
mense amount of knowledge, nine-tenths of
which was useless and one-tenth distorted.
But this does not mean that we can confine
ourselves to communist conclusions and
learn only communist slogans. You will not
create communism that way. You can be,
come a Communist only when you enrich
your mind with the knowledge of all the
treasures created by mankind;
12
We do not need cramming; but we do
need to develop and perfect the mind of ev-
ery student by a knowledge of the funda-
mental facts. For communism would become
a void, a mere signboard, and a Communist
would become a mere braggart, if all the
knowledge he has obtained were not digest-
ed in his mind. You must not only assimi-
late this knowledge, you must assimilate it
critically, so as not to cram your mind
with useless lumber, but enrich it with all
those facts that are indispensable to the
modern man of education. If a Communist
took it into his head to boast about commu-
nism on the basis of the ready-made conclu-
sions he had acquired, without putting in a
great deal of serious and hard work, without
understanding the facts which he must ex-
amine critically, he would be a very deplo-
rable Communist. Such superficiality would
be decidedly fatal. If I know that I know
little, I shall strive to learn more; but if
a man, says that he is a Communist and
that he need know nothing thoroughly, he
will never be anything like a Communist.
The old school turned out servants need-
3- Z85
13
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
ed by the capitalists; the old school trans-
formed men of science into men who had
to write and say what pleased the capital-
ists. Therefore we must abolish it. But does
the fact that we must abolish it, destroy it,
mean that we must not take from it all that
mankind has accumulated that is essential
for man? Does it mean that we do not have
to distinguish between what was necessary
for capitalism and what is necessary for
communism?
We are replacing the old drill-sergeant
methods that were employed in bourgeois
society in opposition to the will of the major-
ity by the class-conscious discipline of the
workers and peasants, who combine hatred
of the old society with the determination,
ability and readiness to unite and organize
their forces for this fight, in order to trans-
form the wills of millions and hundreds of
millions of people, disunited, dispersed and
scattered over the territory of a huge coun-
try, into a single will; for without this single
will defeat is inevitable. Without this solidar-
ity, without this conscious discipline of the
workers and peasants, our cause will be hope-
14
less. Without this we shall not be able to
beat the capitalists and landlords of the
whole world. We shall not even consolidate
the foundation, let alone build a new, com-
munist society on that foundation. Similarly,
while rejecting the old school, while cherish-
ing an absolutely legitimate and essential
hatred for the old school, while prizing the
readiness to destroy the old school, we must
realize that in place of the old system of tui-
tion, the old cramming, the old drill, we must
put the ability to acquire the sum of human
knowledge, and to acquire it in such a way
that communism shall not be something
learned by rote, but something that you
yourselves have thought over, that it shall
embody the conclusions which are inevitable
from the standpoint of modern education.
That is the way we must present the main
tasks when speaking of the task of learning
communism.
In order to explain this to you, and as an
approach to the question of how to learn, I
shall take a practical example. You all know
that following immediately on the military
tasks, the tasks of defending the republic,
15
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
we are now being confronted with economic
tasks. We know that communist society can-
not be built unless we regenerate industry
and agriculture, and they must not be regen-
erated in the old way. They must be regen-
erated on a modern basis, in accordance
with the last word in science. You know that
this basis is electricity, and that only when
the whole country, all branches of industry
and agriculture have been electrified, only
when you have mastered this task will you
be able to build for yourselves the communist
society which the older generation cannot
build up. Confronting you is the task of eco-
nomically reviving the whole country, of re-
organizing and restoring both agriculture
and industry on a modern technical basis
which rests on modern science and technol-
ogy, on electricity. You realize perfectly well
that illiterate people cannot tackle. electrifi-
cation, and that mere literacy is not enough
either. It is. not enough to understand what
electricity is; it is necessary to know how to
apply 't technically to industry and to agri-
culture, and to the various branches of in-
dustry and agriculture. We. must learn this
16
ourselves, and must teach it to the whole
of the growing generation of toilers. This is
the task that confronts every class-conscious
Communist, every young person who re-
gards himself a Communist and who clearly
understands that by joining the Young Com-
munist League he has pledged himself to
help the Party build communism and to
help the whole younger generation create
a communist society. He must realize that
he can create it only on the basis of modern
education; and if he does not acquire this
education communism will remain only an
aspiration.
The task of the old generation was to
overthrow the bourgeoisie. The main task
then was to criticize the bourgeoisie, to
arouse hatred of the bourgeoisie among the
masses, to develop class consciousness and
the ability to unite their forces. The new
generation is confronted with a much more
complicated task. Not only have you to com-
bine all your forces to uphold the power of the
workers and peasants against the attacks
of the capitalists. That you must do. That
you have clearly understood; that the Corn-
17
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
munist distinctly perceives. But it is not
enough. You must build a communist socie-
ty. In many respects the first half of the
work has been done. The old order has been
destroyed, as it deserved to be, it has been
transformed into a heap of ruins, as it de-
served to be. The ground has been cleared
and on this ground the young communist
generation must build a communist society.
You are faced with the task of construction,
and you can cope with it only by mastering
all modern knowledge, only if you are able
to transform communism from ready-made,
memorized formulas, counsels, recipes, pre-
scriptions and programmes into that living
thing which unites your immediate work,
and only if you are able to transform com-
munism into a guide for your practical
work.
This is the task by which you should be
guided in educating, training and rousing
the whole of the younger generation. You
must be the foremost among the millions of
builders of communist society, which every
young man and young woman should be.
Unless you enlist the whole mass of young
18
workers and peasants in the work of build-
ing communism, you will not build a com-
munist society.
This naturally brings me to the ques-
tion how we should teach communism and
what the specific features of our methods
should be.
Here, first of all, I will deal with the
question of communist ethics.
You must train yourselves to be Com-
munists. The task of the Youth League is to
organize its practical activities in such a
way that, by learning, organizing, uniting
and fighting, its members should train them-
selves and all who look to it as a leader; they
should train Communists. The whole object
of training, educating and teaching the
youth of today should be to imbue them
with communist ethics.
But is there such a thing as communist
ethics? Is there such a thing as communist
morality? Of course, there is. It is often made
to appear that we have no ethics of our own;
and very often the bourgeoisie accuse
us Communists of repudiating all ethics.
This is a method of shuffling concepts, of
19
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
throwing dust in the eyes of the workers
dnd peasants.
In what sense do we repudiate ethics and
morality?
In the sense in which it is preached by
the bourgeoisie, who derived ethics from
God's commandments. We, of course, say
that we do not believe in God, and that we
know perfectly well that the clergy, the land-
lords and the bourgeoisie spoke in the
name of God in pursuit of their own in-
terests as exploiters. Or instead of deriving
ethics from the commandments of morality,
from the commandments of God, they de-
rived it from idealist or semi-idealist
phrases, which always amounted to some-
thing very similar to God's commandments.
\\'e repudiate all morality taken apart
from human society and classes. We say
that it is a deception, a fraud, a befogging
of the minds of the workers and peasants
in the interests of the landlords and
capitalists.
`Ve s 171-ity - is --1'--~- en~itely sub-
ordinated that our moral i~ b-
ordinated to the interests of the class strug-
gle of the proletariat. Our morality is de
20
rived from the interests of the class struggle
of the proletariat.
The old society was based on the oppres-
sion of all the workers and peasants by the
landlords and capitalists. We had to destroy
this, we had to overthrow them; but for this
we had to create unity. God would not cre-
ate such unity.
This unity could be provided only by fac-
tories and workshops, only by the proletar-
iat, trained and roused from its long slum-
ber. Only when that class was formed did
the mass movement begin which led to what
we see now-the victory of the proletarian
revolution in one of the weakest of countries,
which for three years has been repelling the
onslaught of the bourgeoisie of the whole
world. And we see how the proletarian revo-
lution is growing all over the world. We
now say, on the basis of experience, that
only the proletariat could have created that
compact force which the disunited and scat-
tered peasantry are following and which has
withstood all the onslaughts of the exploit-
ers. Only this class can help the toiling
masses to unite, rally their ranks and finally
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
defend, finally consolidate and finally build
up communist society.
That is why we say that for us there is no
such thing as morality apart from human
society; it is a fraud. Morality for us is
subordinated to the interests of the class
struggle of the proletariat.
What does this class struggle mean? It
means overthrowing the tsar, overthrowing
the capitalists, abolishing the capitalist
class.
And what are classes in general? Classes
are what permits one section of society to
appropriate the labour of the other section.
If one section of society appropriates all the
land, we have a landlord class and a peas-
ant class. If one section of society possesses
the mills and factories, shares and capi-
tal, while another section works in these
factories, we have a capitalist class and a
proletarian class.
It was not difficult to drive out the tsar
-that required only a few days. It was not
very difficult to drive out the landlords-that
was done in a few months. Nor was it very
difficult to drive out the capitalists. But it is
22
incomparably more difficult to abolish
classes; we still have the division into work-
ers and peasants. If the peasant is settled
on his separate plot of land and appropri-
ates superfluous grain, that is, grain that he
does not need for himself or for his cattle,
while the rest of the people have to go with-
out bread, then the peasant becomes an
exploiter. The more grain he keeps for him-
self, the more profitable he finds it; as for the
rest, let them starve: "The more they starve
the dearer I can sell this grain." Everybody
must work according to a common plan, on
common land, in common mills and factories
and under common management. Is it easy
to attain this? You see that it is not so easy
as driving out the tsar, the landlords and the
capitalists. What is required is that the
proletariat re-educate, re-train a section of
the peasantry; it must win over those who
are toiling peasants in order to crush the
resistance of those peasants who are rich and
are profiting by the poverty and want of the
rest. Hence the task of the proletarian strug-
gle is not completed by the fact that we have
overthrown the tsar and have driven out the
23
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
landlords and capitalists, and to complete it
is the task of the system we call the dicta-
torship of the proletariat.
The class struggle is still continuing; it
has merely changed its forms. It is the class
struggle of the proletariat to prevent the
return of the old exploiters, to unite the
scattered masses of unenlightened peasants
into one union. The class struggle is contin-
uing and it is our task to subordinate all
interests to this struggle. And we subordi-
nate our communist morality to this task.
We say: morality is what serves to destroy
the old exploiting society and to unite all
the toilers around the proletariat, which is
building up a new, communist society.
Communist morality is the morality
which serves this struggle, which unites the
toilers against all exploitation, against all
small property; for small property puts into
the hands of one person what has been creat-
ed. by the labour of the whole of society. In
our country the land is common property.
But suppose I take a piece of this com-
mon property and grow on it twice as much
grain as I need and profiteer in the surplus?
Suppose I argue that the more starving
people there are the more they will pay?
Would I then be behaving like a Commu-
nist? No, I would be behaving like an ex-
ploiter, like a proprietor. This must be com-
bated. If this is allowed to go on things will
slide back to the rule of the capitalists, to
the rule of the bourgeoisie, as has more than
once happened in previous revolutions. And
in order to prevent the restoration of the
rule of the capitalists and the bourgeoisie
we must not allow profiteering, we must not
allow individuals to enrich themselves at the
expense of the rest, and the toilers must
unite with the proletariat and form a com-
munist society. This is the principal feature
of the fundamental task of the League
and of the organization of the communist
youth.
The old society was based on the prin-
ciple: rob or be robbed, work for others or
make others work for you, be a slaveowner
or a slave. Naturally, people brought up in
such a society imbibe with their mother's
milk, so to speak, the psychology, the habit,
the concept: you are either a slaveowner or
2.5
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
a slave or else, a small owner, a small em-
ployee, a small official, an intellectual-in
short, a man who thinks only of himself, and
doesn't give a hang for anybody else.
If I work this plot of land, I don't give a
hang for anybody else; if others starve, all
the better, the more I will get for my grain.
If I have a job as a doctor, engineer, teacher,
or clerk, I don't give a hang for anybody
else. Perhaps if I toady to and please the
powers that be I shall keep my job, and even
get on in life and become a bourgeois. A Com-
munist cannot have such a psychology and
such sentiments. When the workers and
peasants proved that they are able by their
own efforts to defend themselves and create a
new society-that was the beginning of the
new communist training, training in the
struggle against the exploiters, training in
alliance with the proletariat against the self-
seekers and small owners, against the
psychology and habits which say: I seek my
own profit and I don't give a hang for
anything else.
This is the reply to the question how the
26
young and rising generation should learn
communism.
It can learn communism only by linking
up every step in its studies, training and
education with the continuous struggle the
proletarians and the toilers are waging
against the old exploiting society. When
people talk to us about morality, we say: for
the Communist, morality lies entirely in
this solid, united discipline and conscious
mass struggle against the exploiters. We
do not believe in an eternal morality, and
we expose. the deceit of all the fables about
morality. Morality serves the purpose of
helping human society to rise to a higher
level and to get rid of the exploitation of
labour.
To achieve this we need the younger
generation which began to awaken to con-
scious life in the midst of the disciplined and
desperate struggle against the bourgeoisie.
In this struggle it is training genuine Com-
munists, it must subordinate to this struggle
and link with it every step in its studies,
education and training. The training of the
communist youth must consist not in giving
27
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
them sentimental speeches and moral pre-
cepts. This is not what training consists in.
When people saw how their fathers and
mothers lived under the yoke of the landlords
and capitalists, when they themselves expe-
rienced the sufferings that befell those who
started the struggle against the exploiters,
when they saw what sacrifices the continua-
tion of this struggle entailed in order to
defend what had been won, and when they
saw what frenzied foes the landlords and
capitalists are-they were trained in this
environment to become Communists. The
basis of communist morality is the struggle
for the consolidation and completion of
communism. That too is the basis of com-
munist training, education, and teaching.
That is the reply to the question how com-
munism should be learnt.
We would not believe in teaching, train-
ing and education if they were confined
only to the school and were divorced from
the storm of life. As long as the workers and
peasants continue to be oppressed by the
landlords and capitalists, and as long as the
schools remain in the hands of the landlords
28
and capitalists, the young generation will
remain blind and ignorant. But our school
must impart to the youth the fundamentals
of knowledge, the ability to work out com-
munist views independently; it must make
educated people of them. In the time during
which people attend school, it must train
them to be participants in the struggle for
emancipation from the exploiters. The Young
Communist League will justify its name as
the League of the young communist genera-
tion only when it links up every step of its
teaching, training and education with
participation in the general struggle of all
the toilers against the exploiters. For you
know perfectly well that as long as Russia
remains the only workers' republic, while
the old bourgeois system exists in the rest
of the world, we shall be weaker than they,
we shall be under the constant menace of a
new attack; and that only if we learn to be
solid and united shall we win in the further
struggle and-having gained strength-
become really invincible. Thus, to be a
Communist means that you must organize
and unite the whole rising generation and
29
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanzed Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
srt ari example of training and discipline in
this struggle. Then you will be able to
start building the edifice of communist soci-
ety and bring it '.o completion.
In order to make this clearer to you I
will quote an example. We call ourselves
Communists. What is a Communist? Com-
munist is a Latin word. Communis is the
Latin for "common." Communist society is
a society in which all things-the land, the
factories-are owned in common and the
people work in common. That is com-
munism.
Is it possible to work in common if each
one works separately on his own plot of
land? Work in common cannot be brought
about all at once. That is impossible. It does
not drop from the skies. It comes by toil and
suffering, it is created in the course of strug-
71e. Old books are of no use here; no one
ill believe them. One's own living experi-
nce is required. When Kolchak and Denikin
dvancd from Siberia and the South the
p :3 >antS were on their side. They did not
111; fr,l~;hevism because the Bolsheviks took
thir grain at a fixed price. But when the,
30
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
peasants in Siberia and the Ukraine experi-
enced the rule of Kolchak and Denikin, they
realized that they had only one alternative:
either to go to the capitalist, and he would
at once hand them over into slavery to the
landlord; or to follow the worker, who, it is
true, did not promise a land flowing with
milk and honey, who demanded iron disci-
pline and firmness in an arduous struggle,
but who would lead them out of enslavement
to the capitalists and landlords. When even
the ignorant peasants realized and saw this
from their own experience they became
conscious adherents of communism, who
had passed through a stern school. It is such
experience that must form the basis of all
the activities of the Young Communist
League.
I have replied to the questions what we
must learn, what we must take from the old
school and from the old science. I will now
try to answer the question how this must be
learnt. The answer is: only by inseparably
linking every step in the activities of the
school, every step in training, education and
31
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
set an example of training and discipline in
this struggle. Then you will be able to
start building the edifice of communist soci-
ety and bring it to completion.
In order to make this clearer to you I
will quote an example. We call ourselves
Communists. What is a Communist? Com-
munist is a Latin word. Communis is the
Latin for "common." Communist society is
a society in which all things-the land, the
factories-are owned in common and the
people work in common. That is com-
munism.
Is it possible to work in common if each
one works separately on his own plot of
land? Work in common cannot be brought
about all at once. That is impossible. It dues
not drop from the skies. It comes by toil and
suffering, it is created in the course of strug-
gle. Old books are of no use here; no one
will believe them. One's own living experi-
ence is required. When Kolchak and Denikin
advanced from Siberia and the South the
peasants were on their side. They did not
like Bolshevism because the Bolsheviks took
their grain at a fixed price. But when the.
30
peasants in Siberia and the Ukraine experi-
enced the rule of Kolchak and Denikin, they
realized that they had only one alternative:
either to go to the capitalist, and he would
at once hand them over into slavery to the
landlord; or to follow the worker, who, it is
true, did not promise a land flowing with
milk and honey, who demanded iron disci-
pline and firmness in an arduous struggle,
but who would lead them out of enslavement
to the capitalists and landlords. When even
the ignorant peasants realized and saw this
from their own experience they became
conscious adherents of communism, who
had passed through a stern school. It is such
experience that must form the basis of all
the activities of the Young Communist
League.
I have replied to the questions what we
must learn, what we must take from the old
school and from the old science. I will now
try to answer the question how this must be
learnt. The answer is: only by inseparably
linking every step in the activities of the
school, every step in training, education and
31
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
teaching, with the struggle of all the toilers
against the exploiters.
I will quote a few examples from the
experience of the work of some of the youth
organizations to illustrate how this training
in communism should proceed. Everybody
is talking about abolishing illiteracy. You
know that a communist society cannot be
built in an illiterate country. It is not enough
for the Soviet government to issue an
order, or for the Party to issue a particular
slogan, or to assign a certain number of the
best workers to this task. The younger
generation itself must take up this work.
Communism means that the youth, the
young men and women who belong to the
Youth League, would say. this is our job;
we shall unite and go into the rural districts
to abolish illiteracy, so that there shall
be no illiterates among our rising genera-
tion. \Ve are trying to get the rising
generation to devote its activities to this
work. You know that we cannot quickly
transform ignorant, illiterate Russia into a
literate country. But if the Youth League
sets to work on this job, if all the young
32
people work for the benefit of all, the
League, which unites 400,000 young men
and women, will be entitled to call itself a
Young Communist League. Another task of
the League is, after having acquired any
particular knowledge, to help those young
people who cannot liberate themselves from
the darkness of illiteracy by their own
efforts. Being a member of the Youth League
means devoting one's labour and efforts to
the common cause. That is what communist
training means. Only in the course of such
work does a young man or woman become
a real Communist. Only if they achieve
practical results in this work will they be-
come Communists.
Take, for example, work on the suburban
vegetable gardens. Isn't this a task? This is
one of the tasks of the Young Communist
League. The people are starving; there is
starvation in the mills and factories. In order
to save ourselves from starvation, vegetable
gardens must be developed. But agriculture
is being carried on in the old way. There-
fore, more class-conscious elements must
undertake this work, and you would then
33
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
0
find that the number of vegetable gardens
would increase, their area grow, and the
results improve. The Young Communist
League must take an active part in this
work. Every League and every branch of the
League should regard this as its job.
The Young Communist League must be
a shock group, helping in every job and
displaying initiative and enterprise. The
League should be such that any worker may
see that it consists of people whose teach-
ings he may not understand, whose teach-
ings he perhaps may not immediately
believe, but from whose practical work and
activity he could see that they are really the
people who are showing him the right road.
If the Young Communist League fails to
organize its work in this way in all fields,
it will mean that it is slipping into the old,
bourgeois path. We must combine our
training with the struggle of the toilers
against the exploiters in order to help the for-
mer to perform the tasks that follow from
the teachings of communism.
The members of the League should use
every spare hour to improve the vegetable
.34
gardens, or to organize the education of
young people in some mill or factory, and so
forth. We want to transform Russia from a
poverty-stricken and wretched country into
a wealthy country. And the Young Com-
munist League must combine its education,
teaching and training with the labour of the
workers and peasants, so as not to shut
itself up in its schools and not to confine
itself to reading communist books and
pamphlets. Only by working side by side
with the workers and peasants can one
become a genuine Communist. And every-
one must be made to see that all those who
belong to the Youth League are literate and
at the same time know how to work. When
everyone sees that we have driven the old
drill methods from the old school and have
replaced them by conscious discipline, that
all young men and women are taking part in
subbotniks, that they are utilizing every
suburban farm to help the population-the
people will cease to look upon labour as they
looked upon it before.
It is the task of the Young Communist
League to organize assistance in the village
35
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
or in the city block in such a matter as-I
take a small example-cleanliness or the
distribution of food. How was this done in
the old capitalist society? Everybody worked
for himself alone, and nobody cared whether
there were aged or sick, or whether all the
housework fell on the shoulders of the wom-
en, who, as a result, were in a state of
oppression and slavery. Whose business is
it to combat this? It is the business of the
Youth Leagues, which must say: we shall
change all this; we shall organize detach-
ments of young people who will help to
maintain cleanliness or to distribute food,
who will make systematic house-to-house
inspections, who will work in an organized
way for the benefit of the whole of society,
properly distributing their forces and
demonstrating that labour must be organ-
ized labour.
The generation which is now about fifty
years old cannot expect to see the commu-
nist society. This generation will die out
before then. But the generation which is
now fifteen years old will see the communist
society, and will itself build this society. And
36
it must know that the whole purpose of its
life is to build this society. In the old society
work was carried on by separate families,
and nobody united their labour except the
landlords and capitalists, who oppressed the
masses of the people. We must organize all
labour, no matter how dirty and arduous it
may be, in such a way that every worker and
peasant may say: I am part of the great ar-
my of free labour, and I can build my life
without the landlords and capitalists, I can
establish the communist system. The Young
Communist League must train everybody to
conscious and disciplined labour from an
early age. In this way we shall be sure that
the problems that are now confronting us
will be solved. We must assume that no
less than ten years will be required for the
electrification of the country, so that our
impoverished land may be served by the
latest achievements of technology. And so,
the generation which is now fifteen years
old, and which in ten or twenty years' time
will be living in communist society, must
approach all its tasks in education in such
a way that every day, in every village and
37
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
every town, the young people shall engage
in the practical solution of some problem.
of common labour, even though the smallest,
even though the simplest. To the extent that
this is done in every village, to the extent
that communist emulation develops, to the
extent that the youth prove that they can
unite their labour, to that extent will the
success of communist construction be en-
sured. Only by regarding our every step from
the standpoint of the success of this con-
struction, only by asking ourselves wheth-
er we have done all we can to be united,
conscious toilers, will the Young Communist
League succeed in uniting its half a million
members into a single army of labour and
win universal respect. (Stormy applause.)
Pravda, Nos. 221, 222 and 223,
October 5, 6 and 7, 1920
NOTE
'The Third All-Russian Congress of the Rus-
sian Young Communist League met in
Moscow on October 2-10,1920, and was attend-
ed by some 600 delegates. Lenin made his
speech at the opening session, on the evening
of October 2.
Title Page
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
K. MAR and F. E N G E 1. S
F THE
CO44UNIST1
PARTY
ATNIFEST
50X1 -HUM
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
"WITH TIIE CLARITY AND BRILLIANCE
OF GENIUS, THIS WORK OUTLINES TIIE NEW
\\'ORLD OUTLOOIc, CONSISTENT MATERIAL-
ISM, WIIICII ALSO E1113RACES TIIE REALM OF
SOLI:\L LIFE, DIALECTICS, AS TIIE MOST
COJII'f3EhIENSIVL' AND I'ROFOUND DOCTRINE
OF DEVELOP\IFNT, TIlE TIIEORY OF TIIE
CLASS STRUGGLE AND OF TIIE WORLD-
IIISTORIC RI.;VOLUTIONARY ROLE OF TIIE
PROLETARIAT--TIIE CREATOR OF A NEW,
COMMUNIST SOCIETY."
LENiN
"BY THEIR MANIFESTO, MARX AND
ENGELS CREATED AN ERA."
STALIN
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
KARL MARX
FREDERICK ENGELS
FOREIGN LANGUAGES PUBLISHING HOUSE
Moscow 1955
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
CONTENTS
PUBLISIIER'S NOTE
The present English edition of the
MANIFESTO OF THE CO3I1JUNIST
PARTY is a reproduction of the transla-
tion made by Samuel Moore in 1888 from
the original German text of 1848 and
edited brj Frederick Engels.
Included in the present text are Engels's
annotations for the English 1888 edition
and the German 1890 edition as well as all
the author's prefaces to the various edi-
tions.
Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Page
PREFACE TO TIIE GERMAN EDITION OF 1872 ..
..
..
9
PREFACE TO TILE RUSSIAN EDITION OF 1882 ..
..
13
PREFACE TO TIIE GERMAN EDITION OF 1883 ..
..
..
17
PREFACE TO TIIE ENGLISII EDITION OF 1888 ..
..
..
19
PREFACE TO TIIE GERMAN EDITION OF 1890 . ,
..
..
30
PREFACE TO TIIE POLISII EDITION OF 1892 ..
..
..
41
PREFACE TO TIIE ITALIAN EDITION OF 1893 ..
..
..
45
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
49
I. BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS .. .. ..
..
..
51
II. PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS .. .. ..
..
..
77
III. SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE ..
..
..
96
1. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM .. .. .. ..
, .
..
96
a. Feudal Socialism .. .. .. .. .. ..
..
..
96
b. Pclty-Bourgeois Socialism .. .. .. ..
..
..
100
c. German, or "True," Socialism .. .. ..
..
..
102
2. CONSERVATIVE, OR BOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM ..
..
108
3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM ..
111
IV. POSITION OF TIIE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO TIIE
VAR
IOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES .
112
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE TO THE GERMAN
EDITION OF 1872
The Communist League, an international as-
sociation of workers, which could of course be
only a secret one under the conditions obtaining
at the time, commissioned the undersigned, at the
Congress held in London in November 1847, to
draw up for publication a detailed theoretical and
practical programme of the Party. Such was the
origin of the following Manifesto, the manuscript
of which travelled to London, to be printed, a
few weeks before the February Revolution.' First
published in German, it has been republished in
that language in at least twelve different editions
in Germany, England and America. It was pub-
lished in English for the first time in 1850 in the
Red Republican, London, translated by Miss Hel-
en Macfarlane, and in 1871 in at least three dif-
ferent translations in America. A French version
'The February Revolution in France, 1848.-Ed.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
first appeared in Paris shortly before the June
insurrection of 1848 and recently iii Le Socialiste
of 'New ~torl,. A new translation is in the course
of preparation. A Polish version appeared in
London shortly after it was first published in Ger-
man. A Russian translation was published in
Geneva in the sixties. Into Danish, too, it was
translated shortly after its first appearance:
IIo ,vever much the state of things may have
altered during the last twenty-five years, the gen-
eral principles laid down in this Manifesto are,
on the whole, as correct today as ever. Ilore
and there some detail might be improved. The
practical application of the principles will depend,
as the Manifesto itself states, everywhere and at
all times, on the historical conditions for the time
being existing, and, for that reason, no special
stress is laid on the revolutionary measures pro-
posed at the end of Section II. `l,hat passage
would, in many respects, be very differently word-
ed today. In view of the gigantic strides of
Modern Industry in the last twenty-five years,
and of the accompanying improved and extended
party organisation of the working class, in view
of the practical experience gained, first in the
10
PREFACE
February Revolution, and then, still more, in the
Paris Commune, where the proletariat for the
first time held political power for tvvro whole
months, this programme has in some details be-
come antiquated. One thing especially was proved
by the Commune, viz., that "the working class
cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state
machinery, and wield it for its own purposes. "
(See The Civil War in Trance; Address of the Gen-
eral Council of the International Working Il'Ien's
Association, London, Truelove, 1871, p. 15, where
this point is further developed.)' Further, it is
self-evident that the criticism of socialist litera-
ture is deficient, in relation to the present time,
because it comes down only to 1847; also, that the
remarks on the relation of the Communists to the
various opposition parties (Section IV), although
in principle still correct, yet in practice are anti-
quated, because the political situation has been
entirely changed, and the progress of history has
swept from off the earth the greater portion of
the political parties there enumerated.
' K. Mars and F. Engels, Selected TVorks, Two-Vol.
ed., Vol. 1, Moscow 1951, p. 4U8 ff.-Ed.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
But, then, the Manifesto has become a histor-
ical document which we have no longer any right
to alter. A subsequent edition may perhaps
appear with an introduction bridging the gap from
1847 to the present day; this reprint was too
unexpected to leave us time for that.
Karl Marx Frederick Engels
London, June 24, 1872
PREFACE TO THE RUSSIAN
EDITION OF 1882
rl'he first Russian edition of the Manifesto of
the Communist Party, translated by Bakunin, was
published early in the sixties' by the printing
office of the Kolokol. Then the West could see in
it (the Russian edition of the Manifesto) only a
literary curiosity. Such a view would be impos-
sible today.
What a limited field the proletarian move-
ment still occupied at that time (December 1847)
is most clearly shown by the last section of the
Manifesto: the position of the Communists in
relation to the various opposition parties in the
various countries. Precisely Russia and the Unit-
ed States are missing here. It was the time when
Russia constituted the last great reserve of all
European reaction,when the United States absorbed
1 The edition referred to appeared in 1869. In En-
gels's Preface to the English Edition of 1888, the publi-
cation date of this Russian translation of the Manifesto
is also incorrectly given (see p. 23).-Ed.
18
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
the surplus proletarian forces of Europe through
immigration. Loth countries provided Europe
with raw materials and were at the same time
markets for the sale of its industrial products.
At that time both were, therefore, in one way
or another, pillars of the existing European
order.
flow very different today! Precisely European
immigration fitted North America for a gigantic
agricultural production, whose competition is
shaking the very foundations of European landed
property-large and small. In addition it ena-
bled the United States to exploit its tremendous
industrial resources with an energy and on a
scale that must shortly break the industrial
monopoly of Western Europe, and especially
of England, existing up to now. Loth circum-
stances react in revolutionary manner upon Amer-
ica itself. Step by step the small and middle land
ownership of the farmers, the basis of the whole
political constitution, is succumbing to the
competition of giant; farms; simultaneously, a
mass proletariat and a fabulous concentration
of capitals are developing for the first time in
the industrial regions.
14
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
And now Russia! During the Revolution of
1848-49 not only the European princes, but the
European bourgeois as well, found their only
salvation from the proletariat, just beginning to
awaken, in Russian intervention. The tsar was
proclaimed the chief of European reaction. Today
he is a prisoner of war of the revolution, in
Gatchina, and Russia forms the vanguard of rev-
olutionary action in Europe.
The Communist Manifesto had as its object
the proclamation of the inevitably impending
dissolution of modern bourgeois property. But in
Russia we find, face to face with the rapidly de-
veloping capitalist swindle and bourgeois landed
property, just beginning to develop, more than
half the land owned in common by the peasants.
Now the question is: can the Russian obslichina,1
though greatly undermined, yet a form of the pri-
meval common ownership of land, pass directly
to the higher form of communist common owner-
ship? Or on the contrary, must it first pass
through the same process of dissolution as con-
stitutes the historical evolution of the West?
Obslac/aina: Village community.-Ed.
15
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
The only answer to that possible today is this:
If the Russian Revolution becomes the signal for
a proletarian revolution in the West,, so that
both complement each other, the present Russian
common ownership of land may serve as the start-
ing point for a communist development.
Karl Marx F. Engels
London, January 21, 1882
PREFACE TO THE GERMAN
EDITION OF 1833
The preface to the present edition I must,
alas, sign alone. Mart, the man to whom the
whole working class of Europe and America owes
more than to anyone else-rests at Highgate
Cemetery and over his grave the first grass is
already growing. Since his death, there can be
even less thought of revising or supplementing
the Manifesto. All the more do I consider it
necessary again to state hero the following
expressly:
The basic thought running through the Mani-
festo-that economic production and the struc-
1;ure o?' society of every historical epoch necessa-
rily arising therefrom constitute the foundation
for the political and intellectual history of that
epoch; that consequently (ever since the disso-
lution of the primeval communal ownership of
land) all history has been a history of class striig-
gles, of struggles between exploited and exploiting,
2-1711 17
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
between dominated and dominating classes at
various stages of social development; that this
struggle, however, has now reached a stage where
the exploited and oppressed class (the prole-
tariat) can no longer emancipate itself from the
class which exploits and oppresses it (the bour-
geoisie), without at the same time forever freeing
the whole of society from exploitation, oppression
and class struggles-this basic thought belongs
solely and exclusively to Marx.'
I have already stated this many times; but
precisely now it is necessary that it also stand
in front of the Manifesto itself.
F
London, June 28, 1883
angels
1 "This proposition," I wrote in the preface; to the
English translation, "which, in my opinion, is des-
tined to do for history what Darwin's theory has done
for biology, we, both of us, had been gradually approach-
ing for some years before 1845. 1-low far 1 had inde-
pendently progressed towards it, is best shown by my
`Condition of the Working Class in England.' But when
I again met Marx at Brussels, in spring, 1845, he had
it ready worked out, and put it before me, in terms
almost as clear as those in which I have stated it here."
[Note by Engels to the German edition 'of 1890.]
PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH
EDITION OF 1888
The "Manifesto" was published as the plat-
form of the "Communist League," a working-
men's association, first exclusively German, lat-
er on international, and, under the political con-
ditions of the Continent before 1848, unavoida-
bly a secret society. At a Congress of the League,
held in London in November, 1847, Marx and
Engels were commissioned to prepare for publi-
cation a complete theoretical and practical party-
programme. Drawn up in German, in January,
1848, the manuscript was sent to the printer in
London a few weeks before the French revolution
of February 24th. A French translation was
brought out in Paris, shortly before the insurrec-
tion of June, 1848. The first English translation,
by Miss llelen Macfarlane, appeared in George
Julian Barney's "Red Republican," London,
2* 19
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
P REFACE
1850. A Danish and a Polish edition had also
been published.
The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of
June, '1848,-the first great battle between Pro-
letariat and. Bourgeoisie-drove again into the
background, for a time, the social and political
aspirations of the European working class. Thence-
forth, the struggle for supremacy was again, as
it had been before the revolution of February,
solely between different sections of the proper-
tied class; the working class was reduced to a
fight for political elbow-room, and to the posi-
tion of extreme wing of the middle-class Radicals.
Wherever independent proletarian movements
continued to show signs of life, they were ruth-
lessly hunted down. Thus the Prussian police
hunted out the Central Board of the Communist
League, then located in Cologne. The members
were arrested, and, after eighteen months' impris-
onment, they were tried in October, 1852. This
celebrated "Cologne Communist trial" lasted
from October 4th till November 12th; seven of
the prisoners were sentenced to terms of impris-
onment in a fortress, varying from three to sit
years. Immediately after the sentence; the
20
21
PREFACE
League was formally dissolved by the remaining
members. As to the "Manifesto, "it seemed thence-
forth to be doomed to oblivion.
When the European working class had recov-
ered sufficient strength for another attack on the
ruling classes, the International Working Men's
Association sprang up. But this association,
formed with the express aim of welding into one
body the whole militant proletariat of Europe and
America, could not at once proclaim the prin-
ciples laid down in the "Manifesto. " The Inter-
national was bound to have a programme broad
enough to be acceptable to the English Trades'
Unions, to the follo\vers of Proudhon in France,
Belgium, Italy, and Spain, and to the Lassal-
leansa in Germany. Marx, who drew up this pro-
gramme to the satisfaction of all parties, entire-
ly trusted to the intellectual development of the
working class, which was sure to result from
combined action and mutual discussion. The very
a Lassalle personally, to us, always acknowledged
himself to be a disciple of Marx, and, as such, stood
on the ground of the "Manifesto." But in his public
agitation, 1862-64, he did not go beyond demanding
co-operative workshops supported by State credit. [Note
by .Engels.}
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PHEFACE
events and vicissitudes of the struggle against
Capital, the defeats even more than the victories,
could not help bringing home to men's minds the
insufficiency of their various favourite nostrums,
and preparing the way for a more complete in-
sight into the true conditions of working-class
emancipation. And Marx was right. The Interna-
tional, on its breaking up in 1874, left the work-
ers quite different mere from what it had found
them in 1864. Proudhonism in France, Lassallean-
ism in Germany were dying out, and even the
Conservative English Trades' Unions, though
most of them had long since severed their con-
nexion with the International, were gradually
advancing towards that point at which, last
year at Swansea, their President could say in
their name "Continental Socialism has lost its
terrors for us." In fact: the principles of the
"Manifesto" had made considerable headway
among the working men of all countries.
The "Manifesto" itself thus came to the
front again. The German text had been, since
1850, reprinted several times in Switzerland,
England and America. In 1872, it was translated
i ni n English in New York, whore the translation
22
was published in "Woodhull and Claflin's Week-
ly." From this English version, a French one
was made in "Le Socialiste" of New York. Since
then at least two more English translations,
more or less mutilated, have been brought out in
America, and one of them has been reprinted in
England. The first Russian translation, made
by Bakounine, was published at Herzen's "Ko-
lokol" office in Geneva, about 1863; a second one,
by the heroic Vera Zasulich,l also in Geneva,
1882. A new Danish edition is to be found in
"Social-demokratisk Bibliothek, " Copenhagen,
1885; a fresh French translation in "Le Social-
iste, " Paris, 1885. From this latter a Spanish
version was prepared and published in Madrid,
1886. 'l,he German reprints are not to be counted,
there have been twelve altogether at the least. An
Armenian translation, which was to be published
in Constantinople some months ago, did not see
the light, I am told, because the publisher was
1 As a matter of fact, Plekhanov was the trans-
lator. In the afterword to the article "Social Rela-
tions in Russia," published in Internationales aus der.
Volksstaa.t (1871-75), Berlin 1894, Engels himself re-
fers to this translation as Pl!khannv's.-Ed.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
afraid of bringing out a book with the name of
Mari on it, while the translator declined to call
it his own production. Of further translations
into other languages I have heard, but have not
seen them. Thus the history of the "Manifesto"
reflects, to a great extent, the history of the mod-
ern working-class movement; at present it is
undoubtedly the most wide-spread, the most in-
ternational production of all Socialist litera-
ture, the common platform acknowledged by
millions of working men from Siberia to Cali-
fornia.
Yet, when it was written, we could not have
called it a Socialist Manifesto. By Socialists, in
1847, were understood, on the one hand, the ad-
herents of the various Utopian systems: Owen-
ites in Eng?and, Fourierists in France, both of
them already reduced to the position of mere
sects, and gradually dying out; on the other
band, the most multifarious social quacks, who,
by all manners of tinkering, professed to redress,
without any danger to capital and profit, all
sorts of social grievances, in both cases men
outside the working-class movement, and look-
ing rather to the "educated" classes for support.
24
PREFACE
Whatever portion of the working class had become
convinced of the insufficiency of mere politi-
cal revolutions, and had proclaimed the necessity
of a total social change, that portion then called
itself Communist. It was a crude, rough-hewn,
purely instinctive sort of Communism; still, it
touched the cardinal point and was powerful
enough amongst the working class to produce the
Utopian Communism, in France, of Cabet, and
in Germany, of \Veitling. Thus, Socialism was,
in 1847, a middle-class movement, Communism
a working-class movement. Socialism was, on the
Continent at least, "respectable "; Communism
was the very opposite. And as our notion, from
the very beginning, was that "the emancipation
of the working class must be the act of the work-
ing class itself, " there could be no doubt as to
which of the two names we must take. Moreover,
we have, ever since, been far from repudiat-
ing it.
The "Manifesto" being our joint production,
I consider myself bound to state that the funda-
mental proposition, which forms its nucleus, be-
longs to Marx. That proposition is: that in every
historical epoch, the prevailing mode of econom-
25
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
P REFACE
is production and exchange, and the social or-
ganisation necessarily following from it, form
the basis upon which is built up, and from which
alone can be explained, the political and intel-
lectual history of that epoch; that consequently
the whole history of mankind (since the dissolu-
tion of primitive tribal society, holding land in
common ownership) has been a history of class
struggles, contests between exploiting and ex-
ploited, ruling and oppressed classes; that the
history of these class struggles forms a series of
evolutions in which, now-a-days, a stage has
been reached where the exploited and oppressed
class-the proletariat-cannot attain its emanci-
pation from the sway of the exploiting and ruling
class-the bourgeoisie-without, at the same
time, and once and for all, emancipating society
at large from all exploitation, oppression, class
distinctions and class struggles.
This proposition which, in my opinion, is des-
tined to do for history what Darwin's theory has
done for biology, we, both of us, had been grad-
ually approaching for some years before 1845.
How far I had independently progressed towards
it, is hest shown by my "Condition of the Work-
26
ing Class in England. "1 But when I again met
Marx at Brussels, in spring, 1845, he had it ready
worked out, and put it before me, in terms
almost as clear as those in which I have stated
it here.
From our joint preface to the German edition
of 1872, I quote the following:-
"IIowever much the state of things may have
altered during the last twenty-five years, the
general principles laid down in this Manifesto
are, on the whole, as correct today as ever. Here
and there some detail might be improved. The
practical application of the principles will de-
pend, as the Manifesto itself states, everywhere
and at all times, on the historical conditions
for the time being existing, and, for that reason,
no special stress is laid on the revolutionary
measures proposed at the end of Section II.
That passage would, in many respects, be very
differently worded today. In view of the gigan-
tic strides of Modern Industry since 1848, and
1 "The Condition of the Working Class in England
in 1844." By Frederick Engels. Translated by Florence
K. Wishnewetzky, New York. Lovell-London.
Reeves, 1888. (Note by Cngels.l
27
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
of the accompanying improved and extended
organisation of the working class, in view of the
practical experience gained, first in the February
Revolution, and then, still more, in the Paris
Commune, where the proletariat for the first time
held political power for two whole months, this
programme has in some details become antiquat-
ed. One thing especially was proved by the Com-
mune, viz., that `the working class cannot simply
lay hold of the ready-made State machinery, and
wield it for its own purposes.' (See "The Civil
War in France; Address of the General Council of
the International Working Men's Association, "
London, Truelove, 1871, p. 15,2 where this point
is further developed.) Further, it is self-evident,
that the criticism of Socialist literature is defi-
cient in relation to the present time, because it
conies down only to '1847; also, that the remarks
on the relation of the Communists to the various
opposition parties (Section IV), although in
i In the German original of 1872 this phrase is
worded somewhat differently. Cf. p. 10 of the present
edition.-Ed.
2 K. Mara and F. Engels, Selected l'Vorks, Two-Vol.
ed., Vol. I, Moscow 1c151, p. 4168.-Ed.
28
PREFACE
principle still correct, yet in practiceare anti-
quated, because the political situation has been
entirely changed, and the, progress of history
has swept from off the earth the greater portion
of the political parties there enumerated.
"But then, the Manifesto has become a his-
torical document which we have no longer any
right to alter. "
The present translation is by Mr. Samuel
Moore, the translator of the greater portion of
Marx's "Capital." We have revised it in com-
mon, and I have added a few notes explanatory
of historical allusions.
London, 30th January 1888
Frederick Engels
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
PREFACE TO THE GERMAN
EDITION OF 1890
Since the above was written, a new German
edition of the Manifesto has again become neces-
sary, and much has also happened to the Mani-
festo which should be recorded here.
A second Russian translation-by Vera Za-
sulich-appeared at Geneva in 1882; the preface
to that edition was written by Marx and myself.
Unfortunately, the original German manuscript
has gone astray; I must therefore retranslate
from the Russian, which will in no way improve
the text.2 It reads:
"The first Russian edition of the Manifesto
of the Communist Party, translated by Bakunin,
i Engels is referring to his preface to the German
edition of 1883.-Ed.
2 The lost German original ms. of the preface of
Marx and Engels to the Russian edition of the Manifesto
has been found and is kept, in the archives of the Marx-
Engels-Lenin-Stalin institute in Moscow. The present
English translation of this preface is made from the
German original.-Ed.
30
was published early in the sixties by the printing
office of the liolokol. Then the West could see
in it (the Russian edition of the Manifesto) only
a literary curiosity. Such a view would be impos-
sible today.
"What a limited field the proletarian move-
ment still occupied at that time (December 1847)
is most clearly shown by the last section of the
Manifesto: the position of the Communists in re-
lation to the various opposition parties in the
various countries. Precisely Russia arid the Unit-
ed States are missing here. It was the time when
Russia constituted the last great reserve of all
European reaction, when the United States ab-
sorbed the surplus proletarian forces of Europe
through immigration. Both countries provided
Europe with raw materials and were at the same
time markets for the sale of its industrial prod-
ucts. At that time both were, therefore, in one
way or another, pillars of the existing European
order.
"How very different today! Precisely Euro-
pean immigration fitted North America for a gigan-
tic agricultural production, whose competition is
shaking the very foundations of European landed
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
property-large and small. Iii addition it enabled
the United States to exploit its tremendous indus-
trial resources with an energy and on a scale
that must shortly break the industrial monopoly
of Western Europe, and especially of England,
existing up to now. Both circumstances react irr
revolutionary manner upon America itself. Step
by step the small and middle land ownership of
the farmers, the basis of the whole political con-
stitution, is succumbing to the competition of
giant farms; simultaneously, a mass proletariat
and a fabulous concentration of capitals are
developing for the first time in the industrial re-
gions.
And now Russia! During the Revolution of
1848-49 not only the European princes, but the
European bourgeois as well, found their only sal-
vation from the proletariat, just beginning to
awaken, in Russian intervention. rihe tsar was
proclaimed the chief of European reaction. rhoday
he is a prisoner of war of the revolution, in Gat-
china, and Russia forms the vanguard of revolu-
tionary action in Europe.
"The Communist Manifesto had as its object
the proclamation of the inevitably impending dis-
32
PREFACE
3oluti.on of modern bourgeois property. But in
Russia we find, face to face with the rapidly de-
veloping capitalist swindle and bourgeois landed
property, just beginning to develop, more than
half the land owned in common by the peasants.
Now the question is: can the Russian obshchina,
though greatly undermined, yet a form of the
primeval common ownership of land, pass direct-
ly to the higher form of communist common own-
ership? Or on the contrary, must it first pass
through the same process of dissolution as
constitutes the historical evolution of the West?
"The only answer to that possible today is
this: If the Russian Revolution becomes the sig-
nal for a proletarian revolution in the West,
so that both complement each other, the pres-
ent Russian common ownership of land may
serve as the starting point for a communist
development.
Karl Marx Frederick Engels
London, January 21, 1882"
At about the same date, a new Polish version
appeared in Geneva: Manifest Kornunistyczny.
3-1711 33
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
Furthermore, a new Danish translation has
appeared in the Socialdemokratisk Bibliotlaelc,
Kjobenhavn 1885. Unfortunately it is not quite
complete; certain essential passages, which seem
to have presented difficulties to the transla-
tor, have been omitted, and in addition there
are signs of carelessness here and there, which
are all the more unpleasantly conspicuous since
the translation indicates that had the translator
taken a little more pains he would have done an
excellent piece of work.
A new French version appeared in 1855 in Le
Socialiste of Paris; it is the best published to
date.
From this latter a Spanish version was pub-
lished the same year, first in El Socialista of
Madrid, and then re-issued in pamphlet form:
Marti f iesto del Partido Comanista por Carlos
Marx y F. Engels, Madrid, Administration de
El Socialista, hlernan Cortes 8.
As a matter of curiosity I may also mention
that in 1887 the manuscript of an Armenian trans-
lation was offered to a publisher in Constan-
tinople. But the good man did not have the
courage to publish something bearing the name of
34
PREFACE
Marx and suggested that the translator set down
his own name as author, which the latter, how-
ever, declined.
After one and then another of the more or less
inaccurate American translations had been re-
peatedly reprinted in England, an authentic ver-
sion at last appeared in '1888. rfllis was by my
friend Samuel Moore, and we went through it
together once more before it was sent to press.
It is entitled: Manifesto of the Communist Party,
by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. Authorised
English Translation, edited and annotated by
Frederick Engels. 1888. London, William
Reeves, 185 Fleet st., E. C. I have added some of
the notes of that edition to the present one.
The Manifesto has had a history of its own.
Greeted with enthusiasm, at the time of its ap-
pearance, by the then still not at all numerous
vanguard of scientific Socialism (as is proved by
the translations mentioned in the first preface),
it was soon forced into the background by the
reaction that began with the defeat of the Paris
workers in June 1848, and was finally excom-
municated "according to law" by the conviction
of the Cologne Communists in November 1852.
3* 35
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
With the disappearance from the public scene of
the workers' movement that had begun with the
February Revolution, the Manifesto too passed
into the background.
When the working class of Europe had again
gathered sufficient strength for a new onslaught
upon the power of the ruling classes, the Inter-
national Working Men's Association came into
being. Its aim was to weld together into one
huge army the whole militant working class of
Europe and America. Therefore it could riot set
out from the principles laid down in the Manifes-
to. It was bound to have a programme which
would not shut the door on the English trade
unions, the French, Belgian, Italian and Spanish
Proudhonists and the German Lassalleans.' This
programme-the preamble to the Rules of the
International-was drawn up by Marx with a
master hand acknowledged even by Bakunin and
1 Lassalle personally, to us, always acknowledged
himself to be a "disciple" of Marx, arid, as such, stood,
of course, on the ground of the Manifesto. Matters were
quite different with regard to those of his followers
who did riot go beyond his demand for producers' co-oper-
atives supported by state credits and who divided the
whole working class into supporters of state assistance
and supporters of self-assistance. [Note by Engels.]
36
the Anarchists. For the ultimate triumph of
the ideas set forth in the Manifesto Marx relied
solely and exclusively upon the intellectual de-
velopment of the working class, as it. necessarily
had to ensue from united action and discussion.
The events and vicissitudes in the struggle
against capital, the defeats even more than the
successes, could not, but demonstrate to the fighters
the inadequacy hitherto of their universal pana-
ceas and make their minds more receptive to
a thorough understanding of the true conditions
for the emancipation of the workers. And Marx
was right. rile working class of 1874, at the dis-
solution of the International, was altogether
different from that of 1864, at its foundation.
Proudhonism in the Latin countries and the spe-
cific Lassalleanism in Germany were dying out,
and even the then archconservative English
trade unions were gradually approaching the
point where in 1887 the chairman of their
Swansea . Congress could say in their name
"Continental Socialism has lost its terrors for
us." Yet by 1887 Continental Socialism was
almost exclusively the theory heralded in the
Manifesto. Thus, to a certain extent, the history
u
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
I'REFACE
of the Manifesto reflects the history of the mod-
ern working-class movement since 1848. At
present it is doubtless the most widely circulated,
the most international product of all Socialist
literature, the common programme of many
millions of workers of all countries, from Si-
beria to California.
Nevertheless, when it appeared we could
not have called it a Socialist Manifesto. In 1847
two kinds of people were considered Socialists.
On the one hand were the adherents of the various
Utopian systems, notably the Owenites in Eng-
land and the Fourierists in France, both of whom
at that date had already dwindled to mere sects
gradually dying out. On the other, the manifold
types of social quacks who wanted to eliminate
social abuses through their various universal pan-
aceas and all kinds of patchwork, without hurt-
ing capital and profit in the least. In both cases,
people who stood outside the labour movement
and who looked for support rather to the "edu-
cated" classes. The section of the working class,
however, which demanded a radical reconstruction
of society, convinced that mere political revolu-
tions were not enough, then called itself Commu-
38
I'REFACE
itist. It was still a rough-hewn, only instinctive,
and frequently somewhat crude Communism.
Yet it was powerful enough to bring into being
two systems of Utopian Communism-in France
the "Icarian" Communism of Cabet, and in
Germany that of Weitling. Socialism in 1847
signified a bourgeois movement, Communism
a working-class movement. Socialism was, on the
Continent at least, quite respectable, whereas
Communism was the very opposite. And since
we were very decidedly of the opinion as early
as then that "the emancipation of the workers
must be the act of the working class itself,"
we could have no hesitation as to which of the
two names we should choose. Nor has it ever
occurred to us since to repudiate it.
"Working men of all countries, unite!" But
few voices responded when we proclaimed these
words to the world forty-two years ago, on the
eve of the first Paris Revolution in which the
proletariat came out with demands of its own.
On September 28, 1864, however, the proletarians
of most of the Western European countries joined
hands in the International Working Men's Associa-
tion of glorious memory. True, the International
39
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11
CIA-RDP81 -01 043R0007001 00003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
itself lived only nine years. But that the eternal
union of the proletarians of all countries created
by it is stall alive and lives stronger than ever,
there is no better witness than this day. Because
today, as I write these lines, the European and
American proletariat is revie\villg its fighting
forces, mobilised for the first time, mobilised as one
army, under one flag, for one immediate aim: the
standard eight-hour working day, to be established
by legal enactment, as proclaimed by the Geneva
Congress of the International in 1866, and again
by the Paris Workers' Congress in 1889. And to-
day's spectacle will open the eyes of the capital-
ists and landlords of all countries to the fact
that today the working men of all countries are
united indeed.
If only Marx were still by my side to see this
with his own eyes!
F. Engels
London, May 1, 1890
PREFACE TO THE POLISH
EDITION OF 18921
The fact that a new Polish edition of the
Communist Manifesto has become necessary gives
rise to various thoughts.
First of all, it is noteworthy that of late the
Manifesto has become an index, as it were, of the
development of large-scale industry on the Euro-
pean continent. In proportion as large-scale in-
dustry expands in a given country, the demand S
grows among the workers of that country for
enlightenment regarding their position as the
working class in relation to the possessing classes,
the socialist movement spreads among them
and the demand for the Manifesto increases.
Thus, not only the state of the labour movement
but also the degree of development of large-scale
industry can be measured with fair accuracy in
1 The translation of the Preface to the Polish Edi-
(.ion given here is from the German original.-Ed.
41
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PREFACE
every country by the number of copies of the
Manifesto circulated in the language of that
country.
