ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS OF SENATORS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP81-00818R000100040019-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 1, 2005
• Sequence Number: 19
• Publication Date: April 14, 1970
• Content Type: OPEN

April 14, 1970
Approved For Release 2005/03/24: CIA-RDP81-00818R000100040019-0
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? SENATE S 5675
United States that the State University will
continue to grow and prosper in centuries
yet to come.
SENATE RESOLUTION 388---4SUBMIS-
SION OF A RESOLUTION RELA-
TIVE TO THE MISSION AND SAFE-
TY OF THE APOLLO 13 ASTRO-
NAUTS
Mr. MURPHY (for himself and other
Senators) submitted a resolution (S. Res.
388) relative to the mission and safety
of the Apollo 13 astronauts, which was
considered and, by unaninous consent,
agreed to.
(The remarks of Mr. MURPHY when he
submitted the resolution, and the ensu-
ing debate, appear earlier in the RECORD
under the appropriate heading.)
ENROLLED BILL PRESENTED
The Secretary of the Senate reported
that on today, April 14, 1970, he pre-
sented to the President of the United
States the enrolled bill (S. 3690) to in-
crease the pay of Federal employees.
NOTICE OF HEARINGS ON DRUGS
Mr. NELSON. Mr. President, on be-
half of the senior Senator from Texas
(Mr. YARBOROUGH), I WiSh to announce
that the Health Subcommittee of the
Senate Committee on Labor and Public
Welfare will hold 2 days of hearings on
April 28 and 29, 1970, on the following
bills: S. 3096 and S. 3297, regarding pre-
scription drug identification programa;
S. 3651, regarding the inspection of firms
manufacturing prescription drugs; and
S. 3652, regarding the labeling of pre-
scription drug containers. 5. 7
ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS OF
SENATORS
DEFENSE DEPARTMENT INVADES
THOUGHTS AND PRIVACY OF ITS
CIVIL SERVANTS
Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, in addition
to keeping files on the way in which
other American citizens exercise their
first amendment rights, the Defense De-
partment frequently undertakes to morn-
7tor the thoughts, habits, and personal
lives of the people who work for it.
The Constitutional Rights Subcommit-
tee studies over the last 9 years show that
some, or all, of the pefense agencies at-
tempt to obtain such information
through privacy-invading interviews,
questionnaires, lie detectors, and person-
ality tests. Other management techniques
have been used to stifle free expression of
the individual's opinions and to intimi-
date him beyond the bounds of the em-
ployer-employee relation. Telephone
monitoring, better known as wiretapping,
psychiatric evaluations, and suspension
of security clearances are such tech-
niques. Other Federal agencies share in
this indictment, though perhaps to a
lesser degree.
It was for this reason that I intro-
duced S. 782, a bill of rights for employees
of the execittive branch. The bill now has
56 cosponsorsTan impressive showing of
the determination of Senators on both
sides of the aisle that they mean to put
an end to violations of the constitutional
rights of Federal employees. It passed the
Senate in the last Congress with the ap-
proval of 90 Senators. Although it then
died in the House committee, I believe its
prospects for passage are now much more
favorable.
While it will not cure all the maladies
in the executive departments and agen-
cies, this proposal will halt some of the
tyrannies practiced by Federal agencies
and prevent some of the follies to which
many Americans are subjected simply
because- they work for Government and
thus are a captive audience.
Two of the latest examples of what
these? citizens must endure recently came
to the attention of? the Constitutional
Rights Subcommittee. The first is a
questionnaire to determine the political
attitudes of civil servants. Distributed by
an Army deputy civilian personnel officer,
this form asks such questions as the fol-
lowing:
How old are you?
What is your race?
When did you last vote in a local elec-
tion?
When did you last vote in a presi-
dential election?
Are you a registered member of any
political party?
With the views of which party do you
most usually agree? American Independ-
ent? Democratic? Republican? Other?
No party?
Have you ever actively campaigned for
any candidate or worked for a political
party?
Have you ever contributed money to a
political party or candidate?
I think the best form of city govern-
ment is: City manager/council. Strong
mayor/council. No opinion.
I feel that local school boards ought
to be: Politically responsive. Above pol-
itics.
I believe that elections for offices such
as city councilman ought to be: Partisan.
Nonpartisan. It makes no difference.
I believe the political rights of civil
servants ought to be: Limited. The same
as any citizen.
In order to have the best chances for
advancement, I believe the career mili-
tary officer should: Become involved in
party politics. Get a politician to "spon-
sor" him, but avoid political commitment
himself. Keep out of any political in-
volvement.
Civil servants know more about the
real world of politics than do military
officers.
Military officers are at a disadvantage
in dealing with civil servants because the
latter understand politics better.
Foreign service officers are more politi-
cally sophisticated than civil servants.
"Block" voting by members of minority
groups is a thing of the past.
"Pressure groups" perform no legiti-
mate function.
Recipients honored with this 50-ques-
tion form are reassured that their reply
is anonymous. The project is, they are
told, conducted in the Army staff as part
of a larger research project encompass-
ing several military installations. In ad-
dition, the results will be part of the
basic research required for an advanced
degree of a former Army staff officer.
The civilian personnel officer then con-
tinues, "I urge you to complete and mail
the questionnaire ASAP," which we
presume means "as soon as possible."
Nowhere Is the recipient accorded the
courtesy of being informed that his par-
ticipation is voluntary, that he is under
no obligation to reply. Rather, since this
comes from his personnel officer who
holds a life-death power over his job and
who "urges" him to respond, the em-
ployee must assume he has little choice
unless he wants to get on a blacklist. This
former Army staff officer is most likely
to report a lack of cooperation.
Mr. President, I submit that it is very
probable that the Chief Executive and
his political appointees are interested in
the past and present political beliefs and
activities of civil servants. Indeed, it is
to the interest of the administration to
support any research at any level which
might predict how Federal employees will
vote in any election, and how they -feel
about their boss.
I venture a guess that, if the military
continue to support this sort of research,
they will be given a vivid demonstration
of employee political "attitudes" at the
ballot boxes.
Mr. John Cramer, writing about this
survey in his Washington Daily News
column, offers the following sound ad-
vice to employees:
Mail the questionnaire as directed. Just
don't bother to fill it out.
I offer some advice to managers and
personnel officers faced with decisions
involving research on the personalities
or the persons of their employees:
Forget it. You have more immediate duties
at hand: Managing the U.S. Government,
while maintaining the morale and respecting
the right of employees who work for you.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the entire text of the question-
naire be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the question-
naire was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follow:
The inclosed survey is being conducted in
the Army Staff as part of a larger research
project encompassing several military orga-
nizations. The results will become part of the
basic research required for an advanced de-
gree of a former Army Staff officer.
You have been