Accordingly, the new Polish edition indi-
cates a decided progress of Polish industry. And
there can be no doubt whatever that this progress
since the previous edition published ten years
ago has actually taken place. Russian Poland,
Congress Poland, has become the big industrial
region of the Russian Empire. Whereas Russian
large-scale industry is scattered sporadically-a
part round the Gulf of Finland, another in the
centre (Moscow and Vladimir), a third along
the coasts of the Black and Azov seas, and still
others elsewhere-Polish industry has been
packed into a relatively small area and enjoys
both the advantages and the disadvantages aris-
ing from such concentration. The competing Rus-
sian manufacturers acknowledged the advantages
when they demanded protective tariffs against
Poland, in spite of their ardent desire to trans-
form the Poles into Russians. The disadvantages
-for the Polish manufacturers and the Russian
government-are manifest in the rapid spread
of socialist ideas among the Polish workers
42
43
PREFACE
and in the growing demand for the Mani-
festo.
But the rapid development of Polish industry,
outstripping that of Russia, is in its turn a new
proof of the inexhaustible vitality of the Polish
people and a new guarantee of its impending na-
tional restoration. And the restoration of an
independent strong Poland is a matter which
concerns not only the Poles but all of us. A sin-
cere international collaboration of the European
nations is possible only if each of these nations
is fully autonomous in its own house. The Revo-
lution of 1848, which under the banner of the
proletariat, after all, merely let the proletarian
fighters do the work of the bourgeoisie, also
secured the independence of Italy, Germany and
IIungary through its testamentary executors,
Louis Bonaparte and Bismarck; but Poland,
which since 1792 had done more for the Revolu-
tion than all these three together, was left to
its own resources when it succumbed in 1863
to a tenfold greater Russian force. The nobility
could neither maintain nor regain Polish in-
dependence; today, to the bourgeoisie, this in-
dependence is, to say the least, immaterial..
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
P REFACE
Nevertheless, it is a necessity for the harmonious
collaboration of the European nations. It can
be gained only by the young Polish proletariat,
and in its hands it is secure. For the workers
of all the rest of Europe need the independence
of Poland just as much as the Polish workers
themselves.
London, February 10, 892
F. Engels
PREFACE TO THE ITALIAN
EDITION OF 1893
TO THE ITALIAN READER
Publication of the Manifesto of the Commu-
nist Party coincided, one may say, with March
18, 1848, the day of the revolutions in Milan
and Berlin, which were armed uprisings of the
two nations situated in the centre, the one, of the
corrtrrrent of Europe, the other, of the Mediterra-
nean; two nations until then enfeebled by divi-
sion and internal strife, and thus fallen under
foreign domination. While Italy was subject
to the Emperor of Austria, Germany underwent
thn vnlre tint legc effer.tiyp I~.hnirh mnre indirpr_.t,~
.1 lr , ~.
of the Tsar of all the Russias. The consequences
of March 18, 1848, freed both Italy and Germany
from this disgrace; if from 1848 to 1871 these
two great nations were reconstituted and some-
how again put on their own, it was, as Karl
Marx used to say, because the men who suppressed
45
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PEEFACE
the Revolution of 1848 were, nevertheless, its
testamentary executors in spite of themselves.
Everywhere that revolution was the work of
the working class; it was the latter that built the
barricades and paid with its lifeblood. Only the
Paris workers, in overthrowing the government,
had the very definite intention of overthrowing
the bourgeois regime. But conscious though
they were of the fatal antagonism existing be-
tween their own class and the bourgeoisie, still,
neither the economic progress of the country nor
the intellectual development of the mass of
French workers had as yet reached the stage
which would have made a social reconstruction
possible. In the final analysis, therefore, the fruits
of the revolution were reaped by the capitalist
class. In the other countries, in Italy, in Germany,
in Austria, the workers, from the very outset, did
nothing but raise the bourgeoisie to power. But
in any country the rule of the bourgeoisie is
impossible without national independence. There-
fore, the Revolution of 1848 had to bring in its
train the unity and autonomy of the nations
that had lacked them up to then: Italy, Germany,
Hungary. Poland will follow in turn.
46
PR EPA CE
Thus, if the Revolution of 1848 was not a so-
cialist revolution, it paved the way, prepared
the ground for the latter. Through the impetus
given to large-scale industry in all countries, the
bourgeois regime during the last forty-five years
has everywhere created a numerous, concentrated
and powerful proletariat. It has thus raised, to
use the language of the Manilesto, its own grave-
diggers. Without restoring autonomy and unity
to each nation, it will be impossible to achieve
the international union of the proletariat, or the
peaceful and intelligent co-operation of these na-
tions toward common aims. Just imagine joint
international action by the Italian, Hungarian,
German, Polish and Russian workers under the
political conditions preceding 1848!
The battles fought in 1848 were thus not
fought in vain. Nor have the forty-five years sep-
arating us from that revolutionary epoch passed
to no purpose. The fruits arc ripening, and all
I wish is that the publication of this Italian
translation may augur as well for the victory
of the Italian proletariat as the publication
of the original did for the international revo-
lution,
47
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
^
PREFACE
The Manifesto does full justice to the revolu-
tionary part played by capitalism in the past.
The first capitalist nation was Italy. The close
of the feudal Middle Ages, and the opening of
the modern capitalist era are marked by a colos-
sal figure: an Italian, Dante, both the last poet
of the Middle Ages and the first poet of modern
times. Today, as in 1300, a new historical era
is approaching. Will Italy give us the new Dante,
who will mark the hour of birth of this new, pro-
letarian era?
London, February 1, 1893
Frederick Engels
g2ero((entlid~i im aebruar 1848.
~GGlrotetarier atler llcnaer bereinigt eu4.
!oubon.
(lDebrudt in Ler Dffirt Der ,?ilDuagt=~efellfrhaft flit 2rbeite,'
bon D. e1. Aurghor3
46, LIVERP001 STCET, B18nt1-3CATr.
COVER OF THE FIIIST EDITION OF THE MANIFESTO
OF THE COAIMUN1sT PARTY
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO
OF THE
COMMUNIST PARTY
A spectre is haunting Europe-the spectre
of Communism. All the Powers of old Europe
have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this
spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot,
French Radicals and German polio-spies.
Where is the party in opposition that has not
been decried as Communistic by its opponents
in power? Where the Opposition that has not
hurled back the branding reproach of Communism,
against the more advanced opposition parties, as
well as against its reactionary adversaries?
Two things result from this fact.
I. Communism is already acknowledged by
all European Powers to be itself a Power.
II. It is high time that Communists should
4---1711 49
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
openly, in the face of the whole world,
publish their views, their aims, their tendencies,
and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of
Communism with a Manifesto of the party itself.
To this end, Communists of various nation-
alities have assembled in London, and sketched
the following Manifesto, to be published in the
English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and
Danish languages.
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANSa
The history of all hitherto existing societyb
is the history of class struggles.
a By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern Cap-
italists, owners of the means of social production and
employers of wage labour. By proletariat, the class
of modern wage-labourers who, having no means of pro-
duction of their own, are reduced to selling their labour
power in order to live. (Note by Engels to the English
edition of 1888.]
b That is, all written history. In 1847, the prehis-
tory of society, the social organisation existing previous
to recorded history, was all but unknown. Since then,
Haxthausen discovered common ownership of land in
Russia, Maurer proved it to be the social foundation
from which all Teutonic races started in history, and
by and bye village communities were found to be, or to
have been the primitive form of society everywhere
from India to Ireland. The inner organisation of this
primitive Communistic society was laid bare, in its
typical form, by Morgan's crowning discovery of the
true nature of the gees and its relation to the tribe.
With the dissolution of these primaeval communities
society begins to be differentiated into separate and fi-
nally antagonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace
this process of dissolution in: ?Der Ursprung der Fami-
4* 51
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian,
lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in
a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in con-
stant opposition to one another, carried on an
uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a
fight that each time ended, either in a revolution-
ary re-constitution of society at large, or in the
common ruin of the contending classes.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find al-
most everywhere a complicated arrangement of
society into various orders, a manifold gradation
of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patri-
cians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle
Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, jour-
neymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these
classes, again, subordinate gradations.
The modern bourgeois society that has sprout-
ed from the ruins of feudal society has not done
away with class antagonisms. It has but estab-
lie, des Privaleigenthums and des Staats" [The Origin
of the Family, Prioate Property and the State], 2nd edi-
tion, Stuttgart 1886. [Note by Engels to the English
edition of 1888.]
C Guild-master, that is, a full member of a guild,
a master within, not a head of a guild. [Note by Engels
to the English edition of 1888.]
52
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
lisped new classes, new conditions of oppression,
new forms of struggle in place of the old
ones.
Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, pos- `
sesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has
simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a
whole is more and more splitting up into two
great hostile camps, into two great classes direct-
ly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the
chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From
these burgesses the first elements of the bour-
geoisie were developed.
The discovery of America, the rounding of the
Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bour-
geoisie. The Fast-Indian and Chinese markets,
the colonisation of America, trade with the colo-
nies, the increase in the means of exchange and
in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to
navigation, to industry, an impulse never before
known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element
in the tottering feudal society, a rapid develop-
ment.
The feudal system of industry, under which
industrial production was monopolised by closed
.5.3
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO Or THE COMMUNIST PARTY
guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing
wants of the new markets. The manufactur-
ing system took its place. The guild-masters
were pushed on one side by the manufacturing
middle class; division of labour between the
different corporate guilds vanished in the face
of division of labour in each single work-
shop.
Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the
demand ever rising. Even manufacture no long-
er sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery
revolutionised industrial production. The place
of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern
Industry, the place of the industrial middle
class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of
whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
Modern industry has established the world
market, for which the discovery of America
paved the way. This market has given an im-
mense development to commerce, to navigation,
to communication by land. This development
has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of in-
dustry; and in proportion as industry, commerce,
navigation, railways extended, in the same pro-
portion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its
54
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
capital, and pushed into the background every
class handed down from the Middle Ages.
We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoi-
sie is itself the product of a long course of devel-
opment, of a series of revolutions in the modes
of production and of exchange.
Each step in the development of the bourgeoi-
sie was accompanied by a corresponding political
advance of that class. An oppressed class under
the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and
self-governing association in the mediaeval com-
muned here independent urban republic (as in
Italy and Germany), there taxable "third estate"
of the. monarchy (as in France), afterwards, in
the period of manufacture proper, serving either
d "Commune" was the name taken, in France,. by
the nascent towns even :before they had conquered from
their feudal lords and masters local self-government
and political rights as the "Third Estate." Generally
speaking, for the economical development of the bour-
geoisie, England is here taken as the typical country;
for its political development, Fraice. [Note by .'ngels
-
to the English edition of 1888.1
This was the name .given their urban communities
by the townsmen of Italy and France, after they had
purchased- or wrested their: initial rights of self-govern-
ment from their feudal lords. [Note by Engels to the
Gerrnan edition of 1890.1
55
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO Or THE COMMUNIST PARTY
the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a
counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact,
corner-stone of the great monarchies in general,
the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establish-
ment of Modern Industry and of the world mar-
ket, conquered for itself, in the modern represent-
ative State, exclusive political sway. The exec-
utive of the modern State is but a committee
for managing the common affairs of the whole
bourgeoisie.
The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a
most revolutionary part.
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the up-
per hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriar-
chal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asun-
der the moldy feudal ties that hound man to his
"natural superiors," and has left remaining no
other nexus between man and man than naked
self-interest, than callous "cash payment." It has
drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious
fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine
sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical
calculation. It has resolved personal worth into
exchange value, and in place of the numberless
indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that
56
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
single, unconscionable freedom-Free Trade. In
one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and
political illusions, it has substituted naked,
shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.
The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every
occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to
with reverent awe. It has converted the physician,
the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of
science, into its paid wage-labourers.
The bourgeoisie has torn away from the fam-
ily its sentimental veil, and has reduced the
family relation to a mere money relation.
The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to
pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Mid-
dle Ages, which Reactionists so much admire,
found its fitting complement in the most slothful
indolence. It has been the first to spew what
man's activity can bring about. It has accom-
plished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyra-
mids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it
has conducted expeditions that put in the shade
all former Exoduses of nations and crusades.
The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constant-
ly revolutionising the instruments of production,
and thereby the relations of production, and with
57
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
them the whole relations of society. Conservation
of the old modes of production in unaltered form,
was, on the contrary, the first condition of exist-
ence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant
revolutionising of production, uninterrupted dis-
turbance of all social conditions, everlasting un-
certainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois
epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen
relations, with their train of ancient and vener-
able prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all
new-formed ones become antiquated before they
can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all
that is holy is profaned, and man is at last
compelled to face with sober senses, his real con-
ditions of life, and his relations with his kind.
The need of a constantly expanding market
for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the
whole surface of the globe. It must nestle every-
where, settle everywhere, establish connexions
everywhere.
The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation
of the world market given a cosmopolitan char-
acter to production and consumption in every
country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it
has drawn from under the feet of industry the
58
59
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
national ground on which it stood. All old-estab-
lished national industries have been destroyed or
are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by
new industries, whose introduction becomes a
life and death question for all civilised nations,
by industries that no longer work up indigenous
raw material, but raw material drawn from the
remotest zones; industries whose products are
consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter
of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied
by the productions of the country, we find new
wants, requiring for their satisfaction the prod-
ucts of distant lands and climes. In place of the
old local and national seclusion and self-sufficien-
cy, we have intercourse in every direction, uni-
versal inter-dependence of nations. And as in ma-
terial, so also in intellectual production. The in-
tellectual creations of individual nations become
common property. National one-sidedness and
narrow-mindedness become more and more im-
possible, and from the numerous national and
local literatures, there arises a world literature.
The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of
all instruments of production, by the immensely
facilitated means' of communication, draws all,
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation.
The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy
artillery with which it batters down all Chinese
walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intense-
ly obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate.
It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to
adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it
compels them to introduce what it calls civilisa-
tion into their midst., i.e., to become bourgeois
themselves. In one word, it creates a world af-
ter its own image.
The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to
the rule of the towns. It has created enormous
cities, has greatly increased the urban popula-
tion as compared with the rural, and has thus
rescued a considerable part of the population
from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made
th.e country dependent on the towns, so it has
made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries de-
pendent on the civilised ones, nations of peasants
on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West.
The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing
away with the scattered state of the population,
of the means of production, and of property. It
has agglomerated population, centralised means
60
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
of production, and has concentrated property in
a few hands. The necessary consequence of this
was political centralisation. Independent, or but
loosely connected provinces, with separate in-
terests, laws, governments and systems of taxa-
tion, became lumped together into one nation,
with one government, one code of laws, one na-
tional class-interest, one frontier and one cus-
to ms-tariff.
The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one
hundred years, has created more massive and
more colossal productive forces than have all
preceding generations together. Subjection of
Nature's forces to man, machinery, application
of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam-
navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clear-
ing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisa-
tion of rivers, whole populations conjured out of
the ground what earlier century had even a pre-
sentiment that such productive forces slumbered
in the lap of social labour?
We see then: the means of production and of
exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie
built itself up, were generated in feudal society.
At a certain stage in the development of these
61
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
means of production and of exchange, the condi-
tions under which feudal society produced and
exchanged, the feudal organisation of agricul-
ture and manufacturing industry, in one word,
the feudal relations of property became no longer
compatible with the already developed produc-
tive forces; they became so many fetters. They
had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.
Into their place stepped free competition, ac-
companied by a social and political constitution
adapted to it, and by the economical and polit-
ical sway of the bourgeois class.
A similar movement is going on before our
own eyes. Modern bourgeois society with its rela-
tions of production, of exchange and of property,
a society that has conjured up such gigantic
means of production and of exchange, is like the
sorcerer, who is no longer able to control the pow-
ers of the nether world whom he has called up
by his spells. For many a decade past the history
of industry and commerce is but the history of
the revolt of modern productive forces against
modern conditions of production, against the
property relations that are the conditions for
the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule.
62
63
$OURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
It is enough to mention the commercial crises that
by their periodical return put on its trial, each
time more threateningly, the existence of the
entire bourgeois society. In these crises a great
part not only of the existing products, but also
of the previously created productive forces, are
periodically destroyed. In these crises there
breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs,
would have seemed an absurdity-the epidemic
of over-production. Society suddenly finds itself
put back into a state of momentary barbarism;
it appears as if a famine, a universal war of de-
vastation had cut off the supply of every means
of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to
be destroyed; and why? Because there is too
much civilisation, too much means of subsist-
ence, too much industry, too much commerce.
The productive forces at the disposal of society
no longer tend to further the development of
the conditions of bourgeois property; on the con-
trary, they have become too powerful for these
conditions, by which they are fettered, and so
soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring
disorder into the whole of bourgeois society,
endanger the existence of bourgeois property.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE. COMMUNIST PARTY
The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow
to comprise the wealth created by them. And
how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises?
On the one hand by enforced destruction of a
mass of productive forces; on the other, by the
conquest of new markets, and by the more thor-
ough exploitation of the old ones. That is to
say, by paving the way for more extensive and
more destructive crises, and by diminishing the
means whereby crises are prevented.
The weapons with which the bourgeoisie
felled feudalism to the ground are now turned
against the bourgeoisie itself.
But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the
weapons that bring death to itself; it has also
called into existence the men who are to wield
those weapons -the modern working class -the
proletarians.
In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital,
is developed, in the same proportion is the pro-
letariat, the modern working class, developed -a
class of labourers, who live only so long as they
find work, and who find work only so long as
their labour increases capital. These labourers,
who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a com-
64
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
modity, like every other article of commerce,
and are consequently exposed to all the vicis-
situdes of competition, to all the fluctuations of
the market.
Owing to the extensive use of machinery and
to division of labour, the work of the proletar-
ians has lost all individual character, and, con-
sequently, all charm for the workman. He be-
comes an appendage of the machine, and it is only
the most simple, most monotonous, and most
easily acquired knack, that is required of him.
Hence, the cost of production of a workman is
restricted, almost entirely, to the means of sub-
sistence that he requires for his maintenance, and
for the propagation of his race. But the price
of a commodity, and therefore also of labour,i
is equal to its cost of production. In proportion,
therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work in-
creases, the wage decreases. Nay more, in propor-
tion as the use of machinery and division of
Subsequently Marx pointed out that the worker
does not sell his labour but his labour power. See in
this connexion Engels's introduction to Marx's Wage
Labour and Capital, 1891, in K. Marx and F. Engels,
Selected EVorks, Eng, ed., Vol. I, Moscow 191, pp.
66-73. Ed.
5--1711 65
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
labour increases, in the same proportion the bur-
den of toil also increases, whether by prolongation
of the working hours, by increase of the work
exacted in a given time or by increased speed
of the machinery, etc.
Modern industry has converted the little
workshop of the patriarchal master into the great
factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of
labourers, crowded into the factory, are organ-
ised like soldiers. As privates of the industrial
army they are placed under the command of a
perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not
only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and
of the bourgeois State; they are daily and hourly
enslaved by the machine, by the over-looker,
and, above all, by the individual bourgeois man-
ufacturer himself. The more openly this des-
potism proclaims gain to be its end and aim,
the more petty, the more hateful and the more
embittering it is.
The less the skill and exertion of strength
implied in manual labour, in other words, the
more modern industry becomes developed, the
more is the labour of men superseded by that of
women. Differences of age and sex have no long-
66
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETAIIIANS
er any distinctive social validity for the working
class. All are instruments of labour, more or less
expensive to use, according to their age and sex.
No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer
by the manufacturer, so far, at an end, that he
receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon
by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the
landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc.
The lower strata of the middle class -the
small tradespeople, shopkeepers, and retired
tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and
peasants-all these sink gradually into the prole-
tariat, partly because their diminutive capital
does not suffice for the scale on which Modern In-
dustry is carried on, and is swamped in the com-
petition with the large capitalists, partly because
their specialised skill is rendered worthless by
new methods of production. Thus the proletariat
is recruited from all classes of the population.
The proletariat goes through various stages
of development. With its birth begins its strug-
gle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest is
carried on by individual labourers, then by the
workpeople of a factory, then by the operatives
of one trade, in one locality, against. the i.ndivid-
b~ 67
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
68
MANIFESTO OF TILE COMMUNIST PARTY
ual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They
direct their attacks not against the bourgeois
conditions of production, but against the instru-
ments of production themselves; they destroy im-
ported wares that compete with their labour,
they smash to pieces machinery, they set facto-
ries ablaze, they seek to restore by force the van-
ished status of the workman of the Middle Ages.
At this stage the labourers still form an inco-
herent mass scattered over the whole country,
and broken up by their mutual competition. If
anywhere they unite to form more compact
bodies, this is not yet the consequence of their
own active union, but of the union of the bour-
geoisie, which class, in order to attain its
own political ends, is compelled to set the whole
proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for
a time, able to do so. At this stage, therefore,
the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but
the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of
absolute monarchy, the landowners, the non-
industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie. Thus
the whole historical movement is concentrated
in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory
so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie.
BOURGEOIS AND PHOLETARIANS
But with the development of industry the
proletariat not only increases in number; it
becomes concentrated in greater masses,
its strength grows, and it feels that strength
more. The various interests and conditions of
life within the ranks of the proletariat are more
and more equalised, in proportion as machinery
obliterates all distinctions of labour, and nearly
everywhere reduces wages to the same low level.
The growing competition among the bourgeois,
and the resulting commercial crises, make the
wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. The
unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more
rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more
and more precarious; the collisions between in-
dividual workmen and individual bourgeois take
more and more the character of collisions be-
tween two classes. Thereupon the workers be-
gin to form combinations (Trades' Unions)
against the bourgeois; they club together in
order to keep up the rate of wages; they found
permanent associations in order to make
provision beforehand for these occasional revolts.
Here and there the contest breaks out into
riots.
69
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
1ANIFEST0 OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
Now and then the workers are victorious,
but only for a time. The real fruit of their bat-
tles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the
ever-expanding union of the workers. This union
is helped on by the improved means of com-
munication that are created by modern indus-
try and that place the workers of different lo-
calities in contact with one another. It was just
this contact that was needed to centralise the
numerous local struggles, all of the same char-
acter, into one national struggle between classes.
But every class struggle is a political struggle.
And that union, to attain which the burghers
of the Middle Ages, with their miserable high-
ways, required centuries, the modern proletar-
ians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years.
This organisation of the proletarians into a
class, and consequently into a political party, is
continually being upset again by the competi-
tion between the workers themselves. But it
ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier.
It compels legislative recognition of particular
interests of the workers, by taking advantage
of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself.
Thus the ten-hours' bill in England was carried.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
Altogether collisions between the classes of
the old society further, in many ways, the
course of development of the proletariat. The
bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant
battle. At first with the aristocracy; later on,
with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself,
whose interests have become antagonistic to
the progress of industry; at all times, with the
bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these
battles it sees itself compelled to appeal to the
proletariat, to ask for its help, and thus, to drag
it into the political arena. The bourgeoisie it-
self, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its
own elements of political and general education,
in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with
weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie.
Further, as we have already seen, entire sec=
tions of the ruling classes are, by the advance of
industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or
are at least threatened in their conditions of
existence. These also supply the proletariat with
fresh elements of enlightenment and progress.
Finally, in times when the class struggle
nears the decisive hour, the process of dissolu
Lion going on within the ruling class, in fact
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
within the whole range of old society, assumes
such a violent, glaring character, that a small sec-
tion of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins
the revolutionary class, the class that holds the fu-
ture in its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier
period, a section of the nobility went over to the
bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie
goes over to the proletariat, and in particular,
a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have
raised themselves to the level of comprehending
theoretically the historical movement as a
whole.
Of all the classes that stand face to face with
the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a
really revolutionary class. The other classes de-
cay and finally disappear in the face of modern
industry; the proletariat is its special and essen-
tial product.
The lower middle class, the small manufac-
turer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant,
all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save
from extinction their existence as fractions of the
middle class. They are therefore not revolution-
ary, but conservative. Nay more, they are reac-
tionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of his-
72
73
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIAN S
Cory. If by chance they are revolutionary, they
are so only in view of their impending transfer
into the proletariat, they thus defend not their
present, but their future interests, they desert
their own standpoint to place themselves at
that of the proletariat.
The "dangerous class," the social scum, that
passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest
layers of old society, may, here arid there, be
swept into the movement by a proletarian revo-
lution; its conditions of life, however, prepare
it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reac-
tionary intrigue.
In the conditions of the proletariat, those of
old society at large are already virtually
swamped. The proletarian is without property; his
relation to his wife and children has no longer
anything in common with the bourgeois family
relations; modern industrial labour, modern
subjection to capital, the same in England as in
France, in America as in Germany, has stripped
him of every trace of national character. Law,
morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois
prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just
as many bourgeois interests.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMri1JNIST PARTY
All the preceding classes that got the upper
hand, sought to fortify their already acquired sta-
tus by subjecting society at large to their condi-
tions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot
become masters of the productive forces of socie-
ty, except by abolishing their own previous mode
of appropriation, and thereby also every other
previous mode of appropriation. They have noth-
ing of their own to secure and to fortify; their
mission is to destroy all previous securities for,
and insurances of, individual property.
All previous historical movements were move-
ments of minorities, or in the interest of minori-
ties. The proletarian movement is the self-con-
scious, independent movement of the immense
majority, in the interest of the immense majority.
The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our
present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself
up, without the whole superincumbent strata
of official society being sprung into the air.
Though not in substance, yet in form, the
struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie
is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of
each country must, of course, first of all settle
matters with its own bourgeoisie.
BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
In depicting the most general phases of the
development of the proletariat, we traced the
more or less veiled civil war, raging within exist-
ing society, up to the point where that war
breaks out into open revolution, and where the
violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the
foundation for the sway of the proletariat.
Hitherto, every form of society has been
based, as we have already seen, on the antagonism
of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order
to oppress a class, certain conditions must be
assured to it under which it can, at least, con-
tinue its slavish existence. The serf, in the period
of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the
commune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the
yoke of feudal absolutism, managed to develop
into a bourgeois. The modern labourer, on the
contrary, instead of rising with the progress of
industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the con-
ditions of existence of his own class. He becomes
a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly
than population and wealth. And here it becomes
evident, that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer
to be the ruling class in society, and to impose
its conditions of existence upon society as an
75
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
11AN1FESTO Or THE COMMUNIST PARTY
over-riding law. It is unfit to rule because it is
incompetent to assure an existence to its slave
within his slavery, because it cannot help let-
ting him sink into such a state, that it has to feed
him, instead of being fed by him. Society can no
longer live under this bourgeoisie, in other words,
its existence is no longer compatible with society.
The essential condition for the existence, and
for the sway of the bourgeois class, is the forma-
tion and augmentation of capital; the condition
for capital is wage labour. Wage labour rests
exclusively on competition between the labour-
ers. The advance of industry, whose involun-
tary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the
isolation of the labourers, due to competition, by
their revolutionary combination, due to associa-
tion. The development of Modern Industry, there-
fore, cuts from under its feet the very founda-
tion on which the bourgeoisie produces and
appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie,
therefore, produces, above all, is its own grave-
diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletar-
iat are equally inevitable.
II
PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS
In what relation do the Communists stand
to the proletarians as a whole?
The Communists do not form a separate par-
ty opposed to other working-class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart
from those of the proletariat as a whole.
They do not set up any sectarian principles
of their own, by which to shape and mould the
proletarian movement..
The Communists are distinguished from the
other working-class parties by this only: 1. In
the national struggles of the proletarians of the
different countries, they point out and bring to
the front the common interests of the entire
proletariat, independently of all nationality.
2. In the various stages of development which
the struggle of the working class against the bour-
geoisie has to pass through, they always and
77
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
everywhere represent the interests of the move-
ment as a whole.
The Communists, therefore, are on the one
hand, practically, the most advanced and res-
olute section of the working-class parties of
every country, that section which pushes for-
ward all others; on the other hand, theoreti-
cally, they have over the great mass of the pro-
letariat the advantage of clearly understanding
the line of march, the conditions, and the ulti-
mate general results of the proleta; ian move-
ment.
The immediate aim of the Communists is
the same as that of all the other proletarian par-
ties: formation of the proletariat into a class,
overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, con-
quest of political power by the proletariat.
The theoretical conclusions of the Commu-
nists are in no way based on ideas or principles
that have been invented, or discovered, by this
or that would-be universal reformer.
They merely express, in general terms, actu-
al relations springing from an existing class
struggle, from a historical movement going on
under our very eyes. The abolition of existing
78
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS
property relations is not at all a distinctive feat-
ure of Communism.
All property relations in the past have con-
tinually been subject to historical change conse-
quent upon the change in historical conditions.
The French Revolution, for example, abol-
ished feudal property in favour of bourgeois
property.
The distinguishing feature of Communism is
not the abolition of property generally, but the
abolition of bourgeois property. But modern
bourgeois private property is the final and most
complete expression of the system of producing
and appropriating products, that is based on class
antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by
the few.
In this sense, the theory of the Communists
may be summed up in the single sentence:
Abolition of private property.
We Communists have been reproached with
the desire of abolishing the right of personally
acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own
labour, which property is alleged to be the ground
work of all personal freedom, activity and inde-
pendence.
79
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
80
PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS
Capital is, therefore, not a personal, it is a
social power.
When, therefore, capital is converted into
common property, into the property of all mem-
bers of society, personal property is not thereby
transformed into social property. It is only the
social character of the property that is changed.
It loses its class character.
Let us now take wage labour.
The average price of wage labour is the min-
imum wage, i.e., that quantum of the means
of subsistence, which is absolutely requisite to
keep the labourer in bare existence as a la-
bourer. What, therefore, the wage-labourer appro-
priates by means of his labour, merely suffices
to prolong and reproduce a bare existence.
We by no means intend to abolish this personal
appropriation of the products of labour, an ap-
propriation that is made for the maintenance
and reproduction of human life, and that leaves
no surplus wherewith to command the labour
of others. All that we want to do away with,
is the miserable character of this appropriation,
under which the labourer lives merely to in-
crease capital, and is allowed to live only in so
6-1711 81
MANIFESTO OF TILE COMMUNIST PARTY
Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned prop-
erty! Do you mean the property of the petty
artisan and of the small peasant, a form of prop-
erty that preceded the bourgeois form? There
is no need to abolish that; the development of
industry has to a great extent already destroyed
it, and is still destroying it daily.
Or do you mean modern bourgeois private
property?
But does wage labour create any property
for the labourer? Not a bit. It creates capital, i.e.,
that kind of property which exploits wage labour,
and which cannot increase except upon condi-
tion of begetting a new supply of wage labour
for fresh exploitation. Property, in its present
form, is based on the antagonism of capital and
wage labour. Let us examine both sides of this
antagonism.
To be a capitalist, is to have riot only a
purely personal; but a social status in production.
Capital is a collective product, and only by
the united action of many members, nay, in
the last resort, only by the united action of
all members of society, can it be set in mo-
tion.
11
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS
far as the interest of the ruling class requires
it.
In bourgeois society, living labour is but a
means to increase accumulated labour. In Coni-
munist society, accumulated labour is but a
means to widen, to enrich, to promote the exist-
ence of the labourer.
In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dom-
inates the present; in Communist society, the
present dominates the past. In bourgeois socie-
ty capital is independent and has individuality,
while the living person is dependent and has
no individuality.
And the abolition of this state of things is
called by the bourgeois, abolition of individual-
ity and freedom! And rightly so. The abolition
of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independ-
ence, and bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly
aimed at.
By freedom is meant, under the present bour-
geois conditions of production, free trade, free
selling and buying.
But if selling and buying disappears, free sell-
ing and buying disappears also. This talk about
free selling and buying, and all the other "brave
82
words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in gen-
eral, have a meaning, if any, only in contrast
with restricted selling and buying, with the fet-
tered traders of the Middle Ages, but have no mean-
ing when opposed to the Communistic abolition
of buying and selling, of the bourgeois conditions
of production, and of the bourgeoisie itself.
You are horrified at our intending to do
away with private property. But in your exist-
ing society, private property is already done
away with for nine-tenths of the population; its
existence for the few is solely due to its non-exist-
ence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You re-
proach us, therefore, with intending to do away
with a form of property, the necessary condition
for whose existence is, the non-existence of any
property for the immense majority of society.
In one word, you reproach us with intending
to do away with your property. Precisely so;
that is just what we intend.
From the moment when labour can no long-
er be converted into capital, money, or rent, into
a social power capable of being monopolised,
i.e., from the moment when individual property
can no longer be transformed into bourgeois
6*
83
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 0
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
property, into capital, from that moment, you
say, individuality vanishes.
You must, therefore, confess that by "indi-
vidual" you mean no other person than the bour-
geois, than the middle-class owner of property.
This person must, indeed, be swept out of the
way, and made impossible.
Communism deprives no man of the power to
appropriate the products of society; all that it
does is to deprive him of the power to sub-
jugate the labour of others by means of such ap-
propriation.
It has been objected that upon the abolition
of private property all work will cease, and
universal laziness will overtake us.
According to this, bourgeois society ought
long ago to have gone to the dogs through sheer
idleness; for those of its members who work, ac-
quire nothing, and those who acquire anything,
do not work. The whole of this objection is but
another expression of the tautology; that there
can no longer be any wage labour when there is
no longer any capital.
All objections urged against the Commu-
nistic mode of producing and appropriating mate-
84
A PAGE FROJI THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT OF THE
MANIFESTO OF THE Co I~IUN1sT PARTY
(The entire text is in Marx's hand, except the first
two lines, which were written by his wife, Jenny Marx)
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
pnOLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS
14
rial products, have, in the same way, been urged
against the Communistic modes of producing
and appropriating intellectual products. Just as,
to the bourgeois, the disappearance of class prop-
erty is the disappearance of production itself,
so the disappearance of class culture is to him
identical with the disappearance of all culture.
That culture, the loss of which he laments,
is, for the enormous majority, a mere training
to act as a machine.
But don't wrangle with us so long as you
apply, to our intended abolition of bourgeois
property, the standard of your bourgeois no-
tions of freedom, culture, law &c. Your very
ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions
of your bourgeois production and bourgeois prop-
erty, just as your jurisprudence is but the will
of your class made into a law for all, a will,
whose essential character and direction are de-
termined by the economical conditions of exist-
ence of your class.
The selfish misconception that induces you
to transform into eternal laws of nature nud of
reason, the social forms springing from our
present mode of production and form of liroE~er-
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
rial products, have, in the same way, been urged
against the Communistic modes of producing
and appropriating intellectual products. Just as,
to the bourgeois, the disappearance of class prop-
erty is the disappearance of production itself,
so the disappearance of class culture is to him
identical with the disappearance of all culture.
That culture, the loss of which he laments,
is, for the enormous majority, a mere training
to act as a machine.
But don't wrangle with us so long as you
apply, to our intended abolition of bourgeois
property, the standard of your bourgeois no-
tions of freedom, culture, law &c. Your very
ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions
of your bourgeois production and bourgeois prop-
erty, just as your jurisprudence is but the will
of your class made into a law for all, a will,
whose essential character and direction are de-
termined by the economical conditions of exist-
ence of your class.
The selfish misconception that induces you
to transform into eternal laws of nature and of
reason, the social forms springing from your
present mode of production and form of proper-
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF TILE COMMUNIST PARTY
ty-historical relations that rise and disappear
in the progress of production-this misconcep-
tion you share with every ruling class that has
preceded you. What you see clearly in the case
of ancient property, what you admit in the case
of feudal property, you are of course forbidden
to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form
of property.
Abolition of the family! Even the most rad-
ical flare up at this infamous proposal of the
Communists.
On what foundation is the present family,
the bourgeois family, based? On capital, on pri-
vate gain. In its completely developed form
this family exists only among the bourgeoisie.
But this state of things finds its complement in
the practical absence of the family among the
proletarians, and in public prostitution.
The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter
0f course when its complement vanishes,
and both will vanish with the vanishing of
capital.
Do you charge us with wanting to stop the
exploitation of children by their parents? To
this crime we plead guilty.
86
PROLETAH1ANS AND COMMUNISTS
But, you will say, we destroy the most hal-
lowed of relations, when we replace home educa-
tion by social.
And your education! Is not that also social,
and determined by the social conditions under
which you educate, by the intervention, direct
or indirect, of society, by means of schools, &c?
The Communists have not invented the interven-
tion of society in education; they do but seek
to alter the character of that intervention, and to
rescue education from the influence of the rul-
ing class.
The bourgeois clap-trap about the family
and education, about the hallowed co-relation of
parent and child, becomes all the more disgust-
ing, the more, by the action of Modern Industry,
all family ties among the proletarians are torn
asunder, and their children transformed into
simple articles of commerce and instruments of
labour.
But you Communists would introduce com-
munity of women, screams the whole bourgeoisie
in chorus.
The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instru-
ment of production. He hears that the instru-
87
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO Or TILE COMMUNIST PARTY
ments of production are to be exploited in com-
mon, and, naturally, can come to no other con-
clusion than that the lot of being common to
all will likewise fall to the women.
He has not even a suspicion that the real
point aimed at is to do away with the status
of women as mere instruments of production.
For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than
the virtuous indignation of our bourgeois at the
community of women which, they pretend, is
to be openly and officially established by the
Communists. The Communists have no need to
introduce community of women; it has existed
almost from time immemorial.
Our bourgeois, not content with having the
wives and daughters of their proletarians at
their disposal, not to speak of common prosti-
tutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing
each others' wives.
Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of
wives in common and thus, at the most, what
the Communists might possibly be reproached
with, is that they desire to introducer in sub-
stitution for a hypocritically concealed, an open-
ly legalised community of women. For the rest,
88
PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS
it is self-evident that the abolition of the present
system of production must bring with it the abo-
lition of the community of women springing
from that system, i.e., of prostitution both pub-
lic and private.
The Communists are further reproached with
desiring to abolish countries and nationality.
The working men have no country. We can-
not take from them what they have not got.
Since the proletariat must first of all acquire
political supremacy, must rise to be the lead-
ing class 'of the nation, must constitute itself
the nation, it is, so far, itself national, though
not in the bourgeois sense of the word.
National differences and antagonisms be-
tween peoples are daily more and more vanish-
ing, owing to the development of the bourgeoi-
sie, to freedom of commerce, to the world mar-
ket, to uniformity in the mode of production and
in the conditions of life corresponding thereto.
The supremacy of the proletariat will
cause them to vanish still faster. United action,
of the leading civilised countries at least, is
one of the first conditions for the emancipation
of the proletariat.
89
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
In proportion as the exploitation of one in-
dividual by another is put an end to, the exploi-
tation of one nation by another will also be
put an end to. In proportion as the antagonism
between classes within the nation vanishes, the
hostility of one nation to another will come to
an end.
The charges against Communism made from
a religious, a philosophical, and, generally, from
an ideological standpoint, are not deserving of
serious examination.
Does it require deep intuition to compre-
hend that man's ideas, views and conceptions,
in one word, man's consciousness, changes with
every change in the conditions of his material
existence, in his social relations and in his so-
cial life?
What else does the history of ideas prove
than that intellectual production changes its
character in proportion as material production is
changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever
been the ideas of its ruling class.
When people speak of ideas that revolution-
ise society, they do but express the fact, that
within the old society, the elements of a new
90
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS
one have been created, and that the dissolution
of the old ideas keeps even pace with the disso-
lution of the old conditions of existence.
When the ancient world was in its last throes,
the ancient religions were overcome by Chris-
tianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the
18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal society
fought its death battle with the then revolu-
tionary bourgeoisie. The ideas of religious lib-
erty and freedom of conscience, merely gave
expression to the sway of free competition within
the domain of knowledge.
"Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious,
moral, philosophical and juridical ideas have
been modified in the course of historical develop-
ment. But religion, morality, philosophy, po-
litical science, and law, constantly survived
this change. "
"There are, besides, eternal truths, such as
Freedom, Justice, etc., that are common to all
states of society. But Communism abolishes eter-
nal truths, it abolishes all religion, and all mo-
rality, instead of constituting them on a new
basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to all
past historical experience."
91
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
92
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
What does this accusation reduce itself to?
The history of all past society has consisted in
the development of class antagonisms, antago-
nisms that assumed different forms at different
epochs.
But whatever form they may have taken,
one fact is common to all past ages, viz., the
exploitation of one part of society by the oth-
er. No wonder, then, that the social conscious-
ness of past ages, despite all the multiplicity
and variety it displays, moves within certain
common forms, or general ideas, which cannot
completely vanish except with the total disap-
pearance of class antagonisms.
The Communist revolution is the most rad-
ical rupture with traditional property rela-
tions; no wonder that its development involves
the most radical rupture with traditional
ideas.
But let us have done with the bourgeois ob-
jections to Communism.
We have seen above, that the first step in the
revolution by the working class, is to raise the
proletariat to the position of ruling class, to
win the battle of democracy.
The proletariat will use its political suprema-
cy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the
bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of pro-
duction in the hands of the State, i. e., of the
proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to
increase the total of productive forces as rapid-
ly as possible.
Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be
effected except by means of despotic inroads on
the rights of property, and on the conditions of
bourgeois production; by means of measures,
therefore, which appear economically insuffi-
cient and untenable, but which, in the course of
the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate
further inroads upon the old social order, and
are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolu-
tionising the mode of production.
These measures will of course be different in
different countries.
Nevertheless in the most advanced countries,
the following will be pretty generally applic-
able.
it. Abolition of property in land and appli-
cation of all rents of land to public pur-
poses.
93
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
1IANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
2. A heavy progressive or graduated income
tax.
3. Abolition of all right of inheritance.
4. Confiscation of the property of all emi-
grants and rebels.
5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of
the State, by means of a national bank with
State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
6. Centralisation of the means of communi-
cation and transport in the hands of the State,
7. Extension of factories and instruments of
production owned by the State; the bringing in-
to cultivation of waste-lands, and the improve-
ment of the soil generally in accordance with a
common plan.
8. Equal liability of all to labour. Establish-
ment of industrial armies, especially for agri-
culture.
9. Combination of agriculture with manu-
facturing industries; gradual abolition of the
distinction between town and country, by a
more equable distribution of the population over
the country.
10. Free education for all children in pub-
lic schools. Abolition of children's factory la-
94
PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS
boor in its present form. Combination of edu-
cation with industrial production, &c., &c.
When, in the course of development, class
distinctions have disappeared, and all produc-
tion has been concentrated in the hands of a vast
association of the whole nation, the public pow-
er will lose its political character. Political
power, properly so called, is merely the organ-
ised power of one class for oppressing another.
If the proletariat during its contest with the
bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of cir-
cumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by
means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling
class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the
old conditions of production, then it will, along
with these conditions, have swept away the con-
ditions for the existence of class antagonisms
and of classes generally, and will thereby have
abolished its own supremacy as a class.
In place of the old bourgeois society, with
its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have
an association, in which the free development
of each is the condition for the free development
of all.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 ?.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11
III
SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
1. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM
a. Feudal Socialism
Owing to their historical position, it be-
came the vocation of the aristocracies of France
and England to write pamphlets against mod-
ern bourgeois society. In the French revolution
of July 1.830, and in the English reform agita-
tion, these aristocracies again succumbed to the
hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political
contest was altogether out of question. A
literary battle alone remained possible. But
even in the domain of literature the old cries
of the restoration perioda had become im-
possible.
a Not the English Restoration 1660 to 1689, but
the French Restoration 1814 to 1830. [Note by Engels
to the English edition of 1888.]
96
CIA-RDP8 1-01 043 R000700 100003-6
SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy
were obliged to lose sight, apparently, of their
own interests, and to formulate their indictment
against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the ex-
ploited working class alone. Thus the aristocracy
took their revenge by singing lampoons on their
new master, and whispering in his ears sinister
prophecies of coming catastrophe.
In this way arose feudal Socialism: half lam-
entation, half lampoon; half echo of the past,
half menace of the future; at times, by its bitter,
witty and incisive criticism, striking the bour-
geoisie to the very heart's core; but always lu-
dicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to
comprehend the march of modern history.
rfhe aristocracy, in order to rally the people
to them, waved the proletarian alms-bag in
front for a banner. But the people, so often as it
joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old
feudal coats of arms, and deserted with loud and
irreverent laughter.
One section of the French Legitimists) and
' The Legitimists: The party of the noble land-
owners, who advocated the restoration of the Bourbon
dynasty.-Ed.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF TUE COMMUNIST PAHTY
"Young England' exhihited this spectacle.
In pointing out that their mode of eipioit~ -
tion was different to that of the bourgeoisie, the
feudalist.s forget that they exploited under cii--
cum.stances and conditions that were quite dif-
ferent, and that are now antiquated. in showi ii
that, under their rule, the modern proletariat
never existed, they forget that the modern bour-
geoisie is the necessary offspring of their own
form of society.
For the rest, so little do they conceal the
reactionary character of their criticism that
their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie
amounts to this, that under the~bourgeois regime
a class is being developed, wlricla is destined to
cut up root and branch the old order of society.
What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is
not so much that it creates a proletariat, as that
it creates a revolutionary proletariat.
In political practice, therefore, they join in
all coercive measures against the working class;
1 "Young Englart-d": A group of British Conserva-
tives-aristocrats and men of politics and literature--
formed about 1842. Prominent: among them were Dis-
raeli, Thomas Carlyle and others..--Ed.
98
SOCIALIST AN]) COMMUNIST LITERATURE
and in ordinary life, despite their high-falutin
phrases, they toop to pitk up the golden apples
dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter
truth, love, and honour for traffic in wool,
beetroot sugar, and potato spirits.'
As the parson has ever gone hand in hand
with the landlord, so has Clerical Socialism
with Feudal Socialism.
Nothing is easier than to give Christian as-
cetic.ism a Socialist tinge. llas not Christianity
declaimed against private property, against mar-
riage, against the State? Has it not preached in
the place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy
and mortification of the flesh, monastic life
and Mother. Church? Christian Socialism is but
the holy water with which the priest consecrates
the heart-burnings of the aristocrat.
b This applies chiefly to German ~r where the landed
aristocracv and squirearchy have large portions of their
estates cultivated for their own account by stewards,
and are, moreover, extensive beetroot-sugar manufactur-
ers and distiller? of potato spirits. The wealthier British
aristocracy arc, as yet, rather above that; but they,
too, know how to make up for declining rents by lending
their names to floaters of more or less shady joint.-
stock companies. [1Vote by Engels to the English edition
0/ 1SSS. l
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF TILE COMMUNIST PARTY
b. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism
The feudal aristocracy was not the only class
that was ruined by the bourgeoisie, not the only
class whose conditions of existence pined and
perished in the atmosphere of modern bour-
geois society. The mediaeval burgesses and the
small peasant proprietors were the precur-
sors of the modern bourgeoisie. In those coun-
tries which are but little developed, industri-
ally and commercially, these two classes still
vegetate side by side with the rising bour-
geoisie.
In countries where modern civilisation has
become fully developed, a new class of petty
bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between
proletariat and bourgeoisie and ever renewing
itself as a supplementary part of bourgeois so-
ciety. The individual members of this class, how-
ever, are being constantly hurled down into
the proletariat by the action of competition, and,
as modern industry develops, they even see the
moment approaching when they will completely
disappear as an independent section of modern
society, to be replaced, in manufactures, agri-
100
SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
culture and commerce, by over-lookers, bailiffs
and shopmen.
In countries like France, where the peasants
constitute far more than half of the population,
it was natural that writers who sided with the
proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use,
in their criticism of the bourgeois regime, the
standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois, and
from the standpoint of these intermediate classes
should take up the cudgels for the working class.
Thus arose petty-bourgeois Socialism. Sismondi
was the head of this school, not only in France
but also in England.
This school of Socialism dissected with great
acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of
modern production. It laid bare the hypocritical
apologies of economists. It proved, incontrovert-
ibly, the disastrous effects of machinery and di-
vision of labour; the concentration of capital and
land in a few hands; overproduction and crises:
it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty
bourgeois and peasant, the misery of the prole-
tariat, the anarchy in production, the crying in-
equalities in the distribution of wealth, the in-
dustrial war of extermination between nations,
101
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF TILE COMMUNIST PARTY
the dissolution of old moral bonds, of the old
family relations, of the old nationalities.
In its positive aims, however, this form of
Socialism aspires either to restoring the old
means of production and of exchange, and with
them the old property relations, and the old so-
ciety, or to cramping the modern means of pro-
duction and of exchange, within the framework
of the old property relations that have been, and
were bound to be, exploded by those means. In
either case, it is both reactionary and Utopian.
Its last words are: corporate guilds for manu-
facture; patriarchal relations in agriculture.
Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts
had dispersed all intoxicating effects of self-de-
ception, this form of Socialism ended in a
miserable fit of the blues.
c. German, or "True," Socialism
The Socialist and Communist literature of
France, a literature that originated under the
pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and that was
the expression of the struggle against this pow-
102
SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
or, was introduced into Germany at a time
when the bourgeoisie, in that country, had just
begun its contest with feudal absolutism.
German philosophers, would-be philosophers,
and beaux esprits, eagerly seized on this litera-
ture, only forgetting, that when these writings
immigrated from France into Germany, French
social conditions had not immigrated along with
them. In contact with German social conditions,
this French literature lost all its immediate prac-
tical significance, and assumed a purely liter-
ary aspect. Thus, to the German philosophers of
the Eighteenth Century, the demands of the first
French Revolution, were nothing more than the
demands of "Practical Reason" in general, and
the utterance of the will of the revolutionary
French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the
laws of pure Will, of Will as it was bound to be,
of true human Will generally.
rl'he work of the German literati consisted
solely in bringing the new French ideas into har-
mony with their ancient philosophical con-
science, or rather, in annexing the French ideas
without deserting their own philosophic point
of view.
I (E?
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
This annexation took place in the same wail
in which a foreign language is appropriated,
namely, by translation.
It is well known how the monks wrote silly
lives of Catholic Saints over the manuscripts on
which the classical works of ancient heathendom
had been written. The German literati reversed
this process with the profane French literature.
They wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath
the French original. For instance, beneath the
French criticism of the economic functions of
money, they wrote "Alienation of Humanity,"
and beneath the French criticism of the bour-
geois State they wrote, "Dethronement of the
Category of the General," and so forth.
The introduction of these philosophical phrases
at the back of the French historical criticisms
they dubbed "Philosophy of Action," "True So-
cialism," "German Science of Socialism," "Phil-
osophical Foundation of Socialism," and so on.
The French Socialist and Communist litera-
ture was thus completely emasculated. And, since
it ceased in the hands of the German to ex-
press the struggle of one class with the other, he
felt conscious of having overcome "French one-
104
SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
sidedness" and of representing, not true require-
merits, but the requirements of Truth; not the
interests of the proletariat, but the interests of
Human Nature, of Man in general, who belongs
to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the
misty realm of philosophical fantasy.
This German Socialism, which took its school-
boy task so seriously and solemnly, and extolled
its poor stock-in-trade in such mountebank
fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic
innocence.
The fight of the German, and, especially, of
the Prussian bourgeoisie, against feudal aristoc-
racy and absolute monarchy, in other words,
the liberal movement, became more earnest.
By this, the long wished-for opportunity
was offered to "True" Socialism of confronting
the political movement with the Socialist
demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas
against liberalism, against representative gov-
ernment, against bourgeois competition, bour-
geois freedom of the press, bourgeois legisla-
tion, bourgeois liberty and equality, and of
preaching to the masses that they had nothing
to gain, and everything to lose, by this hour-
8-1711 105
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
geois movement. German Socialism forgot, in
the nick of time, that the French criticism,
whose silly echo it was, presupposed the ex-
istence of modern bourgeois society, with its
corresponding economic conditions of existence,
and the political constitution adapted thereto,
the very things whose attainment was the ob-
ject of the pending struggle in Germany.
To the absolute governments, with their
following of parsons, professors, country squires
and officials, it served as a welcome scarecrow
against the threatening bourgeoisie.
It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills
of floggings and bullets with which these same
governments, just at that time, dosed the Ger-
man working-class risings.
While this "True" Socialism thus served
the governments as a weapon for fighting the
German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, di-
rectly represented a reactionary interest, the
interest of the German Philistines. In Germany
the petty-bourgeois class, a relic of the sixteenth
century, and since then constantly cropping up
again under various forms, is the real social
basis of the existing state of things.
106
SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
To preserve this class is to preserve the exist-
ing state of things in Germany. The industrial
and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie threat-
ens it with certain destruction; on the one hand,
from the concentration of capital; on the other,
from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat.
"True" Socialism appeared to kill these two
birds with one stone. It spread like an epidemic.
The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered
with flowers of rhetoric, steeped in the dew
of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe in
which the German Socialists wrapped their
sorry "eternal truths, " all skin and bone, served
to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods
amongst such a public.
And on its part, German Socialism recog-
nised, more and more, its own calling as the
bombastic representative of the petty-bourgeois
Philistine.
It proclaimed the German nation to be the
model nation, and the German petty Philistine
to be the typical man. To every villainous
meanness of this model man it gave a hidden,
higher, Socialistic interpretation, the exact con-
trary of its real character. It went to the ex-
8* 107
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIPESTO OP THE COMMUNIST PARTY
treme length of directly opposing the "brutally
ut cu ivi~~vil of directly opposing J
destructive" tendency of Communism, and of
proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt
of all class struggles. With very few exceptions,
all the so-called Socialist and Communist pub-
lications that now (1847) circulate in Germany
belong to the domain of this foul and enervat-
ing literature.)
2. CONSERVATIVE, OR BOURGEOIS, SOCIALISM
A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of re-
dressing social grievances, in order to secure
the continued existence of bourgeois society.
To this section belong economists, philan-
thropists, humanitarians, improvers of the con-
dition of the working class, organisers of chari-
ty, members of societies for the prevention of
cruelty to animals, temperance fanatics, hole-
and-corner reformers of every imaginable kind.
1 The revolutionary storm of 1848 swept away this
whole shabby tendency and cured its protagonists of
the desire to dabble further in Socialism. The chief
representative and classical type of this tendency is
Herr Karl Grun. [Note by Engels to the German edition
of 1890.
108
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11
SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
This form of Socialism has, moreover, been
worked out into complete systems.
We may cite Proudholl's Pliilosophie de la
Miserc as an example of this form.
The Socialistic bourgeois want all the advan-
tages of modern social conditions without the
struggles and dangers necessarily resulting there-
from. They desire the existing state of society
minus its revolutionary and disintegrating ele-
ments. They wish for a bourgeoisie without a
proletariat. The bourgeoisie naturally conceives
the world in which it is supreme to be the
best; and bourgeois Socialism develops this com-
fortable conception into various more or less
complete systems. In requiring the proletariat
to carry out such a system, and thereby to
march straightway into the social New Jeru-
salem, it but requires in reality, that the pro-
letariat should remain within the bounds of
existing society, but should cast away all its
hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie.
A second and more practical, but less sys-
tematic, form of this Socialism sought to. depre-
ciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes
of the working class, by showing that no mere
109
CIA-RDP81 -01 043R0007001 00003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF TIlE COMMUNIST PARTY
political reform, but only a change in the ma-
terial conditions of existence, in economical re-
lations, could be of any advantage to them.
By changes in the material conditions of ex-
istence, this form of Socialism, however, by no
means understands abolition of the bourgeois.
relations of production, an abolition that can
be effected only by a revolution, but admin-
istrative reforms, based on the continued ex-
istence of these relations; reforms, therefore,
that in no respect affect the relations between
capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the
cost, and simplify the administrative work, of
bourgeois government.
Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate ex-
pression, when, and only when, it becomes a
mere figure of speech.
Free trade: for the benefit of the working
class. Protective duties: for the benefit of the
working class. Prison Reform: for the benefit
of the working class. This is the last word and
the only seriously meant word of bourgeois
Socialism.
It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is
a bourgeois--for the benefit of the working class.
110
SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM
We do note here refer to that literature which,
in every great modern revolution, has always
given voice to the demands of the proletariat,
such as the writings of Babeuf and others.
The first direct attempts of the proletariat
to attain its own ends, made in times of univer-
sal excitement, when feudal society was being
overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed,
owing to the then undeveloped state of the pro-
letariat, as well as to the absence of the econom-
ic conditions for its emancipation, conditions
that had yet to be produced, and could be pro-
duced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone.
The revolutionary literature that accompanied
these first movements of the proletariat had
necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated
universal asceticism and social levelling in its
crudest form.
The Socialist and Communist systems prop-
erly so called, those of St. Simon, Fourier,
Owen and others, spring into existence in the
early undeveloped period, described above, of
the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoi-
sic (see Section I. Bourgeoisie and Proletariat).
111
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
The founders of these systems see, indeed,
the class antagonisms, as well as the action of
the decomposing elements in the prevailing
form of society. But the proletariat, as yet in
its infancy, offers to them the spectacle of a
class without any historical initiative or any
independent political movement.
Since the development of class antagonism
keeps even pace with the development of indus-
try, the economic situation, as they find it,
does not as yet offer to them the material con-
ditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.
They therefore search after a new social science,
after new social laws, that are to create these
conditions.
Historical action is to yield to their personal
inventive action, historically created conditions
of emancipation to fantastic ones, and the grad-
ual, spontaneous class organisation of the pro-
letariat to an organisation of society specially
contrived by these inventors. Future history
J
resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propa-
ganda and the practical carrying out of their
social plans.
In the formation of their plans they are
112
113
SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
conscious of caring chiefly for the interests of
the. working class, as being the most suffering
class. Only from the point of view of being the
most suffering class does the proletariat exist
for them.
The undeveloped state of the class struggle,
as well as their own surroundings, causes So-
cialists of this kind to consider themselves far
superior to all class antagonisms. They want to
improve the condition of every member of so-
ciety, even, that of the most favoured. Hence,
they habitually appeal to society at large, with-
out distinction of class; nay, by preference,
to the ruling class. For how can people, when
once they understand their system, fail to see
in it the best possible plan of the best possible
state of society?
Hence, they reject all political, and espe-
cially all revolutionary, action; they wish to
attain their ends by peaceful means, and en-
deavour, by small experiments, necessarily
doomed to failure, and by the force of example,
to pave the way for the new social Gospel.
Such fantastic pictures of future society,
painted at a time when the proletariat is still
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
in a very undeveloped state and has but a fan-
tastic conception of its own position correspond
with the
first instinctive yearnings of that class
for a general reconstruction of society.
But these Socialist and Communist publica-
tions contain also a critical element. They attack
every principle of existing society. Hence they
are full of the most valuable materials for the
enlightenment of the working class. The prac-
tical measures proposed in them-such as the
abolition of the distinction between town and
country, of the family, of the carrying on of
industries for the account of private individuals,
and of the wage system, the proclamation of so-
cial harmony, the conversion of the functions of
the State into a mere superintendence of produc-
tion, all these proposals point solely to the dis-
appearance of class antagonisms which were, at
that time, only just cropping up, and which,
in these publications, ''are recognised in their
earliest indistinct and undefined forms only.
These proposals, therefore, are of a purely Uto-
pian character.
The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism
and Communism bears an inverse relation to his-
114
SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE
torical development. In proportion as the mod-
ern class struggle develops and takes defi-
nite shape, this fantastic standing apart from
the contest, these fantastic attacks on it, lose
all practical value and all theoretical justifi-
cation. Therefore, although the originators of
these systems were, in many respects, revolu-
tionary, their disciples have, in every case,
formed mere reactionary sects. They hold fast
by the original views of their masters, in oppo-
sition to the progressive historical development
of the proletariat. They, therefore, endeavour,
and that consistently, to deaden the class strug-
gle and to reconcile the class antagonisms.
They still dream of experimental realisation of
their social Utopias, of founding isolated "pha-
lansteres", of establishing "Home Colonies,"
of setting up a "Little Icaria "? -duodecimo edi-
? Phalansteres were Socialist colonies on the plan
of Charles Fourier; Icaria was the name given by Cabet
to his Utopia and, later on, to his American Communist
colony. [Note by Engels to the English edition of 1888.]
"I-Tome colonies" were what Owen called his Com-
munist model societies. Phalansteres was the name of
the public palaces planned by Fourier. Icaria was the
name given to the Utopian land of fancy, whose Commu-
nist institutions Cabet portrayed. [Note by Engels to
the German edition of 1890.]
115
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO Or T11E COMMUNIST PARTY
tious of the New Jerusalem -and to realise all
these castles in the air, they are compelled to
appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois.
By degrees they sink into the category of the
reactionary conservative Socialists depicted above,
differing from these only by more systematic
pedantry, and by their fanatical and supersti-
tious belief in the miraculous effects of their
social science.
They, therefore, violently oppose all politi-
cal action on the part of the working class; such
action, according to them, can only result from
blind unbelief in the new Gospel.
'The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists
in France, respectively oppose the Chartists and
the Re f or?mistes, r
1 This refers to the adherents. of the newspaper La
Reforrne, which was published in Paris from 1843 to 1850.
- mod.
1V
POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS
IN RELATION
TO THE VARIOUS EXISTING
OPPOSITION PARTIES
Section II has made clear the relations of
the Communists to the existing working-class
parties, such as the Chartists in England and
the Agrarian Reformers in America.
The Communists fight for the attainment of
the immediate aims, for the enforcement of the
momentary interests of the working class; but
in the movement of the present, they also rep-
resent and take care of the future of that move-
ment. In France the Communists ally them-
selves with the Social-Democrats,a against the
a The party then represented in Parliament by Le-
dru-Rollin, in literature by Louis Blanc, in the daily
press by the Re f orme. The name of Social-Democracy
signified, with these its inventors, a section of the Dem-
ocratic or Republican party more or less tinged with
Socialism. [Note by Engels to the English edition of 1888.1
117
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
118
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserv-
ing, however, the right to take up a critical po-
sition in regard to phrases and illusions tradition-
ally handed down from the great Revolution.
In Switzerland they support the Radicals,
without losing sight of the fact that this party
consists of antagonistic elements, partly of Dem-
ocratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly
of radical bourgeois.
In Poland they support the party that insists
on an agrarian revolution as the prime condi-
tion for national emancipation, that party which
fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.
In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie
whenever it acts in a revolutionary way, against
the absolute monarchy, the feudal squirearchy,
and the petty bourgeoisie.'
The party in France which at that time called it-
self Socialist-Democratic was represented in political
life by Ledru-Rollin and in literature by Louis Blanc;
thus it differed immeasurably from present-day Ger-
man Social-Democracy. [Note by Engels to the German
edition of 1890.)
1 Kleinbiirgerei in the German original. Marx and
Engels used this term to describe the reactionary elc-
ments of the urban petty bourgeoisie.
POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS
But they never cease, for a single instant, to
instil into the working class the clearest possible
recognition of the hostile antagonism between
bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the
German workers may straightway use, as so
many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the so-
cial and political conditions that the bourgeoi-
sie must necessarily introduce along with its
supremacy, and in order that, after the fall of
the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight
against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately
begin.
The Communists turn their attention chiefly
to Germany, because that country is on the
eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to
be carried out under more advanced conditions
of European civilisation, and with a much more
developed proletariat, than that of England
was in the seventeenth, and of France in the
eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois
revolution in Germany will be but the prelude
to an immediately following proletarian rev-
olution.
In short, the Communists everywhere sup-
port every revolutionary movement against
119
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
the existing social and political order of
things.
In all these movements they bring to the
front, as the leading question in each, the prop-
erty question, no matter what its degree of de-
velopment at the time.
Finally, they labour everywhere for the union
and agreement of the democratic parties of all
countries.
The Communists disdain to conceal their
views and aims. They openly declare that their
ends can be attained only by the forcible over-
throw of all existing social conditions. Let the
ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolu-
tion. The proletarians have nothing to lose but
their chains. They have a world to win.
WORKING MEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Documents
Soviet News Booklet No. 24
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Speeches
at IJNO
With Appendix
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
CONTENTS
pa L'c
Council of Ministers, November 5, 1956 .. ..
..
Austrian and Soviet Trade Unions Exchange Letters
..
Gorky-Greenwich Letters on Hungary and Egypt
..
Speech made by U.S.S.R. Foreign Minister, D. T. Shepilov,
in the U.N. General Assembly, November 19, 1956 .. 5
Speech of D. T. Shepilov in the U.N. General Assembly,
November 21, 1956 .. .. .. .. .. .. 22
Declaration of the Government of the U.S.S.R. on the
Foundations for the Development and Further
Strengthening of Friendship and Co-operation between
the Soviet Union and other Socialist States. October 30,
1956 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 30
Appeal for Aid from the Hungarian Government (Broad-
cast appeal by Janos Kadar, November 5, 1956) .. 34
Reply from N. A. Bulganin, Chairman of the U.S.S.R.
APPENDIX
For the Further Rallying of the Forces of Socialism on the
Basis of Marxist-Leninist Principles. Pravda-November
23, 1956 .. .. .. .. ..
35
36
40
45
Hungarian Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Govern-
ment Appeal to the Hungarian People, November 5, 1956 65
Some Facts on Soviet Assistance to Hungary .. .. 70
50X1-HUM
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
FULL TEXT
of the
SPEECH MADE BY D. T. SHEPILOV
U.S.S.R. Foreign Minister
in the
U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY
on November 19, 1956
J4R. PRESIDENT, GENTLEMEN,
LYE The Soviet delegation has objected to the inclusion in the
agenda of the General Assembly session of the question of the
situation in Hungary. We have been and remain of the opinion
that this question is an internal affair of the Hungarian People's
Republic.
You know that attempts to make use of the United Nations
for interfering in the internal affairs of Hungary were already
made at the special emergency session of the General Assembly.
The Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Government of the
Hungarian People's Republic protested against these attempts.
In the telegram sent to the United Nations Secretary-General
on November 12, 1956, Istvan Sebes, acting Foreign Minister
of Hungary, wrote :
"The Hungarian government states most categorically
that the settlement of the situation that has developed in
Hungary falls exclusively within the lawful internal juris-
diction of the Hungarian state. Therefore any resolution of
the General Assembly, dealing with the internal political
situation in Hungary, constitutes interference in the internal
affairs of Hungary and contradicts the provisions of Article
2, Paragraph 7 of the Charter."
The persistent efforts to keep the question of the situation in
Hungary on the agenda of the session of the U.N. General
Assembly have in no way been prompted by concern for the
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
interests of the Hungarian people, but by the intention of certain
circles to divert public attention from the aggressive actions of
Britain, France and Israel in Egypt, on the one hand, and to
encourage the underground reactionary forces in Hungary by
them United Nations support, on the other.
promising
Clamour Around
What Caused the Provocative
the "Hungarian Issue"
As for the draft resolution tabled by the Cuban delegation,
this document smacks of the rotten spirit of provocation. The
draft contains slanderous allegations that "the government of
the Soviet Union, with the consent of the Hungarian authorities,
is forcibly deporting Hungarian prisoners beyond the Hungarian
borders." Even in the worst period. of the "cold war" it would
have been difficult to find a document which violated the ele-
mentary requirements for justifying the accusations to such an
extent as is the case here.
In an effort to lend a semblance of truth to the slanderous assertions, the authors of the Cuban draft resolution groundlessly
refer to a mythical "report of the official Budapest Radio." A
check-up has shown however, that no such reports have been
transmitted by Budapest Radio. Therefore the Cuban delegate
today does not refer to this source. As another "source" of
information the draft resolution mentions reports of "the entire
world press." "The entire world press," incidentally, means
here those press organs which obediently fulfil the orders of the
reactionary circles and produce all sorts of fabrications about
the situation in Hungary.
But today the Cuban delegate is forced to give up referring
to this source also, because the "world press" does not furnish
any such authentic facts. What, in that case, -
are the provocative inventions of the
Cuban delegate based on? On nothing whatsoever. He did not
bother to prove anything and made filthy insinuations do duty
for argumentation.
The references contained in the rehashed draft resolution to
the alleged violations in Hungary of the convention on the pre
the punishment for it, pursue the aim
vention of genocide and -
of lending a semblance of legality to this provocative document.
It is known, however, that this convention condemning acts
committed for the purpose of annihilating people only because
they belong to this or that national, ethnical, racial or religious
group, has nothing to do with the situation in Hungary.
Had the Cuban delegation been seriously concerned with com-
bating genocide it would have taken some interest in the situation
in those countries where this monstrous practice is actually in
evidence.
See, for instance, what is happening in Kenya. According to
a Reuter report, a church missionary society stated on June 19
last year that the Kenya authorities had arrested and detained
over 500,000 Negroes.
The American journalist, Gunther, des-
cribing the operation carried out by the British authorities in
Kenya against the Kikuyu tribe with the expressive name of
"anvil," qualified it as one of the most effective manhunts in
history. A whole army of jailers, 14,300-strong, is maintained
to guard prisons and concentration camps in Kenya where thou-
sands upon thousands of innocent people, including women and
children, are languishing.
And what is happening in Algeria, where the people are
gallantly fighting for freedom in spite of the most cruel reprisals?
Eduard Depres, leader of the Socialist group in the French
National Assembly, on April 6 made public the following horrify-
ing figure : he said that according to official statistics 48,000
Algerians had been annihilated in Algeria by French troops
since the beginning of the struggle. The Times of India justly
remarked on this score that if the French government's figure,
which was an obvious underestimation, were to be believed
the scale of murder was to be regarded almost as a massacre.
These are the actions, gentlemen, against which the Cuban
delegation should have raised its voice, had it really wished to
combat genocide!
As for the wild invention that some "Hungarian prisoners,"
including women and children, are being deported beyond Hun-
gary's borders, you know that it has been categorically y refuted
in Budapest-including by Budapest Radio, to which the Cuban
delegation has so carelessly referred in its original resolution.
On November 18 the government of the Hungarian Republic
published an official communique which stated:
"The panic-mongering rumours that arrested people are
being transported to the Soviet Union is a provocative
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
invention of the counter-revolutionary circles, which are
becoming more helpless and powerless. In reality not a
single arrested person has been deported from Hungary.
"The purpose of these provocative and false rumours is,
on the one hand, to sow mistrust towards the government,
to break the peace of the population and to hamper produc-
tion, and on the other hand, to try and spoil in this way the
relations between the population and the Soviet Army
units."
Thus, the myth of the deportation of Hungarian citizens to
the Soviet Union has collapsed. And yet the Cuban delegation
permits itself to drag to the General Assembly session this stink-
ing newspaper canard picked up on the rubbish heap of refuted
misinformation! The delegation of the Hungarian People's
Republic has said its weighty word about this unseemly insinua-
tion. It was this delegation that expounded in detail the essence
of the so-called Hungarian question.
We have nothing to discuss as regards the Cuban delegation's
draft, for it is based on slander. However, since the General
Assembly has decided to postpone the general discussion and
immediately to begin the debate on the draft resolution sub-
mitted by the Cuban delegation, the Soviet delegation finds it
necessary on its part to give an objective analysis of the situation
in Hungary.
For the last few weeks the powerful propaganda machine at
the disposal of the reactionary forces has been flooding the
world with monstrous misinformation about the events in Hun-
gary. Deceiving millions of people, the sponsors of this campaign
are trying to make political capital and to poison the atmosphere
around the U.S.S.R.
This was the origin, for instance, of the monstrous lie that
the Soviet troops in Budapest ransacked a children's hospital
and killed hundreds of children there. This falsehood has been
energetically disseminated in the press throughout the capitalist
world. The French of, for instance published under
~'igcrr
hysterical headlines a falsified "radiogram" from Budapest to the
effect that Soviet tanks were crushing to death sick children and
medical nurses trying to save them. On November 11, the United
Press agency reported the complete destruction of the children's
hospital in Budapest and alleged that a correspondent had stated
that later on he saw (!) 300 corpses of children brought out from
the ruined building.
This slander was taken up and repeated by many American
newspapers. Thus, the Daily Mirror and the Washington Post
published a report from a special correspondent of the North
American Newspaper Alliance who went
to such lengths in his
dishonesty as to state that he had seen corpses of small children
-approximately 300-lying in rows on the ground by the ruins
of the hospital.
This malicious and slanderous campaign. about the children's
hospital that was raging for many days, and bringing to mind
the choicest tricks of Goebbels was bound to end, as it naturally
did, in failure. On November 13 the American newspapers had
to publish a joint denial sent from Budapest
through Vienna
by correspondents of three a encies-A.s
g soctated Press, United
Press and Reuter. They stated that as proved by a check-up,
the children's hospital remained intact and not One of the 300
or more children in it had been injured.
Now that the myth about "atrocities" of the Soviet Army
has been exploded, another wild invention has been brought into
play, that the Soviet Command is deporting from
Hungary either
thousands or scores of thousands of Hungarian women and
children. This time the slanderers have again been caught red-
handed. But what do they care! Again they are resuming their
filthy dealings and are sure to launch tomorrow some other
new invention.
Why are those in charge of the reactionary propaganda cam-
paign making such a fuss now? They have been ordered
to smear
the Soviet army men who responded to the appeal fo
for help which
came from Hungary when that country was on. the verge of
being submerged by the fascist terror, and helped the
Hungarian
people to prevent the greatest catastrophe-the restoration of
the fascist Horthyist state as a stronghold of aggression a breed-
ing ground of war in the very centre of Europe.
The attempts to create an atmosphere of anti-Soviet and anti-
communist hysteria pursue the aim of making it easier for the
forces of sinister reaction to wage the struggle against the
demo-
cratic forces in all countries, But no matter how hard the re-
actionary propaganda machine may try to distort the real state
of affairs, truth will win.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Real Essence of Hungarian Events
Now what has really taken place in Hungary. according to
the information the Soviet Union possesses?
As the facts show, the former leadership of Hungary had
committed gross mistakes and distortions in general political
questions and in its economic policy. These mistakes, as well as
the economic difficulties which had arisen in Hungary during
the reconstruction of her national economy, aroused the just
dissatisfaction of a part of the population which demanded the
elimination of the shortcomings and mistakes. These demands
were supported by many Hungarian leaders.
The actions of the masses of the people, who on October 23
came out against the grave mistakes and distortions committed
by the former leadership of Hungary, were absolutely lawful.
Soon, however, reactionary fascist elements who strove to under-
mine the people's democratic system and overthrow it, attempted
to utilise this healthy movement for their own ends.. Already
on October 23, when a demonstration was taking place in Buda-
pest in which many working people inspired by good intentions
took part, the heads of the counter-revolutionary underground
.
brought out into the streets armed groups they had whipped
together in advance. They Provoked in Budapest mass disorders
which later developed into an insurgence of the forces hostile
to the people.
Striving quickly to put an end to this insurgence, the Hun
g -
arian government asked the consent of the government of the
U.S.S.R. for the use of Soviet military units, stationed in Hun-
gary under the Warsaw Treaty, in helping the Hungarian authori-
ties charged with the task of ensuring order and tranquillity in
Budapest. A telegram received by the U.S.S.R. Council of
Ministers from the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the
Hungarian People's Republic on October 24, 1956, reads :
"On behalf of the Council of Ministers of the Hungarian
People's Republic I beg the government of the Soviet Union
to send the Soviet troops in Budapest to help to put an end
to the disorders in Budapest, to restore order as soon as
possible and to create conditions for peaceful creative
labour."
This request reflected the will of the Hungarian people for
the early restoration of order in the country. And even Imre
Nagy, who subsequently, conniving with the reactionary forces,
10
began to surrender the positions of the socialist state, said on
October 25 that the introduction of the
Soviet troops in the
struggle against the counter-revolutionary forces became impera-
tive for the sake of the vital interest of Our socialist system.
The Soviet Union, of course could not refuse to grant the
request of a friendly state for assistance. Several
days later,
however, bearing in mind that the further
presence of Soviet
military units in Budapest might provide
a pretext for further
aggravating the situation, the U.S.S.R, government with the con-
sent of the Hungarian government ordered its forces to leave the
Hungarian capital.
What happened next? As soon as the Soviet troops left Buda-
pest the reactionary forces threw off their mask and began
massacring democratic leaders of Hungary and upright Hun-
garian patriots. In these difficult days for Hungary the fascists
were hanging patriots on the lamp Posts in the streets of Buda-
pest. They broke into hospitals and shot the wounded
. They
smashed up factories, set light to theatres and museums. After
the rebels had set the National Museum in Budapest alight, t
they
fired with sub-machine guns and machine guns
on the fire
brigade men and the soldiers who were trying to salvage the
treasures in the museums. As in the cursed Hitler
period, the
streets of Budapest were lit up by the ill-boding fire of stakes
on which the bodies of Hungarian patriots drenched in paraffin
were burnt. Next, as in Hitler's days, books were burnt, the
immortal works of progressive writers and the thinkers of man-
kind.
Thus, the counter-revolutionary forces who aimed at the over-
throw of the people's democratic system in Hungary, were gradu-
ally taking the upper hand. These forces tried to wipe out the
achievements of the socialist revolution they smashed up
nationalised enterprises, state-owned shops, dislocated he means
of transport and communications.
The counter-revolutionary forces which became more and
more brazen, pushed the Imre Nagy government which had lost
control of the situation, further and further on to the road of
conniving with the rebels. Former Horthy and gendarmerie
officers became increasingly active. The counter-revolution
revealed its real face to all the people in the White terror. Well
organised and armed counter-revolutionary gangs brutally killed
hundreds of workers, peasants, intellectuals and progressive
people who fell into their hands.
11
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
I am citing only a few facts made public in such press organs
in the capitalist countries which can hardly be suspected of
sympathy with the communists. Thus Associated Press reported
on October 31 that a hunt took place in the Hungarian capital
for "members of the secret police" and that 130 secret police
officials, taken prisoner on Tuesday, October 30, to the battle
for the Budapest headquarters of the Communist Party, were
hung up by their feet and beaten to death. The lie that the mem-
bers of the Hungarian Working People's Party who fell victims
to this monstrous lynching were "secret police officials" does not
justify the fascist murderers. It only adds to their immoral aspect
the feature of disgusting cowardice in face of the judgment of
public opinion.
The special correspondent of the West German Die Welt
reported from Budapest that hundreds of Hungarian patriots
were shot, hanged or drowned. He cited this fact, for instance :
Fascist rebels, having taken prisoner 40 Hungarian patriots,
buried them alive in an underground gallery, from where the
knocking of the doomed people was heard for a long time.
The organ of the West German Social Democratic Party,
Vorwaerts, also confirmed that massacres of innocent people
occurred in the days that counter-revolution was rampant in
Hungary. "The terrorists," Vorwaerts emphasised, "wiped out
not only communists, but also members of their families-
women and children." The New York Herald-Tribune's special
correspondent also reported from Budapest that many innocent
people fell victim to the rebels.
Who were the direct organisers of all these crimes? Workers?
Peasants? Intellectuals? No, they were the former exploiting
top leadership. The New York Times, analysing the class com-
position of the rebels, said openly that they were the remnants
of the overthrown classes : rich men whom the communists
had made poor, former landlords and wealthy peasants, repressed
clergymen and others. The remnants of the fascist troops routed
during the Second World War, and since entrenched in Western
Germany, were thrown in from abroad to assist them. Thus,
according to Italian press reports, detachments of Hungarian
fascist emigres who formerly belonged to the Horthy army
crossed through Austria into Hungary on the night of October
29. They were armed with American weapons. And such men
are now boosted as champions of freedom and democracy!
A so-called "Hungarian committee" was set up in Vienna to
12
render assistance to the rebels. Otto Hapsburg,
North the son of the son of
Y, n of Goemboes-Hitler's
placeman in Hun ar -
and other representatives o g y
f the forces of dark
of their holes t reaction came out
to encourage the participants in
the counter-
revolutionary putsch. As the Austrian
. Salzburger Volksblclt
wrote:
Political, and cultural life of society.
The two. chambers of the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R. the Soviet of the Union and the Soviet of Nation-
alities, have equal rights.
The equality of the two Chambers is ensured by the
fact that both are equally entitled to initiate legislation,
and a law is considered adopted provided it is passed by
both Chambers; the Chambers are elected for an equal
term land appoint similar standing commissions; their
b
sessions begin and terminate simultaneously. In the event
of disagreement between the Chambers, the issue is re-
ferred for settlement to a conciliation commission formed
on a parity basis, and if the conciliation commission fails
to reach agreement, or if its decision fails to satisfy ei-
ther of the Chambers, the issue is once more considered
by both Chambers. Failing agreement, the Presidium of
the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. dissolves the Supreme
Soviet and decrees new elections.
Question 5. What is meant by universal suffrage?
Answer. Universal suffrage means that all Soviet cit-
izens who have reached the age of 18 participate in elec
tions, with the exception of the insane and persons sen-
tenced by court of law to penalties involving forfeiture
of electoral rights.
Article 123 of the Constitution of i
n c the L.S.S.R. guaran-
tees equal rights to all citizens of t
s o he U.S.S.R. irrespec-
tive of nationality or race. Any restriction of rights or the
establishment of any direct or indirect privileges for some
citizens as against others on account of race and any
advocacy of racial or national exclusiveness or hatred
Io
and contempt are punishable with a1
all the severity
of Law.
In accordance with Article 135 of the Constitution of
the U.S.S.R. all Soviet citizens who have reached the age
of 18, irrespective of race or
nationality, sex religious
.
creed, standard of education domicile, social origin, prop-
erty status or past activity, have 'p.
p y, e the right to partier ,ate
in the election of deputies to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R. This signifies real exercise of universal suffrage.
Citizens who have reached the age of 23 are eligible
for election to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
In the conditions of the Soviet system and victorious
socialism, universal suffrage is
one of the most powerful
means of drawing the masses of
g the people into state
administration ensuring free expression of the people's
will, and increasing public control over all work of the
various state bodies.
"Universal equal and direct suffrage with secret bal-
lot in the U.S.S.R. will b
be a whip in the hands of the pop-
ulation against those organs of o~ ernment which work
badly. In my opinion, inion
Y p , our new Soviet Constitution will
n ti~ ~ 1
be the most democratic constitution in the
world.
Question 6. Are foreign citizens residing in the Soviet
Union entitled to vote in the election of
deputies to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R.?
Answer. No they are not. The Regulations establish
that persons residing on the Soviet territory who are not
citizens of the U.S.S. . bu
R tare citizens or subjects of for-
eign states pare not entitled to elect or be elected to the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
Question 7. Is universal suffrage actually exercised in
bourgeois countries?
~
? J. V. Stalin, Interview with Roy Howard, Russ, ed. Moscow
1936, p. 23.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
suffrage is formally proclaimed in
Ans ~er. Universal
many bourgeois countries. As a matter of fact, however,
there is not a single bourgeois country in which genuinely
universal suffrage is ensured and in which electoral
rights are not curtailed in one way or another. Residen-
tial, property, educational and other qualifications bar
numerous categories of t he population from participation
an elections with the result that suffrage is virtually de-
prived of its universal character. In many countries
Iraq, Switzerland and elsewhere) women
Iran, (Egypt,
are denied electoral rights. In most countries men serving
in the armed forces are disfranchised; in those cases
where the possess electoral rights they are, in
they formally
practice, unable to exercise them. In 1942, at the height
-
War the U.S. Senate granted serv-
of the Second World 5
i the Congressional elec-
icemen the right to participate in
tions, but only i se quartered on American territory.
those
Participation of the working people in elections is se-
riously riously handicapped by the property qualification which
exists in many countries. Another wide-spread a
restriction on the suffrage is the requirement of prolonged residence in a specific locality
prior to the compilation of lists of voters. In a number of
states in the U.S.A. for instance this qualification re-
quires that a person shall have resided in the same local-
ity in Belgium for six months. In
Y for two years,
capitalist countries hundreds of thousands of seasonal
workers and unemployed are affected by this qualification.
National minorities in bourgeois countries are, as a
rule restricted in their electoral rights or deprived of them
altogether. Millions of people are debarred from partici-
pation in elections on account of race or nationality. In
the Union of South Africa most Negroes and Indians,
who co per cent of the population are dis-
franchised. stitute Countries turned into colonies or dominions
..
have been laced at a disadvantage compared with the
placed
metropolitan countries. In the French colonies, for
12
example the entire native population, some 60 million
people, are completely disfranchised. The vast population
of the British colonies is in a similar position. In a num-
ber of states in the U.S.A., Negroes cannot participate in
elections because of an educational qualification; to ac-
quire the right to vote, people there must be able to read,
write and speak English. In other states of the Union
electoral laws forbid assistance to illiterates in filling
ballot papers, with the result that "illiterate" Negroes
are virtually excluded from participation in elections.
A big ~ section of the youth in many bourgeois coun-
tries is barred from participation in elections because of
the high age qualification. In Britain, the U.S.A. and
France electoral rights are not granted before the age of
21, in Turkey 22> in Sweden 23, in Holland 25, and in
Afghanistan 28.
This being the case all talk about universal suffrage
is so much deceit and hypocrisy.
Question 8. What does equal suffrage mean?
Answer. Equal suffrage means that at elections every
voter is entitled to one vote equal to that of any other vot-
er, that all citizens participate in elections on an equal
footing and that hence no voter has special privileges.
Under Article 122 of the Constitution of the U.S.S.R.
women have equal rights with men in all spheres of eco-
nomic, state cultural and socio-political activity. In ac-
cordance with Article 136 of the Constitution elections of
deputies are equal, which means that each citizen has
one vote and all citizens participate in the elections on
an equal footing. Article 137 of the Constitution specifies
that women possess the right to elect and be elected on
equal terms with men.
Under Article 138 citizens serving in the Armed
5
Forces of the U.S.S.R. have the right to elect and be elect-
ed to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. on equal terms
with all other citizens.
13
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Equal suffrage is proclaimed by some bourgeois con-
stitu9tions too, but in actual practice it does not exist in
capitalist countries.
In recent years, knowing that elections even on mild-
is lines would spell defeat for them, the ruling
ly democrat .
circles in a number of capitalist countries have rushed
reactionary electoral laws through the parliaments of
Y electo
their respective countries. In France, for instance, a new
electoral law passed in 1951 provides that blocs of any
parties contesting the elections shall occupy y all the seats
.
in Parliament from this or that department provided they
get a simple majority, while the other parties get no
seats, no matter how many votes they Polled. If the dem
ocratic p -
rinciple of proportional representation were
her parties would have a corresponding
applied, the of
number of seats. Small wander then that, under this elec-
tonal "law" which has nothing in common with a genu-
b
inely democratic electoral sYstem the French Right-wing
Socialists secured as many seats as the Communist Party
of France, although they polled only half the vote record-
ed by the Communists.
The 1953 elections to the legislature in Italy were
held under a new law, which the people aptly dubbed the
"big swindle." This law established a so-called "prize
for the majority," i.e. a rule providing roviding that the party or
bloc of parties polling, even by one vote, more than 50 per
cent of the votes would get 380 of the 590 seats, or 65 per
cent of the total. Had Italian reaction succeeded in achiev-
mg,its aim, about four million voters would, in effect,
have been deprived of the right to send representatives to
Parliament. The high level of political consciousness. and
activity of the masses prevented Italian reaction from carry-
lans into effect; it suffered a heavy defeat. Later,
inbg its p .
in 1954, as a result of mass pressure the law was repealed.
In the elections held in Western Germany in Septem-
ber 1953 fraudulent electoral system operated whereby
the parties polling less than five per cent of the vote and
14
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
not in any bloc were completely deprived of representa-
tion in the Bundestag. As a result of this machination the.
German Communist Party was denied representation in
the Bundestag, although it polled more than 600,000 votes
which entitled it to at least 12 seats. On the other hand,
the reactionary catholic "Centre Party" which was in a
bloc with Adenauer's party, polled only one-third of the
Communist Party vote and yet was allocated four seats.
It is worth taking a look at the candidates of the Ade-
nauer bloc in these elections. Along with tycoons of West
German capitalism and banking like the "cement" king
D ckerhoff Schacht Henle Pferdmen ges, and others,
there were airforce general Stumpf, a war criminal, Hit-
ler generals and admirals Manteuffel; HeYe, and Field
Marshal Kesselring. Side by side with them on oandi-
dates' lists were such out-and-out Hitlerites as von Dern-
berg, former departmental head in Ribbentrop's ministry,
Schmidt Hitler's personal interpreter, and Meinberg, so-
called "Fu "hrei of the Reich Peasants."
Such electoral laws are obviously unjust; they are
aimed against the working masses and serve the inter-
ests of the ruling reactionary classes in the capitalist
countries.
Genuine equality of electoral rights for citizens is
fully ensured in the Soviet socialist state.
This equality also finds expression in the procedure
for forming the Supreme Soviet election districts.
b
Election districts or constituencies have been formed
for the Soviet of the Union each district comprising
300,000 people. Under the Soviet electoral law all the So
viet of the Union election districts are equal, each elect-
ing only one deputy.
Equal suffrage in electing deputies to. the Soviet of
Nationalities is guaranteed by the fact that the Union
Republics elect 25 deputies each the Autonomous Re-
Publics 11, the Autonomous Regions 5 and the National
Areas one deputy each.
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
In conformity this the territory of each Union
with
Republic is divided into twenty-five districts equal in pop-
ulation; the territory of each Autonomous Republic, into
eleven districts, also equal in population> and the territory
earna,,~l Autonomous Region, into five equal districts;
of c
each National Area constitutes one election district re-
.
Soviet of Nationalities elec-
tion ardless districts, too elect one deputy each.
The system of elections to the Soviet of Nationalities established by the
Constitution and the Election Regu-
lations is full with the great principles of the
fully in keeping
Lenin -Stalin national policy which has ensured power-
ful economic, political, and cultural progress for all
the numerous nationalities of the U.S.S.R., united in a
s
single multi national socialist state of workers and
peasants. In some capitalist ,.
countries unequal election districts are formed, with the result that in political terms the spe-
cific weight of the voter in one constituency often turns out to be
less than that of a voter in another constituency.
In Britain the inequality of constituencies was also
retained at the 1950 elections. The electorate in the
.
Sutherland constituency, for instance, nt mbered 25.887,
while the LeYton and Dartmouth constituencies num-
bered 78,491 and 79,085 respectively. This system gives
preponderance to backward rural districts at the expense
of the more progressive industrial centres.
In capitalist countries the democratic principle of
equal suffrage is grossly violated by the requirement that
a deposit be advanced for each. candidate, which is ex-
tremely embarrassing to the needy voters. Such an elec
toral system is clearly incompatible with the interests of
the vast democratic sections of the population.
As for the Soviet electoral system, it guarantees vot-
ers real equality and genuinely equal suffrage.
In the U.S.S.R. the voters enjoy equal rights irrespec-
tive of soda ~ 1 origin, property status or occupation. Work-
16
ers, peasants ia.nd intellectuals participate in elections on
an equal footing.
the Soviet Union is
The equal suffrage effected in
roof of the consistent development of Soviet democracy.
P
Question 9. What does direct suffrage signify?
Answer. The Soviet Article 139) has es-
tablished Constitution {
hed direct suffrage, that is, an electoral procedure
according deputies to all organs of state power,
to which ,
oviet are elected by all citizens
including the Supreme Soviet,
directly.
Prior to the adoption of the 1936 Constitution, only
town and were elected by direct vote.
village Soviets The higher organs of Soviet power were elected at the
appropriate congresses of Soviets. The working people
elected delegates to the district congresses of Soviets. These congresses elected delegates to the regional, terri
tonal and republican (in republics where there was no regional division) congresses,
which in their turn elected
delegates to the congresses of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. In
the Russian Soviet. Federative Socialist Republic and in
the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic delegates to re-
ected at the regional (terri-
publican congresses were el -
torial) lets. The Central Executive
congresses of Soviets.
Committee of the U.S.S.R. and the Central Executive
Committees of the Union Republics were elected at the
Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. and at the Republican
congresses of Soviets respectively. As a result, the Dis-
a two-stage
trict b Executive Committees were elected by ~
Commit-
system, rial and Regional Executive
the Territorial
as well as the leading organs of the Autonomous Re-
publics cutive Committees of the
and the Central Executive
Union Republics ere were regions, by a three-
stage system and in the which there
Executive Committee of the
. ,
U.S.S.R. by a four-stage system.
In the past this systemwas necess,ar} ~ and it complete-
by the state of the
ly justified itself. It was conditioned past
Soviet economy time, the nature of the bonds be-
at the tim
3-1532 17
3-1532
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
tween town and country; the cultural level of the popula-
tion and the degree of activity of the masses. It is well
known that during the Civil War and for a number of
years afterwards the economic, cultural and socio-politi-
cal situation in the country made it difficult to replace
indirect elections by direct elections.
Speaking about the advantages of introducing direct
elections, Comrade Molotov said:
Direct elections will further enhance the prestige of
the organs of Soviet power and reinforce the ties between
these organs and the broad masses of the working people.
The workers and peasants will have a better knowledge
of their representatives not only in the districts and re
gions, but in the central organs of the Soviet state; they
will be linked more directly with them sand, gas a result,
the entire work of the leading organs of Soviet power will
be further improved.*
Question 10. What is implied by the secret ballot?
Answer. The secret ballot, established by Article 140
of the Constitution, is a procedure in which balloting is
not done, for instance, by show of hands in the presence
of other voters, as is the case with the open ballot, but by
filling ballot papers in a booth where the presence of oth-
ers, including members of the ward election commission,
is forbidden. This p a
rocedure guarantees the electorate
complete freedom of expression of will. In these condi-
tions the voter feels perfectly independent, since no one
knows, or can know, for whom he casts his vote.
On the other hand, the secret ballot, being a power-
Jul means of control on the part of the electorate, makes
the deputy have more respect for public opinion, work
better, and attend still more conscientiously to his busi-
ness, to his duties in relation to the state.
* V. M. Molotov, Changes in the Soviet Constitution, Russ, ed.,
Moscow 1935, p. 28.
18
In the countries of bourgeois parliamentary democra-
cy there is no genuinely secret ballot although nominally
it has been instituted, there. The system of bribery, open
trading in votes and downright terror against the electo-
rate ~ he secrecy of balloting. The very
grossly violate t .
elections contributes to this. In many
method of holding
countries the holding of elections is entrusted to officials.
of the Ministry Interior and the police. The Ade-
nauer overnmentof, for the instance mobilized 100,000 Police-
men g during ns held in September 1953, ac-
cording the elections
ordsng to press reports, for the purpose of ensuring the
success of the elections to say nothing of the numerous
terrorist fascist gangs hired for the same purpose.
The replacement of the open ballot by the secret bal-
lot lot YsvidlY illustrated, as V. M Molotov pointed out, the
desire of the Soviet authorities to place the work of their
organs under increased supervision by the workers and peasants. The Electron Regulations set forth rules the observ-
complete secrecy of balloting.
ance of which guarantees -
Chapter II
LISTS OF VOTERS.
19
Question 11. What is meant by voters' lists referred
to in Chapter II of the Election Regula-
tions?
Answer. The voters list (register) is a most important
electoral document authorizing the issue of ballot papers
to theelectorate. Receipt the ballot paper enables the
of
to participate in voting. But before he receives it he
elector
in the list of voters in his election ward.
must be entered
Articles 15 and 17 of the Election Regulations provide
that ' register shall be drawn up in each elec-
ward. in the form established by the Presidium of the
tion
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. In towns the registers are
compiled by the Executive Committees of urban Soviets
of Working People's Deputies, in cities divided into dis-
tricts, by the Executive. Committees of the district Soviets,
in smaller towns by the Executive Committees of the
town Soviets, and in rural localities,. by the Executive
Committees of rural (stanitsa, village, hamlet, kishlak,
aul) Soviets of Working People's Deputies.
Question 12. Who are entered in the voters' register?
Answer. Since elections to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R. are held on the basis of universal suffrage, the
b
voters' lists include all citizens who have reached the age
of 18 by election day, who enjoy electoral rights and re-
side (permanently or temporarily) in the territory of the
given Soviet at the time of compilation of the lists.
With regard to electors who have reached the age of
18 by election day, it is required that the year, month and
date of birth be registered in the list of voters. If the So-
viet of Working People's Deputies lacks exact informa-
tion concerning the month and date of birth of such an
elector, it is assumed that he was born on January 1 of
the year in question.
Persons deprived of electoral rights by court of law
b
are not entered in the lists of voters for the period of depri-
vation of electoral rights specified in the sentence; nor
shall the voters' lists include persons certified insane in
the manner prescribed by law.
Question 13. What identification papers are required
for the citizens to be included in the vot-
ers' register
~ by the. Executive Commit-
tees of Soviets?
Answer. The Executive Committees of Soviets may
not demand from citizens any papers for the purpose of
putting their names on the voters' register. It is the duty
of the Executive Committees themselves to compile these
20
registers. In towns, for instance, lists of voters are com-
piled b in conformity with the records in house-registers,
and in rural localities in conformity with farmstead reg
isters, or with the lists of temporary residents.
Question 14. What guides the Executive Committees
of Soviets of Working People's Depu-
ties in deciding that persons deprived
of electoral rights, or certified insane,
shall not be entered in the lists of
voters:
Answer. Regarding persons deprived of electoral rights b law, the Executive Committees of So-
shall be court of guided by absolutely reliable and carefully
viets by
checked evidence, such as copy of the sentence or an of-
ficial announcement by organs of the Procurator's Office
or courts of law. Statements in this respect by private in-
dividuals are not sufficient in themselves.
In retg ~ard to insane persons the Executive Committees
shall be guided either by the certificate issued by court of
~
lave on the basis of an ,act by judicial and psychiatric
of medical establish-
experts or by official notifications
menu (asylums, ecia1 medical commissions), acting on
special
special powers vested in them by the law.
Question 15. Should citizens sentenced by court of
law to a penalty that does not involve
either imprisonment or deprivation of
electoral rights be included in lists of
voters?
Answer. Such citizens are included in lists of voters.
The lists should not include citizens convicted by court
without deprivation of electoral rights if they are under arrest since in such circumstances they are unable to
participate in elections.
Besides, voters' lists do not include persons under
judicial examination and therefore held under arrest.
21
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Question 16. How and where are nomads (e.g., Gip-
sies included in voters' lists?
Answer. They are included in voters' lists on an equal
footing with all other citizens by the Executive Committees
b
of the Soviets of Working People's Deputies in whose ter-
ritory they are camped at the time of compilation of the
lists.
Question 17. Can a citizen be entered in more than
one voters' register?
Answer. No. The Election Regulations (Article 13)
establish that no voter can be entered in more than one
list of voters, otherwise the principle of equal suffrage
would be violated.
Question 18. How are voters' lists compiled in mili-
tary units or military formations? In
what voters' lists are all the other per-
sons on military service included?
Answer. Lists of voters in military units and military
formations are drawn up by the command and signed by
the commander.
All other persons on military service are entered in
voters' lists according to place of residence by the Exec-
utive Committees of the appropriate local Soviets, and
they vote, too, according to place of residence.
in military units and
Question 19. Do persons serving ~
military formations of the Soviet Army
and NavY beyond the Soviet frontiers
participate in elections to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R.?
Answer. Yes, they do. BY a decree dated October 14,
1945, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
settled this matter guided by Article 138 of the Constitu-
tion which establishes that citizens serving in the Soviet
Army have the right to elect and be elected on equal terms
22
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Soviet citizens. They vote in special election
with . all other districts. The rate. of representation for the troops is one
deputy in each of the two Chambers of the Supreme So-
viet of the U.S.S.R., the Soviet of the Union and the So-
viet of Nationalities for each special district.
Question 20. What facilities are at the disposal of
electors for inspecting voters' reg-
isters?
Answer. The Regulations bind the Executive Com-
mittees of Soviets of Working People's Deputies to exhib-
it voters' lists for public inspection thirty days prior to
electrons or to enable electors to acquaint themselves
with the lists on the premises either of the Soviet or the
election ward.
Question 21. What is the significance of providing
citizens with facilities for prior inspec-
tion of the voters' lists?
Answer. Prior examination of voters' lists is of great
importance since it makes it possible timely detection and
correction of errors (non-inclusion in the list of citizens
possessing electoral rights, inclusion of persons deprived
of electoral rights, distortion of surname, given name or
patronymic, etc.).
Question 22. What is the procedure for correcting
voters' lists?
Answer. To have any inaccuracy in the lists correct-
ed-inaccuracies such as non-inclusion or exclusion from
patronym-
the lists, Mme or distortion of surname, given n me
ic, incorrect inclusion of persons deprived of electoral
rights etc. the citizen must submit an appropriate appli-
cation to the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Work-
ing People's Deputies which published the list. It is the
the matter within three
duty of that body to consider
days.
23
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Any citizen may submit such a claim to the Executive
Committee of a Soviet either directly or through the ward
election commission.
Question 23. Is it permissible to ~appeal against ~a de-
cision taken by the Executive Committee
of the Soviet concerning corrections in
voters' lists?
Answer. Yes, appeal can be made. To do this the citi-
zen must submit his complaint to a People's Court. The
court is obliged to examine the complaint in open session
within three days in the presence of the claimant and a
representative of the Executive Committee of the Soviet
in question and immediately announce its decision both
to the Executive Committee of the Soviet and to the claim-
ant.
The decision of a People's Court is final and is not
subject to appeal.
The foregoing shows that the procedure of compiling
voters' lists in the Soviet Union is simple s e and democrat-
ic in the highest degr:ee and fully guarantees the cor-
rection of possible mistakes.
Question 24. How do voter
s who have changed their
place of residence after publication of
voters' lists participate in elections?
Answer. A voter who has changed his place of
residence in the interval, between the date of publication
of voters' lists and election day, can be included in the
register at his new Place of residence.
For this he must obtain from the Executive Committee
of the appropriate Soviet of Working People's Deputies
the "Voting Right Certificate" established by the Presid-
ium of the 'Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. He then
submits this certificate together with his identification
papers, to the Executive Committee of the Soviet at his
new place of residence-permanent or temporary-
24
25
whereupon he is entered in the voters' list and so partic-
ipates in ti e elections in the ordinary way.
Question 25. What is the voting procedure for elec-
tors who arrive at a new place of resi-
dence on polling day.
Answer. An elector who arrives at a new place of
residence on polling day may go to any election ward
where> upon presentation of the "Voting ? Right Certifi-
cate" and identification papers, he will be entered in the
voters' list, receive ballot papers and vote on equal foot-
ing with the other electors.
Chapter I77
SOVIET OF THE UNION AND SOVIET
OF NATIONALITIES
ELECTION DISTRICTS
Question 26. On what principle are the election
districts for the Soviet of the Union
formed?
Answer. The election districts for the Soviet of the
Union are formed on the following principle: the entire
territory of the U.S.S.R. is divided into election districts
of 300,000 inhabitants per district.
Hence there are as many election districts in the
U.S.S.R. as obtain from division of the total population
by 300,000. For the 1954 elections to the Soviet of the
Union there were 700 election districts.
Question 27. How are the election districts for the
Soviet of Nationalities formed?
Answer. Twenty-five election districts have been
formed in each Union Republic. Since there are sixteen
Union Republics in the U.S.S.R. 400 districts were formed
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
two
for the 1954 elections. There are 11 districts in each
Autonomous Re ublic a total of 176 for the 16 Auton-
omous Republics. PThe nine Autonomous Regions have five election districts each or 45 altogether. The ten Na-
tionial Areas have one election district each. The total
number of the Soviet of Nationalities election districts
in 1954 was 631.
In all, 1,331 election districts were formed for the 1954
elections to the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet, not counting
the special election districts formed in military units and military formations of the Soviet Army and Navy beyond
Soviet territory.
Question 28. How many deprties are elected to the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.?
Answer. Since each election district elects but cne
deputy, the total number of the Supreme Soviet deputies
is 1,331, besides a certain number is elected by voters
units and military formations of the
in military
serving ry ,
Soviet Army and Navy beyond the Soviet Union's
frontiers.
Chapter IV
ELECTION WARDS
Question 29. Whist is 1., the election ward and for what
purpose is it set up?
Answer. The election ward is formed for the purpose
of polling ballots and counting the votes. To this end
P
ever district forming ? part of an election dis-
trict every
or city and constituency is divided into wards common for
elections to the Soviet of the Union and the Soviet of
Nationalities.
The break-down of election districts into election
wards small number of inhabitants, and
comprising
a situated as close as possible to the voter's place of resi-
...._
26
27
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 20
10/08/11
holding of elections in the district much
deuce, makes the easier.
If the voters of a whole district had to vote in one
both the counting of votes would be
place, polling and b
exceedingly difficult and would require much more time,
.
whereas, according to the Regul;ations> elections to the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. must be held in the course
of one day.
Plainly it is much more convenient and rational to
poll ballots and count the votes according to small wards
rather than in one large election district.
Question 30. Who is empowered by law to set up
election wards?
Answer. In cities divided into districts the duty of
setting up election wards is assigned to the Executive
u
Committees of the district Soviets of Working People's
Deputies, and in towns with no such division, to the
Executive Committees of the town Soviets, ? in rural local-
Mies the task falls to the Executive Committees of the
People's Deputies.
district or u ezd Soviets of Working
Y
Question 31. On what principle are the election
wards formed?
Answer. In towns, industrial centres villages and
rural localities with more than 2,000 inhabitants, election
wards are formed so that each ward comprises from
1,500 to 3,000 inhabitants.
As a rule, the territory of a rural Soviet with not
more than 2,000 inhabitants ? constitutes a single election
ward- each stanitsa, village, kishlak and aul with 500
or more inhabitants, but not in excess of 2>000, consti-
tutes a separate election ward.
In villages or groups of villages with about 500 in-
habitants but not less than 300, separate election wards
from these villages to the
may be set up, if the distance b
u
election ward centre exceeds ten kilometres.
CIA-RDP81 -01 043R0007001 00003-6
 In remote northern and eastern regions, where small
communities prevail, it is permissible to form election
wards of not less than 100 inhabitants.
As for the National Areas in the North as well as in
mountainous and nomadic regions, the Election Regula-
tions permit the forming of election wards there, even
if the population is below 100, provided, however, that
it is not below 50.
Military units and military formations constitute
separate ejection wards of not less than 50 and not more
than 3,000 voters.
Question 32. What facilities are there for voters in
hospitals, maternity homes, sanatoria
and invalid homes to participate in
elections?
Answer. In all medical establishments and invalid
homes too, with not less than 50 electors, separate elec-
tion wards are formed. In hospitals of several buildings
election wards may be set up in each building, provided
it houses not less than 50 voters.
As regards voters who, while not in hospitals, are
unable to reach the election ward because of illness, it
is the duty of the members of the ward commission or of
specially authorized persons to visit the voter's home
upon request where the ballot paper is filled in and
placed in a miniature ballot box.
Question 33. How do voters on board ship on election
day participate in elections?
Answer. Vessels under sail on election day, and with
not less than 25 voters on board, may constitute separate
election wards, to be included in the election district of
the port of registry.
Question 34. What about citizens travelling in iong-
distance trains on election day, how do
they Participate in elections?
28
Answer. In long-distance trains that are under way
on election day, wards are arrange
d so that voters hold-
ing "Voting Right Certificates" can
g poll their ballot
papers. Train election wards are registered either in the
districts where the respective trains were marshalled, or
in the districts whose territory they cross on election day.
In the light of the foregoing it i
is clear that the Soviet
principle of forming election wards ensures maximum
attendance by voters and by removing every hindrance
and difficulty in the way the elect
Y - or exercises his rights,
makes the voting for the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
genuinely universal. Every point in the Election Regula-
tions reflects the broad popular
democratism of the
Soviet electoral
system. Small wonder, therefore that as
a rule the overwhelming majority of +
g ~ y the electorate goes
to the polls in the Soviet Union.
Chapter V
ELECTION COMMISSIONS
Question 35. What election commissions function for
elections to the Supreme
Soviet of the
U.S.S.R.?
Answer. The following election commissions are set
up for the U.S.S.R. Supreme
Soviet- elections:
1) The Central Election Commission for the elections
to the Supreme , Soviet of the U.S.S.R.; 2 Soviet of
Nationalities Election Commissions for the Union Repub-
lics, Autonomous Republics,
Autonomous
Regions and
National Areas; 3 District
Soviet of the Union Election
Commissions; 4 District
Soviet of
Nationalities Elec-
tion Commissions; 5 Ward Election Commissions.
Question 36. How ar 1
e she election commissions
formed?
29
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
30
Credentials Commissions of the Soviet of the Union and
of the Soviet of Nationalities.
Question 38. What is the composition of the Soviet
of Nationalities election commissions
and what are their functions?
Answer. The Soviet of Nationalities election commis-
sions of the Union. Republics, Autonomous Republics
,
Autonomous Regions and National Areas consist s nsist of a
chairman, vice-chairman secretary and from ten to six-
teen members and are confirmed by the Presidium of the
Supreme Soviet of the Union and Autonomous Republics
or by the Executive Committees of the Soviets of Work-
ing People's Deputies of Autonomous Regions and
National Areas not later than fifty days prior to election
day. These election commissions see that the "Regula-
tions Governing Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R." are strictly adhered to in the course of the
elections; they also deal with complaints of irregularities
on the part of Soviet of Nationalities election commis-
sions.
Question 39. What is the composition of district
Soviet of the Union election commis-
sions and of district Soviet of National-
ities election commissions?
Answer. District Soviet of the Union and district
Soviet of Nationalities election commissions are com-
posed of a chairman, vice-chairman, secretary b
and eight
members, and are endorsed in accordance with Articles.
45 and 49 of the Election Regulations not later than
fifty days prior to the polling day.
Question 40. What are thern functions of the district
election commissions?
Answer. District Soviet of the Union and district
Soviet of Nationalities election commissions:
31
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Answer. The. election commissions consist of repre-
sentatives from -trade-union organizations of workers
and other employees, co-operative bodies, Communist
Dart cultural, technical and
Y and youth organizations,
scientific societies, and other legally registered public
organizations and societies of the working people, as well as representatives elected at meetings of workers and other employees i in enterprises and servicemen in arm units and at meetings of peasants on
army and naval
collective farms, in villages and volosts, and of workers
and other employees on state farms.
Question 37. What is the composition of the Central
Election Commission and what are its
functions?
Answer. The Central Election Commission is com-
posed of a chairman vice-chairman, secretary and 24
members. It is endorsed by the Presidium of the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. not later than fifty days prior to
the date fixed for the elections.
The Central Election Commission:
a Sees that the "Regulations Governing Elections to
the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R." are strictly observed
throughout the Soviet Union; b)
Deals with complaints concerning irregularities
on the part of election commissions and takes final deci-
sions on the complaints;
Establishes the models of ballot boxes, the form
c)
and colour of ballot papers, the form of the official records
of registration of candidates by the district election commissions, the form of the official records of the count,
the form of the certificates of election and the design of
seals for the election commissions;
d) Registers the deputies elected to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R.;
to the
e Turns over the election files and records
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
a See that the Regulations Governing Elections
the U.S.S.R." are strictly
to the Supreme Soviet of
adhered to in the territory of their respective election
districts;
irregularities on the part
complaints of
b) Deal with
of ward election commissions and take appropriate deci-
sions;
c} See that the Executive Committees of the Soviets
of Deputies form the election wards in
Working People's
good time;
d ' lists are compiled and made pub-
lie See that voters'
in proper time;
e Register candidates nominated in accordance with
P .s nothe provisions of the Constitution and the "Regulations
Governing Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R.";
f Furnish the ward election commissions with bal-
lot papers in the prescribed form; g)
Count the votes cast and establish the returns;
h Issue certificates of election to the elected
deputies;
i Turn over the election files and records to the
Central Election Commission and the Soviet of Nationali-
ties election commissions of the Union and Autonomous
mous Regions and National Areas.
Autonomous
Republics,
Question 41. What is the composition of ward elec-
tion commissions?
Answer. The Election Regulations provide that ward
election commissions shall consist of a chairman, vice-
chairman, secretary and from four to eight members; and
in election wards with less than 300 inhabitants, of a
chairman, secretary and from one to three members.
Ward election commissions are endorsed by the Executive
Committees of the appropriate town, district or uyezd
Soviets of Working People's Deputies not later than
forty days prior to the date fixed for the elections.
32
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
What are the functions of the ward
Question 42.
election commissions?
Answer. The ward election commissions:
a) Receive claims concerning inaccuracies in lists of
voters and submit them for consideration to the Execu-
tive Committees of the Soviets which published the lists;
b) Receive the ballots in the election wards;
c Count the votes cast for each candidate;
,
d) Turn over election files and records to the district
Soviet of the Union election commissions or the district
Soviet of Nationalities election commissions respectively.
Question 43. How do the election commissions work?
Answer. The Election Regulations establish that the
meetings of all election commissions ale deemed valid
if attended by more than one-half of their total member-
ship and that all questions are decided by a simple
majority vote; in the event of an equal division, the
chairman has the casting vote.
Chapter VI
PROCEDURE FOR NOMINATING CANDIDATES
TO THE SUPREME SOVIET
OF THE U.S.S.R.
Question 44. How are candidates to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. nominated?
Answer. In accordance with Article 141 of the Consti-
tution of the U.S.S.R. the Election Regulations establish
that the right to nominate candidates to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. is ensured to public organizations
and societies of the working people, namely, Communist
Party organizations, trade unions co-operatives, youth
organizations, and cultural societies.
33
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
The right to nominate candidates is exercised by the
central bodies of public organizations and societies of the
working people and by their rePublican territorial,
b regional, uyezd and district bodies as well as by general meetings of workers and other employees in enterprises,
and of servicemen in army and naval units, and also by
general meetings of peasants on collective farms, and of
state farm workers and other employees on state farms.
In conformity with Article 126 of the Constitution, all
citizens of the U.S.S.R. may, regardless of occupation,
unite in various public organizations: trade unions, co-
operative associations, youth and sports organizations,
cultural, technical and scientific societies, ; and the most
active and politically-conscious citizens in the ranks of
the working class and other sections of the working
may unite in the Communist Party of the Soviet
people
Union, which is the vanguard of the working people in
their struggle for building communist society, and the leading core of all organizations of the working people,
both public and state. It is
clear that this procedure which provides Soviet
citizens with the greatest opportunity of participating in
the nomination of candidates to the Supreme Soviet of
the U.S.S.R. is genuinely democratic.
Question 45. Who may be nominated as candidate to
the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.?
Answer. Under the Soviet electoral law any citizen
'who. has reached the age of twenty-three and enjoys
electoral rig b hts is eligible for election to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
This la` ~v does not make any special claims on candi-
dates to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
The situation is quite different in bourgeois countries.
In Britain, for example each candidate must deposit
150. pounds, in Canada 300 dollars and in Japan 2,000
yen. Moreover, in the event of the candidate not polling
34
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
a definite minimum of votes, this .deposit is confiscated
for the benefit of the state. In some countries candidates
meet the expenditure in acquiring ballot papers.
Nothing like this exists in the Soviet Union where
there are no "election deposits" or payment of election
expenditure by candidates.
According
According to Article 11 of the Election Regulations
all the expenditure incurred in elections to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. is borne by the state.
Candidates to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
are nominated by the people themselves, who proceed
solely from the personal ability of the citizens concerned,
from the quality of their work, sand from their devo-
tion to the people and country.
Question 46. How are the candidates to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R, nominated and
registered?
Answer. According to the Election Regulations public
organizations or societies of the working people nominat-
ing candidates for the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
must submit to the district election commissions the
following documents indicated in Article 61 of the Elec
tion Regulations: first, the minutes of the meeting at
which the candidate was nominated; second, a declara-
tion by the candidate of his consent to stand for election
in the given election district on behalf of the organiza-
tion which nominated him.
The minutes must state the surname, given name and
patronymic of the candidate his age- address, part
Y
affiliation and occupation. Besides, they must state the
time and place of the meeting and the number of persons
present;
The minutes must be signed by the members of the
presidium of the meeting, and stating their addresses
and the name of the organization nominating the candi?
date.
35
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
.. Not later than thirty days prior to the date of elec-
tions the candidates must by registered by the district
election commission for the Soviet of the Union or by
the district election commission for the Soviet of Nation-
alities, depending on which body the candidate in ques-
tion is nominated for.
Not later than twenty-five days prior to the date of
elections, the respective district election commission
publishes after registration the surname, given name,
patronymic, age, occupation and party affiliation of the
given candidate and the name of the public organiza-
tion nominating him. Thereafter the registered candi-
dates are entered in the ballot paper.
Jilt is established at the time of registration that
sorne requirement or other put forward to a candidate
by the Regulations has not been complied with, the
district election commission is entitled to refuse regis-
tration of the candidate. In that case the candidate is
not included in the ballot paper.
Question 47. Is it permissible to appeal against the
refusal of a district election commission
to register a candidate?
Answer. Yes, it is. The Election Regulations point out
that the refusal of a district Soviet of the Union election
commission or a district Soviet of Nationalities election
commission to register a candidate may be appealed
against within a period of two days.
Question 48. With what body is the refusal of a
district election commission to register
a candidate for the U.S.S.R. Supreme
Soviet appealed against?
Answer. Appeal against refusal of a district Soviet
of the Union election commission to register a candidate
is lodged with the Central Election Commission.
Appeal against refusal of a district Soviet of Nation-
36
election commission to register a candidate is
Titles
lodged with the respective election commission of the Union o
Republic, Autonomous Region or
or Autonomous National Area and appeal against the decision of this
body is lodged with the Central Election Commission.
The decision of the Central Election Commission is
final and is not subject of subject to appeal.
Question 49. Is it permissible to nominate one can-
didate in several districts?
Answer. Yes, this can be done. No matter where a
candidate lives and regardless of whether he has already
been nominated in one district, he may be nominated by
electors in any other district. But the Election Regula-
tions provide that a'candidate for the Supreme Soviet
of the U.S.S.R. may stand for election only in one dis-
his consent to stand
trict. The candidate must declare
for election in the given district on behalf of The organi-
zation nominating him.
balloted who have been
Only those candidates are
nourinated according to Article 141 of the Constitution
of the U.S.S.R. by public organizations sand societies of
the working people and registered with the district elec-
tion commissions in proper time.
Question 50. What is the ballot paper?
Answer. The ballot paper is a sheet printed in the
form prescribed by the Central Election Commission. It
indicates the name and number of the election district,
the surname, given name and patronymic of candidates
for the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. as well as an
enumeration of the organizations nominating the candi-
dates.
papers printed in the language of
The ballot mast be
the inhabitants of the election district in question. If in
that district there are groups of inhabitants speaking
different languages, the ballot papers must be printed
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
D
in the respective languages and in quantities sufficient.
to supply all the voters with ballot papers in their
native languages.
Question 51.
When and where do electors receive
the ballot papers?
Answer. The ballot papers must be printed by the
district Soviet of the 'Union election commissions and
the district Soviet of Nationalities election commissions
not later than fifteen days prior to the date of the elections
and then distributed to all the ward election commissions
which issue them to the voter on polling day.
Chapter YII
VOTING PROCEDURE
Question 52. Are elections to the Supreme Soviet of
the U.S.S.R. held on one day or are
they spread over a number of days?
Answer. The Election Regulations provide that elec-
tions to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. shall be
held in the course of one day, which shall be the same
throughout the U.S.S.R. The elections are held on a
Sunday, otherwise part of the electorate would be unable
to participate in voting.
In some bourgeois countries, on the contrary, elec-
tions are held on week days, with a view to preventing
working people from participating in elections..
Question 53. Where does polling take place?
Answer. Polling takes place on premises specially
set aside for the purpose. Every day, fora period of
twenty days prior to the elections, the ward election
commissions publish, or otherwise make generally known
38
to the electors the place of voting as well as the date of
the elections.
Question 54. What are the polling hours?
Answer. Polling takes place from 6 a.m. until
midnight local time. At 6 a.m. on election day the chair-
man of each ward election commission examines the
ballot boxes in the presence of the members of the corn
mission and ascertains that there is a list of voters corn-
piled in the prescribed form whereupon he seals the
boxes with the seal of the commission and invites the
electors to vote.
At midnight on election day, the chairman of the
ward election commission declares polling terminated,
and the commission proceeds to open the ballot boxes
and count the votes.
Question 55. How does polling take place?
Answer. Every elector votes personally at the polling
station. There he presents to the secretary y or any other
authorized member of the ward election commission his
PassPort or collective-farm or trade-union membership
card or some other evidence of identity. After his name
is checked in the voters' list and an entry ? made in the
list recording the issue of ballot papers, he is given
ballot papers of the prescribed form.
He then proceeds to a special room, a booth, to fill in
the ballots. There in the absence of members of the ward
election commission or any other persons, he leaves the
name .of the candidate he votes for and crosses out ,the
names of the others. Thence he proceeds to the room
where the wand election commission is located and drops
his ballot papers into the ballot box.
Question 56. Can a number of electors be simul-
taneously admitted to the room set
aside for filling in the ballot papers?
39
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Answer. Yes. In this case to ensure the secrecy of
balloting, the law requires that the room set aside for
filling ballot papers be fitted with partitions or screens
and divided into booths according to the number of vot-
ers admitted simultaneously, so that one elector may not
see what is done by the other.
Question 57. How do illiterates vote?
Answer. The law provides illiterates with every
opportunity to participate in voting. An illiterate voter
is entitled to invite any other voter to enter the room set
aside for filling ballot papers and help him to fill his
ballot papers.
Question 58. What is the method of voting for in-
valids or persons unable owing to phys-
ical disability to fill the ballot papers
themselves?
or y of voters, as is the case
Answer. For this category
with illiterates the law provides the necessary voting
conditions by permitting ermitting them to invite any other voter
into the room assigned for filling ballot papers so as to
o
fill their ballot papers with that person's help.
Question 59. Is electioneering work permitted during
the hours of voting?
Answer. The Election Regulations say that every
organization nominating a candidate registered with a
district election commission, in the same way as every
citizen of the U.S.S.R., is ensured the right freely to can-
vass in favour of that candidate at meetings, through
the press and in other ways.
Electioneering is forbidden only at the polling sta-
tions on polling day. This is done so that no one shall
exercise any influence on electors at the time of
voting.
40
41
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Chapter VIII
COUNTING THE VOTES
Question 60. How does the ward election commis-
sions conduct the count?
Answer. The Election Regulations contain the follow-
ing rules: at midnight local time on election day, the
chairman of the ward election commission declares
polling terminated, and the commission proceeds to open
the ballot boxes. The right to attend the counting of
votes on the premises of the election ward is extended
to representatives of public organizations and societies
of the working people, specially authorized for the pur-
pose, and to representatives of the press. Having opened
the ballot boxes, the ward election commission checks
the number of ballots cast with the number of persons
who received them and enters the result in an official
record. When the ballot papers have been checked, the
chairman announces in the presence of all the members
of the commission the results of the vote cast by each
ballot paper. The votes cast are counted separately for
the Soviet of the Union and the Soviet of Nationalities.
When the counting of the votes cast for each candi-
date is completed, the commission draws up official
records in the prescribed form and announces the results
in the presence of all its members i.e. informs them of
the total number of votes cast for each candidate.
These official records are signed by all the members
of the ward election commission, the signatures of the
b
chairman and the secretary being indispensable.
Question 61. Can a ward election commission declare
ballot papers invalid?.
Answer. Yes it can do so if the ballot papers contain
the names of more candidates than the number of depu-
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
ties to be elected and also if the papers are not printed
in the prescribed form.
Question 62. Why are such ballot papers declared
invalid?
Answer. If a ballot paper contains the names of
several candidates and a voter leaves the names of, say,
two of them, it will not be clear to the election commis-
sion which of the two candidates the voter wants to
elect. Such a ballot paper will be declared invalid. Every
,
voter must therefore choose one candidate from those
whose names are entered in the ballot paper, i.e., leave
that candidate's name, striking out the other names.
only b
Ballot papers not made out in the prescribed form
are declared invalid for the simple reason that the poll-
ing of such ballot papers may entail various abuses,
a
and also because the secrecy of the ballot may be vio-
lated; such papers make it possible to reveal the identity
of the voter and by the same token to establish for whom
the elector in question voted. Hence, the Central Election
Commission prescribes a definite form of ballot paper,
and the. Election Regulations establish that ballot pa-
pers ers in any T other form are null and void.
Question 63. How do the district election commis-
sions conduct the count?
Answer. The district election commissions conduct
the count on the basis of the official records submitted
by the ward election commissions and then determine the
number of votes cast in the election district for each
candidate. The official records of the vote, drawn up by
.
the district election commission, are signed b : all its
members, the signatures of its chairman and secretary
being indispensable.
Question 64. What does the official record of the
district election commission indicate?
42
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Answer. The official voting record of the district
election commission indicates:
ward election commissions in the
a The number of
district;
b The number of ward election commissions that
have submitted official records;
number of electors in the district;
c) The
d The number of voters who received ballot Pa-
.
Ders:
e The number of electors who have voted;
f The number of ballot papers declared invalid;
g} The number of ballot papers in which the names
.
?
of all candidates have been struck out,
h The number of votes cast for each candidate;
i A brief summary of the claims and complaints
submitted to the district election commission, and the
decisions adopted by the district election commission. Question 65. How is supervision of the work of
and district election commissions
ward
ensured?
Answer. As stated above the right to be present in
the room where the votes are counted by the ward elec-
tion commission is extended to representatives of public
spe-
cially organizations and societies of the working people, sPe
urpose and to representatives
purpose,
Y authorized for the
of the press.
Attendance by representatives of the Soviet public
Y P re resen
makes for better supervision by electors of how the mem-
bers of election commissions observe the rules of counting
votes and helps preclude any possibility of error and,
above all, abuses.
organizations of the press,
Representatives of public
e
and of societies of the working people may also attend the
counting by district election commissions.
of votes
Both wand and district election commissions must
official records the claims and
set forth in their off
briefly
43
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
com laints.submitted and the respective
p decisions adopt-
ed by them.
The official records of the ward election commissions
are transmitted to the respective district election commis-
sions; the official records of the district Soviet of the
Union election commissions are sent to the Central
Election Commission while
the records of the district
Soviet of Nationalities election commissions are sent to
the respective Soviet of
Nationalities eleotion commis-
sion of the Union or Autonomous Republic Autonomous
Region or National Area.
This enables the higher-level
election commissions to check the work of the ward and
district commissions.
Question 66. Which candidate for the Supreme So-
viet of the U.S.S.R. i
is considern
~~,d
elected?
Answer. The candidate for the Supreme Soviet of
the U.S.S.R. is considered
l elected provided he has polled
an absolute majority of the votes, or more than half the
total number of the valid
votes cast in tha district.
Question 67. Is the candidate who oils an absolute
majority of the votes regarded as being
elected in any case?
Answer. No. Should the number of votes cast in a
district be less than half the number of the electors en-
titled to vote in the given district, the election will be de-
cliared void. Hence
a candidate polling an
absolute
majority of the votes in
Y such an election is not regarded
as being elected since the number of votes cast is less
than half the number of the electors
in the given election
.
district.
In some countries
elections are deemed valid even if
i~
only 30 per cent of t
Y p he electorate goes to the poll. Accord-
ing, to Soviet law this is impermissible and such prac
tices are out of the question.
Question 68. Does the Soviet electoral law permit
re-balloting of candidates?
it does. Re-balloting is conducted if
Answer. Yes, b
none of the candidates in the given election district polls
an absolute majority of votes, i.e., if each receives less
than half the number of the votes cast.
When this occurs> a re-balloting is ordered not of all
the candidates contesting the district but of the two can-
didat?.s who received the largest number of votes.
Question 69. Who orders the re-balloting and what
is the time-limit for it?
Answer. Re-balloting by is ordered b y the district Soviet
of the Union election commission, or by the district
Soviet of Nationalities election commission, as the case
may be, and takes place not later than two weeks after
the date of the first ballot.
Question 70. What is to be done if the number of
votes cast is less than half the number
of the electors in the given election
district?
Answer. If in any district the number of votes cast is
less than half the number of electors entitled to vote in
that district, new elections are ordered. In this case the
district election commission makes a note to that effect
in the official record and immediately informs the Central
Election Commission and the Soviet of Nationalities
election commission of the Union or Autonomous
Republic, Autonomous Region or National Area.
The Central Election Commission orders new elec-
tions to be held not later than two weeks after the date
of first elections.
the t electio Zs.
Question 71. What is to be done when for one rea-
son or another a seat in the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. falls vacant?
45
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Answer. In this case the Presidium of the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. appoints a date for the election of
a new deputy for the district concerned, to be held not
later than two months after the seat in the Supreme
Soviet falls vacant.
Re-balloting
or new elections are conducted on the
basis of rile lists of voters drawn up for the first elections.
Question 72. In what way are electoral rights pro-
tected by law?
Answer. The Election egul'ations contain two arts
cles which stipulate that anyone who seeks to prevent
Soviet citizens from exercising their electoral rights
shall be severely punished.
Article 109 of the Election
Regulations reads as
follows: "Any person who by i violence, fraud, intimidation
or bribery hinders a citizen
Y of the U.S.S.R, in the
exercise of h.is right to elect and be elected to the Supremo
~r
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. shall be liable to a a term ~e~,~l of im
m -
prisonment of un to two years."
1
And Article 110 of the Election negulat.olls says:
"Any
official of a Soviet or
member of an election tom-
mission guii ui fa1sif}ling y o election documents, or of
deliberately falsifying in~- the count shall be liable to a ter;T,
...
of imprisonment of up to three - "
p years.
Such is the content of the "Regulations Governing
Elections to the Supreme Soviet o T "
of the t~.S.S.k. which
guarantee the genuinely universal character of elections.
The Election Regulations
provide all the necessary con-
ditions for holding elections to the supreme legislative
.
body of the U.S.S.R. strictly in keeping with the great
of the Constitution of
principles the land of Soviets,
which, under the leadership of the Communist p e ~~~munist Party, is
stepping out confidently towards communism.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Publisher's Note
The present English translation of Liu Shao-chi's
How to Be a Good Communist has been made from the
text of the Chinese edition published by the Hsin Hua
New China Bookstore in December, 1949.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
First Edition ............ . .... October 1951
Second Revised Edition...... February 1952
LIU SHAO-CHI
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
CHAPTER ONE
PAGE
INTRODUCTION .......
Why Must Communist Party Members Undertake
Self-cultivation? .
Strive to Become the Best Pupils of Marx, Engels
Lenin and Stalin ......,,,
The Aspects and Methods of Cultivation .. , . , . 21
The Relation Between the
Study of Marxist-
Leninist Theory and the Ideological Cultiva-
tion of Part Members
CHAPTER TWO
THE IDEOLOGICAL CULTIVATION OF PARTY
.MEMBERS .................:................ 35
It Is Necessary to Understand that the Cause of
Communism Is the Greatest and Most
Arduous Cause in the History of Mankind .. 37
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
The Ltnconditional Subordination of the Personal
Interests of a Party Member to the Interests
of the Party ............................. 49
The Origin of the Various Erroneous Ideologies
in the Party ............................. 80
The Attitude Towards Various Erroneous Ideo-
logies in the Party and Inner-Party Struggle 86
APPENDICES
THE CLASS CHARACTER OF MAN ........... .. 109
A BIOGRAPHICAi, NOTE ABOUT THE AUTHOR.. 117
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
How to Be a Good Communist
(A series of lectures delivered by Liu Shao-chi in July
1939 at the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Yenan)
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
C? ! I MUST APOLOGISE, It is quite some
time since you asked me to give you a ta.k but I
have had to delay coming until today. The question I am
going to talk about is the cultivation of Communist Party
members. I think that it may no
y not be unprofitable for
us to talk about this question at a time when we are
facing the basic task of building and consolidating the
Party. I want to divide my talk into several parts so
today I shall deal with
one part only, leaving the rest
for next time. In order to enable many of the younger
comrades to understand, I shall have to give
more ex-
planations and examples on certain
questions.. Conse-
quently, I cannot make my talk very succinct. This I
must make clear at the very beginning,
Why Must Communist Party Members
Undertake Self-cultivation?
Comrades, wh must Communist Party members
undertake self -cultivation?
,
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 11
Ever since man came into the world, in order to be
able to live, he has had to struggle against nature to
produce the material values essential to his existence.
However,
men carry on a struggle against nature and utilise nature
for the production of material values not in isolation from
each other, not as separate individuals, but in common, in
groups, in societies. Production, therefore, is at all times
and under all conditions social production. In the produc-
tion of material values men enter into mutual relations of
one kind or another within production, into relations of
production of one kind or another. (The History of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union (B) Short Course,
English edition, 1951, pp. 188-189)
Thus, the struggle carried on by men against nature
for production is social in character. It is a struggle of
men_ as social beings against nature. It is in this cease-
less struggle against nature that human beings have
been continuously changing nature and simultaneously
themselves and have changed their relations with one
another. It is in the course of the long struggle of men
as social beings against nature, that men's physical forms
(hands, feet, posture, etc.), their social relations, their
forms of social organisation as well as their brains,
ideology, etc. are all continuously being changed and
improved. This is because:
The first feature of production is that it never stays at
one point for a long time and is always in a state of change
and development, and that, furthermore, changes in the mode
of production inevitably call forth changes in the whole
social system, social ideas, political views and" political
institutions. (Ibid pp. 189-190)
Man has evolved from animals. In ancient times,
man's mode of life social organisation and ideology, etc.
were different from what they are today. In the future,
man's mode of life social organisation ideology, etc. will
also be different from what they are today.
Humanity itself and human society are a kind of
process of historical evolution. They are developing and
changing and they can be, and have already been, con-
tinuously changed in the course of struggle.
When human society developed to a certain historical
stage, class society arose. Thereafter, men in a class
society exist as men of a given class. According to the
principles of Marxist philosophy, men's social being
determines their ideology. Thus in a class society men's
ideology represents the ideology of a given social class.
In a class society there are ceaseless class struggles. Thus,
in the course of constant struggle against nature and
constant struggle of social classes, men change nature,
change society and at the same time change their own
ideology.
Marx once told the workers:
You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years
of civil wars and international conflicts, not only to change
existing conditions, but also to change yourselves and to
make yourselves capable of wielding political power.
In other words men change themselves not only in
their struggle against nature but also in constant social
snuggle. The proletariat will also have to consciously go
g
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
through a long period of social struggle to change society
and itself.
Thus men should regard themselves as being in
need of and capable of, being changed. They should not
look upon themselves as something unchanging, perfect,
holy and beyond reform. It is in no way an insult but
the inevitable law of natural and social evolution; other-
wise men cannot make progress.
We Communist Party members are the most advanced
revolutionaries in modern history and are the contempor-
ary fighting and driving force in changing society and the
., wawa b
world. Revolutionaries exist because counter-revolution-
aries still exist. Therefore to conduct a ceaseless struggle
against the counter-revolutionaries constitutes an essen-
tial condition for the existence and development of the
revolutionaries. If they fail to carry on sucI a struggle,
they cannot be called revolutionaries and still less can
they advance and develop. It is in the course of this
ceaseless strusb ggle against the counter-revolutionaries that
Communist Party members change society, change the
world and at the same time change themselves.
A Communist Party member changes himself through
his struggle against counter-revolution in various fields.
It means that to achieve one's own progress and to raise
one's revolutionary qualities and technique requires the
unification of the following two aspects: one's steeling in
the practical struggle and the cultivation of one's ideas.
To pass from a novice to a mature and well-experienced
revolutionary able to cope with any situation calls for a
very long process of revolutionary steeling and cultiva-
tion, that is, a long process of reformation. A compara-
tively inexperienced revolutionary is still unable to ac-
quire a really profound understanding of the enemy, of
himself, of the laws of social development and the laws
of the revolution because he has grown up in the old
society and naturally has brought with him remnants of
various ideologies, prejudices and habits of the old society
and because he is still inexperienced and has not yet
undergone a long period of revolutionary practice.
In order to change this situation, besides studying
revolutionary experiences from history (the practice of
our predecessors) he must himself participate in the con-
temporary revolutionary practice. In this revolutionary
practice, that is, in the struggle against various counter-
revolutionary elements, he should develop his subjective
initiative and redouble his efforts in study and cultiva-
tion. Only then will he be able to gradually learn from
his experience and to understand more profoundly the
laws of social development and the laws of the revolu-
tion; be able to understand the enemy and himself; be
able to discover the incorrectness of his own former ideas,
habits and prejudices and to correct them; be : able to
io sness and his revolutionary
qualities and improve his revolutionary methods, etc.
Therefore in order to change himself and raise the level
of his consciousness, a revolutionary should not of course
isolate himself from revolutionary practice, or abandon
his own subjective efforts to carry on self-cultivation and
to learn through practice (both his own practice and that
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
This is because these Party members possessed dif-
ferent revolutionary qualities, because they developed in
different directions in revolutionary practice and because
they differed in their subjective efforts in revolutionary
practice, and in their degree and methods of self-cultiva-
tion. Because of the different qualities possessed by
revolutionaries and the variation in their subjective efforts
and self-cultivation, it is possible that in the same revolu-
tionary practice, entirely different or even opposite
results and influences may ensue. Such cases can be
found even in your school. In the school you all receive
the same kind of education and training. However,
because of your different qualities, experiences, cultural
levels, subjective efforts and the degree and methods of
self-cultivation You may get different or even opposite
results. Have you not noticed that a small number of
people have moved further away from the revolution after
receiving education and training in schools in Yenan?
This is due to the same cause. Hence, for a revolutionary
to change and improve himself, subjective effort, self-
cultivation and learning in the course of the revolutionary
struggle are absolutely necessary and indispensable.
of others). Without the latter it will still be impossible
for a revolutionary to improve himself.
For example, several Communist Party members
go
together to take part in a certain revolutionary mass
struggle, undergo almost the same revolutionary practice
and yet in the end the influence exerted on these Party
members might be entirely different. Some may advance
very quickly and some formerly backward members may
even overtake others. Some may advance very slowly.
Others may even begin to vacillate in the course of the
struggle, and the revolutionary practice, instead of
enabling them to advance, has left them behind. What
is the cause of all this?
Again for example, many of our Communist Party
members took part in the Long March, which was a
severe test for our Party members and which exercised
an extremely progressive and positive influence among
Party members and even among the broad masses of the
people. However, in the case of a very small number
of Party members the influence was just the opposite.
Having gone through the hard struggle of the Long March
an fearful of this
and the ten years Civil War, they grew
hard struggle. They attempted to retreat and run away.
Finally, they deserted the revolutionary ranks as a result
of outside inducement. Many Party members took part
in the Long March and yet the influence upon them and
the results thus obtained were vastly different. What is
the cause of all this?
Not every revolutionary who has undergone the
steeling of long years of revolutionary struggle can
develop into a very good and experienced revolutionary,
chiefly because his own efforts and self-cultivation are
insufficient. But all those who have succeeded in be-
coming very good and experienced revolutionaries must
certainly have b gone through long years of steeling and
self-cultivation in the revolutionary struggle. Hence, our
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Party members can make themselves politically inflexible
revolutionaries of high only by steeling quality themselves,
strengthening their self-cultivation, not losing their sense
of the new and by improving their reasoning power in
the course of the revolutionary struggle of the broad
masses under all difficulties and hardships.
Confucius said:
At fifteen, I had my mind bent on learning. At thirty,
I stood firm. At forty, I had no doubts. At fifty, I knew
the decree of Heaven. At sixty, my ear was an obedient
organ for the reception of truth. At seventy, I could follow
my heart's desire, without transgressing what was right.
Here Confucius was relating the process of his
g steel-
ing and self-cultivation. He did not regard himself as
a born `sage'.
Mencius said:
When Heaven is about to confer a great office on any
man, it first exercises his mind with suffering, and his sinews
and bones with toil. It exposes his body to hunger, and
subjects him to extreme poverty. It confounds his under-
takings. By all these methods it stimulates his mind hardens
his nature, and remedies his incompetencies.
What Mencius said also refers to
the process of
steeling and self-cultivation that a great man must
undergo. As Communist Party members have to
shoulder the unprecedented)Y 'great office' of changing
the world it is all the more necessary for them to go
through such steeling and self-cultivation.
The cultivation of Communist Party members is a
revolutionary cultivation. We cannot carry on our cul-
tivation by divorcing ourselves from revolutionary
practice or the practical revolutionary movement of the
broad toiling masses, particularly the proletarian masses.
The aim of our cultivation is solely to serve the interests
of revolutionary practice and to direct more effective)
Y
the practical revolutionary movement of the masses.
Herein lies the difference between our cultivation and
other idealistic, formal and abstract cultivations which
are divorced from social practice. I shall make a further
brief
explanation on this point later on.
Our Party members should steel themselves and
intensify their self-cultivation not only in the course of
arduous, difficult and even unsuccessful revolutionary
practice but also in the course of favourable successful
and victorious revolutionary practice. Some Party mem-
bers cannot keep their balance when they are heartened
by success and victory and become dizzy with victories.
Victory, success, the tribute paid them by the broad
masses of the people as well as a certain amount of
prestige which they enjoy among the masses make them
unscrupulous, arrogant, bureaucratic or even vacillating,
corrupt and degenerate, thus completely losing their
former revolutionary spirit.
These are mdivzdual cases which are frequently
found among our Communist Party members. The
existence of such phenomena within the Party should
serve as a serious warning to our Party members for it
was almost an inevitable rule that such phenomena
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
existed among the revolutionaries of past generations.
But such phenomena definitely will not be tolerated in
our . Party. The revolutionaries of past generations, prior
to the success and victory of the revolution and their
own success and victory, were able to represent the de-
mands of the progressive and oppressed masses and retain
their revolutionary qualities, but as soon as the revolution
and they themselves were crowned with success and
victory they would more often than not become corrupt
,
bureaucratic and degenerate, thus losing their revolu-
tionary qualities and their progressive character and
becoming obstacles to the revolution and. social evolution.
We know that many revolutionaries in China in the
past hundred years, or more recently in the past
fifty years, began to show signs of corruption and de-
generation the moment they had achieved a certain mea-
sure of success and risen to some responsible position.
This is due to the class basis of those revolutionaries of
past generations. Because the revolutionaries of the past
represented the exploiting classes they naturally turned
around and oppressed the exploited masses after the
victory of their revolution and thus became obstacles to
the continuous progress of the revolution and social evolu-
tion. It is an inevitable rule that the revolutionaries of
the past would become corrupt, bureaucratic and even
degenerate and lose their revolutionary qualities after the
victory and success of the revolution.
However, this cannot and will not be the case with
us Communists. As the exploited proletariat which we
represent does not exploit, anybody, it can carry on the
10
revolution to the very end completely
liberate mankind
as a whole and eventually make a clean sweep of all forms
of corruption, bureaucracy and degeneracy in human
society. It can build up a and
p party State apparatus with
strict organisation and discipline f
or the purpose of
carrying on an irreconcilable struggle
against all forms
of corruption, bureaucracy and degeneracy and to cease-
lessly purge the Party and the
Y State apparatus of those
elements who are corrupt, bureaucratic and degenerate
in their work no matter what 'big-wigs' ~ such
elements
are), so that the purity of the
Party and the State
apparatus can be preserved.
This outstanding feature of the revolutionary Party
of the proletariat was not and could not be, found in any
of the revolutionary parties of the past. Therefore, our
Party members must clearly understand this outstanding
feature and. see to it that even
in the course of the success
and victory of the revolution and in
the course of the
infinite rise of our popularity and authority special care
is taken to intensify our self-cultivation and preserve to
the last our pure revolutionary qualities y q sties so as to avoid
going the way of the revolutionaries of the past who
became degenerate after they had been crowned with
success.
Such revolutionary steeling and cultivation are im-
portant for every one of our Party members and parti-
cularly so for those new Party members of non-prolet-
arian origin. Why are they particularly important for
new Party members of non-proletarian origin? 1
ii.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Precisely because such Party members Y are of non-prolet-
arian origin. Lenin said that Party members y s of worker
origin have the innate qualities of the
proletariat. It
follows then that Party members of other
Y class origin
naturally have the innate qualities of other classes Al-
though they have now accepted the Communist ideology,
they more or less still retain remnants of non-Communist
ideology and habits. (2) Precisely because they are new
Party members and have not yet undergone much steel-
ing. Therefore, they have to steel and cultivate them-
selves in the course of the revolutionary struggle
before
they can become good revolutionaries.
Steeling and cultivation are important for every
Party member, whether he be a new member of non-
proletarian proletarian origin or even a veteran m
ember or a member
...N~~
of proletarian origin. This is because our Communist
Party did not drop from the heavens but was born of
out o_
Chinese society and because every member of our Party
came from this squalid old society of China and are still
living in this society today. Hence our Party members
y bers
have more or less brought with them remnants
of the
ideology and habits of the old society and they remain
in constant association with all the squalid things of
the
old society. We are still in need of steeling and cultiva-
tion in every respect for the sake
Y of enhancing and pre-
serving our purity as the proletarian vanguard and for
the sake of raising our social qualities and revolutionary
technique.
That is the reason why Communist Party members
must undertake self-cultivation.
Strive to Become the Best Pupils
of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin
To become a Communist Party member one is only
required to possess the qualifications
as laid down in the
Party Constitution--namel an
Y, any person may become a
member of the Party who accepts the Programme and
Constitution of the Party, pays Party membership dues
and undertakes assigned tasks in one of the Party's
organisations. These are the minimum qualifications that
every Party member must possess.
Without these
qualifications one cannot become a Party member. But
every one of our Party members should not merely be a
member of minimum qualifications, should not merely
be satisfied with and should not confine himself to these
minimum qualifications but
should rather seek to make
progress and ceaselessly raise his own consciousness and
understanding of Marxism-Leninism
This is also a duty
to the Party and to the revolution, which
must not be
shirked by any member of the Party. This duty has also
been included in the new Party Constitution recently
adopted by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
(B). However, in order to fulfil
this duty satisfactorily
our Party members must intensify their own steeling and
cultivation.
Therefore, the goal of Party members Y sin steeling and
cultivation should not merely be the standard
of minimum
qualifications but should be the standard of maximum
qualifications. At resent we find
present it very difficult to
define these maximum qualifications.
However, we have
before us the words and deeds
the achievements and
13
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
qualities of Marx Engels Lenin and Stalin throughout
their lives as our examples
and as the criterion. of our
cultivation. By cultivation is
meant raising our own
qualities in every respect to
the same level as those of
Marx, Engels, Lenin and
. ~ Stalin. Let us strive to become
their best pupils. In his
speech concerning the elections
to the Supreme Soviet Comrade Stalin said:
The electors, the people, must demand that their Deputies
should remain equal to their tasks; that in their work they
should not sink to the level of political
philistines; that in
their posts they should remain political figgure
s of the Lenin
type; that as public figures they should be
as clear and
definite as Lenin was; that they should be as fearless '
~> in battle
and as merciless towards the enemies of the people as Lenin
was; that they should be free from all panic from any
semblance of panic as Lenin was, when thins begin to t
compli g ge
cated and some danger or other looms on the horizon;
that they should be as wise and deliberate in deciding com-
plex problems requiring a comprehensive orientation and a
comprehensive weighing of all pros and cons as Lenin was;
that they should be as upright and honest as Lenin was; that
they should love their people as Lenin did.
This is a simple description of how to learn from
Lenin, a picture of Lenin's best pupil. The cultivation
of Communist Party members is for the purpose of learn-
ing from Lenin exactly in y such a way in order to be such
a pupil of Lenin.
Some say that it is impossible
to acquire the great
qualities of revolutionary geniuses like Marx, Engels,
.
Lenin and Stalin and that it is also
impossible to raise
our own qualities to the same level as that of Marx,
14
Engels, Lenin and Stalin. They regard Marx, Engels,
Lenin and Stalin as mYy sterious
beings by birth. Is it
correct to say this? I think not
For so long as our comrades
genuinely, resolutely,
consciously and consistently take
up their stand as the
vanguard fighting for the liberation of
the proletariat,
have a truly Communist outlook on life and world out-
look, and never divorce themselves for a single moment
from the present-day great and profound revolutionary
movements of the proletariat and the masses of the peo-
ple, and make great efforts to learn, and to steel and
cultivate themselves, they will - y 1 be perfectly able to raise
their qualities and become as `clear
and definite', as fear-
less in battle and merciless towards the enemies of the
people', as `free from all panic and from any semblance
of panic' amidst difficulties
and dangers, and as upright
and honest' as Lenin was and to 'love the people' as
Lenin did, and they will also be
perfectly able to employ
the Marxist-Leninist method and approach in solving
complicated problems in thinking
b over the problems from
all angles and in weighing all pros and cons notwith-
standing the fact that today our ordinary
comrades are
far from having such great talents such wide scientific
knowledge, such an environment and good stamina for
learning as had Marx Engels Lenin and
Stalin and that
a great many of our comrades cannot expect to achieve
such profound erudition in
the study of the theory of the
proletarian revolution as did Marx ~
Engels, Lenin and
Stalin. In other words so long as
we are determined to
study hard, and cultivate and s
a ~ tee) ourselves, do not
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
15
 divorce ourselves from the revolutionary movement of
the masses of the people, and master the method of
Marxism-Leninism we
, will be perfectly able to raise
our qualities to the level of those
of the statesmen of the
Lenin type, so that in our
work and struggle we can
employ the style of Marx, Engels, and , gels, Lenin ancA Stalin that
is, to `remain political figures of the Lenin type and not
to `sink to the level of
political philistines.'
Mencius said: 'Everybody
can be a Yao or a Shun.,*
It means the same thing. We should not resin our-
b
selves to despair and hesitate to go ahead when we first
perceive the qualities of such great revolutionaries as
Marx, Engels Lenin and Stalin. To do so is to become
just such a `political philistine' 'rotten wood that cannot
be carved,' and `a mud wall.'
1
But different kinds of people
adopt different kinds
of attitudes towards learning from
Marx, Engels, Lenin
and Stalin.
The first kind learns from Marx and Lenin without
penetrating into the essence of Marxism-Leninism but
merely acquires a smattering of
Marxism-Leninism. Al-
though they read Marxist-Leninist literature over and
* Yao and Shun are legendary figures in ancient Chine
renowned for thei se history
r benevolence and wisdom.
t Ninth Chapter of the Book of Confucian Analects: "Tsai Y
being asleep during the daytime, Confucius said, `Rotten wood cannot
be carved; a mud wall will not receive the trowel. This
is the use of Yu!- What
my reproving him?,?
ig
11
over again and learn by heart many ready-made prin-
ciples and conclusions from Marx Engels, Lenin
and
Stalin, yet they are unable to flexibly apply Y these prin-
ciples and conclusions as methods to solve
existing
concrete and practical problems. They feel content with
reciting these principles and conclusions which they dot
down. and make use of mechanically. Although the
they work
under the banner of Marxism and consider themselves as
`genuine' Marxists, nevertheless they are
not genuine
Marxists and their methods of work are
exactly the
opposite of Marxism-Leninism.
Comrade Stalin wrote in an article in commemora-
tion of the fiftieth anniversary of Lenin's birth
Y day:
There are two groups of Marxists. Both work under the
banner of Marxism and consider themselves `genuine'
Marxists. Nevertheless, they are by no means identical.
More, a veritable gulf divides them, for their methods of
work are diametrically opposed to each other.
The first group usually confines itself to an outward
acceptance, to a ceremonial avowal of Marxism. Being
unable or unwilling to grasp the essence of Marxism, being
unable or unwilling to translate it into reality, it converts
the living and revolutionary principles g y p pies of Marxism into
lifeless and meaningless formulas. It does not base its
activities on experience, on what practical work teaches, but
on quotations from Marx. It does not derive its conclusions
and directions from an analysis of actual realities, but from
analogies and historical parallels. Discrepancy between word
and deed is the chief malady of this group.
This is one kind of attitude towards learning from
Marx and Lenin,
a7
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
The first kind of people once constituted a not incon-
. siderable number within the Communist Party of China.
The worst representatives among them were even worse
than those mentioned above. In fact, they never reall
h Y
had any intention of 'studying'
Marxism-Leninism
They
did not concern themselves with the great proletarian
character and the supreme qualities
of Marx and Lenin.
They attempted to imitate in a superficial wa certain
styles of Marx and Lenin picked
up at random some
Marxist-Leninist terminology, regarded themselves as the
Marx and Lenin of China
posed as Marx and Lenin
within the Party, and had the impudence to ask our Party
members to respect them as we do Marx and Lenin to
support them as `leaders' and to offer them
loyalty and
devotion. They also made bold to appoint themselves as
`leaders,' climbed into responsible positions without wait-
ing to be nominated by others issued orders like
patriarchs within the Party, attempted to teach our Party,
abused everything within the Party and wilfully attacked
punished and rode roughshod over Party members. This
kind of people had no intention of 'studying Marxism-
Leninism or fighting for
the realisation of Marxism-
Leninism but rather they were opportunists within the
Party and brokers and black sheep in the cause of Com-
munism. It is beyond doubt that this kind of people
within the Party should be opposed, exposed
and burred
in oblivion b our Part
by y members. And our Party
members have already buried them in oblivion. How-
ever, can we say with full confidence that there are no
more people of this kind ~
within the PartY We cannot
yet say so.
18
The second kind of
people is just the opposite of the
first. They regard themselves first and foremost as pupils
of Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin and try 'to master
the
essence, spirit and methods which made Marx Engels
Lenin and Stalin what they are. They look
up to the
great personal characteristics of
Marx, Engels Lenin and
Stalin and their qualities as proletarian revolutionaries
and Painstakingly carry on their own cultivation in
the
course of the revolutionary struggle and examine them-
selves to see whether
their way of dealing wi
b th matters
and people and the way they
themselves behave are in
conformity with the spirit of -.'l ~a ""_il
-_ ~ r~xi ~s~~m ~-Lcriil"iisiZl ? They
likewise read over
and over again the works
of Marx,
Engels, Lenin and
Stalin; but they lay great emphasis on
analysing the living, realities, ponder upon the special
features of all aspects of the situation facing th -
e pro
letariat at the time and in the
country in which they live
and draw their own conclusions
therefrom. The do not
Conte Y
nt themselves with committing to memory the
principles and conclusions of Marxism-Leninism but
strive to stand firm on
. Marxism-Leninism and master the
methods of Marxism-Leninism
and put them into practice
in order that they may energetically direct all revolution-
ary struggles, change the existing
b state of affairs and
at the same time thane them
g selves. Their entire activi-
ties and the whole of their
lives are guided b the
principles of Marxism-Leninism
and are aimed at one
thing-the victory of the proletariat, national liberation,
the liberation of mankind
the success of Communism,
and nothing else,
19
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Comrade Stalin said;
The second group, on the other hand
attaches prime
importance not to the outward acceptance of Marxism, but
to its realisation, its translation into reality d
. What this group
chiefly concentrates its attention on is determining the ways
and means of realising Marxism that best answer the
situation and changing these ways and means as the situa-
tion changes--to this group may be full
Y y applied Marx's
saying that Marxists cannot rest content with interpreting
the world, but must go farther and change it. This group
is known as the Bolsheviks, the Communists.
This is another attitude towards learning from Marx
Engels, Lenin and Stali '
in.
Only the second attitude is correct. Only by adopt-
ing this attitude towards studying Marxism-Leninism can
one avoid the mistake of 'drawing a tiger which looks
like a dog' and improve one's ve ones own qualities so as to
become a proletarian
Communist revolutionary of the
Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stal'
m type.
Those who really carry on
painstaking self-cultiva-
tion and who are faithful
pupils of Marx, Engels Lenin
and Stalin pay special attention to nothing other than
the mastery of the Marxist-Leninist standpoint an
and
methods and the. solution of
various problems facing the
proletariat in the revolution in
the same manner as did
Marx, Engels Lenin and
Stalin. Apart from this, they
don't care whether their position and prestige within th
Part ar b the
y are high or low simply on that account. They never
claim to be the Marx or Lenin of China and never demand
or harbour any illusion that others should respect
them
20
21
as they. respect Marx and Lenin.
They do not consider
themselves entitled to such a right and they know that
to think so would be betraying Marx and Lenin and
sinking to the level of political
philistines. However, it is
precisely because of this and because of their courage and
unrivalled ability in the revolutionary struggle that they
win spontaneous respect and support from the rank and
file of the Party.
Comrades ! Of course it is ~
no easy matter to tape
Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin as our models in self-
cultivation and to become their most faithful and best
pupils. It calls for an iron will
and firm determination in
the arduous struggle for the cause of the proletariat. It
calls for a life-long devotion to
studying Marxism-Lenin-
ism and putting it into practice in the course of the
revolutionary struggles of the broad masses, and for
steeling and cultivation in every aspect.
The Aspects and Methods of Cultivation
Comrades ! In order to become
the most faithful and
best pupils of Marx Engels, Lenin
and Stalin we need
to carry on cultivation in all aspects in
the course of the
long and great revolutionary struggle y uggle of the proletariat
and the masses of the people. We
need to carry on cul-
tivation in the theories of Marxism-Leninism and in
applying such theories in practice, cultivation in revolu-
tionary strategy and tactics;
Y cultivation in studying and
dealing with various problems according to the stand-
point and methods of Marxism-
Leninism; cultivation in
ideology and moral character;
cultivation in Party unity,
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 III' 1.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 20
10/08/11: CIA-RDP8 1-01 043 R000700 100003-6
as daily reminders of rules
of personal conduct. The
Chinese scholars of the Confucian school had a
number
of methods for the cultivation of their. body and mind.
Every religion has various methods and forms of cultiva-
tion of its own. The 'investigation of things, the exten-
sion of knowledge, sincerity of thought, the rectification
of the heart, the cultivation of the person, the regulation
of the family, the ordering well of the state and the
making tranquil of the whole. kingdom as set forth in
The Great Learning*
also means the same. All
this
shows that in achieving ones progress one must make
serious arid energetic efforts to carry on self-cultivation
and study. However, m
many of these methods and forms
cannot be adopted by us be
Y cause most of them are
idealistic, formalistic, abstract
and divorced from
social
practice. These scholars and religious believers ex-
aggerate the function of subjective initiative, thinking
that so long as they keep their
general good intentions
and are devoted to silent prayer they will be able
to
change the existing state of affairs, change society and
change themselves under de~ conditions separated from s '
octal
and revolutionary practice.
This is, of course absurd.
We cannot cultivate ourselves in this waY We
are
materialists and our cultivation cannot be separated from
practice.
What is important to us is
that we must not under
any circumstances isolate ourselves from the revolu '
oon-
* The Greab Learning is said to be 'a Book han
the Confucian school, which forms the gate by which beginners enter
into virtue.'
23
inner-Party struggle and discipline ,
cultivation in hard
work and in the style of work; cultivation in being skilful
in dealing with different kinds of and in
people associat-
ing with the masses of the people and cultivation in
various kinds of scientific knowledge, etc. We are all
Communist Party members and so we have a general cul-
tivation in common. But there exists a wide discrepancy
today between our Party members. Wide discrepancy
exists among us in the level of political consciousness in
work, in position, in cultural level in experience of
struggle and in social origin. Therefore in addition to
cultivation in general we also need special cultivation for
different groups and for individual comrades.
Accordingly, there should be different kinds of
methods and forms of cultivation. For example, many of
our comrades keep a diary in order to have a daily check
on their work and thoughts or they write down on small
posters their personal defects and what they hope to
achieve and paste them up where they work or live
,
together with the photographs of persons they look up
to and ask comrades for criticism and supervision. In
ancient China, there were many methods of cultivation.
There was Tseng Tze * who said: `I reflect on myself
three times a day.' The Book of Odes has it that one
should cultivate oneself `as a lapidary cuts and files
,
carves and polishes.' Another method was `to examine
oneself by y self-reflection' and to 'write down some mottoes
on the right hand side of one's desk' or `
on ones girdle'
* A disciple of Confucius
22
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11
CIA-RDP8 1-01 043 R000700 100003-6
ary struggles of different kinds of
people and in different
forms at a given moment
and that we must moreover,
sum up historical '
p revolutionary experience and
learn
humbly from this and
put it into practice. That is to say,
we must undertake self-cultivation and steel ourselves in
the course of our own practice, basing ourselves on the
experiences of past re j
r volutionary practice on the
present
concrete situation and on new experiences. Our self-
cultivation and steeling are for no other purpose than that
of revolutionary practice. That is to say, we must
modestly try to understand the standpoint, the method
and the spirit of Marxism-Leninism, and understand how
Marx, Engels Lenin and Stalin dealt with people. And
having understood these
we should immediately apply
them to our own Aractice i.e., in our own lives, words
deeds and work. Moreover, we should stick to them and
unreservedly correct and pure everything
g in our ideology
that runs counter to them
thereby strengthening our
own proletarian and Communist ideology and qualities.
That is to say, we must modestly listen to the opinions
and criticisms of our comrades and of the masses care-
fully study the practical problems in our lives and in our
work and carefully sum up our experiences and the lessons
we have learnt so as to find an
orientation for our own
work. In addition on the
basis of all these we must
judge whether we have a correct understanding, of ~
Marxism-Leninism and whether we have correctly appli-
ed the method of Marxism-Leninism, found out our own
shortcomings and mistakes and corrected them. At the
same time, we must find out in what respects specific
conclusions of Marxism-Lenini
sm need to be suPplement-
.~
24
ed, enriched and developed on the basis of well-digested
new experiences. That is to say, we must combine the
universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete
practice of the revolution.
These should be the methods of self-cultivation of us
Communist Party members. That is to say, we must
use the methods of Marxism-
Leninism to cultivate our-
selves. This kind of cultivation is
entirely different from
other kinds of cultivation which
are idealistic and are
divorced from social practice.
In this connection we cannot but oppose certain idle
talk and mechanicalism on the question of cultivation and
steeling.
First of all, we must oppose and resolutely eliminate
one of the biggest evils bequeathed to us b
by the education
and learning in the old society-the separation of theory
from practice. In the course of education and study in
the old society many people le though
Y P p t that it was un-
necessary or even impossible to act upon what they had
learned. Despite the fact that they read over and over
again books by ancient sages they did things the sages
would have been loath to do. Despite the
fact that in.
everything they wrote or said they preached righteous-
ness and morality they acted like out-and-out robbers
and harlots in everything they did.. Some high-ranking
officials' issued orders for the re
adinb of the Four Books
and the Five Classics et in their
Y everyday adminis-
* The Four Books and Five Classics are nine ancient
Chinese
classics of philosophy, history, poetry, etc. of the Confucian Canon.
25
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 201
trative work they ruthlessly extorted exorbitant requisi-
tions, ran amuck with corruption and killing, and did
everything against righteousness and morality. Some
people read the Three People's Principles over and over
again and could recite the Will of Dr. Sum Yat-sen, yet
they oppressed the people, opposed the nations who
treated us on an equal footing, and went so far as to
compromise with or surrender to the national enemy.
Once a scholar of the old school told me himself that the
only maxim of Confucius that he could observe was: `To
him food can never be too dainty; minced meat can never
be too fine,' adding that all the rest of the teachings of
Confucius he could not observe and had never proposed
to observe. Then why did the.. till still .., .,.~,, ~i,~,y want to carry on
educational work and study the teachings of the sages?
Apart from utilising them for window-dressing purposes,
their objects were: (1) to make use of these teachings
to oppress the exploited and to make use of righteousness
and morality for the purpose of hoodwinking and sup-
pressing the culturally backward people, (2) to attempt
thereby to secure better government jobs, make money
and achieve fame and reflect credit on their parents.
Apart from these objects, their actions were not restricted
by the sages' teachings.
This was the attitude and return
of the `men of letters' and `scholars' of the old society to
the sages they 'worshipped.' Of course we Communist
Party members cannot adopt such an attitude in studying
Marxism-Leninism and the excellent and useful teachings
bequeathed to us by our ancient sages. We must live up
to what we say. We are honest and pure and we cannot
deceive ourselves the people or our predecessors. This is
0108111: CIA-RDP81 -01 043R0007001 00003-6
revolution that we study.
an outstanding characteristic as well as a great merit of
us Communist Party members
Comrades! Is it not possible that the evil legacy of
the old society still exerts some influence upon us? It
does influence us. Among you students there are of
course, none who try to study Marxism for the sake of
obtaining higher government posts, making money or
oppressing the exploited. You are
studying Marxism for
the sake of eliminating the f
system of exploitation o~ man
by man. However I cannot guarantee that you have
lived up to all that
you have learnt. Are there none
among you who think in
the following waY ~ That is to
~
say that their thoughts, words,
deeds and lives need not
be guided by the -
principles of Marxism-Leninism and that
the principles they have learnt need not be put into prac-
tice. Again are there none among you who think that
they study Marxism-Leninism and study profound theory
in order that they may get pro
Y g motion, to show themselves
off and to make themselves celebrities? i have no
guarantee that there are absolutely none among you who
think this way. Yet this
way of thinking does not con-
form to Marxism and it represents a gap between Marxist
theory and Marxist Practice.
We have. no objection to the
study of theory and moreover
we must. study theory, but
what we have learnt we must put into practice. We study
for the sole purpose of putting into
practice what we have
learnt. It is for the Party and for the victory of the
s
ogan
`combine theor with
Y practice but have you combined
Y
For example, have very
you often shoute
a the
l
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
the theory you have learn ~
t with your own practice? Are
there not still some
people among you whose practice is
entirely divorced from the principles of Marxism-Lenin-
ism? It seems that there
are still people among you
who understand the combination of theory and practice
in the following way: They want comrades working
des nThey want "~/~~~~
outside the school to come to report
on their experiences
so as to see how others combine theory with practice.
This is of course a combination
of theory and practice but
it is theirs and not yours. I think the fact that you shout
the slogan ought to mean that you y should combine the
theory you study with your own practice.
If you do not
understand this point in such a way, then what is the
..,,
use of your shouting the slogan? I will give another
example. You have shouted many slo
bans about the
need for steeling yourselves but are there not some
people among you who have shown themselves anything
but steeled or have shown that they could not stand up
to being steeled when the hour of real
test came, when
they met with a rebuff, or when they were subjected to
criticism and punishment, to the pressure of public opinion,
and to the correct or incorrect supervision of the great
majority of the people? They forgot that
a Communist
Party member should have a firm will and clear stand
Point etc. They looked defected, not knowing what to
do. Are these not examples of empty talk
about steeling
and cultivation?
As a matter of fact, the training you receive and the
study you make in school are also forms of
_ steeling and
cultivation. We are trying to make you into useful cadres
and Party workers through training and studying in
school, not just to et you g Y to learn only some abstract
`theory' and Marxist-Leninist terminology and formulas.
Moreover, we want
you to cultivate and steel ourselves
so as to become cadres, who can think correctly, have a
firm will and be able to solve in a practical way all
kinds of complex problems. However, I have often heard
it said that to study in school is not the way to become
steeled and that in order
to steel and cultivate oneself
one must leave school and take up practical work. Com-
rades ! Steeling and cultivation are u ~ l life~~c-, and .. are life-long and many-
sided task. They are needed everywhere at all times and
in relation to all problems. We cannot say that we can
undertake steeling and cultivation on only at certain times,
in certain places
, in connection with certain matters but
not at other times, in other places
and in connection with
other matters, although we ~
don't deny the fact that Com-
munist Party members should steel and cultivate them-
selves mainly in the course of
the practical struggle of
the masses.
That is why we are opposed to idealism, idle talk and
mechanicalism on the problem. of
cultivation. That is to
say we should be able to stand up to p being steeled. We
should steel ourselves in school, among the masses,
g and
in the struggles both inside
and outside the Party. We
should study and cultivate ourselves under all circum-
stances, both of victory and Y defeat.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
As to Marxism... ,differences in profundity of under-
standing require a class explanation. For example, at- the
present time, in the epoch of the decay of capitalism, no
matter how talented some ideologist of the bourgeoisie may
be, his creative ability, his ability to obtain a penetrating
understanding of the laws of development are `constrained'
by his class nature, by the conservatism of the class he
represents. The inability of the bourgeoisie to foresee the
future, determines, narrows down the limits and reduces the
depth of understanding of the phenomena of social develop-
ment by bourgeois theoreticians. Notwithstanding all their
talents, ideologists of those classes which are passing from
the stage of history are not in a position to make really
profound scientific conclusions and discoveries. This Marxist
truth has been confirmed by the whole history of the
development of science and philosophy. Dialectical and
Historical Materialism, Part I, p285 of the Russian edition,
edited by M. Mitin. OGIZ. Moscow 1934)
Marxism-Leninism is the science of the proletarian
revolution. It can be thoroughly understood and master-
ed only by those who fully take the proletarian standpoint
and who adopt the ideals of the proletariat as their own.
It is impossible for anyone to thoroughly understand and
master the Marxist science of the proletariat, only by
means of his intellect and strenuous study if he lacks the
firm standpoint and pure ideals of the proletariat. This
is also an obvious truth. Therefore, in studying the
theory and method of Marxism-Leninism today it is
necessary that our study proceeds simultaneously with
our ideological cultivation and steeling because without
the theory and method of Marxism-Leninism, we should
have nothing to guide our thoughts and actions and our
ideological cultivation would also be impossible. These
two are closely related to each other and are inseparable.
We have often come across some of the best Party
members of working class origin who are less developed
in the theory of Marxism-Leninism as compared with
.
those who are making a special study of theory. They
would . certainly prove less proficient if asked to recite
Marxist-Leninist formulas or quotations from Marxist-
Leninist. works. But when it comes to studying the
theory of Marxism-Leninism,quite often their interest is
keener and their understanding deeper than those Party
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
The Relation Between the Study of Marxist-Leninist Theory
and the Ideological Cultivation of Party Members
Among our Communist Party members a compara-
tively prevalent way of thinking is the followinbg: The
firm and pure proletarian. Communist standpoint has
nothing to do with a Communist Party member's under-
standing and mastery of the theory and method of
Marxism-
Leninism. They think that although their class
standpoint is not very firm and their ideology not very
pure (they still retain remnants of the ideology of other
classes, and they are still selfish and have worldly desires
and so on), they can nevertheless thoroughly understand
and master the theory and method of Marxism-Leninism
all the same. Some comrades think that it is possible to
thoroughly master the theory and method of Marxism-
Leninism merely by means of one's own intellect ability
and study. Comrades ! This way of thinking is wrong.
Mitin, a Soviet philosopher, is quite right when he
says:
i
I
i
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
members of student origin,
provided it is explained to
them in words they understand. For example the chap-
ter in Capital dealing with the theory of surplus value ,c
most curficult for some Party members to understand but
i
i
t
s not so diffilt fb
cuor memers of working class origin
,
because workers fully understand ~-
Y stand how in the i7rnrPCC of
production the capitalists calculate wages and w
b orxing
h
ours how thkfi
,ey mae prots and how they expand
reproduction, etc. Therefore it often happens that they
are able to understand Marx's theory of surplus value
more deeply than other Party members. Especially in
observing and dealing with various practical problems
they often prove more apt, more correct and mrn?P in
contormity with the principles of Marxism-
Leninism than
otners. Why is this so? It is because they h
hav
e the firm
1
,
pure proletarian and Communist standpoint
and ideals,
an objective attitude towards things, and in their minds
they have no pre-conceived ideas whatever, no worries
about personal problems or about impure matters. There-
fore, they can immediately perceive the truth of things
and courageously uphold the truth without
any hesitation
or difficulty.
If among us Communist Party members there are
still some whose class standpoint is not very clear-cut and
firm, whose ideology is not correct and pure, who still
retain to some degree remnants of various kinds of
ideology, habits and prejudices of other classes and of the
old society and who still have
personal interests and
private ends and all kinds of worldly desires and selfish
ideas, Marxist-Leninist principles and conclusions are
certain to clash with all such things of theirs when they
come to study the theory and method of Marxism-
Leninism. In that case, they will either try to overcome
such things of theirs or try to distort the principles and.
conclusions of Marxism-Leninism to suit their prejudices,
thus preventing them from understanding Marxism-
Leninism. They will be unable to penetrate deeply into
the essence of Marxism-Leninism, to absorb the quin-
tessence of Marxism-Leninism which has a distinct class
character and to make this quintessence a weapon of their
own because such a weapon has nothing in common with
their former class ideology.
Again, when they deal with various practical pro-
blems in the course of the proletarian revolution the
solution of these problems in accordance with Marxism-
Leninism will often be incompatible with their habits and
prejudices and will be in conflict with their personal inter-
ests. Under such circumstances, they will show them-
selves to be petty-minded, irresolute, hesitant and waver-
ing. They will be unable to deal with problems aptly,
correctly and in an objective way, or to perceive truth
without difficulty or to courageously uphold the truth.
They will go so far as to cover up or distort the truth con-
sciously or unconsciously. Comrades ! Such cases are by
no means rare and strange but are of common occurrence.
Thus we can say: If a Communist Party member
lacks the clear-cut, firm, correct and pure standpoint and
ideology of the proletariat, it will be impossible for him
to thoroughly understand and master the theory and
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
CHAPTER TWO
method of Marxism-Lehi '
nism and to make of it a weapon
in his own revolutionary struggle.
Therefore first and foremost in the cultivation of
Communist Party members should be ideological cultiva-
tion which is the foundation of all other cultivations.
This I shall speak about in the following.
C OMRADES ! IN DEALING WITH the ideological cul-
tivation of Communist Party members, I Shall try
,, ,, to
discuss this problem on the basis of certain phenomena
as manifested in the ideology of some members of our
Party. What I am going to talk about in this connection
is only the most basic ideology of Party members.
THE IDEOLOGICAL CULTIVATION OF
PARTY MEMBERS
What, after all, is meant by ideological cultivation?
I consider that it is in the main a struggle in our minds
between the ideology of the proletariat and other ideo-
logies; a struggle in our minds between
the Communist
outlook on life and the Communist world outlook on the
one hand, and all other outlooks, on life and world out-
looks on the other; and a struggle between two concepts:
the personal interests and aims of Party members and
the interests and aims of the Party and of the people.
I consider that this is a struggle of conflicting ideas
-~ reflecting the
economic and political demands of different
84
35
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
classes in a given society. The outcome of this
struggle,
so far as the ideology of our Party members is concerned,
should be the conquest and even elimination of A
all other
ideologies by the proletarian ideology; ? the con
quest and
even elimination of all other outlooks on life and world
outlooks by the Communist outlook on life and the
Communist world outlook; the conquest and absorption
of the idea of the Party members' personal interests and
aims by the idea of the common interests and aims
of
the Party, of the revolution, and of the liberation of the
proletariat and mankind. Should the outcome prove to
be otherwise; then it would mean the conquest of the
latter by the former and the Party member would become
backward arid even lose his qualifications as a Communist
Party member. To us Party members this would indeed
be a dreadful and disastrous outcome.
It is in the course of all the ideological, political and
economic struggles both inside and outside the Party that
we Communists temper our own ideas and come to under-
stand the realities of the revolution. At the same time
we should constantly sum up and absorb the experiences
gathered from revolutionary practice and examine our
own ideas to see whether they are completely in con-
formity with Marxism-Leninism and with the interests
of the struggle for the liberation of the proletariat. To
eliminate in the course of such a study, reflection and self-
examination all our incorrect ideas and to nip in the bud
even the faintest idea which runs counter to the inter-
ests of Communism--this is what we mean by ideo-
36
logical cultivation. It is also a form of
ideological self-
steeling.
Comrades ! As
you are aware, all the actio
are ns of man
guided by his ideology. Furthermore t,
g~v. _ urt~..erm~ra , ever-- nor ,
his outlook on life and his world outlook as a general
guide to his ideas and actions. Therefor
e, in carrying on
ideological cultivation we Communists must first of
all,
clearly defin ,
e our outlook on life
_ and our world outlook
because all our ideas and activities are connected with
our o
tl
u
ook on life and our
world outlook
It Is Necessary to Understand that the Cause of
Communism Is the Greatest and Most arduous
v.~r uauuvua
Cause in the History of M '
Y arxlna
The outlook on life
and world outlook of us
Com-
munists should represent the system of ideology of the
proletariat. They are
the Communist outlook
on life and
world outlook and are
also the methodology of us Com-
munists. Since this subject has been treated at
length great
in Marxist-Leninist literature and especially i in the
works of Marx and Lenin on philosophy and since you
have learnt a great deal about it, I am not going to talk
about this Here
i shall speak only briefly about
how we should understand our own cause-what, after
all, is the cause of Communism and how should we Com-
munist Party members
further our cause?
What is the most fundamental and common duty of
us Communist Party members? As everybody knows
it is to establish Comm '
unism, to transform the
present
world into a Communist world. Is a Communist w tu
~
ora
37
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
good or not? We all know that it is
- very good. In such a
world there will be no exploiters oppressors,
landlords,
capitalists, imperialists or fascists. There will be no
oppressed and exploited people, no darkness, ignorance
backwardness etc. In such a society all human beings
will become unselfish and intelligent Communists with a
--
hi h level of culture and technique. The spirit of mutual
assistance and mutual love will prevail among mankind.
There, will be no such irrational thins as mutual
things
mutual antagonism, mutual slaughter and war, etc.
Such a society will, of course, be the best the most
beautiful and the most advanced society in the history
of, mankind. Who will say that such a society is not
good? Here the question arises: Can Communist society
J
be brought about? Our answer is `yes.' About this
the whole theory of Marxism-Leninism offers a scientific
explanation that leaves no room for doubt., It further
explains that as the ultimate result of the class struggle
of mankind, such a society will inevitably be brought
about. The victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R. has also
given us factual proof. Our duty is, therefore, to brin
> g
about at an earlier date this Communist society, the
realisation of which is inevitable in the history of man-
kind.
This is one aspect. This is our ideal.
But we should understand the other aspect that is
in spite of the fact that Communism can be and will
inevitably be realised it is still confronted by powerful
enemies that 'must be thoroughly and finally defeated in.
38
every respect before Communism can be realised. Thus
the cause of Communism is a loner bitter, arduous but
victorious process of struggle. Without such a struggle
there could be no Communism. Of course this struggle
.
is not, as some people have said an `accidental' social
phenomenon or something engineered by certain Corn-
.
munists who are `rebellious by nature.' On the contrary,
it is an inevitable phenomenon in the course of the
development of a class society. It is a class struggle which
is unavoidable. The birth of the Communist Party, the
participation of the Communists in the struggle, their
bb
organisation and direction of the struggle are also inevit-
able phenomena which are in conformity with the laws
of social development. Because imperialists fascists,
capitalists and landlords-in short the exploiters-have
oppressed and exploited the overwhelming majority of
mankind to such an extent that the oppressed and ex-
ploited people can hardly live, they cannot but unite to
oppose this oppression and exploitation; otherwise they
cannot live and develop. Consequently, this struggle is
an entirely natural and unavoidable phenomenon. On the
one hand, we must understand that the cause of Com-
munism is the greatest cause in the history of mankind
because Communism will eventually abolish classes,
liberate the whole of mankind and raise human society
to heights o is of happiness unparalleled in the history of
mankind. On the other hand, we must also understand
that the t t e cause of
_ Communism is the most arduous cause
in the history of mankind because Communism must
triumph over an extremely powerful enemy--the exploit-
39
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
ing classes, along with all their influences, traditions and
customs, etc, among the people.
By relying on the proletariat and on the broad masse
of the exploited and oppressed and employing
people the
strategy and tactics of Marxism-Leninism in directing
the revolutionary struggle of the broad masses
and in
advancing society towards the great goal of Communism,
the Communist Party is certain to win final victory. This '
1S
is because the historical process of the social evolution of
mankind is advancing towards Communist society, because
in the ranks of the world proletariat and the masses of
the exploited and oppressed people the greatest revolu-
tionary forces lie latent which when mobilised united
and organised, are capable of defeating all the reaction-
ary forces of the exploiting classes and decaying capitalism
throughout the world; and because the Communist Party
and the proletariat are forces that are arising and develop-
ing. `Only that which is arising and developing is
invincible.' (The History of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union (B) Short Course) This can be fully proved
by the entire history of the Communist Party of China
and by the entire history of the international Communist
and working class movements.
So far as the present situation is concerned Com-
munism has already won a great victory on Y y none-sixth of
the surface of the globe-in the Soviet Union. The
Communist movements in all countries of the world, are
in the process of rapid growth and development. Militant
Communist parties, armed with, the theory of Marxism-
Leninism, have already been established in all countries
40
and the strength of the world proletariat and the
exploited, oppressed masses is being rapidly mobilised
and united in ceaseless strubmsgles. Therefore the cause
of Communism has become a powerful, invincible force
throughout the world. There is not the slightest doubt
that this force will continue to develop and advance and
will win final and complete victory. Despite this, how-
ever, the strength of the international reactionary forces
and of the exploiting classes are still more powerful than
ours and for the time being are still predominant in many
respects. Consequently, we shall have to go through a
long, bitter, circuitous and arduous process of struggle
before we defeat them.
As exploiting classes have ruled over mankind for
thousands of years, they have not only made themselves
extremely powerful in every respect by seizing everything
under the sun but have also exerted an extremely bad
influence upon the masses of, the exploited classes and
people in society. These influences account for all kinds
of backwardness, ignorance, selfishness, mutual deception
,
mutual antagonism, mutual slaughter, etc. in human
society. This phenomenon is bound to occur in class
society, especially in a society of commodity economy and
in capitalist society. This is an inevitable phenomenon
created by the exploiting classes for the sake of their class
interests and class rule because without the backward-
ness, ignorance, dispersion and disunity of y f tie masses
of the exploited classes and of the. colonial peoples it
would be impossible for the exploiting classes to
maintain their position as exploiters
Hence, in order
41
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
ing classes, along with all their influence
g s, traditions and
customs, etc, among the people.
By relying on the proletariat and on the broad masses
of the exploited and oppressed and employing
people the
strategy and tactics of Marxism-Leninism in directing
the revolutionary struggle of the broad masses and ~ a in
advancing society towards the great goal of Communism,
the Communist Party is certain to win final victory. This
is because the historical process of the social evolution
of
mankind is advancing towards Communist society, because
in the ranks of the world proletariat and the masses of
the exploited and oppressed people the greatest revolu-
tionary forces lie latent which when mobilised united
and organised, are capable of defeating all the reaction-
ary forces of the exploiting classes and decaying capitalism
throughout the world; and because the Communist Party
and the proletariat are forces that are arising and develop-
ing. `Only that which is arising and developing is
invincible.' (The History of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union (B) Short Course This can be fully proved
by the entire history of the Communist Party of China
and by the entire history of the international Communist
and working class movements.
So far as the
present situation is concerned, Com-
munism has
already won a great victory on one-sixth of
the surface of the globe-in the Soviet Union. The
Communist movements in all countries
of the world are
in the process of rapid growth and development. Militant
Communist parties, armed with, the theory of Marxism-
Leninism, have already been established in 11
Y all countries,
40
41
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
and the strength of the world proletariat and the
exploited, oppressed masses is being rapidly mobilised
and united in ceaseless struggles. Therefore, the cause
of Communism has become a powerful, invincible force
throughout the world. There is not the slightest doubt
that this force will continue to develop and advance and
will win final and complete victory. Despite this, how-
ever, the strength of the international reactionary forces
and of the exploiting classes are still more powerful than
ours and for the time being are still predominant in many
respects. Consequently, we shall have to go through a
long, bitter, circuitous and arduous process of struggle
before we defeat them.
As exploiting classes have ruled over mankind for
thousands of years, they have not only made themselves
extremely powerful in every respect by seizing everything
under the sun but have also exerted an extremely bad
influence upon the masses of the exploited classes and
people in society. These influences account for all kinds
of backwardness, ignorance, selfishness, mutual deception,
mutual antagonism, mutual slaughter, etc. in human
society. This phenomenon is bound to occur in class
society, especially and
y, pecially in a society of commodity economy
in capitalist society. This is an inevitable phenomenon
created by the exploiting classes for the sake of their class
interests and class rule, because without the backward-
ness, ignorance, dispersion and disunity of tie masses
of the exploited classes and of the colonial peoples it
would be impossible for the exploiting classes to
maintain their position as exploiters. Hence, in order
 Lenin said:
. The abolition of classes means not only driving out the
and capitalists-that we have accomplished with
landlords
comparative ease-it also means abolishing the small com-
modity producers, and they cannot be driven out, or crushed;
we must live in harmony with them; they can(and must)
be remoulded and re-educated only by very prolonged, slow,
cautious organisational work. They encircle the proletariat
on every side with a petty-bourgeois atmosphere, which
permeates and corrupts the proletariat and causes constant
relapses among the proletariat into petty-bourgeois spineless
individualism, and alternate moods of exalta-
ness, disunity, -
tion and dejection. The strictest centralism and discipline
are required within the political party of the proletariat
in order to counteract this, in order that the organisational
role of the proletariat (and that is its principal role) may
be exercised correctly, successfully, victoriously. .. .The force
of habit of millions and tens of millions is a most terrible
force.... It is a thousand times easier to vanquish the
centralised big bourgeoisie than to `vanquish' the millions
and millions of small owners; yet they, by their ordinary,
everyday, imperceptible, elusive, demoralising activity,
achieve the very results which the bourgeoisie need and
:which tend to restore the bourgeoisie....
Lenin again said:
. , the bourgeoisie, whose resistance is increased tenfold
by its overthrow (even if only in one country), and whose
power lies not only in the strength of international capital,
in the strength and durability of the international connections
of the bourgeoisie, but also in the force of habit, in the
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
ed Copy Approved for Release
to achieve victory we must conduct a sharp struggle not
only against the exploiting classes but also against the
prolonged influences of the exploiting classes among the
masses, against the backward ideology and phenomena
among the masses so that we can raise their consciousness
and unite them to defeat the exploiting classes. Herein
lies the difficulty we face in the struggle for the cause
of Communism.
Comrades ! If the masses were all conscious united
and free from the influences of the exploiting classes and
from backward phenomena as certain people imagine
,
then what difficulties would still remain in the revolution?
Such influences of the exploiting classes not only existed
long before the revolution but will continue, to exist for
a very long time after the victory of the revolution and
after the exploiters have been kicked out of their position
of political power by the exploited classes. Just pause
to think: how many complicated and difficult tasks and
struggles shall we have to undertake if we are to liberate
and change the whole of mankind, to finally defeat the
exploiting classes and their influences among the people
to reform tens of millions of small commodity
producers,
to eventually abolish classes and to raise, step by step,
mankind which for thousands of years has lived in class
society with all kinds of old customs traditions and
backward phenomena (in such a society mankind is
divided into classes and nations who fight and kill one
another and thus create the ideas and customs of selfish-
ness, mutual deception and mutual antagonism) and to
01 043R0007001 000C
raise it to the height of an intelligent, unselfish, Corn-
.
mumst mankind with a high level of culture and
technique?
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
strength of small production. For, unfortunately, small
production is still very, very widespread in the world and
small production engenders capitalism and the bourgeoisie
continuously, daily, hourly, spontaneously, and on a mass
stale. For all these reasons the dictatorship of the proletariat
is essential, and victory over the bourgeoisie is impossible
_ , ,,n:=- rs ..4 ~ .`rri!- '
tain conrade .rc very
or haug-tiess. Granted cer~uFii
comneten: and have done certain work w U an= mad-
great achievements. For example, our army icarE e
thousands upon thousands of men and won icto3!e.=, n,
our Party and mass-work leaders in varRo' ices
through their work brought about a much more fro ably
situation. Theirs may probably be 'gear' 2&_eveInen;
of which they may be proud, yet compared with ?e cau ?
of Communism as a whole how great are these a h.ie; ~--
ments after all? Their achievements are bill ' d.r.~: n-,
the ocean.' To a person with a Communist wor5
what is there in this that one may be realy 'au
So far as individual Party ntei e;': ~ :~~n:. Y}nr
how can one's personal posit.k n tic' w i1.t,
One's position can twvcr be taiJtcr ii tht1;
emperor, nevertheless, i a . ,. _
emperor with that o t ,t t ,l tc,t f
how great is it after nil? it _:, only in +'1
as Stalin has said, ;art whnt; t cc that a v;-~a?t'tr
ing and bragt9ing uhottt.?
n our i~~u!'t1 I,
I t'.i 1 ` I t It it \v Yes, t t ,Y, i{i~ _ ji- tr.i r ~
countless numhert, o1~ Couii>1.Itli ~ t1~1'+1 ~a tel: ~j
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
The first consideration of people with such ideas is
their position in the Party. They like to show off, and
want others to flatter them and admire them. They have
a personal ambition to become leaders. They take ad-
vantage of their abilities and like to claim creditI to show
off themselves, to keep everything in their hands and the
Y
are intolerant. They are full of vanitY9 do not want to
bury their heads in hard work and are unwilling to do
technical work. They are haughty. When they have
made some small achievements they .~ become very arrogant
and domineering as if there were no one else like them
in the world. They seek to overshadow others and cannot
treat others on equal terms, modestly
__~ and politely. They
are self-conceited and like to lecture others9 to instruct
and boss others. They are always trying to climb above
others, and do not accept directions from others do not
learn modestly from others and particularly from the
masses, nor do they accept criticisms from others. They
like to be `promoted' but cannot stand being `demoted.'
They can only work `in fair weather' but not `in foul.'
They cannot bear attacks or injustices
and are unable
to adapt themselves to circumstances. They are not `great
men capable of asserting themselves when necessary or
of keeping in the background when required.' They have
not yet got rid of their deep-rooted `desire for fame' and
they try to build themselves up into men'
P 'great and
`heroes' in the Communist cause
and even have no
scruples in employing any means for the
g Y gratification of
such desires. However, when their aims cannot be
achieved, when.
~iey receive rebuffs or cool treatment
from comrades in, the Party, there is a possible
danger
66
of their wavering. In the history of the Party there have
been not a few members who left the Party because of
such wavering. In the minds of such persons there exist
remnants of the ideology of the exploiting classes. They
do not understand the greatness of Communism, nor do
they have the broad vision of a Communist.
Communists should not indulge in self-complacency
or haughtiness. Granted certain comrades are very
competent and have rune certain work well and made
competent uaau as
great achievements. For example, our army officers led
thousands upon thousands of men and won victories, or
our Party and mass-work leaders in various, places
through their work brought about a much more favourable
situation. Theirs may probably be `great' achievements
of which they may be proud, yet compared with the cause
of Communism as a whole how great are these achieve-
ments after all? Their achievements are but `a drop in
the ocean.' To a person with a Communist world outlook,
what is there in this that one may be really proud of?
So far as individual Party members are concerned
how can one's personal position be worth worrying about?
One's position can never be higher than that of an
emperor, nevertheless, comparing the position of an
emperor with that of a fighter for the cause of Communism,
how great is it' after all? It is only `a drop p in the ocean9'
as Stalin has said. So what is there that is worth worry-
ing and bragging about?
Yes, in our Party, in the Communist cause, we need
countless numbers of Communist heroes and a great
67
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
many Party and mass leaders with and
prestige position.
At present we really have far too few revolutionary
heroes and leaders with prestige. We still need to temper
and cultivate a great
number of very good Co
mmunist
revolutionary heroes
and leaders in all fields. This is a
very important thing in g our cause -which
d. simply cannot be
negIecte Whoever shows contempt for this point simply
does not understand how
to advance the Communist
cause. Therefore, we must
still greatly enhance our
party nne111bCrs' keenness and aspiration for progress
in
the revolutionary cause. we present ;~ e are not
doing
enough in this respect. This point shows itself, for
instance, in the fact that certain Party members
studYin are not
g hard enough and their
interest in politics and
theory is not deep enough.
Therefore we oppose individual heroism an
, and show-
ing-off out we certainly do not oppose such aspiration
fcr progress among our members-this is a most precious
quality of Communist Party members,
. But the proletarian
and Communist aspiration for progress is entirely differ-
ent ent from the individualistic,
aspiration for pr
forme ogress. The
r seeks truth, upholds
truth and moreover
most fights
effectively for truth. It has a perspective of un-
limited. development and is of a
th progressive nature. But
the latter, as far as
the individual li goes
, is extremely
mated in its
progressive nature and furthermore has no
perspective, because for
the sake of the individual's
personal interests it often
consciously negates covers
or distorts truth. T up
herefore, our comrades must under-
stand that real leaders and heroes in the
Communist
68
l(f
cause can never be individualistic and self-app ointed
An '
gone who appoints himself
as a leader or who in-
dividually tries to become a leader can never become a
leader in our Party. All leaders whether national or
local, have achieved
success through mass support. The
rank and file of our Party will
not support as their leaders
those persons who are self-conceited, given to individual
heroism, showing-off,
personal ambition for leadership
and vanity. No Party memho? has the 6110 1'1116 _ht
Party ~.~~.a.a N~,1 has LU Uelllalld
that other members
and the masses support him
leader or to safeguard '
has position as a leader. Only
such Party members
who have not the slightest
personal
aim, who are loyal
to the Party, who have a high
degree
of Communist ethics and qualities, who can master
? the
theory and methods
of Marxism-Leninism who
have
considerable practical ability, ,who can actually direct
Party work who try
unceasingly and strenuously to study
and to make progress can
win the confidence and support
of the Party and the
Y masses and thus become heroes and
ad
l
eaders
eaders in the Communist cause.
Our comrades should further realise that a Party
member, a leader or hero, whoever he may be, can only
carry out a part of the work of the Communist cause
and shoulder only a part of the responsibility. The
Communist cause is a
collective task involving countless
t
ens of millions of persons over a long period of ti
me
and cannot be monopolised '
by any individual
Even .,,,
.
r
great leaders, Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin
fulfilled
only a part of the work
of the Communist ca?gyp Th,,;,,
Work still needs the continuous efforts of tens
of millions
69
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
A Communist should do any work that is important
at the
time no matter whether the work is to his liking or not
or whether it can win popularity or not. For example,
following the victory of the Russian revolution many
cadres doing important Party and political work were
mobilised to learn the art of trade for the purpose
of
carrying out the New Economic Policy, for at that time
only by carrying on trade efficiently could the Communist
Party triumph over private capitalism. Even though
none of the Party i'nembers liked to do trade yet they
all did it because it was important. It was right that they
did it, and it would have been wrong if they had
not.
Here, let me repeat; Party leaders in assigning work
s
to Party members should naturally take into considera-
tion the different circumstances of individual Party
members, see to it that the work assigned to them should
suit their personality and help to develop their strong
points and encourage their enthusiasm for progress.
However, the Party member to whom the work is assigned
should not refuse the assignment on such grounds.
Fourthly, there are a small number of comrades in
the Party who strongly reflect the ideology of the ex-
ploiting classes. In dealing with Party comrades' and
inner-Party problems
they often adopt methods used in
coping with the enemy, being utterly devoid of the great,
sincere, Communist and proletarian spirit of mutual
assistance and solidarity.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
them to do such work would be a great loss to the
of us. We ordinary Party members also carry out a part
of the work and shoulder a part of the responsibility in
the cause of Communism. Our part is of course much
smaller than that of Marx, Engels, Lenin or Stalin.
Nevertheless we all have our part. Although there is a
difference between a great part. and a small part, it is
a part all the same. Therefore if we can do a part of the
work well, it means that we have fulfilled our duty.
Of course, we should try our best to do a bigger part.
But if we cannot, we can still do a smaller part just as
well. So far as we individually are concerned, this is
nothing worth while worrying about. In any case, we
should at least try not to obstruct the development of the
Communist cause and should do our part of the work
,
be it big or small. That is the attitude we should adopt
be ~
towards our own work. There are certain comrades who
are not willing to do technical work, thinking that to do
so is to belittle themselves, and that it would prevent
them from becoming famous in-later generations (actually
they can like Edison and Stakhanov, etc. who all rose
from among technical workers), and prevent them from
displaying their talents. They seem to think that for
Communist cause. Therefore, they more or less lose the
aspiration for progress required of all Party members.
Comrades! Such a way of thinking is incorrect!
Technical work plays an extremely important part in our
Party work. Those comrades who are doing such work
are also doing their part for the cause of Communism in
the same way as comrades doing other kinds of work.
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Persons with such an ideology seek to elevate and
develop themselves in the Party, but y, t they achieve this
purpose by holding others down and obstructing
their
development. They want to jump over
the heads of
others and are jealous of those who
are more capable.
They feel displeased if others o ahead of them, catch
up with them or overtake them. They will not be
Y pleased
until they have succeeded in keeping others down or
behind them. They are not willing to be under lUCl others.
They only care about their own well-being, their own
development, without any consideration for
Y the difficulties
of others. When they see other comrades meet with
difficulties, setbacks, frustration or attacks they are t7aPPY
over the calamity, secretly rejoice and are entirely
devoid of sympathy. They even scheme to injure
Y injure other
comrades, to `throw stones at them when they are already
down the well' and take advantage of the weak points
and difficulties of other comrades to attack them and ruin
their reputation. In the Party they also take advantage
of the weaknesses in the Party's
organisation and work
to serve their ulterior purposes, to garner certain personal
benefits by means of exacerbating such weaknesses. In
the Party they are fond of spreading rumours speaking
ill of others behind their backs and scheming to drive a
wedge in the relations between comrades. They like to
take part in all the unprincipled disputes in the Part
Y,
and take great. interest in all `controversies.' Especially
when the Party is in difficulties,
Y they create and
exacerbate such controversies inside the Party.
72
In short, they are thoroughly vicious and not in the
least upright. Is it not a sheer ;eke to say that such
persons ns can master the theory and method of Marxism-
Leninism, and can reflect the ideology of the proletariat?
Quite evidently, theirs is absolutely the reflection of the
ideology of the declining exploiting classes because all
exploiters, in order to develop themselves, will impair
the interests of others. To increase their own wealth or
to prevent themselves from going bankrupt during a
depression, the capitalists crowd out a great many smaller
capitalists, and compel countless workers to starve. To
expand their land, the landlords exploit the peasants and
deprive many. of their landholdings. Fascist countries
like Germany, Italy and Japan, to expand themselves,
hindered the development of other countries and con-
quered Austria, Czechoslovakia, Ethiopia, etc. and
committed aggression against China. To impair the
interests of others and to render others bankrupt are
conditions essential to the development of the exploiters
themselves, whose happiness is founded upon others'
sufferings.
Therefore, among exploiters it is impossible to find
genuine firm unity, genuine mutual assistance and
genuine human sympathy. The exploiters must work
out treacherous schemes and underhanded measures
against others, for it profits them to undo others or to
render them bankrupt. Nevertheless, they are compelled
to tell lies and pose before the masses as pseudo-saints
and 'supporters of justice'. These are the characteristics
of all exploiters in their decline. Such things, however
,
0
73
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
are also reflected in the ideology of some people in
our
Party. To the exploiters such thins may be the standard
of their `noble' ethics; but to
the proletariat, they are
outright treason.
The proletariat is entirely different from what has
just been described. The proletariat does not
exploit
others, but is exploited by others. There are no
basic
conflicts in interests among the workers or between
the
workers and all the other oppressed and exploited toiling
masses. To develop themselves and to win their own
emancipation, the workers not only have no need to
impair the interests and development of other workers
or toiling people, but have need of uniting with other
workers and toiling people. Only then can the workers
develop themselves, raise their own position and eman-
cipate themselves. The emancipation of the proletariat
itself must be accompanied by the emancipation of all
toiling people and mankind as a whole. It is impossible
to separately emancipate an individual worker or a
section
of the workers. The cause of emancipating
humanity must be carried out to the end and it is
impossible to stop or compromise halfway. And it must
be the common complete
emancipation of humanity as
a whole.
The ideology of the awakened workers, reflecting this
objective situation t the proletariat, is entirely contrary
to the ideology of the exploiters.
gy On the one hand, they
must of course employ the most merciless measures in
dealing with the common enemy of the people; on the
74
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
other hand, they never employ such measures in dealing
with their own brothers and comrades, thus clearly differ-
entiating their attitude and measures adopted against
their enemy from those directed towards their friends
and comrades. They have Sincere e
y a great and friendship,
love and sympathy for their own class brothers and for
all the toiling people who are being exploited and oppress-
ed. They display a great spirit of mutual assistance, of
firm solidarity and of genuine equality in dealing with
their own brothers. They absolutely refuse to recognise
that any one among their own brothers or among
humanity has any special privileges and they do not
cherish the idea that they themselves have any special
privileges. To them such a thing is unthinkable and an
insult. They want to develop and elevate themselves
but they know they must at the same time develop others,
raise the positioi3 of the whole labouring class, and only
thus can they elevate themselves. They are unwilling
to lag behind others as regards ideology, politics or work
and they have a lofty aspiration to strive for progress,
but they know they must respect, love and help those
persons who are better qualified
in such aspects. They
strive to learn from such persons without any jealousy.
Y j usy.
They show extreme concern for the painful and difficult
situation of their own class and of the whole of the world's
labouring people. le The
g p p They are concerned about the struggle
for the emancipation of labouring people everywhere and
about their victories and defeats. They realise that every
victory or defeat of the labouring people wherever it
takes place, means their own victory or defeat, and more-
75
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
over, they express very great sympathy and concern about
such victories and defeats.
They consider that in the struggle for the emancipa-
tion of any labouring people or of all the oppressed people
it would be criminal to adopt an attitude o
udC of ind~~~'#'eLen...,
or to gloat over other's misfortunes. They .love their
own comrades and brothers; they openly, frankly and
sincerely point out the weaknesses and mistakes of their
comrades and brothers. (Indeed, this is a true expres-
sion of love . In matters of principle they never appease
or compromise with their comrades or even encourage
their mistakes and weaknesses (to do so would not. be
an expression of love), but use every means to help them
overcome and correct such weaknesses and mistakes.
They do not utilise or aggravate such weaknesses and
mistakes to force their comrades into an unfortunate or
even hopeless situation.
In dealing with their
own comrades and brothers,
they `return good for evil.' If only the other comrades
will correct their mistakes they will have not Y the slightest
desire for retaliation. They are able to require much
from themselves and little from others. They are strict
with themselves but rather lenient towards other com-
rades. Nevertheless, they take a_firm and strict position
in matters of principle and adopt a candid, upright and
serious attitude. They will not compromise on questions
of principle. They will not tolerate anyone who in any
way harms the interests of the Party, nor will they allow
anyone to insult them without reason.
They are especial-
ly contemptuous of anyone who lavishly praises, flatters
78
or adulates them in an unprincipled way. They oppose
all unprincipled struggle among their own comrades and
at the same time keep themselves from being involved in
unprincipled struggles. They are not influenced or irritat-
ed by those irresponsible and informal criticisms made
behind their backs and will not on this account lose
their own stand on matters of principle or their cool-
headed and calm attitude.
All this represents the ideology of the proletariat
and should be reflected, developed and learnt by every
Y Y
one of our Party members. The entire lives of our great
leaders, Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin represent the
highest model and concrete embodiment of such ideology.
All this represents the uprightness of humanity
in the pre-
sent society, and it is the Communist Party that manifests
such uprightness. We must promote and elevate such
uprightness in order to overcome all viciousness.
Fifthly, bureaucracy still exists in our Party and
in various organisations. I will speak again on this
subject later on. Among some comrades there still exist
such weaknesses as narrow-mindedness and the minding
of small matters without taking into consideration the
overall situation, They do not have the
Y great courage
or . the far-sightedness of a
Communist,
, Blind to the
bigger issues, they are very much interested in small
matters under their nose. They are not very much
interested in the vital problems and the highly important
events of the Party and the revolution, but instead often
concern themselves with trifles as small as a needle or
77
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
a piece of thread or with insignificant remarks. Over such
trifles they will seriously and endlessly argue with others
and become overwhelmed with unrestrained emotion.
They can also be easily bribed by others with small
favours or gifts. They have all the characteristics of
r'.
narrow-mindedness of the small producer in rural society.
Also there are still certain individuals who seem to
have no clear and definite standpoint. To them, this may
be all right and that may also be all right. They play
ball with both sides and try to please everybody. To
his face they can get along very well with a person whom
they hate. They can speak well of you to your face,
while speaking ill of you behind your back. They may
speak ell of a certain person t a
to one man, and speak
ill of the same person to another man. `To show himself,
when speaking, to be a respecter of persons and cir-
cumstances,' to `tack with the wind,' and to lean without
principle on the winning side-such are their characteris-
tics. Sometimes they are just fence-sitters watching to
see which side is winning and going over to 'hat side.
Such people who are neither `fish flesh nor fowl' but
who are 'double-dealing' creatures are not al
together
unknown in our ranks. They display the characteristics
of a broker.
In addition, there are certain persons who simply
cannot stand the temptations of the exploiting classes of
the old society. They begin to waver when they see
around them the kaleidoscopic world, glittering gold and
beautiful women. As a result, they may commit crime,
or may even betray the Part a
y and the revolution,
78
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Furthermore, the impetuosity and inconsistency
which characterise the petty-bourgeoisie, and the des-
tructive character of the lumpen-proletariat and the
bankrupt peasantry are also often reflected in the ideology
of some of the comrades in the Party. We have no need
to go further with our list.
To sum up, apart from those who represent the
Communist ideology of the great and resolute pro-
letariat, there still exist in our Party certain comrades
who, to a greater or lesser degree, reflect various kinds
of non-proletarian ideology and even the ideology of the
declining exploiting classes. Such ideology is sometimes
latent in the Party and only reveals itself in some small
individual daily problems. Sometimes it grows and
systematically exposes itself in various problems of
principle in the Party, in important political questions
and in inner-Party struggles. Certain individual sections
or links of the Party organisation may also be controlled
or corroded by such erroneous ideology. When it develops
to the highest degree, for instance, during the time when
Chen Tu-hsiu, .Chang Kuo-tao and the like were in power
in the Party such erroneous non-proletarian ideology even
temporarily controlled the major . part or the most
important art of the Part
p y leadership. But in normal
times such ideology is overcome by correct proletarian
ideology. This is demonstrated by the inner-Party
ideological struggle.
The same is also the case with certain Party members.
Sometimes, their erroneous ideology lies dormant and
ideology
79
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
under control. But at other times it may develop to the
point of controlling their actions. This is demonstrated
b__ the contradictions and st_ru gbules the two
e ., between
uy
different ideologies possessed by the same individual.
Our ideological cultivation means that we should
consciously adopt the proletarian and Communist outlook
._
on life and world outlook and have a correct Qndersvand-
ing of the relationship between individual development
and the interests of the emancipation of the class, nation
and mankind in order to overcome and eliminate all kinds
of incorrect and non-proletarian ideologies.
The Origin of the Various Erroneous
Ideologies in the Party
Comrades! The Communist Party represents the
brightest and the most progressive side of contemporary
human society. It is here that the best ideology of
humanity-Marxism-Leninism--exists and develops. Ga-
thered together in the Communist Party are the world's
most conscious, progressive, and sound persons with the
highest sense of morality and righteousness. They per-
sistently fight against all evil influences and struggle for
the bright future and for the final emancipation of human
society. The Chinese Communist Party is one of the best
Communist Parties in the world. It is powerfully armed
with Marxist-Leninist theory, and, at the same time, it
has inherited the finest traditions of the many progressive
thinkers and prominent men who have made great
achievements in past generations in China's history. It
stands for the most progressive and the brightest side
of Chinese society. In its organisation are gathered
together the most splendid Chinese men and women. It
-
has carried on a protracted struggle against the old, evil
influences and traditions of Chinese society and it has
accumulated rich experiences and gone through many
trials over a tong period of revolutionary struggle. All
these are matters which we Communists can be proud of.
.
7 Qilu~ th ll 1L111 ~-V1uluGaaGt. vu
we can assert, I, rrie can assert, with full 11 conf Bence and on
Furthermore,
every authority, that we shall certainly achieve final
victory, and final success.
However, even so not everything in our organisation
is perfect. Our organisation is not without defects or
mistakes. Our ranks are not without unsound elements
or even bad eggs. And it is still not impossible for such
unsound elements and bad eggs to do foul and harmful
things. That is to say in our bright Party there are
still things of darkness there is still a seamy side. These
are the things which I have previously enumerated.
Once. a family has taken in marriage an ugly son-
in-law or daughter-in-law, it will not be possible to
keep him or her from meeting the guests. With regard
to the things of darkness, even if we try to adopt an
attitude of `not washing our dirty linen in public,' it will
be impossible. The masses of people are in constant
contact with our Party, our sympathisers will come to
visit us and a vast number..- of people, young men and
women who look up to us desire to come here (Yenan
-Translator) 'to learn from us or to loin our Party. When
they arrive here, apart from seeing all our progressive,.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
i
bright, and beautiful things and family-members, they
will meet our ugly son-in-law or daughter-in-law, who
in the presence of many people, talks nonsense or makes
a fool of himself or herself. In such cases some of our
guests and new Party members will wonder. They will
ask such question: Isn't the Communist Party supposed
to be the most just? Aren't Communists the best men and
women? Why are there still such ugly persons and bad
things in the Communist Party? Isn't this strange?
Some young comrades, before they joined the Party,
were very bitterly dissatisfied with existing society and
felt that there was no way out and that only the Com-
munist Party offered the brightest hope. They thought
that after they joined the Party everything would be
satisfactory and hopeful. But after they joined they
began to feel that in the Party there were also certain
mistakes, defects and things of darkness. Moreover, in
fact, we cannot make them feel satisfied with everything
(because what they find to be satisfactory may be more
or less not in conformity with the interests of the Party
and the revolution). What they now actually feel does
not exactly coincide with their former ideals. Then they
began to feel doubtful and puzzled and asked: `Why are
there also such things in the Communist Party?' Before
some of them came to Yenan and entered the Anti-
Japanese University they thought that Yenan and the
Anti-Japanese University must be as good as they had
dreamed them to be, but after they had arrived and
entered the University they found that not everything
was
satisfactory. Then they again became puzzled, asking.
82
`Why are there still such unsatisfactory things at Yenan
and in the Anti-Japanese University?' Certain persons
even became pessimistic and disappointed because they
J
could not find answers to these questions
With reference to these questions, in addition to
sharpening our vigilance and instructing our Party
members and cadres to pay serious attention to carefully
treating and guiding our new Party members and those
who are inclined to us, and not giving them an unfavour-
able impression, it is necessary to give an explanation to
our comrades inside and outside of our Party.
Why are there still such bad things in the splendid
organisation of our Party? The reason I think, is ~ very
simple. It is that our Party is not a Party that has
fallen from the heavens; it is a Party which has grown out
of the existing Chinese society. Although in general our
Party members are relatively the best Chinese men and
women, the vanguard of the Chinese proletariat, they
come, however, from every stratum of Chinese society
and are still living in this society which is replete with
the influences of the exploiters--selfishness intrigues
bureaucracy and every kind of filthy thing. Most of our
best Party members are unlikely to be influenced by
such things, but is it so strange that there should still
be other Party members who to a greater or lesser extent
bring into our Party, or reflect in our Party, some of the
filthy things of society? Is it anything strange that there
are muddy stains on a person who crawls out of the
mud and who constantly dabbles in the mud? It is not
83
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 strange at all. It is a matter of course. It would be
very strange indeed if there were absolutely no such
filthy things in the Communist Party. How could it be
possible for such a filthy society to give birth to a Com-
munist Part that is
y perfectly immune from filth? It is
utterly inconceivable. It can be said that so long as
there are still such filthy things, so long as there are
still classes and the influences of the exploiting classes in
society, there are bound to be such filthy things in the
Communist Party to some extent.
Therefore the Communist Party is confronted with
the task of carrying on the revolution and it is
necessary for Communist Party members to carry on
self-cultivation and steeling. Because of this in addition
to waging struggles against all dark and backward in-
fluences and things in society we must carry on inner-
Party struggle to oppose the wavering, unsteady elements
who reflect in the Party all kinds of dark and backward
things in society. This constitutes the very basis of our
inner-Party contradiction and inner-Party struggle. In
the course of the various struggles inside and outside of
the Party we seek to remould society, to gradually rid
it of the dark, backward things and at the same time to
remould our Party and Party members, to solve inner-
Party contradictions so as to develop our Party and
Party members to a sound and firm level.
Comrade Stalin said:
84
.. the sources of contradiction within proletarian parties
lie in two circumstances.
What are these circumstances?
FirstlY, pressure by the bourgeoisie and bourgeois
ideology on the proletariat and its Party in the course of
the class struggle-pressure which the least steadfast strata
of the proletariat, and that means the least steadfast strata
of the proletarian Party, not infrequently give way to. It
cannot be considered that the proletariat is completely
isolated from society, that it stands outside society. The
proletariat is part of society, connected with its various strata
by numerous ties. But the Party is part of the proletariat.
Therefore, the Party cannot be free of connections with, and
the influence of, the various strata of bourgeois society. The
pressure of the bourgeoisie and its ideology on the proletariat
and its Party. finds expression in the fact that bourgeois
ideas, morals, customs and moods not infrequently infiltrate
into the proletariat and its Party through certain strata of the
proletariat, connected in one way or another with bourgeois
society.
Secondly, the heterogeneity of the working class, the
presence of different strata within the working class. I
think that the proletariat, as a class, may be divided into
three strata.
One stratum is the basic mass of the proletariat, its core,
its permanent part, it is that mass of `thoroughbred' pro-
letarians; which has already long ago severed its ties with
the capitalist class. This stratum of the proletariat is the
most dependable support of Marxism.
The second stratum consists of those who only recently
came from the non-proletarian classes, from the peasants, the
middle classes, the intelligentsia. These people who come
from other classes who only recently joined the ranks of
the proletariat, have brought with them into the working
class their customs, their habits, their hesitations, their
instability. This stratum represents the most favourable
85
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 itized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
breeding ground for all sorts of anarchistic, semi-anarchistic
and `ultra-leftist' groupings.
Finally, there is a third stratum: the working class
aristocracy, the elite of the working class, the best provided
for section of the proletariat, with its tendency towards a
compromise with the bourgeoisie, with its dominant tendency
to adapt itself to the powers that be, with its striving `to
become a somebody'. This stratum represents the best
breeding ground for outspoken reformists and opportunists.
Comrades! This is the origin of various non-pro-
letarian ideologies, errors, defects and filthy things which
still exist in our splendid proletarian Party. This is the
origin of the various contradictions that still exist in the
Party.
The Attitude Towards Various Erroneous Ideologies
In the Party and Inner-Party Struggle
Because of the influence of the exploiting classes,
because of the heterogeneity of the working class and of
our Party, there arise among different Party members
differences in ideology, viewpoint, custom, habit and
mood; there arise among different Party members
differences of varying degree in their philosophy of life,
their world outlook, and their concept of ethics; and
there arise among different Party members differences
in methods of looking at
things and. ways of thinking
with regard to various revolutionary problems. Some
look at thins in a correct objective manner, from the
angle of their development and their inter-connection
while others look at thins in an incorrect subjective
manner, taking things to be in a state of stagnation and
isolation. Some only observe or exaggerate this aspect
of things, while others only see or exaggerate that aspect
of things; that is to say, they do not view problems
as a
w.ole in accordance with the laws of the development
and relation of objective things but view problems in
a one-sided and subjective way; therefore. differences as
to the method of activity are brought about among Party
members and differing ideas, views and arguments arise
and in this way inner-Party struggles are aroused.
Such differences and arguments will inevitably
become all the sharper, eespecially at turning points
of
the revolution, in conditions of ever-intensifying revolu-
tionary struggles and growing hardships and under the
influence and pressure of the exploiting class and its
ideology. Therefore, the crux of the problem is not
whether there are differences an ideology ? and opinions
in the Party-there are bound to be such differences
.
The point is how to solve the contradictions within the
Party, how to get rid of these differences how to over-
come the various erroneous non-proletarian ideologies in
the Party. Naturally, it is only through inner-Party
struggle that we can solve these contradictions, clear
away the differences and overcome the various erroneous
ideologies. Just as Engels said: `No one can at any
time hide contradictions for long. Contradictions must
be solved b means of struggle.'
Different kinds of people both inside and outside of
the Party, hold different kinds of views and adopt
different kinds of attitudes towards the various errors
and defects and undesirable things in the Party.
87
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
The first kind of attitude is: To enjoy seeing the
defects, errors and undesirable things in our Party and
to gloat over them and by every means utilise and magnify
them in order to undermine our Party (sometimes the
method used is to oppose certain mistakes and to support
the Party line in such a manner as to channel the mis-
takes in another direction). This is the attitude adopted
by our enemies outside the Party and by the spies and
trotskyites lurking within the Party.
The second kind of attitude is: To sympathise with,
accept and learn from certain erroneous ideologies and
bad examples in order to gratify certain personal ambi-
tions and desires. People with this attitude consider that
the existence of certain defects and errors in the Party
is to their advantage, therefore they themselves con-
sciously or unconsciously promote the development of
such defects and errors and make use of them. This is
the attitude adopted by opportunists and Party members
People of one kind do not see or are
unwilling to
see the defects, errors, and undesirable things in the
Party. They are blindly optimistic and take i
it for granted
that everything is all right in
the Party; therefore they
relax their vigilance and slacken their struggle against
the defects, errors and all the undesirable things.
People of a second kind see nothing or almost nothing
but errors, defects and undesirable things; +hA
b ~..y do not
see the bright side of the Party. They consider that
nothing is good in the Part ? therefore the
Y, they become
pessimistic, disappointed and lose their confidence in the
future of the Party. Or having seen such things, they
become alarmed and regard such thins `
g as disastrous.'
Both of these views are incorrect and one-sided.
Our view is different from both. On the one hand we
know that our Party is the most ro'c
Y p gi, ssive, most
revolutionary political of the Chine
party se proletariat.
On the other hand we clearly realise that in our Party
there are still various kinds of errors, defects and un-
desirable things, both large and
small. At the same time
we clearly understand the origin of these things, the
method of gradually correcting them and eliminating
them. Accordingly, we must
strengthen our. efforts and
work and carry on the necessary struggle
in order to
advance our Party and the revolution.
Just as
the standpoints and views of various persons
are different, so there
are also different kinds of attitudes
towards the undesirable things in our Party.
of the most undesirable character.
The third kind of attitude is: To leave these errors,
defects and undesirable things undisturbed and to let
them take their own course. People with this attitude
try to take things easy and are unwilling to struggle
against these things. Or they fear inner-Party struggle
and self-criticism and consider these as harmful and not
beneficial to the Party. Or they are apathetic and unwill-
ing to recognise these phenomena or they adopt a perfunc-
tory, conciliatory and eclectic attitude towards these
phenomena. This is the attitude adopted by Party mem
bers who have but a weak sense of duty towards the Party
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
and who are profoundly imbued with liberalism and who
are guilty of bureaucracy.
The fourth kind of attitude is: To harbour violent
hatred towards the errors, defects and persons in the
Party whose ideology is incorrect People with this
attitude bluntly sever relations with such persons, attempt
to purge them and expel them from the Party at one
stroke. But if they fail in this or if they themselves meet
with rebuffs they give up and become disheartened and
melancholy. They `mind their own business,' keep
themselves aloof or stand far away from the Party. This
kind of absolute attitude also finds expression in a
mechanical understanding of inner-Party struggle and
self-criticism. They think that the more bitter the
struggle among comrades in the Party the better; they
raise every trifle to a so-called `level of principle'; they
label the tiniest fault as political opportunism, etc., and
abuse the organisational methods of the Party or even
methods used in struggles outside the Party to punish
comrades. They do not carry on the inner-Party struggle
in an appropriate and concrete manner in accordance
with the objective requirements and the laws of develop-
ment of objective things, but, on the contrary, they carry
on the 'struggle' mechanically, subjectively, violently and
unscrupulously. They consider that inner-Party struggle
must be carried 'on under any circumstances and the more
frequent and the more bitter the struggle the better, with
the result that they deliberately hunt for `targets for
struggle,' deliberately create inner-Party struggle and
seek to promote the work of the Party by relying upon
. by
so
such mechanical `struggle.' This is the attitude adopted
by Party members who do not understand the origin of
the contradictions within the Party and who lack know-
ledge of the methods of dealing ? with inner-Party differ-
ences and who only mechanically understand inner-Party
struggle.
The fifth kind of attitude is the very attitude we
should adopt, an attitude which is opposite to the four
kinds previously mentioned.
1. We first of all recognise and make out which of
the various phenomena ideologies, diverse opinions
and
views are correct, beneficial to the long-range interests
of the Party and the revolution, and which of them are
incorrect and detrimental to the long-range interests of
the Party and the revolution. Maybe both side
s to the
dispute are wrong but a third opinion and vie
w may be
right. After sober analysis and consideration we decide
our clear-cut attitude, and take up our stand on the cor-
rect side. We do not blindly follow or idolise anybody.
2. We study, promote, and develop all that is
p good
and upright and uphold all the correct views and opinions
in the Party. We do not imitate the bad examples or
allow ourselves $o be influenced by incorrect y correct ideology,
3. We do not adopt a liberal attitude but carry ut on
an irreconcilable struggle against various ideoloaies and
views which are wrong in principle and against all unde-
sirable phenomena in the n t e Party in order to constantly
try to overcome such mistakes and phenomena. We do
41
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
not temporise or permit the development of these mistakes
and phenomena to jeopardise the interests of the Party.
Nor do we fear this kind of inner-Party struggle.
4. We do not,, however, adopt a mechanical, absolute
attitude. We combine irreconcilability and clarity in
principle with flexibility in the methods of struggle and
a
with the spirit of patient persuasion. In the course of
prolonged struggles, we seek to educate, criticise, steel
and reform those comrades who possess erroneous ideo-
logies but who are not incorrigible. In a concrete and
appropriate way we carry on ideological struggles in the
Party which are essential to the various questions of
principle at different stages but do not recklessly carry
on struggle in the Party in a subjective, mechanical and
fanatical manner. Nor are we addicted to struggle.
5. By means of inner-Party struggle we consolidate
the Party and enhance its discipline and prestige, and
mete out organisational penalties to the incorrigible
elements or even expel them from the Party in order to
ensure the soundness and consolidation of our Party. This
is the attitude which all good and. mature Party members
should adopt.
Of the five previously-mentioned
attitudes only the
fifth is the correct Bolshevik attitude. It is obvious that
the first and second attitudes are incorrect. It is not at
all strange that our enemies should make use of all our
errors and defects in order to undermine our Party. In
addition to constantly sharpening our vigilance we should
on every occasion when defects and mistakes occur inside
92
the Party, reduce any opportunity which could possibly
be utilised by the enemy. This is the bouriden duty of
every comrade who loves our Party. If in the course of
inner-Party struggle a Party member ignores this point
or is only concerned with victory in the immediate
struggle and his own momentary gratification, or if he
does iiot reject assia mice carom bad eieiiients, bui joins
in with them, or if he utilises certain forces and help
from outside the Party in order to attain a certain goal
in inner Party struggle, he will commit an unforgivable
political mistake and a gross violation Of Party discipline.
Our Party members should reflect the correct ideology,
learn from good examples and not from incorrect
ideo-
logies and bad examples in the Party. They should
fight
against such incorrect ideologies and bad examp1
es.
There are, however, still certain comrades in the Party
who, apart from reflecting correct ideologies and follow-
ing good examples sometimes more or less reflect certain
incorrect ideologies and follow bad examples. t se
I ems
easy for certain comrades to learn to be bad but hard
for them to learn to be good. This deserves our - serious
attention.
These comrades, in the event of certain mistakes
occurring in the Party, are apt to help to develon or
magnity such mistakes either intentionally or uninten-
tionally and in the course of inner-Party struggle Y gg1e they
often line up on the wrong side, or
g for certain reasons
they join the winning side. These comrades will scarcely
make any progress, unless seriously prodded and steeled.
93
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
It is, I think, quite clear to you students of the
Institute of Marxism-Leninism that the comrades of the
third kind who adopt a liberal and bureaucratic attitude
towards the various errors, defects and undesirable
phenomena are of course extremely wrong and entirely
non-Bolshevik. For in Party Construction which you
have studied, tlicie is a whole chapter devoted to the
necessity or self-criticism and ideological struggle in the
Party. Lenin and Stalin have likewise on many occa-
sions given clear and profound explanations on this point
to which you may make reference, and the fourth and
fifth chapters of the book On Political Parties, published
by the Chinese. Publishing House, deal with this question
at great length, therefore I need not go into details now.
What I do want to point out, however, is that there are
still not a few comrades in the Party who adopt this kind
of attitude. They have been very inadequate in carrying
on self-criticism and particularly in self-criticism from
the lower levels upwards, and in exposing various errors,
defects, and undesirable phenomena in the Party in a
responsible, formal, and sincere manner in order to cor-
rect and eliminate them. In this respect, we still need
great improvement. But there is quite a lot of irrespon-
sible, informal and cowardly criticism and discontent,
backbiting and gossiping in the Party about this or that
person or concerning this or that matter. These are two
expressions of liberalism in the Party. This shows that
the political development and courage on the part of some
comrades in the revolutionary struggle are still inade-
quate and that the correct practice of inner-Party demo-
cracy is also still inadequate.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11
Certain comrades dare not dispense with face-saving,
fear to give offence to others or to incur their animosity
or counter-criticism. They would rather leave the various
errors and defects in the Party alone and adopt a perfunc-
tory attitude of `muddling through' and `the less trouble
the better' and yet they criticize others behind their backs.
This is not beneficial but detrimental to the Party. Such
irresponsible criticism and talk may lead to unprincipled
disputes and splits in the Party, and may offer opportuni-
ties to spies lurking in the Party and bad elements to
carry on disruptive activities in the Party. Furthermore,
the mistakes and defects in the Party will never be correct-
ed by means of such kind of irresponsible criticism.
Therefore the Party rules adopted at the Sixth Plenary
Session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party
of China prohibit such irresponsible criticism and talk
and promote inner-Party, responsible and formal self-
criticism which is beneficial to the Party.
Since various errors, defects and incorrect, non-
proletarian ideologies exist in the Party, each of these
incorrect ideologies may at some time develop into a
certain trend in the Party, give rise to differences in the
Party over certain principles and affect the Party's unity
in action. If under such conditions' we do not correctly
carry on self-criticism in the Party and constantly expose
and correct the various errors and defects, overcome all
incorrect ideologies and conduct inner-Party struggle to
overcome inner-Party differences, but instead adopt an
eclectic attitude and `middle' line and try to muddle
through-then, `we shall not be able to correctly educate
CIA-RDP81 -01 043R0007001 00003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
the Party, the proletariat, and the masses' (Stalin). `We
shall not be able to advance or develop'; `we shall no
longer be proletarian revolutionaries and we shall be
doomed to failure.' (Lenin).
Stalin said:
The middle' line on questions of principle is a `line' that
muddles up one's head, a `line' that covers up differences, a
`line' of ideological degeneration of the Party, a `line' of
ideological death of the Party.
The policy of the `middle' line on questions of principle
is not our policy. The policy of the `middle' line on question
of principle is the policy of a party that is declining and
degenerating from day to day. Such a policy cannot but
lead to the transformation of such a party into an empty
bureaucratic organ, functioning fruitlessly and detached from
the working masses. This road is not for us.
Therefore..... the overcoming of the contradictions
within the Party by means of struggle is the law of
development of our Party. ...the All-Union Communist Party
(Bolsheviks) grew and gained strength by overcoming the
contradictions within the Party.
Therefore, it is incorrect to adopt a liberal and
bureaucratic attitude; self-criticism must be developed
and inner-Party struggle carried on to oppose all undesir-
able phenomena, and to overcome differences in the Party
before it can be consolidated developed, and advanced.
Liberalism is manifested in another phenomenon.
When a particular dispute has broken out in the Party
many comrades put aside their regular work and for
days and nights engage in inconsequential discussions or
96
deliberately indulge in denouncing everything in the
in the course of such debates they weaken
Party, and
Party unity, disintegrate the solidarity of the cadres,
weaken Party discipline, incapacitate the Party leader-
ship, destroy Party prestige and convert militant Party
organisations and the Party apparatus into debating
societies. Cases like this have taken place more than
once in the past in certain of our Party organisations.
As Stalin says: `This is not self-criticism but a scandal.'
`This is slandering the working class.' This is alien, anti-
Bolshevik `self-criticism.' It has nothing in common with
the self-criticism we advocate. The reason why we need
self-criticism is not to destroy Party prestige, undermine
Party weaken Party leadership, but to promote
discipline, Party Prestige consolidate Party discipline, and streng-
then Party leadership.
The comrades of the fourth kind who adopt an
absolute attitude are also wrong. This attitude is the
opposite of liberalism - the third attitude mentioned
above. Those who adopt this attitude do not understand
that the incorrect ideologies in the Party have a deep-
rooted social origin and cannot be eliminated at one
stroke. All comrades in the Party, at different times,
are more or less apt to reflect some incorrect ideology of
society. Only people like Marx Engels> Lenin and
Stalin, people so pure, so firm, and so correct, keen and
profound in observing things can be 'perfectly free from
the influence of these ideologies. That is why Dr. Sun
Yat-sen called Lenin `the sage of the revolution.' It . is
inevitable that everyone of us will commit some mistakes
87
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
in our work. If we do not tolerate and make allowances
but absolutely reject and even eliminate all comrades who
to some degree or other reflect non-proletarian ideologies
of society and who commit some mistakes but who are
not incorrigibly bad elements, then our Party cannot be
built up. The ultimate result of such rejection and
elimination may lead to the eventual elimination from
the Party of the very comrades who adopt this absolute
attitude, because they are not `sages of the revolution'
and they themselves cannot help committing mistakes.
For example, in the past some comrades committed mis-
takes during the campaign to suppress reactionary
elements because they adopted this absolute attitude.
Comrades who adopt this attitude do not specifically
understand that in the course of the struggle for
the cause of Communism, the greatest and most difficult
task is to transform mankind into selfless citizens of
Communist society. If they understand this point, if
they understand that even mankind with all its weakness-
es, can in the long course of struggle, be steeled, educated,
and converted into highly civilised Communists, why
can they not educate and reform Party members who
have joined the Party but who still retain to some degree
or other the remnants of the ideology of the old society?
Naturally, it needs long, patient education and steel-
ing to reform and educate these Party members. It is
a difficult task. However, i
if we are reluctant to under-
take this small, difficult task and shrink from it, how
can we talk about changing the world and mankind.
Since we have made. up our minds to undertake and not
98
to shrink from, the unpreceden.tedly arduous task of
changing the world and mankind what- other arduous tasks
in the world today can daunt us? Party members who
believe in the Communist philosophy of life and world
outlook are dauntless and unafraid of any difficulties and
hardships, and at the same time understand that the
course of progress of world events is a tortuous one. The
comrades who adopt an absolute attitude do not yet
.
understand the arduous and tortuous nature of the cap se
of Communism. If they fear hardships desire to travel
a straight road to eliminate at one stroke all the undesir-
able things, and immediately to leap into their ideal
world, they will certainly run their heads against the
wall. After they have run their heads against the wall
they will become pessimistic and disheartened, lose their
confidence in the future of the cause of Communism, thus
exposing the very substance of their non-proletarian ideo-
logy. What a pity it is that there are still not a few
comrades in our Party who more or less adopt such an
attitude!
The reason why inner-Party struggle is necessary
is that differences over principles inside the Party are
brought about in the course of the development of the
Party and the struggle of the proletariat, ? at such times
,
differences can be overcome and contradictions solved
'only by a fight for on
y y one or the other principle, for one or
the other goal of the struggle for one or the other method
in the struggle leading to that goal.'
. No compromise will
be of any avail. y Inner-Party struggle is necessary not
because we like to struggle or
to argue. That is to sa
Y,
99
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
when questions have developed to the level of principle
and cannot be solved by any means but struggle, we
should unflinchingly carry 'on inner-Party struggle to
solve them. It does not mean that we have to conduct
inner-Party struggle in a fussy and uncompromising way
and with a long face, against all dissenting views con-
cerning current policies and purely practical matters.
Comrade Stalin said:
We can and must reach all kinds of agreements with
dissenters within the Party on questions of current policy, on
questions of a purely practical character.
When opportunist ideology manifests itself and
differences in principle take place in our Party, we must
carry on struggle to oppose these erroneous principles
and opportunism and overcome them; it does not mean
that when there is no difference in principle, no oppor-
tunism in the Party we subjectively and deliberately try
to magnify some difference in opinion among the com-
rades concerning certain purely practical matters and
and deliberate)
take it for difference in principle,' Y
`hunt' for certain comrades as `opportunists,' regarding
them as `targets' in inner-Party struggle. It does not
mean that we think that the work of the Party, the
development of the Party and the victory of the prole-
tarian revolutionary struggle will be miraculously ex
p -
anded simply by relying upon intensifying the fire
against such `targets.' Of course, this is not conducting
inner-Party struggle seriously but is simply making a
mockery of the Party, and making child's play of inner-
Party struggle, which is of an extremely serious nature.
100
44
It is necessary to prod, publicly criticize or even
mete out organisational penalties to certain comrades in
the Party who, having committed mistakes in principle
and displayed opportunist ideology, turn a deaf ear to
persuasion, ignore Party criticism and furthermore
persist in their errors and become so headstrong and
obstinate as to struggle against the policy of the Party
or adopt a double-faced attitude. But we should not
attack or punish comrades who have committed mistakes
if they do not persist in their mistakes and after dis-
cussion and persuasion, are willing to correct their mis-
takes and glue up their former points of view, or when
they are calmly thinking over their mistakes or are dispas
iscussing them with other comrades.. In carry-
sionately d -
ing on self-criticism and inner-Party struggle we do not
mean that the grimmer the face the better nor do we mean
that the more comrades we punish the better. The
highest aim of self-criticism and inner-Party struggle is
to effectively educate the Party, to educate the comrades
who have committed mistakes, to correct errors and to
consolidate the Party. If this aim can be attained by
means of peaceful discussion Persuasion and criticism
instead of pulling a long face engaging in heated discus-
sion, punishing or attacking comrades-if this is possible,
then of course, it is all the better. However, during
certain periods in the past we hardly ever heard in the
.
Party openly expressed views to the effect that such inner-
Party peace and solidarity resulting from the absence of
differences over principle were both desirable and essen-
tial. According to some seemingly crazy people, inner-
Party peace is bad even if it results from unity in prin-
101
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
ciple and line and only by deliberately creating inner-
Party struggle out of nothing can we be called 'Bolshe-
viks.' Of course people of this kind are not `Bolsheviks'
at all but are almost incorrigible people and careerists
usurping the name of `Bolshevik.'
This is the reason why the four previously-mentioned
attitudes are wrong. This is the answer to the question
as to what attitude we should adopt in dealing with the
errors, defects and undesirable phenomena in the Party.
As a matter of fact, it is through the struggle against the
things of darkness inside and outside the Party that we
seek to change the world and mankind, as well as our
Party and ourselves. Inner-Party struggle is the reflec
tion of the class struggle outside the Party. In the course
of the class struggle outside the Party-the revolutionary
mass struggle-the Party steels, develops and consoli-
dates itself and at the same time, in the course of the
inner-Party struggle achieves solidarity and unity so as
to be able to lead the revolutionary mass struggle
systematically, correctly and effectively.
Therefore, it is entirely wrong and favourable to the
enemy to adopt a liberal attitude towards. the various
mistakes, defects and undesirable phenomena in the
Party, to try to deny differences over principle in the
Party, to evade inner-Party struggle, to cover up inner
Party contradictions and `muddle through,' because it is
against the laws of development of the class struggle
and against our fundamental standpoint of changing the
world and mankind through struggle.
102
Therefore, it is also wrong to separate inner-Party
struggle from the class struggle outside the Party-the
revolutionary struggle of the broad masses-and to turn
it into empty talk because the Party cannot steel, develop
and consolidate itself if it divorces itself from the re-
volutionary struggle of the broad masses.
However, it is not right, either, to carry the matter
to another extreme-to adopt an absolute attitude to-
wards' the comrades who have defects and mistakes but
are not entirely incorrigible, and to mechanically carry
on or even subjectively create, inner-Party struggle,
because this will undermine the Party, afford opportuni-
ties to the enemy to attack our Party and is , against the
laws of development of the Party. We should not break
with the honest comrades in the Party the moment they
have committed some mistakes but should seek to per-
suade educate, and steel them in a considerate and
sympathetic manner. We should not publicly attack
them or expel them from the Party unless it is absolutely
necessary.
In spite of certain errors and defects, certain indivi-
dual, isolated, bad phenomena that still exist in our Party
we are fully confident that in the development of the
working class movement and in the great revolutionary
struggle of the masses, we cari and shall certainly elimin-
ate these things. The history of the past more than ten
years' struggle of the Chinese Communist Party, its great
progress in all respects, and the history of the development
of the working class movement in the various countries
of the world have thoroughly convinced us on this point.
0
103
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Inner-Party struggle is an indispensable and essen-
tial component part of the revolutionary struggle of the
Party. Therefore our comrades should not only be steeled
and cultivated in the course of the struggle outside the
Party, but also be steeled and cultivated in the course of
inner-Party struggle on two fronts. However, not a few
of our comrades still do not thoroughly realise this point
and lack self-cultivation and steeling in this respect.
This is manifested in many unprincipled struggles in the
Party, and in the following examples: some of our com-
rades especially those who have worked for a relatively
long time in the army, never vacillated, complained or
felt disheartened in the course of the struggle against
the counter-revolution no matter how cruel and hard
the struggle was or how many attacks, wrongs, or in-
justices they suffered. But during inner-Party struggle
they could hardly bear any criticism, attacks and in-
justices, not even a single word. Or they were suspi-
cious and thought that what other people said alluded
to them and on this account they would complain and
become extremely disheartened. Comrades, we cannot
but pay attention to such phenomena.
We ought to say that they are in general very good
comrades because they resolutely fought against the
counter-revolution and regarded the Party as their affec-
tionate mother. After having undergone many hard
battles against the counter-revolution and returned to
the arms of their own great mother they expect to meet
with encouragement, consolation and affection and not
more attacks, criticism and injustices. It is only natural
that they should have such expectations. However, what
they have not taken into account or into full account is
that since there are still various errors and defects in the Part it is necessary to conduct inner-Party struggle in
y
comrade must take part. It is inevitable
which every
in the course of inner-Party struggle for everybody to
meet with correct or incorrect criticisms, attacks or even
injustice and humiliation This must be undergone by
~
every comrade. It is not because our Party is merciless
but because this is an inevitable phenomenon of the Party
in the course of the class struggle. However, these com-
rades fail to take this point into account, therefore the
moment they come across such phenomena they are sur-
prised rised and feel exceptionally miserable and disheartened
In this respect, I think that our comrades should on
unite with other comrades,
the one hand, take care to
treat them in a sincere and candid manner and should
not hurt their feelings by casual malicious remarks, or
throw sharp sarcastic remarks at them, and especially
should not irresponsibly criticize comrades behind their
backs. With the exception of those who are most ob-
stinate and who persist in their mistakes and do every
kind of wrong thing in the Party, we should, in general,
and criticize in their
clearly and sincerely admonish
in a considerate and helpful manner,
presence, and
comrades who have committed mistakes. This is what
we, and especially our comparatively responsible com
rades, should pay attention to. We should bear in mind
an old Chinese maxim `If the body is cut with a sharp
knife, the wound will ~ heal, ~t ill-feeling wroused by wound b,z
k
105
104
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
p r 'Yr Nru.. _ _ ) ~ ti!, l ~?fa n .J ~a a ~i Ft~, the aim of our
fundamentally to steel us as loyal, pure, progressive,
model Party members and cadres. We should do the
following: .
1. Build up our Communist philosophy of life, world
outlook and firm Party and class standpoint through the
T of Marxism-Leninism and revolutionary practice.
study
107
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
APPENDICES
2. Examine our own ideology, behaviour, correct all
erroneous ideas and at the same time look at questions
and other comrades on the basis of the Communist philo-
so'phy of life, world outlook and firm Party standpoint.
3. Constantly adopt an appropriate attitude and
method. in the struggle against various erroneous ideo-
logies in the Party, especially those that affect the re-
volutionary struggle of the time
4. Strictly control ourselves in ideology, speech and
behaviour..: We should particularly control those political
ideologies, s,peeches. and activities which concern the
,
revolutionary struggle at the time by taking a firm stand-
point and by sticking to principle. In addition it would
be best to pay attention even to many `trifles' (private
life, behaviour, etc.). But as regards other comrades,
except on questions 'of principle and important political
questions, our restrictions imposed upon them should not
be too severe. We should not pry to find fault over
`trivialities.'
Comrades! This is, in my opinion, what is meant by
the fundamental ideological cultivation of Communist
Party members.
THE CLASS CHARACTER OF MAN
(Written in June, 1941)
N A CLASS SOCIETY man's class character forms the
very nature and substance of man.
In a class society all human beings exist as human
beings of a particular class. Therefore, the social charac-
ter of man is determined by his class status. As the class
status of one person is different from that of another, so
is his social character. In the past, Mencius, Kautze,
Hsuntze* and others had argued `whether human nature
was good or evil without ever achieving any result. This
was because they ,did not understand or deliberately
wanted to cover up the class differences in the social
'
character of man. In a class society men's ideas of good
and evil are different. What is regarded as good by the
? All the three were leading Confucian scholars of the latter part
of Chou Dynasty (1122-255 B.C.). They held different views with regard
to human nature. Mencius was of the opinion that human nature
was primarily good. Hsuntze regarded it as evil while Kautze thought
that it was likely to change.
108
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
109
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
exploiters is regarded as evil by the exploited, and vice
versa. Naturally, to discuss
the question as to whether
human nature is
good or evil without taking into con-
sideration the relationship of classes will get nowhere.
Likewise, if we do not adopt the proletarian
standpoint
we cannot judge how good or how bad certain people
are still less can we ' udge t
~ he party spirit of these people.
The
class character of
man is determined b his class
st Y
atus. That is to say, if
a given group of
people have
for a long time held the status of a given class, i.e., a
given" position in social
production, and have for
a long
time produced lived and struggled in a given manner
they will create their particular mode of life, and their
particular interests demands, psychologies ideas - ,
cus-
toms, viewpoints, manners and relations with other
groups of people and things, etc. All these are different
from, or contrary to, those created by other groups
of
people. In this manner the particular characteristics of
men, their particular class character, are formed.
As men of different classes in society have different
interests demands
, ideas and customs so they have differ-
ent ways of looking at and different policies in dealin
with everyt g
hing in society and history--such as politics,
economics culture, etc. The ruling classes enact
laws
and systems in accordance with their interests, demands
and viewpoints. As a result, all political
economic and
cultural :systems insociety become tools
of the ruling
classes and all are permeated with a class character.
110
In a class society all ideas utterances, behaviour,
social systems and doctrines of
men are permeated with
a class character, representing the particular interests
and demands of certain classes. From the different de-
mands, doctrines, ideas utterances
and behaviour of men,
we can find out their different class character.
For example, natural agricultural economy and. the
method of handicraft production
are the basis of feudal
society. In such production the
feudal lords are in a
position to exploit the surplus labour
, of the peasants.
They do not work but rely upon .land rent and corvee
as a means of living. Therefore they want to get hold
of more land and to possess it permanently. They de-
mand that the peasants pay more land rent
and contribute
more unpaid services, and recognise as justified
their
right of trampling on an
and exploiting the peasants thus
giving rise to their feudal sectionalism, swallowing-up
of others, extravagance laziness, cruelty
and social rank.
Such are the characteristics of the feudal class.
The method of machine production i
in modern indus-
try is the basis of capitalist society.
In such production
the bourgeoisie own the
means of production and all the
products with which to . exploit the surplus labour
of the
proletariat. Their livelihood is dependent upon the sur-
plus value created by the workers. Such being the case,
they want free buying and selling of commodities and
of labour power, and free competition.
They use econo-
mic means to destroy their competitors and to create for
themselves an economic and political _ monopoly. ? .,nop~.,, They
oly. ~...,,,
111
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
claim the inviolability of their private
property and
demand that the workers give their surplus labour in
greater quantity (longer working hours and speed-up)
and in better quality better and. more experienced ~ skill)
for less pay. They also want the workers to recognise
as justified their right to become rich and to monopolise
the wealth of society, rise to heir
giving their competition,
monopoly, extravagance and the centralised and mechani-
cal character of their or anisation. Such are g h ae the charac-
teristics of the bourgeoisie.
Take the case of the peasants.
The peasants have
for a long time been tied to the land
and have been
engaged in production in a form that is scattered, inde-
pendent, simple, self-sufficing and with g h little mutual co-
operation. Their way of life is simple
Y and individualistic
and they bear the burden of land rent d t and unpaid services
etc. Thus, the round is
g prepared for their lax ways,
conservatism, narrow-mindedness backwardness,
outlook
as of private owners revolt against the feudal lords and
their demand for political equality,
etc. Such are the
characteristics of the peasantry.
The proletariat are concentrated in big industries
,
carrying on production with a minute division of labour
all their actions are
governed by machi:ies and mutual-
depei,dence? they are wage-labourers
who sell. their labour
power and who do not ;issess an
P any means of production;
they rely on wages
as a means of livelihood and their
basic inter^
tests do not conflict with those
of other toilers.
Hence the round '
ground is prepared for their great solidarity,
112
mutual co-operation, sense of organisation and discipline,
progressive outlook and demand for public ownership of
property, revolt against all exploiters, militancy, tenacity,
are the characteristics of the proletariat.
etc. Such
All exploiting classes deceive and oppress the exploit-
ed . and fight among themselves . for the surplus products
or surplus value of the exploited, thus giving rise to their
deceitfulness, oppression of man and mutual plundering.
Many wars in history were caused by the exploiting class-
es fighting among themselves over the seizure and division
of the surplus products and surplus value produced by
the exploited.
A feature common to all exploiters is that they build
their happiness upon the sufferings of other people.
Sacrificing the happiness of all mankind or the great
majority of the people, subjecting them to hunger, cold
and humiliation in order to provide special privileges
and special enjoyment for an individual or for a small
number of people-such is the foundation of the `noble
character' `greatness' and 'respectability' and moral basis
of all exploiters.
The reverse is the case with the proletariat and the
Communists. They want to build their happiness upon
the basis of sharing their happiness with all others. In
the struggle for the emancipation of the broad masses
of the working people and of all mankind, they seek
to emancipate themselves and eliminate the special pri-
vileges of the small number of people. Such is th foun-
113
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
dation of the noble character, greatness, respectability of
the Communists and the foundation of Communist ethics.
Such are the various class characteristics of men in
a class society. These class characteristics are gradually
formed as a result of the specific position of men who
engage for a long time in production their specific rela-
tions of production and specific way of life. They become
a kind of nature of men. This nature is social in
character.
Party spirit is the highest crystallisation of such
class characteristics of men. Therefore men possess party
spirit of various kinds: The party spirit of the feudal
class, the bourgeoisie, the proletariat etc.
The Party spirit of a Communist is the highest cr Y
-
staLisation ' of the class character, the substance and
the
interests of the proletariat. The steeling and cultivation
of a Communist in the Party spirit is the remoulding of
his substance.
The Communist Party should develop the many great
and progressive characteristics of the r letari p o at tothe
highest level. Every Communist should remould himself
in accordance with these characteristics and equip him-
self with these excellent characteristics
This is the re-
moulding of substance. All Party members who do not
come from the ranks of the industrial
workers possess
non-proletarian characteristics and therefore need all the
more to be remoulded.
114
istics of the proletariat un-
changeable. are the character
It was in the course of the birth and growth
changeable.
of the proletariat that the characteristics of the proletariat
11y gave rise to Marxism-
took P
Leninism. e~ grew and finally
During the period of socialist transformation in the future and the period when socialism is passing
into Communism, the proletariat will continuously
mankind and, at the
change society and the substance of
same time its own substance and characteristics. In Communist society class distinctions between men will
die out and so will the class characteristics of men. Then
the common character of mankind, namely common
human nature, will be formed. This represents the entire
process of the remoulding of the substance of mankind.
However, in the history of the world only the Com-
munists and Marxists acknowledge their own Party spirit
and class character as well as those of all other people
of all historical and social matters. This is also due
and
to ft e fact that the special class status of the proletariat
enables the Communists to openly recognise and declare
this truth does no harm
truth. The declaration of
this
the proletariat but deals a serious blow to the exploit-
to '
ing classes for their treachery is exposed. and they will
be placed in a more difficult position to uphold the in-.
teresis of a small number of people. None of the other
parties or classes admit their party spirit and class
character and they try to describe themselves as if they
were super-party or 'super-class.' As a matter of fact,
behind this nonsense about `super-party,' and `super-class,
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
are hidden as many vested interests as there are exploit-
ing classes. Before the exploited they dare not admit
,
their party spirit and class character. Because of their
illusions and ignorance the petty-bourgeoisie accept this
fallacy of 'super-party,' `super-class.'
The petty-bourgeoisie is characterised by its indul-
gence in illusions and by its fear of serious practice and
struggle.
A BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE ABOUT
THE AUTHOR
IU SHAO-CHI, Vice-Chairman of the Central People's
Government of the People's Republic of China and a
member of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of China, is one of the leaders of
the contemporary revolutionary movement and the trade
union movement in China.
Liu Shao-chi was born in 1898 in Ninghsiang county,
Hunan Province. In 1920, he joined the Socialist Youth
League of China (the predecessor of the Communist
Party of China), which was founded in the same year.
In 1921, the Communist Party of China was established
and Liu Shao-chi joined the Party in the same year. In
the spring of 1922, he was appointed to the Secretariat
of the China Labour Organisation the forerunner of the
All-China Federation of Labour.
From that time on to the defeat of the revolution
in 1927 Liu Shao chi led the revolutionary trade union
movement in China,
116
117
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
PUBLICATIONS ON CHINA
IN ENGLISH
^
After the defeat of the revolution in 1927
Liu Shao-
chi went underground and continued to direct the trade
union movement. In the autumn of 1932, he went to
the revolutionary base in Kiangsi and took charge of the
workers' movement. in the Red Areas.
From 1936 to 1942, Liu Shao-chi served successively
as secretary of the North Bureau Central Plains Bureau
and Central China Bureau of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of China.
Since 1932, Liu Shao-chi has been a member of the
Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Com-
munist Party of China. From 1943 onwards, he has been
a member of the Secretariat of the
Central Committee of
the Communist Party of China and Y a d Vice -Chairman of the
Chinese People's Revolutionary Military Council.
~ When the People's Republic of China was inaugurated
on October 1, 1949, Liu Shao-ch'
i became Vice-Chairman
of the Central People's Government.
In addition to How to Be
a Good Communist other
books by Liu Shao-chi include On Inner-Party Struggle,
On the Party, Internationalism and Nationalism
and
other important writings.
118
. pp.
On People's Democratic Dictatorship ..Mao Tse-tung 45
On Inner-Party Struggle .............. Liu Shao-chi 90
On the Party.........................
Liu Shao_chz 190
. Internationalism and Nationalism ..... Liu Sha
o-chi 54
Thirty Years of the Communist Party
of China ........................ Iau Chino-mu 100
China's Revolutionary Wars ...................... 47
The Communist Party: Leader of the Chinese
Revolution
China's Youth March Forward ... .
The Common Programme and Other Documents of
the First Plenary Session of the Chinese People's
Political Consultative Conference ............ 44
The Sino-Soviet Treaty and Y d Agreements .......... 25
The Trade
Union Law ...,.,.,,,. ?_
The Marriage Law ...
41
The Agrarian Reform Law ...................... 104
How. the Tillers Win
Back Their Land ..rlsuro Ch'zen
148
(An eyewitness story of the land reform)
IN PREPARATION
On the Battlefronts in the Liberated Areas .....Chu Teh
Mao Tse-tung 's Theory of the Chinese Revolution
Chen Po-ta
FOREIGN
LANGUAGES PRESS
26, Kuo Hui Chieh, Peking, China
Cable Address: ess: FOLAPRESSn Peking
OBTAINABLE AT ALL PROGRESSIVE BOOKSTORES
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
SPEECH BY M. A. SiJSLOV
Member of the presidium of the central committee of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union.
16 February
C OMRADES, in his report Comrade Khrushchov gave a clear, profound
and comprehensive analysis of our party's activities in the period
under review. He surveyed its outstanding successes, achieved under I
the leadership of the central committee, and formulated its tasks in the j
effort for the continued advance of communism.
The results of the central committee's activities are there for all to see.
And in assessing these results our congress, the whole of our party, and
all the men and women of the Soviet Union, have every reason to approve
them with a feeling of the deepest pride and satisfaction.
The central committee proved itself equal to the gigantic tasks with
which it had to contend in the period between the 19th and 20th Congresses.
Its general line, both in home and foreign affairs, has been a correct and
genuinely Leninist line.
For Lenin taught us that the party's policy can be successful only if it
takes into consideration the requirements of the situation, only if the party
is always in close contact with the realities of life. And if we examine the
period between the congresses in this light, we can safely say that throughout
these years the party, headed by its central committee, has been especially
close to realities, to the people, has been especially far-seeing in judging the
situation at home and abroad, has correctly sized up the requirements of
that situation, displaying a creative approach to the solution of both
economic and political problems.
The central committee's report fully reflects the creative, militant spirit
which has been characteristic of our party's work since the 19th Congress,
and that supreme degree of initiative and activity which is characteristic of
the work of our central committee in marshalling the forces of the party
and the people for the implementation of our political line.
The report sums up the impressive results of socialist construction both
in this country and in the people's democracies, the results of the struggle
waged by the progressive forces of the world for the easing of international
tension, national independence and the democratic rights of the people. for
lasting peace and universal security. Our people. and progressive people
f
throughout the world, will derive from facts and figures cited in the report,
and from the theoretical propositions it puts forward and the political
conclusions it dra:vs. fresh faith in the ultimate triumph of peace, democracy
and socialum.
However, at the same time, the central committee's report, in complete
conformity with the Leninist tradition, does not seek to conceal from the
parry and the people the shortcomings and defects in our work and the
problems that still await a solution. This shows that our party is not
50X1 -HUM
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
prepared to rest content with its achievements to date, and is setting new
,
and still bigger tasks. A critical analysis of the work done is an indispensable
condition of Bolshevik leadership. For only in this way can we avoid stag-
nation and stimulate a constant advance to what is new, better and pro-
gressive. We were taught that by the great Lenin.
"The important thing," he said, "is not to rest content with the ability
acquired from past experience, but always to move ahead, always to seek
for more, always to go from easier tasks to more difficult ones. Without
this, there can be no progress in general, and no progress in socialist con-
struation'' (lVorks, Russian edition, Vol. 23, p. 172).
The Struggle for Lasting Peace and Socialism
C 0MRADES the party's intense activity in the sphere of foreign policy
during the period under review has been based on a profound under-
standing of the distinctive features of the present international situation
and of the tasks that confront the progressive forces of mankind. On every
single international problem that is agitating the minds of the peoples, the
Soviet Union has stated its position and has contributed in a very large
measure towards a solution.
In this sphere our party has been an active, guiding factor, constantly
endeavouring to find practical and concrete solutions for all the problems
on which the fate of peace depends. And as a result of this active peace
policy of the Soviet Union and the joint actions of all the peaceloving
nations considerable progress has been attained in the settlement of many
issues. On other issues, the Soviet proposals are definitely the most realistic
and constructive, and if no settlement of these issues has so far been
achieved, that is not our fault.
The implementation of Soviet foreign policy, formulated by our party,
has always been strictly in keeping ing with principles , ; but at the same time
it has been highly flexible. While resolutely repelling every attempt at dicta-
tion by l certain powers, the Soviet Union has always shown its readiness to
reach agreement, provided it is based on mutual respect for one another's
.. ,
interests.
The active efforts of the Soviet Union and other peaceloving nations
have culminated in important results. First, there has been a definite measure
of relaxation in the international tension that has existed for many years.
Second. the forces of peace, democracy and socialism have considerably
strengthened their positions. The international prestige and influence of the
Soviet Union and of the entire socialist camp has increased substantially.
On the other hand, the position of the imperialist camp has been considerably
weakened. That is admitted, albeit reluctantly, even by such men as Mr.
Acheson, aformer U.S. Secretary of Stute. The Washington Post and Times-
Herald recently quoted him as saving that "if we look around us we will
be hard put to find any area in which the events of the past few years have
not moved to our disadvantage".'
The cause of peace has gained added strength in this past period through
~ ..
the extension of friendly contacts and co-operation between the Soviet
Union and the peac ~ eloving nations of Asia. And the peace forces have
grown in strength and scope in the capitalist countries as well. Evidence
,. ,.
of this is provided, for instance, by the recent French elections, in which the
parties of the left considerably extended and consolidated their position,
both among the population generally and in parliament.
But, of course, it would be wrong to rest content with these results.
Much more remains to be done to convert the present measure of relaxation
of international tension into lasting peace. The people's struggle for peace
can and must be raised to a higher plane, particularly in connection with
the attempt now being made by certain elements in the West to revive the
"cold war".
As for the Soviet Union, it will continue to be guided by Lenin's thesis
that the socialist and capitalist systems can co-exist in peace. And it will
continue its tireless efforts for the further relaxation of international tension
and for the strengthening of peace, for this is completely in accordance with
the interests of our peoples and with the interests of socialism.
The discussion at this congress on basic questions of internal and inter-
national development brings out with much greater clarity the meaning of
our present-day struggle and the place it holds in history. The congress
enables us to gain a deeper understanding of the trend of development in
this age of momentous changes in the life of all nations, an age in which
the imperialist system is collapsing and the world system of socialism is
taking shape.
Such fundamental questions of contemporary international development
as the peaceful co-existence of the two systems, the possibility of preventing
war in our age, the forms which the transition to socialism will take in
different countries, and our attitude toward Social-Democratic parties, posed
in Comrade Khrushchov's report, are of immense importance.
The treatment of these questions in Comrade Khrushchov's report pro-
vides a concrete example of the creative application and development of the
great teachings of Marxism-Leninism. Comrade Khrushchov has given
convincing answers to questions uppermost in the minds of people every-
where-answers based on a Marxist analysis of the present international
situation and of the epoch-making changes that have taken place since the
war, and on a study of the new experience accumulated by our own party,
the fraternal Communist Parties and the world workers' movement.
Comrade Khrushchov has demonstrated that, at the present state of
history, the question of whether war is inevitable must be treated differently
from the way it was treated before the First and Second World Wars. For
today the correlation of forces on the world scene has changed radically in
favour of the forces of peace, and against the forces of war. Certainly, inas-
much as imperialism still exists, there will also exist the economic basis that breeds wars, and for that reason the danger of the arch-reactionary
monopoly interests precipitating fresh war gambles, particularly against
socialist countries, is by no means eliminated. Consequently, there must be
no complacency on this subject, no let-up of attention where the further
strengthening of our country's defensive might is concerned. But there is
now no fatal inevitability about war. For today, in the new historical con-
ditions, there are powerful forces disposing of effective means for preventing
the imperialists from unleashing war and-should they try to unleash it-
for crushing the aggressors and ending the war, and with it the system of
capitalism-a system which not only dooms the vast majority of the popu-
Retranslated from the Russian. 5
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
lation the workers to cruel exploitation, virtual disfranchisement, mal-
nutrition and poverty, but also to periodical bloodbaths.
The imperialist rulers cannot but take these new historical conditions
into account. Yet it is self-evident that the prevention of war and aggression
is not an automatic process. War can be prevented only through a resolute
struggle for peace in which all the peace forces act in a united and vigorous
off the menace of war and aggression, and display vigilance
way to wand
with regard to the fomentors of war, eexpose their designs in good time and
keep the peoples on the alert and ready for action.
The knowledge that in this age war is no longer fatally inevitable, is no
longer unavoidable, will undoubtedly stimulate further expansion of the
peace movement and will be a source of inspiration to every peacelover.
Of no less significance is the thesis expounded in Comrade Khrushchov's
report on the variety of forms which the transition to socialism will assume
in different countries.
The epoch-making changes in the international situation have produced
more favourable conditions not only for the peace effort but also for the
struggle for socialism, for the transition of non-socialist countries to
socialism, facilitating a greater variety in the forms this transition will take
in different countries.
The emergence and development of the socialist system in a whole number
of countries has fully confirmed Lenin's brilliant forecast that, though the
principal and basic features of the advance to socialism will be common
and identical, the actual transition to socialism will not be the same in all
countries, and each nation will make its own distinctive contribution in
one or another form of democracy, one or another variety of proletarian
dictatorship, one or another rate at which socialist transformations will be
effected in the various aspects of social life.
The experience of countries where the socialist system has already been
established has confirmed that the transition to socialism requires that
political leadership of the state be in the hands of the working class headed
by its vanguard. And it is recognition of this basic and decisive condition
for the transition to socialism that constitutes the principal difference
between revolutionary Marxists and reformists. Working class political
leadership of the state is essential in order-within a shorter or longer
period, depending on concrete conditions-to deprive the capitalist class
of the means of production and convert them into public property, in order
successful resistance to possible attempts by the overthrown
to organise
to restore their rule, and in order to organise socialist
exploiting classes
construction.
The march of events has likewise confirmed that in each of the socialist
countries, though the basic features of their development have been the
there is fraternal and mutual assistance and utilisation
same, and though
of experience. and notably the assistance and experience of the Soviet Union,
there has also been much that has been constructively new and unique in
the way she working class has won a decisive part in the administration of
the state, and in the subsequent organisation of socialist construction.
The question naturally arises: What about the future? Will there be
new forms of transition to socialism? That question is of cardinal importance.
For the people's urge to socialism is irresistible, the power of attraction of
socialist ideas increases from day to day, and the process will be accelerated.
by the continued achievements of socialism in this country, in China and
all the people's democracies. Progressive minds in many countries are, in
this situation, giving thought to what paths their own peoples will follow in
the change-over to socialism.
Comrade Khrushchov has given an absolutely clear, Marxist reply to
that all-important question. It is quite probable that the transition to
socialism in capitalist countries will produce a great multiplicity of forms.
This will be an expression of the more favourable general situation, and of
the concrete specific features pertaining in each country.
It would be wrong, however, to assert that under all circumstances the
transition to socialism will inevitably be attended by civil war. In this respect
very much depends on the relation of forces within the given country and
on the international scene, on the degree of organisation and political
understanding of the revolutionary classes, and on the strength of the resist-
ance offered by the reactionary classes. When the proletariat of Russia
directed the revolution in this country, it faced a united front of the
imperialist powers. Today the progressive forces in other countries have a
much more favourable prospect before them, for new conditions have taken
shape in the capitalist world. The political struggle there centres around
such issues as the defence of peace, the democratic freedoms and national
independence. That being so, the working class and its political parties
have every opportunity of uniting, on the basis of a common democratic
platform, the overwhelming majority of the nation-the peasantry, the lower
middle class, intellectuals, and even the patriotically minded sections of the
bourgeoisie. This, obviously, will make the victory of the working class
easier.
However, even in these conditions, in a number of capitalist countries, in
those where the reactionary forces and the military and police machine are
especially powerful, the transition to socialism will be attended by frenzied
resistance from the exploiting classes, and, consequently, by sharp revolu-
tionary struggle on the part of the working class. On the other hand, in
those capitalist countries where the reactionary forces and the military and
police machine are less powerful, the possibility of a peaceful course of the
revolution and resultant transition to socialism is not to be ruled out. In
particular, the possibility is not to be ruled out of the working class peace-
fully coming to power through a parliamentary majority and the conversion of parliament into a genuine people's assembly. Such a parliament, relying
on the support of the mass revolutionary movement of the proletariat, the
working peasantry and all progressive sections of the population, would be
able to break the resistance of the reactionary forces and carry out the
socialist transformation of society.
The enemies of communism depict Communists as confirmed believers in
armed insurrection, violence and civil war under all circumstances. That is
slanderous nonsense, an attempt to smear the Communists, and the working
class which they represent. It stands to reason that the Communists and
the working class prefer the least painful forms of transition from one social
system to another. But the forms of this transition, as Comrade Khrushchov
has demonstrated here, depend on concrete historical conditions. Moreover,
the application of more peaceful or more violent methods depends not so
r
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
much on the working class as on the degree and form of resistance offered
by the exploiting classes, which do not want voluntarily to relinquish their
wealth> political power and other privileges.
The central committee's report sets forth the principles governing our
party's attitude to Social-Democratic parties in the present stage.
No one will deny that the cleavage in the international labour movement,
at a time when the energies of the peoples should be united to combat the
war danger, is doubly impermissible. The movement is faced with problems
of overwhelming importance, and on these we can find common ground
j ~~ ,.
with the Social Democrats. It should be possible, therefore, to establish
working contact closer relations and co-operation on these problems. Such a
possibility arises above all, from the fact that, in the present situation, the
paramount issues confronting the labour movement are the defence of
peace, national freedom and democracy. A leftward swing of the masses
is to be observed in many capitalist countries. Peaceloving sentiments are
strong among the vast majority of the rank and file of the Socialist Parties,
Christian trade unions and other organisations.
It is to be hoped that the idea of unity will steadily gain support among
the various sections of the working class and will find expression in prac-
tical action. But this will not happen of itself, spontaneously. It will depend
largely on us Communists, on our efforts to attain this goal.
It would be hard to overestimate the importance of the theoretical pro-
positions on pressing international problems set forth in the central com-
mittee's report. They will go a very long way towards consolidating the forces
of progress; they will help all progressive people who are working to promote
peace and replace the obsolete capitalist system by a new, progressive social
system which will bring the peoples liberation from exploitation and war,
from social and national oppression in whatever shape or form.
Party Organisational Work Must be Raised to the Level Demanded by the
Organisational
New Tasks
C oMRAOLs in the period under review the party dealt with questions
relating to the country's internal development with no less vigour and
initiative. This activity was based on a clear understanding of the pressing
requirements for the further development of the country.
The party boldly laid bare shortcomings in the various fields of economic,
government and party work. At a number of plenary meetings of the central
committee it worked out a comprehensive programme for the rapid promo-
tion of agriculture and improvement in the operation of industry. It called
on the working people to make new efforts to reorganise the work of the
collective farms machine and tractor stations, state farms and industrial
enterprises and carried out a tremendous amount of organisational activity.
One can safely say that the great economic undertakings now under way
in our country are the biggest the party has embarked on since the period
of industrialisation and collectivisation. The fact that in two years we were
able to increase the crop area in our country by more than 30 million
hectares'-the equivalent of the crop area of a number of European countries
taken together-shows that our party is today equal to tasks of the greatest
magnitude.
1 Nearly 75 million acres. I hectare = 2.47 acres.
8
The tremendous work done by the party is bearing fruit. In the field of
agriculture the first big step has been taken in the matter of increasing the
production of grain and industrial crops and in developing livestock breeding,
and the conditions have been created for rapidly increasing, within the next
few years, the output of agricultural produce on a scale commensurate
with the country's growing requirements. The fulfilment of the Fifth Five-
Year Plan in four years and four months in industry shows what tremendous
potentialities are being revealed in this sphere of our national economy
as well.
Basing ourselves on our accomplishments, we can now put forward new
and gigantic tasks. We are in a position to develop at a rapid pace not only
heavy industry, as the foundation of the entire national economy, but also
the production of consumer goods, to increase public wealth considerably
and on this basis substantially to improve the wellbeing of the people.
These are the tasks set forth in the draft directives of the congress on the
Sixth Five-Year Plan. The fulfilment of this plan will mean new and major
successes in the socialist economy, a new and big step forward in creating
an abundance of consumer goods in building communism in our country.
Comrades the Soviet people will welcome with great enthusiasm and
redoubled efforts in production the measures outlined by the central com-
mittee of the party for a further improvement under the Sixth Five-Year
Plan of working and living conditions of which Comrade Khrushchov spoke
here: the introduction in the course of the Sixth Five-Year Plan of a seven-
hour day for all factory, office and other workers, and a six-hour day for
the basic underground trades in the coal and ore-mining industries, and for
young people, without any reduction of wages; the reduction of the working
day on Saturdays and on the eve of holidays by two hours in the near
~
future ? wage increases for lower-paid categories of workers and other em-
ployees ees ? readjustment of pensions; a rapid expansion of housing construction
(doubling the figure under the Fifth Five-Year Plan), and improvement of
canteens and other establishments serving the public. All these measures
will raise the wellbeing of Soviet people to a higher level. The party has
thought of everyone : working people, the youth, who are our hope for the
future. veteran workers women children, of each individual, and this is
as it should be in a socialist society.
The measures projected are arousing widespread comment abroad. All
right-minded people are as pleased about them as we are. But there are also
those who do not like them. The publication of the new Soviet Five-Year
Plan has gone against the grain with certain elements. These elements no
longer doubt that this Soviet Five-Year Plan, too, will be carried out. Every-
one now admits that. They y are afraid of something else. This was frankly
put recently by Judge W. Douglas, of the United States Supreme Court.
"If Russia" he wrote "can get peace even for a decade, she can bring
about a great increase in her standard of living. By that very act, she can
create tremendous pressure on Asia and on Europe too.... A smiling,
peaceful prosperous Russia presents a most difficult international
problem...."'
Mr. Douglas is obviously made uneasy by the prospect of peaceful
economic competition between the two social systems, and we have no
1 Retranslated from the Russian.
~v
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
intention of reassuring him. It is enough only to point out that a peaceful,
prosperous Russia by no means presents a "most difficult international
problem" for ordinary working people throughout the world, for they
rightly regard the successes of the working people of the Soviet Union as
victories of the great cause of peace, democracy and socialism.
The Sixth Five-Year Plan marks an important stage in the peaceful
economic competition between the two systems. A specific feature of this
stage is the fact that the Soviet Union now enjoys all the necessary pre-
requisites for accomplishing, within a historically brief space of time, the
basic economic task of the U.S.S.R.-to catch up with and surpass the most
highly developed capitalist countries in production per head of the
population.
In order to carry out this task we must see to it that the entire national
economy is raised to a new and higher technical level, and substantially
increase the productivity of labour. This is now the main requirement in
order to ensure for socialism the first place in the competition with
capitalism. Hence the economic aspects of production assume greater
importance than ever.
Economic management, the work of the Ministries and heads of enter-
prises, collective farms, machine and tractor stations, and state farms must
be raised to a higher level.
In these conditions specific demands are presented also to the party
organisations.
Our party came to its 20th Congress united and monolithic as never
before. The party's correct political line and the inexhaustible energy it
puts into its work for the good of the working people have rallied the entire
Soviet . people around it as never before, and strengthened still further the
alliance between the working class and the peasantry and the great,
indestructible friendship of the peoples of our country.
Ideological and organisational unity of the party is the basic guarantee
of its strength and the source of all its successes. Only because of the unity
of its ranks has the Communist Party been able to deal successfully with
the problems of both foreign and home policy, and to direct economic and
cultural development.
The restoration of the standards of party life and principles of party
leadership worked out by Lenin> which were often violated before the
19th Party Congress, has done much to strengthen the unity of the party
and enhance its activity, initiative and militancy.
The theory and practice of the cult of the individual which, though alien
to the spirit of Marxism-Leninism, was current before the 19th Congress
did considerable harm in the fields of both organisational and ideological
party work. They tended to minimise the role of the masses and the party,
to belittle collective leadership, to undermine inner-party democracy, to
suppress the activity of party members and their initiative and incentive, to
lead to lack of COCI i Ol irresponsibility and even arbitrariness in the work
of individuals, to prevent the development of criticism and self-criticism, and
to give rise to one-sided and sometimes even erroneous solutions of problems.
Re-establishment of the Leninist principle of collective leadership means
re-establishment of the very foundations on which the party edifice rests,
for our party is a living and self-acting organisation. Collective leadership,
10
V
the principle that all party bodies are elected and accountable, criticism and
self-criticism-these are all key conditions for stimulating initiative and the
activity of party members, disclosing mistakes and shortcomings and devising
ways and means of rectifying them.
That the principle of collective leadership at all levels, from the central
committee to basic party units, is now being effectively re-established, is
borne out by the increased volume of criticism and self-criticism, by really
collective discussion and decisions on all major problems in party bodies.
It can be said without the slightest doubt that the principle of collective
leadership has been fully re-established in the central committee. The decision
on all major questions rests with the plenum of the central committee, which
meets regularly and which represents a broad, collectively functioning party
centre that maintains the closest contact with the vital sectors of communist
construction. The collective experience of the central committee, based as
it is on Marxism-Leninism, guarantees correct leadership of the party and
the country and the indestructible unity of the party ranks.
The cult of the individual, both in theory and practice, must be com-
pletely overcome, and party committees must in all their work be guided
unswervingly by the principle of collective leadership. Its significance must
be fully understood and appreciated by every party functionary for it is a
most important condition for party unity, for working out correct policies
and successfully implementing them. It is a condition, also, for the proper
training of cadres, and for improvement in every aspect of party work.
The unity, solidity and effectiveness of the party depend largely on the
composition of its membership.
The party does not accept everyone who wishes to join its ranks. It takes
into its midst the most forward-looking and active men and women and
regulates the admittance of new members in accordance with the tasks it.
has to solve at any given stage. In the years of industrialisation and col-
lectivisation of agriculture, the party admitted mainly workers and peasants
to membership. During the war preference was given to the men at the
battle-fronts. I need hardly prove that today, when our goal is a steep rise
in the output of material values, it is only reasonable to lay emphasis on
priority ? acceptance of the men and women who produce these material
values-the workers and collective farmers.
What is the position with regard to recruitment? It should be observed
that in the past two years the proportion of workers and collective farmers
among new members has increased, as compared with earlier years.
Yet in many party organisations the proportion of workers and collective
farmers among newly admitted members is very small. And what is more,
we often find that the proportion varies considerably in party organisations
working under nearly the same conditions. The amount of industry in the
Sverdlovsk and Novosibirsk regions is practically the same. However, in
the Sverdlovsk organisation, the proportion of workers among new recruits
last year was 47.2 per cent, and in Novosibirsk 32.2 per cent. In the Omsk
region collective farmers made up 31.7 per cent of the new members, whereas
in Stalingrad region the figure was only 11.4 per cent. What is the explanation
for the proportion of workers in Novosibirsk being lower than in Sverdlovsk,
and for the lower proportion of collective farmers in Stalingrad as corn-
pared with Omsk? The only explanation is that the Novosibirsk and Stalin-
11
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
grad regional pasty organisations have not paid sufficient attention to this
matter. Unfortunately, this also applies to a number of other party
organisations.
It should be borne in mind that the success of any undertaking depends
to a large extent on the composition of the party organisation. And party
organisations must be more exacting in regulating the admission of new
members and must radically increase the proportion of workers and
collective farmers among new recruits.
There is no need, of course, to emphasise the importance of our organisa-
tional work, or to stress that it is a prime factor in all our activities and in
the accomplishment of the impressive economic tasks outlined in the Sixth
Five-Year Plan. That is why the need to improve the quality of leadership,
notably at district level, is now so imperative.
In his report, Comrade Khrushchov revealed the serious shortcomings in
the functioning of local party committees: an inclination towards grandilo-
quent declarations, armchair leadership, management without a proper
study of economic problems, inability to organise the masses to eliminate
shortcomings, overcome difficulties and apply the experience of front-rank
workers and the achievements of science in industry and agriculture.
Regional, territorial, town and district committees have somewhat
improved their work following the central committee's demand that an
end be put to bureaucratic methods of leadership. There are fewer meetings
and conferences. Party officials pay more frequent visits to factories, col-
tive and state farms, and machine and tractor stations, and are doing more
to help them to organise their work properly. But all too little has been
accomplished in this respect. Unfortunately, there are still not a few party
organisations whose officials devote most of their time and energies not to
the living work of organisation but to endless conferences and to the com-
position of reams of records, circulars etc. There is no need to say what
such work is worth. For all these endless meetings and these voluminous
records bring no practical results. The secretary of the Makhovsk District
Party Committee (Vitebsk region, Byelorussia), Comrade Ignatenko, declared
at the regional party conference: "For ten years now our district and a
number of others have been criticised at every meeting and conference for
lagging behind. In these ten years there have been nineteen district com-
mittee secretaries and six chairmen of the district Soviet's executive com-
mittee. Nine commissions came to investigate and study the situation on
the spot, but for all that the district continues to lag behind. To all prac-
tical purposes, neither the regional party committee nor the regional Soviet
have done anything concrete to help the district."
,
This penchant for record-writing is spreading to basic party units as well.
And often enough with the encouragement of district party committees,
which demand "full-length" minutes of meetings and conferences, all manner
.of data, statistics and so on. The result is that some unit secretaries devote
.:all their time not to the work of organisation but to the penning of all these
.records and minutes.
Here is a case in point-Comrade Rustamov, secretary of the party
'organisation at the Kirov Collective Farm, Shamkhor district, Azerbaijan.
His desk and bookcase are piled high with folders and ledgers. He keeps a
record of party work among women, of work among new party members, of
12
w the party helps the Young Communist League organisation, lists of
ho l
complaints submitted by collective farmers, of assignments to party mem-
bers a record of the progress of party education, attendance at political
"Wall Newspapers",
classes and amateur art circles. He has dossiers labelled: Wall Newspapers ,
"F1ash Bulletins", "Emulation Drive in Cattle Breeding", "Emulation Drive
in Field Work", "Forest Friends Society". The work of party lecturers is
recorded in three separate ledgers: "Tabulation of Work Done by Lee-
turers" "Mass Political Work", "Daily Assignments for Lecturers". You
can just imagine how much time is spent on this pen-pushing which, of
course keeps the secretary away from the living work of organisation. And
yet, in the collective farms, no educational work is conducted with milk-
maids and cowmen. There is no mechanisation, no daily work schedule, or
feed ration for the animals. Productivity is extremely low: the milk yield
per cow for the year was only 484 litres.l And, of course, the secretary's
dossiers yield no milk at all-in this respect they have proved hopelessly
sterile.
The work of the party apparatus must be improved, and every vestige of
jureaucracY must be rooted out. Party organisations must concentrate on
work among the masses. They must turn their attention-and very resolutely
-to giving competent, concrete leadership, to effectively organising the
propb aganda and application of front-rank experience and the achievements
of science in the work of every factory, collective and state farm and machine
and tractor station.
The party apparatus must be reduced: it should consist oLa ;mall number
of efficient and knowledgable workers. The central committee has reduced
its apparatus by y 25 per cent. We have, I think, thereby made a beginning
for further reductions. There should be a reduction in the apparatus of the
central party committees in the Union Republics, and of regional, territorial,
town and district party committees. Their work will only benefit from this.
In this connection, I would like to say a few words about political depart-
meets in civilian organisations. In their day, when they were first instituted,
they played a certain positive part, but at the present time they have proved
of little value and tend to duplicate the work of territorial party bodies.
Comrade Khrt ishchov rightly drew attention to the technical backwardness
on the railways. It stands to reason that the officials of the railway political
departments must share responsibility for this state of affairs. For certainly
it was their duty to raise the question of technical backwardness in the
railway system. But have they raised their voices, have they so much as
whispered about the need for technical progress on the railways? No.
Evidently the time is ripe for liquidating these political departments.
End the Harmful Divorce of Ideological Work From Life
COMRADES in the report of the central committee Comrade Khrushchov
gave a comprehensive analysis of the ideological work of party
organisations. He showed that the main failing now is that this work is
to agreat extent divorced from life, that the people who carry it on are
unable to draw general conclusions from advanced methods of communist
1 About 106 gallons.
13
11
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
construction which have stood the test of life and popularise those methods
among the masses, and also that they do not combat to a sufficient degree
negative phenomena that hinder our progress. That was correct and dust
criticism.
The party regards ideological work as an integral part of all its activities
in building communism. Its main purpose is to give practical help in the
building of communism, raising labour productivity, enhancing the socialist
consciousness of the masses in every :.'ay, in relentlessly fighting against the
survivals of capitalism in the minds of people, against bourgeois ideology
and morals, arming the working people, and first and foremost the leading
cadres, with Marxist-Leninist theory, and creatively developing this theory.
Yet our ideological work is insufficiently concentrated on accomplishing
all these big tasks and to a large extent it is being conducted to no purpose;
it is reduced to learning by rote the same well-known formulas and proposi-
tions, and not infrequently it brings up doctrinaires and dogmatists who are
divorced from life.
Our propaganda has been in a large measure directed into the past, into
history, to the detriment of present-day problems. Moreover, the history
of our party has been taught so that the experience of history has not helped
in understanding current problems properly. The situation is bad as regards.
the propaganda of economic knowledge and the experience of front-rank
workers, engineers, collective farmers, the best industrial establishments,
collective farms, state farms and teams.
And so in the party educational system millions of Communists have
studied for many years on end the erroneous views of the Narodniks,
Economists and Bundists, but have not learned how to combat the survivals
of capitalism in the minds of the people in our country and how to expose
our present-day ideological enemies in the international arena; they have
not studied the economic processes in the country, the experience of inno-
vators, of the best industrial establishments and collective farms, and the
achievements of science so as to manage economic affairs with greater
efficiency, raise labour productivity, increase the production of material
values and cope more successfully with other tasks of communist con-
struction.
Many rank-and-file Communists, too, realise the abnormal nature of this
situation. Comrade Ignatov, a combine operator of the Mikhailovskaya
Machine and Tractor Station, Stalingrad region, put it very well: "For the
thirteenth year now I have been attending a party history circle. For the
thirteenth time the propagandists are telling us all about the Bund. But
have we no affairs that are more important than criticising the Bund? We
are interested in the affairs of our machine and tractor station, district and
region. We want to know about the present and the future, but our propa-
gandists are so bogged down in the Narodnik and Bund business that they
simply cannot get out of it."
Party propaganda has, in this way, thus begun to lose its militant.
Bolshevik spirit.
Most of our propagandists are poorly versed in the economics of socialist
production. Very often they are guided and trained by people who likewise
do not know production or have a very general idea about it. What is the
way out? The way out is resolutely to draw our leading economic, party
14
and government workers into the propaganda work, especially propaganda
concerned with economic knowledge.
Greater demands must be made of propagandists. We should not go
after numbers but select people who are really able to dovetail our propa-
ganda with the practical tasks of economic and cultural development.
At the same time it is necessary to work constantly with the propagandists
as well bearing in mind that the best of them can "run dry", if party bodies
C not give them cguidance, do not direct their attention to urgent tasks and
d ~
do not help them with advice and provide them with concrete data and
facts. The system of training and advanced training for propagandists has
to be reorganised so that it should be possible to equip them with the
necessary knowledge in the spheres of industry and agriculture.
It is not only our propaganda, unfortunately, that is divorced from life
and lags behind it ? this is largely the case on the theoretical front as well.
Let us take for instance, the economic sciences. At the present stage
the study of the deep-going processes of our society's economic development
should be the chief, decisive trend in the study and development of Marxist
thought. This does not imply that less attention should be given to the
study of the past revolutionary experience of the party or to Marxist-Leninist
philosophy. But Soviet society has entered a stage in its development whe
the main attention should be concentrated on the study and elaboration of
economic science, since it is the knowledge of the objective laws of develop-
ment of socialist economy that enables us, first and foremost, to make use
of these laws to accelerate the building of communism.
The publication of the textbook of political economy is a favourable
development in this sphere. But a textbook alone is not enough, and as
regards serious scientific works containing a creative study of economic processes, there are, unfortunately, very few of them as yet.
economists have made serious mistakes in their works. The party
Some
had to correct a number of ill-starred economists who were spreading
anti Marxist views on the need to slow down the pace of development of
heavy industry. The denial by economists of the category of moral deprecia-
tion of machinery under socialism did serious harm, for it provided theo-
retical tical justification for stagnation and conservatism in technology.
Economists do not make an adequate study of the operation of the law
of value in socialist production. That our architects, carried away by
extravagances, have not worked out what this will cost the people and that
personnel of machine and tractor stations and collective farms still very
often do not work out the cost of a ton of grain or meat is undoubtedly
measure to the fact that our economists have not elaborated
due in some
the problem of how the law of value operates concretely in our economy.
The scientific study and elaboration of problems of economics in particular
branches of the national economy is in a neglected state. The U.S.S.R. has
research institutions whose task it is to study the economics
more than forty
of agricultural production. They have done very little, however, to sum-
manse the wealth of experience accumulated by the collective and state
farms. Publication of a textbook on agricultural economics and also of a
textbook on industrial economics has dragged out much too long.
In the sphere of philosophy, too, theoretical thought is divorced from the
15
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
urgent tasks of our life, of communist construction.
Dogmatism and doctrinairism have become widespread, because a section
of the economists and philosophers have held aloof from practical life. The
essence of the evil disease of doctrinairism is not simply that those infected
with it cite quotations. all the time, whether they fit in or not; they regard
as the supreme criterion of their correctness not practical experience but the
pronouncements of authorities on this or that question. They lose the taste
for studying real life. Everything is replaced by the culling of quotations and
artful manipulation of those quotations. The slightest deviation from a
quotation is regarded as a revision of fundamental principles. This activity
of the doctrinaires is not merely futile, it is harmful.
There is no doubt that the cult of the individual has greatly promoted
the spread of dogmatism and doctrinairism. Worshippers of the cult of the
individual ascribed the development of Marxist theory only to certain
personalities and relied entirely on them. As for all the other mortals,
allegedly they had to assimilate and popularise what was created by those
personalities. The role of the collective thinking of our party and that of
fraternal parties in developing revolutionary theory, the role of the collective
experience of the masses of the people was thus ignored.
The party has never tolerated dogmatism, but the struggle against it has
become especially acute at the present time. Present-day developments make
the task of creatively developing Marxism more pressing than ever. Each
day of building communism in our country and building socialism in the
people's democracies brings to the fore ever new problems, which should be
illuminated by theory. Gigantic changes are taking place all over the world
and many problems now appear in a new light. In order to keep in step
with life it is imperative to elaborate new problems in a scientific way, further
to enrich and develop Marxism. Lenin, in drawing attention to the creative
nature of Marxism, stressed that "we do not regard Marx's theory as some-
thing completed and inviolable; on the contrary we are convinced that it
has only laid the cornerstone of the science which socialists must further
advance in all directions if they wish to keep pace with life" (Works (Russian
edition), Vol. 4, p. 191).
It is this task that now confronts us, and, in particular, our economists
and philosophers. The party expects them to create fundamental scientific
works based on a summary of the vast experience of socialist construction
in the Soviet Union and the people's democracies and a deep-going analysis
of the processes taking place in present-day capitalism-works which could
be of theoretical help to government, economic and party cadres. Of course,
when Marxists speak of advancing revolutionary theory by summarising the
new practical experience and the achievements of the whole of science, they
always mean the further development and enrichment of Marxism-
Leninism on the basis of its bedrock principles, in uncompromising struggle
against all attempts to revise these principles.
The shortcomings in our ideological work are very serious and the party
cannot tolerate them.
It is the duty of all party organisations, from top to bottom, to eliminate
these shortcomings, to secure a sharp turn in our ideological work towards life,
practical activities, concrete questions of communist construction; propa-
ganda and agitation should be closely linked, in the first place with the tasks
16
We must once again invest our ideological work with the Bolshevik
militancy and purposefulness developed by the party throughout decades,
is work should be subordinated to the struggle for the triumph of
and this work _
communism.
The party will continue to display tireless concern for propaganda and
the creative development, on the basis of new experience, of Marxist-Leninist
which is the scientific foundation of all our policies and all our
theory,
activities, the indispensable guide for the building of communism.
confronting each industrial establishment or collective farm in increasing
the production of material values.
We must constantly work to enhance the socialist consciousness of the
working people, to answer the urgent and pressing questions they raise; we
must not relax the struggle against the survivals of capitalism in the minds
of people, and we must resolutely expose the reactionary ideology of the
imperialist bourgeoisie. Aiming at the further easing of international tension
and strengthening of pease, we must not curtail our criticism of bourgeois
ideology, imperialism and colonialism; on the contrary, in order to achieve
these aims we must intensify our criticism, expose the aggressive ideology
and policy of imperialism with convincing examples and facts, lay bare the
exploiting essence of the capitalist system, contrasting this doomed system
with the socialist system, revealing the latter's immense advantages and
~
lofty and exalted principles and aims.
Comrades, it is difficult to overestimate the historic significance of the
present congress. The congress is opening up before our party, country and
the Soviet people sweeping, breath-taking prospects in building communism
which arouse feelings of J'oY and pride. The tasks we face are magnificent
and we have inexhaustible potentialities for their successful accomplishment.
A wonderful life is unfolding before the Soviet people. In the near future
our socialist motherland will become still greater and mightier politically,
economically and culturally. And by its side other fraternal socialist coun-
tries, the entire great socialist commonwealth will grow, become stronger
and prosper.
Our party faces these splendid prospects monolithically united, militant
and filled with great creative energies. It enjoys the undivided love and
support of the whole Soviet people and is armed with the wise and invincible
teaching of Marxism-Leninism.
doubt that after its 20th Congress the party will achieve
There can be no
in its work for the further progress of our motherland,
still greater victories
or peace among the nations, for the triumph of communism in our country.
17
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 FURTHER BOOKLETS on the
20th CONGRESS OF THE C.P.S.U.
In this series (price 2d each) the
speeches of
G11 M. Malenkov
A. I. Mikoyan
Vu M. Molotov
D. T. Shepilov
Report by %V, S. KHRSHCIjOV 9d.
Report by N. A. BULGANIN and
Directives of the Sixth Five-Year plan 6d.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Available from Newsagents and b
ookshops, or direct from
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
50X1 -HUM
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Published by Soviet News,
3 Rosary Gardens, London, S.W.7,
and printed by
Farleigh Press Ltd. (T.U, all depts.),
Beechwood Rise, Watford, Herts.
1. BARBADARO
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
How to deal with
Unemployment
50X1-HUM
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
FOREWORD
ji
shown by official statistics
in thousands
HE problem of unemployment examined in this pamphlet is
one of vital interest at the present day.
The number of unemployed in the capitalist eou>tries is not
only very b high, but is tending to increase. The table below, corn-
piled fled from government statistics eloquently demonstrates this: --
Development of
unemployment, as
Australia
Austria ..................
Belgium .................
Canada ....................
Denmark .................
Western Germany ......
France* .................
Ireland ........... . ......
Italy .......................
Japan ....................
Holland ..................
Norway .................
Great Britain ............
~,
U.S.A.....................
500.000.
1951
.U.67 (May)
96.8 (May)
1.82.4 (May)
172 (March)
30 (May)
1,387 (May)
1952
5.24 (May )
124 (May).
231.7 (May)
212 (March)
58.8 (May)
1,312 (May)
29.3 (May.) 39.4 (May)
1,676 (April) 1,870 (April)
370 )January) 490 (January)
61 (June) 106 (June)
6.4 (May) 7.5 )May)
214.5 (June) 489.6 (June)
1.856 (July) 1.942 (July)
There are, however, countries where there is no longer any
question of unemptoYment since this has been abolished by virtue
of the fact that the causes of unemployment have themselves been
abolished.
In these countries the right to work is assured. not merely
in the text of the Constitution, but in actuality. in real life.
Unemployment, which is a consequence of the economic organisation of the countries in which it is rife. develops through
the impoverishment of the working masses. the inadequacy of their
k France. There are no official statistics in France relating to uneinploy -
ment as a whole; certain categories of unemployed being considered
. merely `' assisted persons." Inquiries made by poll '' methods have.
however, established that the number of totally unemployed has risen
by at least ?Q()DU.-ard that o1' partially unemployed by more than
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
50X1 -HUM
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
s
purchasing power, the too high prices of products and articles of
,
common consumption, and the obstacles impeding normal corn-
mercial trading with all countries. It is at present becoming fur-
ther increased and heightened in these countries under the weight.
of the armaments burden.
A considerable portion of the national income is absorbed by
increased armament expenditure. and this also acts to the detriment
of production for the civilian sector of the economy
The grievous consequences of unemployment are felt iu the
V 1
first place by y those out of work, but they do not spare certain other
social strata, in particular small trades-people, peasants and even
the owners of numerous small and medium undertakings.
The big industrialists and trusts strive to profit from unenlploy-
ment crises by suppressing numbers of small and medium
undertakings in order to remain in control of the market and in
this way to augment still further their excessive profits.
The trade union organisations can certainly not permit them-
selves to be satisfied with establishing the facts. without at the
same time acting with ~,, the necessary energy to fight against
,
unemployment and the causes which give rise to it.
They struggle against this social curse of unemploynent and
against the bankruptcy of capitalist society italist societ ; which has proved itself
incapable of ensuring work to millions of able-bodied men and
women, who have no other means of existence apart from their
wages.
Those trade union organisatiois catering for workers in
industries severely affected by unemployment put the struggle
against unemployment in the forefront of their responsibilities.
The interchange of experiences of these struggles, which will
take place at the time of the international Conference on Social
Security, which will he held in Vienna in early Match, 1953, will
make it possible to improve the methods of dealing with
unemployment.
At the same time as the trade union organisations tight against
unemployment, they also undertake the defence of the claims of
the totully and partially unemployed.
IN THIS FIELD lT IS ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY
THAT THE RISK OF UNEMPLOYMENT SHOULD BE
COVERED BY SOCIAL SECURITY.
In those countries where the workers are still without the
benefit of Social Securit\, the trade union organisations should
into their ro~ grammes ' the necessary demand
not fail to introduce i p essary entand
that the risk of unemployment be covered by Social Security.
It is necessary to start with the principle that every wage-
earner, without consideration of his profession. family status c. ~r
atege, from the moment when he is deprived of his wages through
unemployment. must be able to draw benefits, without any ; restric-
rm. of unemployment pay-commencing with the day
tion, in the form.
when he loses his employment, and without any time limit.
Agricultural workers, who very often suffer unemployment,
,, must have the same right as industrial workers to receive unemploy-
ment benefit without any restrictions.
In matters regarding the scale of unemployment benefit, it is
necessary, in our opinion, to make this the concern of the trade
union organisations in each country. BY taking into account the
actual detailed situation in their own countries, they will be in a
better position to determine the scale. -
The condition of the partially unemployed should also be kept
in sight by the trade unions. We are at present witnessing the
development of partial unemployment in the capitalist countries.
There is no need to stress that workers receiving a reduced
salary are exposed to want and privations, since even those who
work a full week experience difficulties in satisfying their own
needs and those of their families, in view of the gap which exists
between wages and the cost of living.
All these questions, bound up with the grave problem of
unemployment, will be examined, discussed and clarified in the
course of the work of the International Conference on Social
Security.
This pamphlet has for its aim simply to make a contribution
to the discussion of these problems and to assist the trade unions
in finding solutions which will enable millions of partially and
totally unemployed to receive full employment, and provide a
y _
dc-cent unemployment benefit to those who remain " unemployed
in spite of themselves.,.
Tn'c5.. ?e d;'sciAssions, like the campaign itself, will be carried out in the spirit of the broadest possible working class unity, which
.
we i1Iust. c:instantlY Promote in the interests of all workers.
F. ,MAURICE,
President of the International
Union of Fur and Leather Workers.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 1
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
HOW TO DEAL WITH
UNEMPLOYMENT
N the capitalist countries, the forms in which insurance against
unemployment exists and their range are extremely varied,.
extending from the complete absence of any sYstem, or of systems
extreme)} restricted in respect of the numbers of people affected
and of the value of the benefits allowed. This makes it particularly
difficult to formulate the basic characteristics of unemployment
insurance.
The fundamental reasons far these profound differences are
of course to be found in the variety of the concrete economic .
conditions. the way these have developed and the resultant rela-
tion. of class forces. There is thus a direct relation between, on
the one hand, the various situations of the market and the struggle
waged by the working class in order to protect itself against
unemployment. and on the other hand, the concrete system
brought into being. In general, there exists more extensive
insurance in countries with an advanced economic development
and where the working class has emphasised the problem in the
course of its strubgbgles. In countries where, by reason of a
retarded economic development, unemployment has become
inherent in the sYstem, and is growing, the systems in existence are
generally restricted. In these cases their extension presents basic
problems. whose solution in terms of. Precautionary measures is
possible on condition that this is organised on a much broader
basis.
Before entering on an analysis of the characteristics assumed
by social precautions against unemployment in the various
countries, it would be well to examine briefly the effects of
insurance of this kind.
The Effects of Unemployment Benefit
WHATEVER may be its forms and financial requirements..
unemployment benefit entails a certain amount of expen-
diture. It is essential that a part of the national income, without consideration of the means by which it is to be set aside, should
be devoted to allowances for the unemployed. As long as this.
levy had to be supported exclusively by the persons concerned, as
was the case in the former Workers' Mutual Aid Societies, and as
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Western Germany. The despair of the unemployed-who will give my
father work'
10
le in all the voluntary mutual aid funds, this
was the general rule
protection expressed itself in the redistribution of a portion of the
income of the working class within the limits of the working class
ltselt, without profits or interest being at all affected. But in pro-
portion as the struggle of the workers developed, the employers
were compelled to assume in whole or in part, whether directly
by contributions or indirectly by taxation, the financial burden of
un em to ment insurance. (In the caPitalist countries the costs at
~
P Y
the moment are generally speaking shared between the workers
and the employers, with or without state participation. In some
countries however, e.g., Italy, the workers have succeeded in
making the employers bear the entire burden of insurance.)
Insurance of this kind deals a blow at profits by bringing
about an increase in the price of labour without a proportionate
increase in the output or price of the goods produced.
It is thus entirely understandable that the employers have
.ahemPted and are still atempting by every means to avoid the
application of this sort of insurance, or to aPP1Y it only in so far
as they are compelled to do so.
On the other hand, the fact must be taken into consideration
that in numerous markets controlled by monopolies, the most
powerful groups of employers, that is those who dominate the big
factories, have succeeded in transferring to prices, and in conse-
quence to the consumers, at least a part of the increase in the costs
of production resulting from the system of unemployment insurance,
and in this way diminishing the effect of the latter on their profits.
Another consequence of unemployment insurance makes itself
felt in the development of capitalist production. We well under-
stand the reasons why this cannot function without a certain mass
of unemployed workers, who in offering their labour power, cause
.
rts price to be lowered and thus keep down the wages of the
employed personnel to a level consistent with high profits. In fact,
capitalism keeps down the wages by playing off the unemployed
against those in employment. But in order that this stabilisation
and even reduction of wages can be put into practice, it is necessary
that the unemployed person should have no other sources of income
than his labour power, which he is not in a position to utilise.
That is to say, he is held in a vice by his own needs and those of
his family.
Now the application of social insurance schemes includes
economic benefits which allow the unemployed person a certain
purchasing power and have the effect of strengthening his resistance
and making it possible for him to refuse to sell his labour power
below its value. If, for example, the benefits represent 60% of the
average wage and allow the unemployed person to obtain for him-
self at least a minimum subsistence, then he will not only not accept
a wage inferior to the benefits he is receiving already, but since
his livelihood is ensured, he will be able to offer resistance and to
.
fight to obtain the same treatment as the employed workers. The
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
`'effect on the level of wages of the existence of a mass of un-
employed is reduced in proportion as social insurance is more
.effective. Thus the latter does not merely attack the profits of the
emPtoYers like the other forms of social insurance, but at the same
.
time represents a significant check to the continuance of a low level
.
?.'of wages, and so is a favourable condition for the raising of this
level. It is only when one considers this double effect-on profits
' and on the level of wages (these last constituting in effect an indirect
'attack on profits)-that the strength of the employers' resistance
.
is explained, resistance of such a kind that this form of social
insurance is non-existent in many countries, or else is restricted to
those categories of workers who have succeeded in obtaining it in
the ' course of their. struggles.
In certain states social legislation does not in any way provide
for unemployment insurance. This is the case in a large number
of semi-colonial countries-Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Iraq, etc.-where
. Production relations are still semi-feudal. These countries are,
for the most part, openly exploited by foreign imperialism, and
have an excessive labour force with a very low standard of living.
:The same conditions prevail in the majority of technically back-
ward countries which have reached a certain level of industrial
.development, usually financed by foreign capital, but where .the
local labour force is relatively poor. In these countries the
.employers do their best to keep wages down in order to guarantee
.high profits. Such conditions exist in the majority of Latin-
American countries.
In Portugal, social unemployment protection still assumes the
form of charitable aid, reminiscent of the " Poor Law " of Queen
Elizabeth, or the " Institution " of the Papal States in force up to
:
1860-70. Even in those developed capitalist countries where un-
employment is not a permanent feature and is only very limited-
during periods of less prosperity-and where the wage level is
fairly high, there are no compulsory forms of insurance against
unemployment. This is left to voluntary mutual organisations,
which are administered for the most part by the trade unions,
with some financial assistance on the part of the State. Sweden
and Finland are typical examples of this position.
As to the countries where compulsory unemployment insurance
systems are in force, a comparison of the numbers of people
covered with those of the health insurance systems shows that the
first usually embraces a very much smaller number of workers than the second. This demonstrates that social insurance against un-
employment in the capitalist countries assumes a more restricted
form than health insurance.
.. The Extension of Unemployment Protection
achievements in the capitalist countries, "we 'can
~ ~N examinin .
h g the establish at once that the almost universal application of rigid
ualifications in the regulation. of social insurance against -unein-
~ ~
12
iffe're4t economic 'conditions.
We must first of all explain what we understand by a system
. ",governed by insurance qualifications." Such a system of social
insurance exists when the right to receive appropriate benefits is
'
aot granted to an n individual in. his capacity as a member of the
,
. eomimtinity , or as possessing some particular quality, for example,
worker but when this right proceeds from the fact of his
m bing a
havings~, 'made the appropriate contribution to the insurance funds,
. of .else of his having been. employed in an approved field of activity.
n."insurance system of this kind, even though compulsory, retains
a1l ' the characteristics of private insurance, since the right to
. . benefit is not an. automatic right, but proceeds merely from the
fait of Navin r contributed to the finances of the social insurance
. system itself.
lt is necessary to stress that the application of such criteria
i~ -iot made only in countries where there is large-scale, permanent
unemployment, but also in countries of less unemployment. Now
. if in the cases where there is large-scale, permanent unemployment,
complete social protection for the whole working class presents
financial problems; `such difficulties can certainly not be used to
justify the existence of. Protection based on an insurance system
(sometimes extremely restricted), where unemployment is not
permanent and where its extent is comparatively limited.
of all the capitalist countries, only Australia and New Zealand
ave instituted social security systems protecting the entire work-
b.
ing. population, without excePtion, against the risk of unemploy-
ment. and guaranteeing benefits regulated by the sole condition
that the applicant should have reached working age and should be
. in , need of support.
;. It is nevertheless clear that a system. based on. insurance,
. however broad this may be, not only fails for technical reasons to
orresPand to the requirements arising uirements arising from permanent unemploy-
~,.,
ment, but is further only able to ensure incomplete and imperfect
.
Protection. in situations of temporary unemployment.
.
' . The existence of a system. based on the insurance principle
arises from a denial of the right of the entire working class to
social, Protection against unemployment. In other words, in main-
ta,, ,, , . inin these qualifications it is possible to limit the right to draw
enefits, by excluding this or that category of workers, or this or
. tli'a ector of the'economy. Thus, what should be the right of the
. ' ire .. woxkin class is allowed only to certain categories of
ker -those to whom it is impossible to refuse benefit.
for
The extent of the existing systems with regard to the number
.of people covered varies very much from one country to the other
..
witti th c~xcePtion of those countries operating erating a general system of
~ .
. ` ia1
Security) .' ' In order to give a brief surveY, the various
oc
,
.
.. ... . s $mmed 'up as follows:
sCirms may be . ~
, (a) Systems protecting all. employed workers without con-
.. .. .
"'?. Si 'derati ' onof The economic sector in which they work, or of the
si
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
professional category to which they belong.. $ iu,11. $yst uns:,a!
, ,,,
exist only . in' Great Britain
extremely few in number, and e
and in 16 Swiss cantons. . . .
rti
O ; workers;
. , b Systems protecting the majority of employed
.
H but ;excluding certain categories in receipt of an income abot?e
or below an established level; or else workers who are able
,
to rely on relatively stable employment; . or again worker
occupied in certain fields of the economy, : domestic workers,
,
or seasonal workers, or those engaged for short Perrocls, or
t
,
finally workers employed in small undertakings. The most.
frequent exceptions relate to one or other of the following
,
categories : employees of public services agricultural domestic
. and seasonal workers and craftsmen. , :
Systems protecting only certain trades, generally
(c) Syst
covering workers in large-scale industry. The difference, between these
sytsems and those of group (b) is an essentially
quantitative one and consists in the number of workers
,
excluded from participation. :
hose of the two last categories.
The most common systems are t
.
Such a classification is, however, hardly a complete one. For
example, in the United States, side by side with the federal laws
(in force for the whole country), providing for compulsory insurance
of workers in certain sectors of the economy, there are local laws
as well covering categories which vary from one State to another:
In Switzerlarid a system insuring all employed workers is in force in 16 cantons, whereas in the other 6, such provision either does
,
not exist; or functions only on a voluntary basis. In countries
having entirely voluntary schemes, it is evident that these are ,Limite ?a ' to the most easily organisable sectors of industry, and thus
exclude not only workers in various branches of the economy. but
also all workers in small-scale industry and in more scattered
sectors of production.
The systems in force vary considerably from one country 'to'
another and range from the absence of any sort of protection right
up to, in some rare cases, the protection of the entire working
population-with the most diverse intermediate stages. The extent
.
of the system naturally depends on economic conditions and on the
struggles of the workers. Thus, for example. in certain countries
where there is only a certain amount of scattered unemployment,,
may be explained b the fact that unemPto
the lack. of protection y by Y
minor and local significance. In case of a
rit has only a
me
temporary worsening a provisional help is provided which eases, the
be dealt `with as soon as the
pressure thus enabling the problem to
crisis 'stage is past.
,
We can find indirect confirmation of this analysis, . in ,. ? studyin
which categories of workers are most, frequently excluded from the
..,
right to unemployment protection in the capitalistsounlpies ; These. are in effect, the weakest and poorest groups, who find : it particu,-
..:.
?Y difficult organise any fig by ht b ; reason of. the nature caf their
l to .
14
work, in which there is no concentration of workers. Such are
agricultural vorkers seasonal and domestic workers, and in certain
.
cases workers engaged in small undertakings or handicrafts, or
workers receivin : wages below a certain minimum level. It is
evident that exclusions of this kind are not made by reason of the
absence of unemployment risk, or the absence of economic need-
which is the fundamental reason for bringing about the adoption
of. sonic form of social protection against unemployment. In fact
it is probable that these categories of workers suffer on the average
more frequently from unemployment and that their economic
situation is in general worse. These exclusions are actually due
to the fact that, arising from the low degree of organisation of
these workers, the employers, by not including them in the system,
are able to secure considerable economies. Thus they have also
at their disposal a body of unemployed not receiving any compen-
sation, and tending by their unlimited competition on the labour
market to exercise a downward pressure on wages.
A rapid examination of the laws in force in countries posses-
sing some kind of protection allows us to form a sufficiently clear
idea of the kind of exclusion carried out in respect to employed
'workers.
there is no exclusion in Australia, New Zealand, Great Britain
and the 16 Swiss cantons, which have introduced a system
embracing all employed workers. In the countries where there is
.,
only inconsiderable and temporary unemployment, as for example
~
Austria, Nor\vav and Holland, there are fairly considerable
ecePttons. In Norwasy, for example, not only employees in public
~
.services, but also ?"lshermen, domestic workers and all those earning
less than (j0t) crowns a year are, in practice, excluded from
insurnce. This, moreover, holds good for all \\'orkers without
permanent occupation, that is to say precisely those who have the
s
greatest need of benefits in order to make up their insufficient
+neome. In Austria, public officials and employees, agricultural
.workers, foresters and domestic staffs are not included in the
insurance. In the Netherlands, insurance covers all employed
v~iorkers, with the exception of domestic workers with an income
Tower than 6,000 florins a year. In prance, a country possessing
one of the most inclusive systems, since it embraces not only
emrlcyed \vorkers, but a!so-which exists in no other country not
possessing a social security system for all workers-writers, artists
possessing
.and young people in search of their first employment, seasonal
workers are nevertheless left without protection.
Countries with more unemployment, like Belgium and the
United States, have unemployment insurance systems with very
serious exclusions. In Belgium, apprentices, domestic workers
and. workers in pudic services are not included in the system. In
_cd.dition there are certain restrictions for agricultural workers. In
the United States, a highly developed country where un?mploy-
' ent, already high enough in normal times, reaches terrifying
15
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
proportions in periods of crisis, the following categories are in
practice excluded from every kind of protection by either federal
or state legislation : all workers in the federal or local public services, agricultural workers, domestic workers, and all those
V
working in concerns which have too few workers to come under
the unemployment laws. Thus. in effect. unemployment protection
-
covers only workers in large-scale industry.
In. countries where there is considerable inherent unemploy-
ment there are also very restrictive systems in being. In Western
GermanY, although there is no system of protection on a national
scale. but only local systems, the exclusion of agricultural workers,
of domestic and seasonal workers can he considered an accom-
plished fact for the whole country. In Italy, agricultural and
seasonal workers. workers in public services, and those not Lavin
g
continuous employment are excluded, as well as all part-time
workers.
It is appropriate to make some observations on the technical
difficulties which it is claimed are involved in establishing protec-
tion against unemployment in agriculture and in general in seasonal
and non-permanent occupations. and which the ruling class makes
use of as a pretext to justify its failure to meet its obligations.
When it is a matter of unemployment or of being temporarily out of employment (as we shall see, these are two quite different
problems). the lu ion s is particularly easy to find. It is evident
that it is a question rather of insuring the workers against a future,
uncertain risk. by guaranteeing a certain income for the period
already known in advance, during which these workers, for reasons
independent of their will. are unable to work at their usual trade,
or in any other Jjob, since there is an absence of demand. It is
thus a matter of guaranteeing a yearly reserve of income, whose
size should he related to the duration of employment in the given
sector, and also to the possibility possessed by the particular
economies to utilise the man-Power available during the " off-
season " in other sectors. The matter is therefore far from being
without a solution. In confirmation of this. it is sufficient to cite
the fact that this problem has been concretely solved in numerous
capitalist countries without the emergence of any of the difficulties
warned against.
;'>ecessar1 Conditions for the Right to Benefits
As lit' have already said. an insurance system does not guarantee..
'
even in the best examples. anything but incomplete and defec-
titie protection. In reality. the first and principal effect of such.
-
'stems is to exclude from the right to benefit a fairy- considerable
section of the workers. `he workerseven those included in the system. since
one llIUSt satisfy conditions of contribution or employment quali-
fication before acquiring the right to benefits. The worker must.
in order to be able to claim compensation, be in a position to prove
Workers queueing up for work at Labour Exchanges, Although factories
engaged on rearmament are employing more workers, war preparations
have produced mass dismissals in the consumer goods industries. The
United States television industry has dismissed 10,000 workers in recent
weeks.
a certain sum of contributions, or a certain period of employment
during a prescribed period preceding the unemployment. Since
no contributions can be paid if the worker is not occupied in a
branch of industry where insurance is obligatory, the right to
benefits is made dependent on the work recently performed. There
can be no question that within the framework of capitalist economy.
the establishment of such qualifications ~ is unjustifiable, since the
possibility of obtaining work does not depend only on the will of
the worker. Under such conditions, all young ll }young people in search of
their first jobs are automatically excluded from the right to benefits,
even in cases s where this is s not stipulated by _
f law.
Among the existing systems of unemployment protection-
without speaking eaking of Australia and New Zealand, where this protec-
tion covers the entire working population without any other
consideration than economic need-the French system is the only
one to admit young people seeking their first employment to the
right to claim compensation, if they are less than 17 years old.
providing roviding that there exists an unemP-lo}yment fund and have com-
pleted their studies more than a 'year before, and are registered
with an official employment bureau.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
The significance of the exclusion of young people in countries
'with permanent unemployment, is absolutely clear. An increasing
number of workers will be unable to find work, will be left without
resources, and will exert pressure on the labour market, thus
lowering the standard of living of the mass of the working class.
in. countries where unemployment is only temporary, absorption
into Production of new contingents of man-power never follows at
once. Moreover, the process of absorption may be considerably
slowed down by the effects of a crisis which throws young people
out of work. They are not absorbed into production until
economic recovery begins to make itself felt. Thus, even in
countries which normally make use of their new sources of power,
young workers may remain without work for a considerable time-
without having the right to claim benefit.
The fact that such conditions as the payment of contributions
or a time qualification are exacted, excludes from the right to
benefits all those who for one reason or another have not been in
a position to fulfil the necessary conditions before becoming
i.inemPtoYed. The extent of these exclusions depends naturally on
the conditions exacted and the situation in the labour market of
.the country concerned.
These conditions, although varying considerably from country
to_country. all display a tendency to exclude the greatest possible
number of the unemployed. In order to have the right to claim
benefit, it is necessary in Great Britain to have paid contributions
for 26 weeks. In Norway, 45 insurance weeks over the 4 years
preceding the unemployment are demanded, and in Austria, 20
insurance vreeks during the course of the year preceding the
compensation claim. In the Netherlands, 156 working days during
the foregoing year are requited. In Belgium 6 months of work
l,~~
over the last 10 months receding the benefit claim are necessar
P ~ Y
in sectors where insurance is compulsory, while in Italy a worker
must have been insured for at least 2 years, of which l year at
least must ~ have been during the past 2 years.
.
Duration of Benefits
system based on the principle of insurance is incapable of
Aguaranteeing benefits for the entire period of unemployment,
even in cases of temporary unemployment, and above all when unemployment
~ is increasing as a result of a cyclical crisis. Since
this kind of system is the most widespread, it follows that in the
~aPitalist countries social protection is, in the majority of cases,
limited in respect of its duration. The only exceptions are
Australia and New Zealand, which have instituted a social security
organisation, and also France and Belgium, whose legislation takes
no account of time limits for the receipt of benefit.
In certain cases, the limitation of the duration is uniformly
applied to all insured persons. En others an extension (equally
limited) is only granted if the contributions of the person insured
exceed the required minimum by a fixed amount. In others again,.
the duration of benefit is made dependent on qualifications in time
(for example, 1 week of benefit for 2, 3, or 4 weeks of
contributions).
In Great Britain, for example, benefits are granted for a
period of. 180 daYs,. which is extended to one year, if the insured
person has paid at least 50 contributions during the year preceding
his last benefit claim. After the expiration of the benefit period,.
the unemployed person must, in order to be able to receive com-
pensation again, be able to show a credit of 13 other weekly
contributions. In Austria, benefits are granted for a period of 12
weeks, if contributions have been paid over at least 20 weeks;
for 20 weeks, if 30 weekly contributions have been lodged in the
course of the 2 Years preceding the demand: for 30 weeks, if
during the course of the 5 years preceding the demand, contri-
butions have been paid for 30 weeks at the minimum. In Italy,.
the duration of benefit is for 180 days, without regard to the time
over which contributions have been lodged. In the Union of South
Africa, one week of benefit is granted for 4 weeks of contributions,.
in Norway one week of benefits for 3 contribution weeks with a
maximum of 15 weeks of compensation annually. In the Nether-
lands, unemployed people have the right to 48 days of compensa-
tion paid out by the professional insurance organisation and to
78 days of benefit paid out by the ordinary insurance, or, if he
does not possess the right to trade insurance, he receives benefits
paid out by the ordinary insurance over a period of 126 days.
Without paying attention to the method which determines the
duration of benefits, it is apparent that its limitation is characterised
by y the exclusion from compensation of all unemployed who, after
the expiration of the limits laid down, have not been absorbed
into production. Wherever unemployment has a permanent
character, this is the equivalent of depriving the protection scheme
of part of its value. Added to the other disqualifications, there
results a profound difference between the number of unemployed
who receive assistance and the actual number of unemployed, of
which the first represents only a small percentage of the second.
(For example, in Italy, the numbers benefiting from unemployment
allocations represent only 10-12% of the total numbers of
registered unemployed).
Such limitations also involve exclusions from the right to
claim compensation in situations of temporary unemployment. In
the United States, only 50% of the unemployed receive benefits:
in Switzerland, 40%; in Austria about 70g . In normal times the
o ~o
severity of these exclusions is determined by the duration of the
period for which. compensation is payable and by the mobility of
labour, and in the last analysis by the volume and character of
unemployment. In times of crisis, the volume of exclusions
increases as the crisis itself grows more serious.
In some countries, as for example in Great Britain and
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
19
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Austria, the unemployed person whose right to obtain allowance
has expired before he has found work and who is in a state of
need, is able to claim certain other benefits, in most cases without
any time limit. However these benefits are not granted in the
form of insurance benefits, but as public relief. Parallel with the
insurance systems there thus exist assistance schemes financed not
by contributions, but by taxation. This double system of protec-
tion, when at a given moment relief takes the place of insurance
which has run out, exists only in very few countries, where, b
Y Y - by
reason of the local characteristics of unemployment, relief only
entails a very limited expenditure, since not only the number of
beneficiaries utilising these systems is small, but, moreover, the
benefits available are inferior to those granted by the insurance
organisations.
The reason for which such " insurance criteria " are to he
found in almost all unemployment protection systems is
y
undoubtedly explained by the two-fold interest of the employers
to pay out as little as possible and to keep the unemployed in the
worst economic conditions, in order that they should constitute a
factor tending to lower the 'age of the employed workers. In fact.
the short analysis that we have just made clearly , demonstrates
that the workers excluded from lJprotection-the young people in
~
search of their first job, the unemployed who are unable to satisfy
the contribution demands, and those who are left without work
after the expiration of the period of compensation-constitute a
considerable mass of unemployed, unable to obtain compensation
and exercising for these reasons severe competition on the labour
market.
Befefit Scales
THE real_ scale of the benefits allowed in the different countries
varies considerably. They can be either fixed for the duration of
the benefit or they y can vary according to a given index or according
to the cost of living or level of wages. The benefits can be set at
a uniform amount for all insured people or they can vary according
to the amount of contributions made, according to trade qualifi-
cations or according to the wages drawn.
It is necessary to make special mention of benefits which are
not fixed. By this we mean benefits granted according to systems
which do not take into account any changes in the cost of living,
except by special decision, as for example by a law establishing a
new amount of compensation.
This kind of benefit is characteristic not only of countries
with a relatively stable currency, but also of countries with an
unstable currency, such as Italy and Austria. Now a system of
fixed benefits presents in the present stage of capitalism a serious
threat to the real value of the benefits. All recent experience shows
us that a stable currency under capitalism cannot be achieved.
The sharpening of capitalist contradictions by imperialist wars and
compelled the final abandonment of any
periodic cases have
stable currency. Currency manipulation has become a characteristic
of., present-day capitalism. Further, all-out rearmament creates,
inflation. flat~on. This is why a system of fixed benefits under present
permitting the employers to decide the real
conditions amounts to value of benefits.
Scales of benefit in capitalist countries are fixed according
to the balance of class forces. But if we examine the extent to
which the level of benefits varies we find that only in exceptional
cases does this exceed two thirds of the average wage. In the
between 60?i' and R0% according to the
Netherlands, benefits vary ,~ /
number of dependents ,this percentage in. fact includes the family
allowance lowancv supplements which implies the renunciation of family
l.
allowance,. In other countries the scale is much lower: in Austria
from .>8, to 0~'/, in Great Britain, below 40%. In Belgium it
~~ ,, ,~
is 5e wage for unskilled labour (i.e., the lowest wage).
t% ) n of t11i ,
In the Scandinavian countries it stands at about two-thirds of the
age and in ltal at less than 30"? (including supplements for
dependents).
The compensation scales although generally including supple-
ments for dependents, are nevertheless expressed as a percentage
tf the net wage, excluding r the family allowance. The compensation
~
eived therefore represents a considerably lower percentage of
received
the worker's ordinary income.
The low general !evel of allowances is mainly due to the
tendency of the employers to impose the biggest possible economies.
In the countries where unemployment is temporary and affects few
people the desire of the employers to use unemployment to force
down wages also plays a part. The lower the benefits, the more the unemployed person. is driven to exert pressure on the labour
,,,,
market by his search for work. That is why in certain countries
where benefits are not limited with respect to time, and are still
paid after the expiration of the right to draw benefit, the amount
is reduced after a certain period. in this way the unemployed person, his resources further reduced, is even more " inclined" to
ask less for his labour power. In France, compensation is in this
way reduced by 20% after one year of assistance, and thereafter
by ~o 1.0?~ for each subsequent year. In Great Britain public assis-
tare benefits are less than three quarters of the benefits paid out
by the insurance.
When benefits are ridiculously low (as in general is the case in. . countries having high permanent unemployment, and where
only a small number of unemployed receive assistance after the
expiry of the insurance benefits), not oniY is the effect which they
exert on the consumer goods market a minimum one as a result
of the very .. insignificant sums paid. but further than this, demand
tends to fall.
21
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Finance and Organisation
FINANCING differs considerably from country to country, both
as regards method and the source. A simple classification of
methods may be made as follows.
(a) Financing ing exclusively by the State, which covers costs
by taxation. This method is used not only in countries with 'a
social security system, but equally in other countries:
,
(b) Financing partially by the State, partially by contrA-
butions. State assistance may be expressed by an annual
appropriation of a stated sum, as in Great Britain, or by an.
appropriation when the need arises, as in Belgium and
Norway. Contributions may be shared between workers and
employers, in equal or unequal parts, as is the case in.
practically every country, or may be the exclusive responsi-
bility of the workers, as in Sweden and Switzerland.
c) Financing only by contributions, without any assis-.
tance from the State. In this case also, the contributions may
be shared between. the workers and the employers, or may be
the responsibility of a single category, as in Italy, where they
are borne f:xclusively by the employers.
Contributions may be based on a fixed scale, or may be made
proportional to wages, with a top limit, or again may be propor-
tional to the real income. In Great Britain, Norway and Austria
contributions are fixed. In other countries where financing is
carried out by contribution, a top limit exists.
The effects of financing exclusively by contributions totally or
partially supported by the industrial enterprises are well-known. A system of this sort determines the amount of contribution levied
in relation to the demands of compensation and not to the income
of the particular industrial concern. That is to say, that the
economic possibility of supporting the expenditure is not taken into
account. This has the effect of favouring all activities requiring
a small labour force, that is, utilising mechanised processes, which
are in short the large monopolist undertakings. The others who
are obliged to employ many work people, and who belong to the
less monopolised sectors of the economy, are put at a disadvantage..
Furthermore, contributions b are like taxation of wages, used as a
pretext to reduce employment.
The introduction of a top limit for contributions, or still
worse, the establishment of a fixed contribution scale, brings about
the suppression of any , relationship between income and contribu-
tion. In other words, if a wage exceeds the maximum limit, or
if the contribution. is fixed, any extension of the working day fails
to bang with it an increase in contributions which has the same
effect as reducing the cost of overtime work and permitting the
substitution of overtime for the taking-on of fresh workers. Fur-
thermore this tendency considerably increases the injustice
existing in the distribution of the costs of social protection in
22
respect of certain branches of production. In fact it increases the
possibility of making the branches of industry with a large iun-
skilled labour force (where wages are below average) bear the main.
burden, whereas those branches of production which employ a
small number of specialist workers (whose wages are above the
.
average) are able to profit from the fact that the cost of specialised
work does not cost more. In this way the strongest among the
me~ to yers' groups-those dominating the great monopoly con-
employers'
cerns with a high level of mechanisation and employing a certain
number of specialist workers-succeed in passing on the greatest
burden of insurance costs to small and medium industry. This
defective distribution exists in the same country between the
more economically developed sectors and the more backward
sectors. In the case of the first, a considerable part of the wages
are above the average, while in the others, the wages are average.
That is to say that the deductions will be greater in relation to
income in the second group, i.e., precisely in the poorest sectors.
Contributions imposed on the workers represent an absurdity
from any point of view. The insurance benefits form a part of
the income of the working class, that is to say of the price of
their labour power. It is therefore quite obvious that the price
of labour, in other words the wage, plus the parts of the wage
which are really a form of delayed investment, i.e., contributions
or taxes, which are the equivalent of benefits---must be paid b;
the employers. From this it follows that not only the contribu-
tions, but also taxation destined to finance the benefits (in
Hundreds of unemployed queue every day outside the Bureau of Native
Affairs in Johannesburg, South Africa. If they cannot find work within
three days, they are liable to be expelled from the city area and sent to
work in the countryside.
23
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
countries where insurance is financed with assistance from the
State). must come out of profits in all its forms-industrial profit,
rent and interest. Where the State participates in financing, this
must be utilised to adjust the cost of insurance according to
economic capacity (a function which a system based on contri-
butions is unable to accomplish). The collection of the requisite
amounts should be carried out by a personal and progressive tax
on unearned income, and not by indirect taxation, which has to
be supported by the workers in their capacity as consumers, and still less by a percentage
tax (as is the case in New Zealand) where
J
the same percentage is subtracted from all incomes.
As to the orga:usation of insurance schemes, we find here
a great diversity or
: forms.
In certain countries. insurance is directly administered by
authority., as in Great Britain and Luxembourg. In
government
other countries, Italy r the Netherlands, by one or several auto-
nomous institutions; in other countries like the United States, by
local government organs: in others as in France, by regional, local
or professional funds: and finally in some countries, as in Denmark
,,
directly ~ ~, } r the trade unions. The degree of workers participation
in management is equally very diverse. There is none when the
insurance schemes or social security are directly administered by
government or local authorities (Australia. New Zealand, Great
Britain. Austria, etc.) In other cases, the workers participate in
inan igement together with the employers, and generally speaking
v th government representatives. In practice even in the best cases.
only a minority of the workers participate in the management of
this form of social protection in capitalist countries.
24
25
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
COMPLETE PROTECTION AGAINST
UNEMPLOYMENT
OUR examination has established that unemployment is a normal
phenomenon of capitalism. We have shown its manifestation
,
in present-day conditions, and also the forms and extent of social
protection provided for in particular countries.
We have seen that social protection does not exist in many
countries, and that the problem of making both ends meet while
unemployed is left to the individual worker. We have seen how in
other countries, far from there being guaranteed protection for the
~vhole working class, such protection is limited to certain categories
of workers who sometimes only represent a minority of the
working population who must have been able to satisfy certain
conditions laid down, in the matter of contributions made or work
done. Finally, we have seen that the benefits are inadequate and
everywhere are limited in duration. Thus, in the great majority of
everywhere
countries which have instituted a form of unemployment protection,
this is oaganised on a restrictive basis and is therefore incapable of
insuring satisfactory protection.
The Right to Social Protection
The first problem is to define the number of people to be
covered by unemployment insurance. We have seen that in the
schemes at present in force, protection is extended to various cate-
gories of workers either because they are insured or because the
scheme covers the industry in which they work. In other words,
the right to claim protection is conditioned. Any reform having
for its sole aim the inclusion in the existing scheme of ^ certain
categories of workers at present excluded from it, for examples
~.
agricultural, seasonal or domestic workers, would only mean a
purely quantitative change affecting the numbers entitled to social protection . without at all altering its restrictive conditions.
We must. however, reaffirm the principle that social protec-
tion must aPP1Y to every worker who becomes unemPtoYed
without regard to whether he is registered with an insurance scheme,
or he has worked in a prescribed job.
whether
Production is not a series of private acts, but a collective act
of society. The right to obtain protection must for this reason be
based on the fact that the workers as a class produce the national
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
wealth, and that the incident covered by the protection occurs
independently of their will. In fact, in capitalist society the possi-
bility of finding work does not depend on the wish of the worker,.
but on the demand for labour and in the last analysis, on the
organisation of production. If capitalist production, being based.
on private profit and not the needs of consumption, 1s unable to
make use of the available labour, then it must at least guarantee
adequate social protection to workers whom unemployment has
left without resources.
Social protection against unemployment is therefore a right
which is applicable to the whole working class without exception.
Not only workers employed in industry but also groups of young
workers, agricultural, seasonal and domestic workers and others at
present excluded by legislation in almost every capitalist country,
must be covered.
As soon as we recognise the right of the whole working class
to receive unemployment protection, it becomes clear that benefits
will apply to any unemployed person who can prove he is a worker,.
without any condition of insurance qualification, of contributions
or of work.
There can be no question that this qualification must apply to
all those who, before losing their employment, have worked in
some sector or other of production or distribution. It is a different
matter for young people in. search of their first employment and
for agricultural workers, who at the same time, are owners of a
small holding incapable of absorbing, and in consequence of
repaying all their labour power. For the first group the difficulty
can. be easily overcome, by fixing a minimum age-at the end of
the compulsory education, period or at the beginning of the legal
working age-for compulsory registration with an employment
:
bureau which amounts to a certificate of qualification to become
a worker.
The question of the agricultural worker is more complicated.
This includes also owners of small holdings which prove insufficient
to afford them full subsistence. But in this case also the difficulties
arising when it is necessary to assess them as workers with a right
to social protection can be overcome, since it is possible to establish
the period of real unemployment during the year.
It is necessary to protect every worker not merely against
absolute unemployment but also against partial unemployment,
resulting in a partial loss of income.
Duration and Scale of Benefits
HAVING defined the categories entitled to social protection during
unemployment, and the bask conditions for the granting of
benefits, we must now determine the nature of this compensation.
The aim of a complete scheme of protection must necessarily
be (if protection is not to degenerate into charity) the defence of
the living standards of the working class against all risks of society
L
Ib
27
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
which are attended by a loss or diminution of income, an increase
of expenditure, or both occurring simultaneously. The scheme
must therefore provide specific benefits which will permit those
. affected to get by without a serious lowering of their living condi-
tions. This is why, from the moment when a social security
system has been put into operation, the living standards of the
working class will depend not merely on total earnings (i.e., after
deduction of all stoppages), but also on the sum of benefits, whether
these replace the wage (as sickness, accident and unemployment
allowances) or whether they add to it (as family allowances).
To the worker, unemployment means a loss of earnings. It
is naturally accompanied by a lowering of his living standards and
constitutes an extra burden for the employed members of his family.
Social protection against such an eventuality must therefore neces-
sarily provide adequate compensation to make up for the wage he
previously received.
Taking into consideration that the right to unemployment pro-
tection applies to all workers from the moment of unemployment,
and that the aim of this protection is to maintain a certain living
standard, the cash benefits should cover the whole period of
unemployment, without conditions or time limits. The latter
actually has no valid justification except in the desire to save a
portion of the benefits. If a time limit should be established, the
effect could only be to exclude from compensation all those who,
through no fault of their own, were unable to find employment.
r ~
Benefits must cover the entire period of unemployment. They
fl-lust. be granted until the moment when the out-of-work person,
who must be registered with an employment bureau, receives an
offer of work at his own trade. It is obvious that an offer of work
at Some other trade cannot be used as an excuse to terminate
benefit.
it would otherwise be really too simple for the ruling class to
reduce the number of 'benefit. n those receiving I circumstances
where there is no possibility of taking on workers with given trade
qualifications ,the protection scheme must itself set about organising
retraining courses, with the aim of facilitating the o
g ~ absorption of
the unemployed into economic life.
It is more complicated to fix the rates of benefit than . to
decide the duration period, in spite of the fact that we have already
defined the aim of social protection as the defence of the living
standards of the workers. For obvious reasons it is impossible to
demand full-scale compensation for the worker, i.e., compensation.
equalling the amount of wages previously earned or which would
have been earned if the worker had been allowed to take part in
production.
On the other hand it is impermissible that the benefits should
be so low as to create a considerable gap between the living stan-
dard of the unemployed, and that of the unemployed, workers. If
this were the case, the very aim of social protection would be corn-
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
promised, without mentioning the drastic reduction in demand for
consumer goods which would follow, with the consequent threat.
to wages resulting from the competition taking place on the labour
market.
In. order to determine the scale of benefit, it is necessary there-
fore to take the various factors into account. Benefits must ensure
the unemployed person not merely a simple existence, but also a
given and determinable living standard on the basis of concrete
needs, which should approximate to those of. the employed workers.
If the level of wag ~ es in a given country allows the working class to
enjoy only a very reduced living standard ,compensations must not
be allowed to differ at all significantly from this level, while in
cases where the wage level is more favourable to the workers. the
gap may be wider although to a limited extent. In any case, we
are of the opinion that the scale of real compensation should vary
between 70% and 85% of normal income. Benefits below this
level would he insufficient to satisfy the most essential and imme-
diate needs. In fact, if we examine the average level of wages in
the capitalist countries, we can establish that the greatest proportion
of wages is absorbed by the most urgent needs, such as food.
clothing and housing. Any \vorsening of the situation makes it
extremely difficult to satisfy those basic needs.
It goes without saying that the living standard of the unem-
ployved person depends o ~ on his right to benefit and on the value
of the latter. But the living standard of the unemployed is not a
,.
matter which concerns them alone, since the lack of any adequate
protection compels them to offer their labour power at a price
lower than that demanded by the employed workers. The existence
of a proper unemployment protection system and the struggle to
obtain it are thus of direct interest to the entire working class, not
only because its members may ; in future be caught by r unemploy-
ment. but above all as a medium of defence and in order to
eliminate the obstacles which hinder the improvement of wage
levels. This common interest must therefore form the basis of
unit} ~~ between all workers, in the struggle fora proper unemploy-
ment protection scheme.
If we tackle the question. of compensation scales. we must. con-
cern ourselves with the problem of how to determine this compen-
sation. We already know why it is necessary- to do away with
benefits of fixed amount. since these are incapable of being adapted
automatically to a new situation.
If protection is to be limited merely to guaranteeing a certain
purchasing power to the unemployed, it would be necessary to
establish the relationship between the benefits and the cost of
living. in this manner the real value of the compensation, ex-
pressed in consumer goods, would be able to adapt itself more or
less completely to the variations in the value of money. Thus we
would have succeeded in ensuring the " constancy " of benefits in
kind. expressed in consumer goods, without reference to the
The Government should help us to live, not die,"-says this banner
carried by these unemployed Italian workers.
development of wages. In other words, if employed workers were
to obtain a wage increase during the period in question, without
the cost of living being affected the real value of the compensation
would nevertheless remain constant, which means that the gap
between the living standards of the employed and unemployed
workers would be increased.
If, on the other hand, we mean to defend the standard of living
of the working class by means of social protection. then comPensa-
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
t be equal to wages. Earnings will tend to rise
tron must necessarily
g irises even where there is no provision for a
iF the cost of living
sliding scale, since workers are particularly inclined to fight to
b
maintain the real level of their wages. But the workers' fight is
not confined to this field and it tends just as much to improve
living standards at the expense of profits. If, however, compen-
wa?ges and follows wage advances, it is then
ation is linked to ~ ~
c
adapted automatically not only when the cost of living goes up,
but also when there is any real improvement won by the working
class. In this way the ties between the employed and unemployed workers can be strengthened and the direct interest of the
unemployed aroused in all wage battles.
of social protection against unemployment must not
- SCHEME
t
l
o
so see
the allocation of benefits, but must a
limit itself to
facilitate the re-entry of ~" the unemployed into production. Under
she anarchy of capitai1, production, a situation is often found
st \vhe.re there is a relative excess of manpower in one industry and
a relative scarcity - in another. On other occasions, unemployment
.
arises from technical changes in production, which result in certain
s being no longer required, while a new
specialist qualifications ~
demand arises for different qualifications. Often the absorption
of labour forces is hindered by the lack of trained personnel, either
in an absolute sense or in relation to the qualifications sought.
Other things being n equal. those possessing ossessing the necessary skill stand
the best chance of obtaining work.
dou'ot society is interested in having at its disposal a
Without
suitably qualified labour force (from the technical point of view).
right to be
Equally ~ the workers have the ri~ productively employed,
which for instance> Nikolai Alexandrovich and
I had an argument about what day this is-Saturday or
(Animation and laughter.
Sunday. ( )
In the few days we have been in India we have seen much
and learned much. We have accumulated a mass of impres-
sions. Today ~ we drove about your fine city. HowmanY people,
young and old, came out into the streets what cries of
89
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 11
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
welcome expressing ressing the friendship and regard of the
b
Indian eo le for the eo les of the Soviet Union. tA lr
plause.
We should be very ett y indeed if w
p ~ we thought that the
friendship and regard manifested by the Indian I)r,o1plc, ~vcjc,
meant for me m friend Nikolai Alexandr vi and y , o ch, a~i _( the
other friends who have come here with us. They express
the love and respect of the Indiaii f people or the peoples of
the Soviet Union.
What have the peoples of the Soviet s > >
et Union done to cle~cive
the deep affection and warm gratitude of the great 1~eoI~Ic of India?
I ask this question because the
appearance of our Soviet
state, a slate organized on new was greeted b
principles, y
the capitalist world very ungraciously,
Indeed with hostil-
ity. But des ite this our state steadily
p grew and devel-
oped.
We have advanced a very long way sine
~ e the establishment
of the Soviet state. The great Lenin, and the Communist
Part he founded issued the call for
Y peace and for the biulcl-
ing of a new society in our country, and this call was taken
u b all the peoples. In the early period of Soviet govern-
ment, our country was poverty-stricken and devastated
.
Industry was in a state of disruption. Most of the population
was illiterate. And in these conditions it needed Lenin's
vision, his boldness and to for
perspicacity, esce the, great
future of the new-born workers' and '
peasants state, and to
win the following of all the peoples of our
country.
At that time our enemies said
that before a year was
out the Soviet state would collapse and
Lenin and the
Bolsheviks would have nothing
b for their pairs.
Well what do you think now? Do these gentry qualify
as prophets, or have the no lace among the prophets?
Animation.
90
Far from collapsing, the Soviet country, as you know,
grew into a mighty power with a powerful industry and a
highly developed economy.
Therein lies the strength of our Soviet state? After all
b 9
it came into being against the opposition of all the capi-
talist countries. It received no assistance or capital from
an3gone. On the contrary, everything was done to prevent
.
us the Soviet people, from building up the Soviet state.
`\Tals and economic blockades were organized against us,
and every other obstacle was put in our way. Yet,, despite
all this our country - grew stronger from year to year, built
.
mills and factories universities colleges and schools, raised
its cultural standards and moved steadily forward.
Now the Soviet Union can compare favourably with any
capitalist country as regards the number of intellectuals,
of cng iricers.
\1erein lies our strength? Our strength lies
~-ell, then, ti~J
in the people. The people are the chief capital. They are
the makers of everything mankind has produced.
\'\Te know from our own ext?erience that if a people has
1
won the freedom of its country, it may be illiterate today
but will be literate tomorrow. A man may be illiterate to-
day, only but tomorrow he will not onl y be literate; he may be-
come an engineer or a scientist.
In the early ears of Soviet government we had no intel-
l ibgentsi a of our own. Now we have a numerous people's
intelligentsia, an intelligentsia that has come from the ranks
b
of the workers and peasants. (Applause.) This, friends,
we consider one of our biggest achievements. (Applause.)
.
is it that you applaud us so heartily and greet us
~ o
Why
so amicably? For, you know, there are some who abuse us.
I shall not go in for propaganda and name those who abuse
us. You read lire newspapers, and you know what some of
the representatives of the bourgeois press are writing about
b
91
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
our tour of India. But you don't believe e them. You don't
believe them because you know that all the nasty things
they write about us are sheer slander.
(Applause.)
And we say to these hacks: Write
Y ti hat you like, say
Y , y
what you lilce-dirt does not stick
Y to the clean. (Anima-
tion.) We have a folk saying I should like t
to cite. a mail
the clog barks, the hark '
passes, g ark is carried a\vaY by b~T t.ne wind
,
the man goes on his way. (b
And we, too, are going on our
, g ~, way, a way which human-
ity never yet followed-.----the way of socialist con-
struction. Our country is paving the wa
~ g y to a bright future
for all mankind.
Our people are building a
b communist society, and they
will achieve their goal-they will ,y ~ti I1 build communism.
You >
may respond in different ways to our i
leas. ~. our
conceptions and ours ma cl iffer on a nu
y tuber of questions.
You must choos T
e ~ your o~~ n path of develoI}w ent, that which
pleases you most. Not onl
3 y shall we not trY ~ to deter -on?
,
\ve shall assist ou in the good worIL -
y b of develo1b )Illg yOuI Cou11-
try, for the benefit of yyour real an
g d noble 1LeopIe. AAplazcsr.,)
_
\Ve say, perha s there is somet11tll~ g ' I
. p n of r pTactical expe-
rience that ma suit ou. If so u
Y ~ se it; if not, don't. 'VVc
do not force an ything u
~ ~ poll anyone; we are not seelclrlg to
b
impose any p ~ti olitical oblibgations. ' T
try do ~~e saS this to yau
so frankly, ? Because our att.i rd1
. tt~ towards you is sillccr .
e,
as towards brothers. (APplause.
)
We feel that our welcom
y e to us is a special one. We have
visited man Indian towns and vI'1'
Y rages and hatie seen much.
India toda resembl s
y e a mlbglrtY current that has brolccn
down the obstacles in i r
(s stay and spread far and wide.
That current makes th 1
e o d world tremble. But
we are
glad that the Indian
people have broken ou t f
o colonial
slaver that India has
Y~ embarked on the 1path of rr
dependent
develo ment. A
p pplayzse.)
92
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
WhY do we feel about India like tlris, and why are cer-
tai ather countries averse to India's independent develop-
me ~ n
rit? Because it is not our object to take advantage of the
weakness of your industrial development; but certain other
~
countries \vant to exPloit this weakness for gain.
\-Ve wan t to see yyou rap ~ idl 1 building 3 your own mills and
fa~ c'orie ~ s. You showed us today a ver fine college. It will
y
not b be long bef ore 5you see yourselves that it is a small col-
lege, that rt Is only a bebginning.
We sincerely - wish that India maY become as great arld
st b rong economically y as she is reat todaY in spirit in cul-
~'
and moral grandeur. We should like her to have a highly
ture b
develoA ~ ed industr ', an advanced agriculture and a high
national standard of living. We, on our part, are react y
to help 5ou in this good and splendrd cause. (AAPlause. )
Friends in the speech he made here, the MaSTor of your
citY sp ~ oke ver y well about the Five Principles which were
first Proclaimed in the Joint Statement signed b Mr. Nehru
~'
and our great friend Chou Bn-lai. (A1pplause.) These prin-
ciples were endorsed in the Soviet-Indian Statement signed in
Moscow during Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru's visit to the Soviet
Union. It is on this document that we base our relations
with your country.
As I have sald there are some points bofh-of method
and tlreory-on which we differ. We do not conceal
it , nor do 3you. But this does not prevent us from being friends.
Wh y? Because neither of us has anY evil designs on the
~
other. You really are our sincere friends, and we are your
best friends and brothers . (APPlause. ) Here we have a graphic
exam ple of Peaceful co-existence of countries with different
social s}ystems.
r ll c untris: let us live in friendshi
~~ e propose to a o e p
instead of quarrelling and attacking one another in the
pTess and 1public statements. But we also franklY sa3 T that
93
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
94
the Soviet Union from the air, and conversely, the Soviet
Union to control the territory of the United States, we
shall have no tall~s with you on questions of disarmament.
It is obvious to all that this form of control is unaccept-
able because it does not solve the problem. Assume that
American aircraft begin to fly over the Soviet Union, and Soviet aircraft over the United States. What will be the
use? The aircraft will fly, and the airmen will see: there is
a town here, b a village there; here troops are stationed, there
some factories are located. Supposing we see that the Ameri-
cans have a large number of airfields. In that case we shall
have to conclude that we must make more headway so as
not to fall behind, and build several more airfields. (Anima-
tion.) The Americans, in their turn, see what we have, and
will also say that they must have more airfields and aircraft,
and perhaps other things too.
hence, if we accept this proposal, it will. onlY lead to an
arms race. \Ye say to the Western statesmen: If you are
afraid to disarm, to destroy S your bomb stocks, let us
pledge our word of honour as gentlemen that none of us
'vill ever employ atomic weapons. They reply l that the
~ Y Iy Y
cannot pledge their word, because, supposedly, they need
hydrogen and atomic bombs to maintain "equilibrium."
And what does this "equilibrium" mean? It means an arms
race. Hence, considerable resources, a substantial propor-
tion of the national labour goes not for the peaceful develop-
went of the country, but for military purposes. Can we
continue to reduce armaments unilaterally, when the Western
Powers do not want to do likewise? I shall answer this
question in the words of a Russian sa3ling: if you live with
b ~
wolves, you must howl like a wolf. Animation.
If the \Vestern Powers do not want to prohibit the pro-
duction of atomic and hydrogen weapons, if they do not
even want to e b ledge their word to prohibit their employ-
95
we do not like the capitalist method of
! economic of gani-
zation, just as not ever gone likes our nmtho
dU.
Let us, we urge the leaders of the capitalist
b states, prove
in practice which system is the best. Let us compete without
war. (Applause. Is that a bad ?
,
proposal t,tter, sure,)
) It is bettor', surely,
than to say, let us compete and see - who produces the most
weapons and who smashes the oche
r, flat would be compel r -
tion against the interests of the people,
competition in
annihilating human beings. AVh~
b ~tt we propose is peaceful
competition in raising the living standards
~ of all peoples.
W e stand, and always shall
stand, for such com etiti
p on as
will help to promote the prosperity of the
. peoples, to
raise
their living standards. Therefore,
g our proposals are very
clear and comprehensible.
They are comprehensible
Y to all
people. And I am sure that this clear and ust
J position of
the Soviet Union is welcomed by the Indian people. But we
must view things soberly and b y assess the situation correctly.
Every beast has its
Y own food. ! he tiger, for
example, lives
on meat, and the buffalo on grass. You cannot, force the
buffalo to feed on meat, nor the tiger to feed on grass. (.lnama-
tion. ) I shall not develop this thought any further, so as not
to be suspected of propaganda. I think you understand
~ it.
(Animation and applause.)
Friends, we have put r
, foiti~ard tier clear
proposals on disar-
mament. The Ilavor r
of your city pointed y pited out here that like a number of other for-
eign countries, still lacks objective information about our
life about the specific aspects of our economic social and
political system.
For instance it is asked: why is there only one party in
the U.S.S.R.? This question evidently springs from a
lack of understanding g of the fundamentals of our socialist
society.
As you know, it is in the nature of the bourgeois class
state to have many Parties; Parties reflect and uphold the
interests of their respective classes and each class naturally
has a party of its own. In the Soviet Union, as a result
of the victory of socialism an entirely new, socialist society
has been established, in which there are no antagonistic
classes no groups whose interests might clash and conflict.
159
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Today we have a homogeneous society, a society which is
strong by virtue of its unity and solidarity.
Pre-revolutionary, tsarist Russia had many parties.
There was a party of the capitalists, a party of the land-
which ambitiously called itself the
lords, a kulak party ~
Socialist-Revolutionary Party, and a party of the working
class the Bolshevik Party, founded by the great Lenin.
the working class to the strug-
This party was able to rally ~
le against the capitalists and landlords, against the tsar-
g b
ist regime. It was able to secure the alliance of the working
b
class and the peasantry. This Party was able to win to the
side of the working class the progressive intelligentsia, arid
under its leadership the Great October Socialist Revolution
was carried out the exploiting classes were defeated and
abolished and a new, socialist society was built. Now the
Soviet people are successfully building a communist society.
Whom could a party of capitalists and landlords represent
today in the Soviet Union? We have no capitalists or land-
lords, and hence the question of having such a party cannot
even arise. Whom could a kulak party represent today in our
country? With the establishment of the collective-farmsYs-
tern, we put an end for ever to the old economic system in
the countryside which daily and hourly gave rise to capital-
ism. Our young people today know about the kulaks only
from books and from the accounts of people of the older
generation.
Soviet society is a society b of working PeoPle of the
workers, peasants and working intellectuals. As has been
recorded in the Constitution of the U.S.S.R., the Commu-
nist Party is the vanguard of the working people in their
struggle for the construction of a communist society, the
leading force of all the working people's organizations both
public and state.
Such is our society and such our system. We do not seek
160
to impose it upon anyone, on an gone, but, frankly speaking, we believe
that it is the best system . There are people who try to make
it appear as if the spread of communist ideas all over the
world is the result of some sort of intrigues on the pare of
knows that long before the
the U.S.S.R., yet everybody b
October Revolution communism existed in Europe and the
communist doctrine founded by lblarx and Engels had struck
by b
root in the toiling masses.
In this connection we would like to dwell also on another
question put to us by l some correspondents-concerning
the Information Bureau of Communist Parties, or Comin-
form, as it is sometimes called. The activities of this organ-
ization to which the Communist Parties of a number of
European countries belong and `whose aim it is to exchange
~
information and experience in the struggle of the working
class for emancipation, worry all those who would like to
perpetuate the old system of exploitation of man by man,
which has outlived its time.
Sometimes the question is put thus: Is there no way of
abolishing the Cominform? But, after all, why should the
Communist Parties deprive themselves of this generally
accepted form of international contact and co-operation?
Why,for instance, do those who seek the abolition of the
Cominform not object to the activities of the Socialist
International, which unites the Social-Democratic Parties?
WT~I'y should they ld 'he, it natural and legitimate for
~ ~ consider
capitalists to unite in international monopoly combines and
meet regularly in order jointly to transact their business,
while denying the working class the right to give effect to
b ~
the great slogan of international solidarity, "Workers of
~
all countries, unite!" Proclaimed by Marx and Engels and
corresponding to the vital interests of all the working people?
b b
We have always stood and always will stand for the
strengthening and development of international co-operation
b ~
6 124G 161
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
of the working class in defence of the vital interests of all
working AeoA b le, and in the struggle for peace.
The Communist Parties, which stand guard over the
interests of the working class and all working people, fol-
low low the most progressive arid humane of all teachings-
the teaching of Marxism-Leninism, the application of which
in the Soviet Union, the Chinese People's Republic and the
People's Democracies has so brilliantly proved its worth.
This teaching is spreading more and more over the whole
world. We are against any "export of revolution," as Lenin
said, for to speak of anything of the kind would be unscien
-
tile, Progressive ideas inevitably make their own way and
triumph over old, outdated ideas. Thus it has always been,
thus it will be in the development of human society.
Such are the remarks we wished to make in connection
with your questions.
Allow me in conclusion to thank you for your attention.
Good-bye.
At the close of the press conference N. S. Khrushchov
thanked the Indian journalists for their impartial and
truthful reporting b
of the visit of N. A. Bulganin and N. S.
Khrushchov to India, and observed that such unbiassed
reporting b serves to strengthen friendly relations between
India and the Soviet Union.
DEPARTURE
OF N. A. BULGANIN AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
FROM INDIA
December 14
SPEECH BY N. A. I3U7.GANIN AT PALAM AIRFIELD
6
Mr. Prime Minister, friends,
The time has come for us to leave your hospitable land.
We have seen and learned a great many fine things dur-
ing our tour of India. It is hard to describe the wealth of
impressions we have obtained in the course of our eventful
visit, Most unforgettable of all were our meetings with the
b b
peoA b le of India, who gave such a sincere expression of their
friendly b feelings for the Soviet Union. We shall tenderly
cherish these friendly
feelings in our hearts.
In the course of our visit we have seen something of
b
India's past, the unforgettable monuments of your ancient
culture, created by the skilled hands of Indian craftsmen.
We have seen your present too-Your towns and rural
localities, and the efforts which the people and the Govern-
ment of India are devoting to the development of your in-
and agriculture.
dustry ;~
We wish you success with all our heart, -
The most important result of our visit to India is that it
will strengthen and promote still further the friendshi
b A
between our nations. The friendship of the Indian and So-
viet peoples is a great historical achievement.
Personal contact between our Governments, which began
with the visit of Prime Minister Nehru to the Soviet Union,
163
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
has been deepened and consolidated by our visit to India.
During our stay here we have had extremely useful talks
.
with Mr. Nehru and other members of the Government of
the Republic of India. These talks were conducted in an
atmosphere of cord ialitY and friendshi p.
The Joint Declaration which was signed yesterday is a document of great historical significance. It is an important
b
contribution to the cause of peace.
Permit me to express to you, Mr. Prime Minister, and to
the Government of India and all the Indian people our most
profound gratitude for your hospitality and your affection
for us.
Long live Indian-Soviet friendship!
b
Good-bye!
Narnastel
SPEECH BY N. S. IiIIII USHCHOY
Dear friends,
a few minutes we shall leave th
In the capital of the country
of the great Indian people.
The reception we have been accorded by the Government
and the people of India has been exceptionally warm and
cordial. I wish once again to express iiiY gratitude ratitude and ap-
red ation to the esteemed Prime Minister of India, Mr.
p
Nehru, the President of the Republic of India, Mr. Prasad
,
the Government of India and the great Indian people for
b
the courtesy b and kindness shown us throughout our stay - in
India.
In the course of our visits to the different towns and
states of India we constantly heard many kind, ardent words
about the friendship between our peoples.
lhjs friendship
will continue to grow ever stronger, for it is surely one of
b ~
the sources of strength for world peace.
We are ha that our visit to the Republic of
happy India
161
has served this noble cause. But our trip and our talks with
the leaders of India would not have yielded such tangible
and valuable results had we not met with the necessary un-
derstanding on the part of our Indian friends.
The identity of the views of India and the Soviet Union
on the further strengthening of friendship between our two
b
countries and on major international issues has found ex-
pression in the Joint Soviet-Indian Declaration signed yester-
day. Dear friends, when Mr. Nehru, on the termination of
his tour of the Soviet Union, took leave of our country . and
its people he said that he had left a part of his heart in our
~
country. And . now as we take leave of you, of the great
people of India, 1 realize how true are these simple but
profound words. Part of my Heart, too, will remain here in
India. And in my Heart there has grown and become
firmly rooted an ardent love for India and her people. We
are happy to havegaired so many great, good friends here;
we are happy that the friendship between our two countries
has become stronger than ever.
b
. Never has the friendship of our peoples and countries been
darkened by enmity or conflict. And we are deeply convinced
that it never will be. We shall do everything thing in our power
to foster the friendship between the peoples of our coun-
tries so that it may y be eternal and unbreakable.
Good-bye, dear friends! Till we meet again!
~
Narnastel
The speeches by y N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov were
repeatedly interrupted by stormy applause. Their conclud-
ing words were drowned in enthusiastic of "B lgap'
b cheers o u b in
and Khrushchov zindabad!" (Long ? live Bulganin and Khru-
b
shchov!), "Hindi Rusi bha'i bha'il" Indians and Russians
are brothers!
6* 1246 165
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
SPEECH BY JAtiVA73A1tLAL NEIiRU
"Eminent guests dear
friends
"A short while ago Mr.
Bul anin and Mr. Khr
g ushchov fiat
set foot on Indian soil. Today these guests are leaving our
country. The last few days which they have spent here are
a great historic event and many pages of our history ..will
be devoted to those d"
ays .
Nehru went on to say that India had entered a
new stag
ge
of her life. He said: "What is our goal? Our 1 '
goal is to achieve
progress. for our country and
our common people, and to
live in friendship and
harmony with others.
World peace
is very essential, very important
for the attainment of that
goal. It is also quite indispensable that oar relations with
the
great country which is our neighbour should be close e rela-
tions based on friendship and co-operation."
Referring to the speeches ,
g made by N A. Bulo air
Y b in and
N. S. Khrushchov the day T before, l~chin continued: "Yes-
terday jou said that friendship
~ between India
and the So-
viet Union was not dire '
cted against any other b y country.
We wish to be friendly with y ~
city, Mandalay. Everywhere the Soviet people, the Soviet
Union, and Burmese-Soviet friendship were warmly and sin-
Prolonged applause.)
cerely hailed by the people of Burma. (b
We were happily impressed, in particular, by our meeting
with the students and Leaching staff of the University of
Rangoon, where several thousand young men and women
generation of this nation,
are studying younger The b
that it has thrown off the yoke of colonial servitude,
now t ,
is making the first, steps in the acquisition of the scientific
b
knowledge required for indeP endent advancement along
b
the road chosen by the people, for the development of the
national economy and culture.
The students listened with rapt attention to the speech
of Comrade Khrushehov who gave a detailed account of
the Soviet Union of our way of life, and of our educational
the passages in the
system. Great interest was evoked by ~
speech denouncing the colonialist policy of the imperialist
states, and rand declaring that the Soviet Union did not support,
indeed emphatically opposed, this policy. This statement,
like many any other passages, greeted by was greeted by the students and
professors with stormy applause.
During our stay in Burma we had useful meetings and
W b
talks with the President of the Union of Burma, Dr. Bs. U,
sage from the Presi-
dtoent whom we transrriitted a personal me5.~,
he Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet, Com-
rade 1T0joshilov . Dr. Ba U expressed his deep g?atitude for
the uiessage.
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
~~rz
t we invited the Burmese
ernmen,
On behalf of our Gov
and the Minister of Industry,
Minister of Defence, U Ba Swe,
U Kti raw Nvein, to visit the Soviet Union. Both Ministers
accepted the invitation.
Special mention should be made of our meetings and con-
versations with U Nu, Prime Minister of the Union of Burma,
W11iCh were marked by cordiality and friendship. These
.
resulted in the Soviet-Burmese Declaration signed
meetings
angoon on December 6.
111 Rb
The Declaration notes the identity of the vie\~s of the
two countries an the major international problems requiring
settlement disarm am ~ ent including prohibition of atomic
:
and hydrogen weaponS the Far East, including the necessity
of satisfying lawful rights of the Chinese People's Repub-
lic the lay b
Taiwan and the coastal islands, and the
lie in relation to
ig the C.P.R. its rightful place in the
question of granting b
United Nations.
The two Governments reaffirmed their unanimous opinion
that the policy of forming blocs is to be condemned, and
that only a policy of non-participation in such blocs can
establish confidence and good will among states. "Interna-
tional peace," the Soviet-Burmese Declaration says, "can
be strengthened and the peoples' confidence in the future
g
can be assured, not through the creation of blocs but only
joint and collective efforts of all peoples."
through
The views of the two Governments were also found to
concur on the results of the Geneva Conference of the Four
heads of Government, and of the recent Conference of the
Four Foreign Ministers. 'rhe Soviet-Burmese Declaration of
December 6 states that the two countries consider that
further efforts should be made to solve outstanding g inter-
national problems.
Our relations with Burma rest on a firm foundation,
in maintaining
. interested
since both parties are vitally
198
aiid furthering co-operation on the basis of the Vivo Princi-
ples of peaceful co-existence.
Our economic relations with the Union of Burma are
based on the principle of equality and mutual benefit, and
other shackling condi-
preclude imposing political or any b
Lions by either party. In full conformity with these principles,
which are shared by the Burmese Government, we discussed
during our stay y in Rangoon measures for furthering Soviet-
,
Burmese co-operation in the economic, cultural, scientific
articular, for enlarging the
and technical spheres, and, in p b ;~
volume of trade between Burma and the U.S.S.R.
It was agreed that the Soviet Union would co-operate in
the drawing up of a prograrrirne of agricultural development,
construction of major irrigation works, and the buildin
b g
of several industrial enterprises in Burma. Burma, in re-
turn, will sell the Soviet Union rice, and in the event of the
quantities purchased being insufficient to compensate for
the value of our deliveries, Burma will enjoy the right to
credit> that is to defer the payments in kind over a number
of years by mutual agreement.
In token of good will and respect for the people of the
b
Union of Burma, we offered on behalf of the Soviet Govern-
melt> and on its instructions, to build and equip, with So-
viet means and resources, a technological institute in Ran-
b
goon as a gift to the Burmese people. (Prolonged applause.
~
g
The Government of the Union of Burma highly appreci-
ated the motives which prompted the Soviet Government to
make this offer, and accepted the gift with deep gratitude
to the Soviet Government and the Soviet people. (Ap-
plause.)
On behalf of the Burmese people, Prime Minister U Nu
offered> in turn an appropriate quantity of rice and
other commodities of Burmese production as a gift
to the Soviet Union. On behalf of the people of the
199
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Soviet Union, we accepted this gift with ggratitude.
I
(Applause.)
A strong desire for cultural intercourse with the Soviet
b
Union is manifested by the Burmese leaders and Burmese
intellectuals. We declared that the Soviet Union was ready
to develop cultural intercourse with Burma, since this could
but benefit the two countries and help b
to strengthen their
friendly relations.
The Government of Burma expressed satisfaction with
the good will displayed by the Soviet Government in fe
b .,
Ranbgoon talks. We, on our part, wish the Union of Burma
that it may speedily cope with the aftermath of colonial
oppression and war devastation, consolidate and unite the
Burmese eo le, and achieve further success in building
endent of foreign states and free of the
an economy indeP b
~
difficulties it is still experiencing owing to the efforts of
b
certain foreign powers to place Burma at a disadvantage in
the world market.
The peoples of the Soviet Union and Burnia are unani-
mous in the desire to preserve and consolidate peace, to
safeguard the security of nations, and to Iproniote inter-
b .,
natioiial co-operation and friendship. The visit of Comrade
Klirushchov and myself to Burma as the guests of her Govern-
~
merit, and our meetings with the Burmese people, have
brought the Soviet Union and Burma still closer. Th friend-
ship and co-operation between the two countries is becoming
a factor of increasing importance in the effort to relax
international tension.
We shall do everything in our power to strengthen and
~
broaden the friendship and co-operation between the two
countries for the well-beinb g and happiness of their peoples.
i)rolonged applause.
I shall now turn to our visit to Afghanistan.
b
It would be difficult to exaggerate the importance and re-
200
suits of our stay ~ in Afghanistan as the guests of His Majesty's
Government. The Soviet Union and Afghanistan have a
b
common border of 2,346 kilometres , and the two countries
relations of long g standing.
are bound by close and friendly ,.,
The Afghan people won their national independence in
bitter struggle against the British imperialists, who sought
to convert Afghanistan into their colony. The courageous
b
Afghans were thrice victorious in this struggle, and in '1919
b they firmly established their independence and statehood.
A big g role in establishing Afghanistan's independence was
b
by the defeat suffered by the intervention troops
played
ill Central Asi a at the hands of Soviet Russia.
Afghanistan has invariably enjoyed the support of the
Soviet Union. We were the first power to recognize Afghan-
istan as a sovereign state, in 1919. Afghanistan, on the
other hand, was one of the first foreign countries to recognize
the Soviet state established by the Great October Socialist
Revolution. These facts suffice to show how deeply rooted
are the good relations between the two countries. Experience
has shown that these good-neighbourly relations are in the
b
best interests of the peoples of the two countries.
Our meetings in Kabul with His Majesty King g Mohammed
Zahir Shah, Prime Minister Mohammed Daoud and other
leading Afghan statesmen revealed their desire to maintain
and develop b the good-neibghbour)Y relations between the
two countries.
This desire of His Majesty's Government of Afghanistan
is only to be welcomed as we said in Kabul. On its part,
the Soviet Government has done, and intends in the future
to strengthen and develop our
to do everything necessary b
relations with this neighbouring country. Applause.)
'fhe exchange of views with leading Afghan statesmen
revealed the desire of both Governments to contribute to
a further lessenin g of international tension and extension
7 12 ? to the
friendl3peoPle of the Union of Burma her Government and
the the Prime Minister of Burma U ~., Nu, personally (storm
y
P
3i applause); to thy, friendly people of Afghanistan, her Goverii-
ment and to the Prime Mohammed
.,, o Minister, Daoud, Pc,r-
~Nz
w nail applause.)
so y (Stormy
italitY, solicitude and affection the millions of people in
those countries showed towards the Soviet Union and to
J? our great people during our visit to India Burma and
Afghanistan. (Stormy y applause.) From the bottom of
our
hearts we thank the statesmen and public figures whom
~ve
met, the leaders of the states and provinces which we visited
and in which we were everywhere given the
b most cordial
welcome. Stormy applause.)
II
Long live the great friendship of all the peoples of the
world! (Stormy, ro lonbged applause.)
p Long live the Soviet the powerful and fearle
b people, ss
fir titer for the cause of peace!
. (Stormy, prolonged aI~plause.
p )
Long live the great Communist Party of the Soviet Union
the inspirer and organizer of all the victories of the Soviet Union
nion I . (S c orm-y and p b rolonged applause and cheers. All
rise.)
APPENDIX
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
We are grateful from the bottom of our hearts for the hosIpi-
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
11
JOINT DECLARATION OF N. A. BLTLGANIN9
CHAIRMAN OF THE U.S.S.R. COUNCIL
OF MINIs~FRS.
N. S. KHIRUSIICIIOV, MEMBER
OF TIE I'IRESIfflUIVI
OF THE U.S.S.R. SUPREME SOVIET,
AND JA WAHARLAL IiTEHI{,iT,
I'Ii,IME MINiSTER, OF INIDT
At the invitation of
the Government of the Soviet, LTnion
the Prime Minister 1
at India visited the Soviet Union in
June 1955. I-Ie was
given a warm welcome and his trip
strengthened friendship and
mutual understandin bet,\v
g ecn
the peoples of both
counties. A Joint Statement
l )y
the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the L.S.S.R.
and the Prime Minister of India was published towards
l the
end of the visit on June e 22, 1905.
At the invitation of o the Indian Government N.
A. Bul-
ganin, Chairman of the T
L .S.S.R ? Council of Mine '
sters,
N. S. Khru,shchov Me '
tuber of the Presidium of the
U.S.S.R.
Supreme Soviet,,
and other official representatives of the
Soviet Union accompanying i
them visited India in November-
December 1955. The popalaGion of India enthusiastically
welcomed them wherever
they went.. Their visit strength-
ened the bonds of friendship linking the two countries and
their AeoA b les. N. A. Bulgyanin and N. S. t~Krhi .?U
shchov visit-
ed different agricultural,
industrial and hydro-technical
developments and regions where agricultural reconstruc-
Lion is being carried out state-owned farms and other cen-
tres of Indian
economic development.
The visit to India of N.
A. Bul an in Chairman of the
U.S.S.R. Council r
of J~[ii,jsters and iV . S. hhru .
sh^,.hov
251
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Member of the Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet
,
and the visit to the Soviet Unicn
of the Prime Minister of
India, Jawaharlal Nehru provided them with the oPPortu-
riity of making personal acquaintance
11 it11 the peoples of
these countries and their Way of lifo with the problems,
achievements, and aspirations of ,
each counLl and led t
3r to
mutual understanding between
~ them and the peoples of
their respective states, based on
, mutual respect, good will
and tolerance.
The above-mentioned Joint
Statement ublish
p eel on
June 22, 1955, expressed their film adherence to the Five
e l,ivc,
Principles also known as Pa ris li
Slcala.
These Princi les proclaim that countries differing from
one another politically, ssocially and ,
y economically can and
must co-operate on the basis of mutual respect, and non-
interference in one another's home affairs and must abide
by the policy of active and
Y r peaceful co-existence in the
common desire to attain the ideals of
peace and the improve-
ment of living conditions.
Since these Five Principles ~r
were proclaimed a number
of countries have adhered to
or expressed their agreement
with, them. The countries
represented at the Bandung
Conference unanimously adopted a Declamation confirming
~
these Principles, which b.av
e now won general i?eC0gnit loll
as a solid basis for co-operation between countries.
During the resent visit of N. A. I3u1 anin and 1\ S
Khrushchov to India a free and frank exchange of opinion
on problems of the iliternation 1
a situation took place between
them and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. This
exchange of opinion bore ot t their firm conviction that in-
ternational relations must be based on the Five
Princip1CS
and that everything must, be done to ease international
tension and promote the consolidation of peace and inter-
national co-operation.
252
The Four Heads of
Government Conference in Geneva in
July 1955 resulted in the recognition b
by the Great Powers
represented there of the
senselessness of war, wwhich owing
to the development of
atomic and hydrogen weapons can
bring only calamities to mankind. This fundamental admis-
sion that war must be ruled e ed out as a method
ofsettling in-
ternational disputes was received with deep satisfaction p onby
the peoples of the world and resulted in
a substantial relax-
ation of international
tension. Although basic problems
of Europe and Asia sti1
1 remain unsolved,
the natural con-
sequence of excluding ? war
as a method of settling out-
standing questions was
a change in the a
pproath to them
and the striving to sole
b e them through negotiations.
Dip-
lomatic relation were
s u ere established between
the Soviet
Union and the German Federal RePwhite Negotiations
were started and are still continuing nb on an ambassadorial
level between the United States of America ~ '
and the ~hlIleS@
People's Republic.. The conference on the uses of atomic
energy for peaceful
purposes successfully concluded its
work this August and the U.N. General Assembly passed
a resolution on the setting u
b p of an International
Atomic
Energy Agency.
In order to continue the
settlement of outstanding ques-
tions through negotiations,
the hour Heads of
Govern-
ment Conference held in Geneva last July pointed to the
necessity of convening a Conference of Foreign illiiilster
b S
of the respective countries. This conference was recently
held in Geneva. It did n ,
of reach any agreement on
Y b the
problems discussed therefore the great hopes which
had
appeared as a result of the Four Heads of Government
Conference have so far not materialized. The conference
however, contributed to ~ a clearer understanding of the Prob-
lenls facing the world
g ,and it is an indisputable fac
t that all
these problems can be soI
ved only by peaceful method
Y 5 1 sand
253
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
through peaceful negotiations if war is to be excluded as
b _
it should be according to the general oPinion. Therefore,
disappointment over the results of the Geneva Foreign
and it is
Ministers' Conference can be only temporary
necessary to continue to exert every effort to ease inter-
national tension considering negotiations to be the sole
method of settling outstanding issues. The statesmen
b
of both countries express their hope that the negotiations
on an ambassadorial level between the United States of
America and the Chinese People's Republic will lead not
only y to the solution of the questions under discussion,
1 understanding through confer-
but also to greater mutui b
ences at a higher level. They are convinced that durable
b They
peace in Asia is unthinkable without according the Chinese
People's Republic its legitimate place in the United Nations.
in recognizing this
They express deep p regret at the delay ~ b
indisputable fact. They ~ sincerel y hope that other Far East-
em and Asian + problems will be speedily solved through
n 1
agreement namely: the legitimate rights of the Chinese
eof)le's Republic to the offshore islands and Taiwan must
be satisfied and the Korean question solved on the basis
of recognition f recognition of the national rights of the Korean people
and ~ in conformity with the interests of peace in the Far East.
The statesmen of the U.S.S.R. and the Prime 1Vliriister
of India expressed satisfaction with the Geneva Conference
on Indo-China held last year. That conference put an end
to the destructive war in Judo-China and outlined the pro-
cedure for settling the problems of the Indo-China states.
They note with regref that obstacles are being raised to
the implementation of the Geneva agreements for Viet-
Nam and that there are also difficulties in implementing
the Geneva agreements on Laos. Violation of these agree-
ments will have exceedingly grave consequences both for
254
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Judo-China and
the whole world
. Therefore the statesmen of
both countries
wish to appeal to all the signatories
, of,
and the parties concerned in, the agreements to eliminate
the obstacles now g standing in the way of an effective im-
plementation of the Geneva ag?reorn
eats and to co-operate fully
in the execution of
these agreements 1
agreements both 111 letter and s p It P '
is their firm conviction that the principle of universal-
ity must be applied
in respect of United
member-
ship. Until this ?
principle is observed the United Nati
will ol.s
not be representative of all the countries
of the world,
rfli eref ore they welcome the recom
melldat~on of the United
Nations General
Assembly on the simultaneous admission
of 18 ~
countries to the United Nations and sincerely hope
that this recommei
illation will soon be adopted by the Se-
curity Council and carried into effect.
There is no of other way o~ establi shlllg peace throughout
the world and eliminating the COI1d1t101"1S leading to an-
other devastating world war than disarmament. The increase
or even the maintenance of
the existing level of
armaments
is a constant threat of war, a source of fear and the cause
of the race in the production of latest types of we
aeons of
mass destruction. A
pressing need of disarmament rises in
direct proportion to the 1r1ve11L14i1 and accumulation umulation of
weapons of ever-growing b ~ destructive potential. rile wide-
spread desire to see war eliminated demands positive, con-
f, I~
o
~~~ractive and ~,,,;~ft ,.,.~- , -
swift steps towards disarmament. Agreement
has already been y
n achieved to a great extent
on this qaes-
Lion, and obviously there y t eie is no reason why the remaining
y lriiilg
obstacles should n -~
of be ulch.~~ overcome if
q ~ the estab-
lishment of lasting
b peace is the set ggoal.. In
particular, the
statesmen of both countries wish express
once again to their firm Conviction that, the manufacture use and ~ '
te~ting
of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons must be un,
~onditi
on
ally prohibited. . ~ ,
Y P Besides this tslcr? must
be a substantial
25S
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
reduction of conventional armaments '
and an effective in-
ternational control to ensure the strict implementation of
such prohibition and disarmament. Until
this is achieved the
whole world will be darkened and depressed by the fear of
J
war and the peoples will doubt the sincerity of the desire for
peace.
The statesmen of the U.S.S.R. and r the Prime Minister
of India have agreed that the forming o'
b of military alliances
or regional military blocs is not a means of o
~ safeguarding
peace and security. Such alliances have extended the bounds
of the "cold war" and have introduced the element of in-
stability the areas in
Y question, have increased fear and
tension and raised additional obstacles
to the peaceful de-
velo1pment of the countries concerned. Peace and genuine
security of the peoples can be assured only b the collective
efforts of states.
One of the most effective ng
means of reduciii fear and
international tension is to eliminate barriers
to mutual
co-operation and understanding. For this
b purpose cultural
and economic relations between countries s11UouUU be Cll(;Util'-
aged. The statesmen of both countries noted with sans-
faction the ever-increasing ? opportunities for the peoples
of both countries to get to know
each other better through
the regular exchange of visits by scientists, technical ex-
perts, economists, members of parliament writers and
other cultural workers of both countries. They hone that.
there will be a steady extension of such opportunities
for
mutual contacts on a basis facilitating understanding of
and respect for the different ways of life in the two coun-
tries.
The Chairman of the
U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers,
the Member of the Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme So-
viet and the Prime Minister of
India, therefore, welcome the
development of co-operation between the two countries
256
in building he
Bhllai iron
and Steel Works in India and
in carrying out other projects
on which nebotiati
ons are
already being conducted. India's second five-year plan,
which devotes main attention to the development
of heav
iiidustl can offer y
industry, further
possibilities for such CO -
rl Operatio.
They consider it desirable that upon completion of the nec-
essary preliminary work competent representatives of
both couiltri
es meet to examine mutually advantageous
forms of economic and technical
co-operation and to reach
agreement on concrete matters in cases when this is deemed
necessary.
The visit of
N. A. Bulga ,
nin and N. S. Iiliiusl
lchov to
India is an
exceedingly important
event not only because
it has brought the two countries closer
tobether, but also
because it
promotes the cause of
universal peace. The
Chair r
man of the U.S.S.R. ,.~u11~11 of lvtlniCouncil ?f M___ _
U.S.S.R. 1V N. A. 13u1-
ganin, lt'lemlper of the Presidium of
the U.S.S.R. Supreme
Soviet N. S. hhrushchov, and the Prime Minister of India,
Nehru, u, again proclaim their faith in the future
uiid tiicil' 111'111 reCnlv~ t
__ . - to devote their efforts to the Consoli-
dation of peace for the
1 good of the Peoples of they ~ l.trie
and of the wh s
ole world.
e U S
..S.R. ri , .
Council of lifiuisters Pme Dlinistci of India
N. A. BULGAMN
Cha'
1rll1Rn of th
. New Delhi December 13, 1955
JAWTAHARLAL NEHRUT
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
JOINT SOVIET-INDIAN COMMUNIQIIl
ON ECONOMIC RELATIONS
BETWEEN PThJA AND THE U.S.S.R.
The Joint Declaration
of N. A. Bul~anin Chairman of
the U.S.S.R. Council of
Ministers, N. S. Klirush
chop,
Member of the Presidium of o the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet,
and Jawaharlal Nehru Prime Minister of India notes the
desire of both countries
to develop economic co-operation
and to extend trade relations.
In connection with this rep-
resentatives of the Government of
the U.S.S.R. and the
Government of India held
preliminary negotiations and
ar-
rived at the understanding that it would be to the mutual
advantage of both countries '
to increase the vo~ume of trade
to t?lie maximum. As a first step in - this this . direction the
agreement has also been reached:
I. A The U.S.S.R. will
deliver and India will buy
over a period of three years beginning with 1956 one mil-
lion tons of rolled ferrous
metals, including 300,000 tons
in the first year and 350,000 - tons annually during the two
~ b
following ears. The time-
. Y limits and terms of these
deliveries
are to be agreed upon during subsequent negotiations.
B) Over a period of three
dears the U.S.S.R. will sell
and India will
buy such equipment for oil
extraction, for
the minim b industry and other equipment, and
also such other
goods as may ~ be agreed T-
upon b the artier.
by parties. The delivery
dates and the terms of
sale and purchase of
these goods
258
and equi me ~i p nt will be abo,
leed upon during neg' nb subsequeiit
otiations.
C) The U.S.S.R. will
Considerably increase c1 Y crease its ur_
lases both of raw p
materials and man
ufactuied nod
India on ter g s in
iris and at dates
which will be agreed u on b
negotiation between up the buyers and sellers. Th
ex e hope is
pressed that t
he total value of such urcha
the which F ses, including
sums rna b
y be required
for the maintenance of
let official or 'ani
g zatioiis in India will be equal to
the
total value of the
goads purchased
by India in S the U.S.S.R.
.D As
provided for in the Soviet-Indian trade
both Dover agi?eemeiit,
nmei is will afford maximum facilities
as r o~
the irn eb ai ds
ports and exports
of the aforesaid er '
b ~ their goods, p matted
y respective laws
rules and regulations, and will
co-operate in every possible
way towards y arils that end.
2. Taking into account the planned increase in a
r planned increase V1 VUUU in she vuiuille
of trade and with a view to
ensuring the
for proper conditions
shipment of these goods both Government
s consider it
necessary to establish regular shipping line
~, s between th
ports of the U.Q.S. ?
R. and India
, using l Soviet. and Tndal 'i~.,
vessels.
3. The representatives of both Governments have also
agreed to send delegations from the U.S.S.Pt, to India or
from India +
to the U.S.S.R.
within the shor
d test possible
ela to discuss terms Y ss terms and to conclude agreements 1'orthe
implementation
b of the arrangements
set above.
New Delhi, December 13, 195
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
RESOLUTION
OF THE U.S.S.R. SUPREME SOVIET
ON THE RESULTS OF THE VISIT OF N. A. EULANIN,
CHAIRMAN OF THE U.S.S.R. COUNCIL 0]? MINISTERS,
AND N. S. IiHRIISHCHOY, MEMBER OF THE PRE-
SIDIUM OF THE U.S.S.R. SUPREME SOVIET,
TO INDIA, BURMA AND AFGHANISTAN
Q
? .
ec the reports of Comrade N. A.
Having heard and discuss1
Bulganin, Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers,
and Comrade N. S. Khrushehov, Member of the Presidium
of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet, on their visit to the Repub-
lie of India the Union of Burma and Afghanistan, the Su-
preme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. expresses its full satisfaction
with the results of the visit.
The Supreme Soviet notes that the friendly visit of the
Soviet government leaders to these countries was a major
political event and contributed to the promotion o peace
in Asia and the Far East and to further relaxation of inter-
national tension.
The enthusiasm and cordiality with which the Soviet
statesmen were greeted in India, Burma and Afghanistan
b
is regarded by the Supreme Soviet as a manifestation of
b
the deeP respect and friendship cherished by the peoples
of these countries for the peoples of the Soviet Union. The
warm reception accorded to the representatives of the Soviet
people shows that the efforts of our people for peace, and our
country's achievements, are understood and appreciated by
the peoples of India, Burma and Afghanistan.
The Supreme Soviet notes that the visit of Comrades
260
261
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Bul anin and Khrush
g chov was another important step in
strerigthenin thefriendshi
g p and co-0 oration of the U.S. .
P S R.
with the great country of
India, with Burma and Afghanistan
ill working for ending peace, the "cold war and securing fur-
tlier relaxation of international +
pension. The identity of
the aims and aspirations of these countries in relation to
the fundamental robie
p m of international life-the preser-
vation and consolidation of peace-has been reaffirmed.
rhis identit,' y of views of the U.S.S.R., India Burma and
Afghanist an is explained not b transitory causes it i
by is the
result of their common fundamental interests as countries
vJiic1i desire international
peace and security.
r
the talks revealed an identity of views on major aspects
of the relations between these countries, also 011 SUCK Cardi-
nal in
ternational problems as disarmament
and uncondition-
al prohibition of atomic and o
weapons, h ~dro en satisfying
~ b the lawful rights of the Chinese People's Republic in rela-
tion to the coastal islands and to Taiwan,
granting
the Chi-
nese People's Republic its ribghtf
ul place in the United Na-
tions and settling other outstanding Asian and Far Eastern
problems in accordance with the leboin
mate rights of the
iiations.
Of great importance is their unanimous agreement that
peace cati be safeguarded only b collective efforts of the
states.
The relations between the Soviet, Union and India Burma
and Afghanistan are based on the principles of mutual respect,
for each others territorial integrity o
and sovereignty, non-
aggression , non-interference in each other's i
nteinal affairs,
equality and mutual benefit and
peaceful co-existence irre-
spective of their social systems.
The Supreme Soviet notes with
satisfaction that these
principles are gaining
b ever `eider international recognition.
rfhe have been made the basis '
3 of the relations of the Chinese
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
People's Republic with other countries, they and the y are sup-
ported by the countries which took art in the Baidung
Y p b
Conference and by a number of other countries in Europe
and Asia. Adoption of these principles as the bans of the
relations between all countries would be of enormous impor-
tance foi establishing the necessary confidence among na-
tions
tions and removing the threat of a new war.
Another important result of the visit of Comrades Bulganin
and Khrushchov to these Asian countries is the agreements
reached with them for expanding trade economic cultural
and other relations, based on the principle of equality and
mutual benefit, and without imposing any obligations of
a political or military nature.
. The Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R is confident that the
contacts and co-operation between the Soviet Union India
,
Burma and Afghanistan in various spheres of state economic
,
social and cultural activitYwill effectively develop, and that
measures will be taken to facilitate wider acquaintance of
their with each other's life achievements and peoples is aiic cul-
ture, and broader interchange of experience.
Identity of the interests of the U.S.S.R. the Republic
,~ of India, the Union of Burma Afghanistan and of all other
peace-loving states in the matter of ensuring peace and
national independence of the peoples creates the necessary
conditions for the development of firm and enduring friend-
ship b between these countries, and for growth of co-opera-
tion between them, for the benefit of their peoples and in
the interests of universal peace.
The visit of Comrades Bulganin and Khrushchov to India,
Burma and Afghanistan evoked the whole-hearted approval
of the peoples of many countries, especially colonial and de-
pendent countries and was hailed led
s ai by all who are sincerely
interested in eliminating the danger of war and in firm and
b
enduring peace.
b
262
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11 : CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
The Supreme
Soviet of the
Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics considers that the
visit of Comrades N. A.
buI-
ganin, Chairman , of
the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers
and N. S. Khru ~ '
shchov Member of the Presidium
of the
U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet r has demonstrated the -real
im orta
p ice of personal contact between states
men for fur-
tllei'ing II1L1tUa1
ullderstandino' e
b, stablishing confidence b,,
~-
to ecu states and
developing literiiati
~, , onal co-operation.
l lli, visit will have the
effect of weakening the forces ~ of
war and of streilg'thee
ling peace throughout the
~, ~ world.
The Supreme Soviet eme ~ of the Union of
Soviet Socialist Re-
Publics resolyes;
rl'o aillrove the activity
1 of Comrade
N. A. Bul alien
Chairman ~ ~
of tie Council of Ministers T
of the U
_ U.S.S.R. and
Comrade N. S. K '
hrushchov, lIemb
er of the Presidium of the
Supreme Soviet
of the U.S.S.R.
during their visit to the
b
Republic of Iudi
a, the Union of Burma and Afghanistari
as being' in full accord with rd ~i
th the peace-loving foreign policy
of the Soviet Union and as contributing to intern
b atloilal
peace, friendshi and
p eu-oporation.
The Kremlin,
;lroscow
--
December 29,
1 '9;,~
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/08/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108111: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010108/11: CIA-RDP81-01043R000700100003-6
50X1 -HUM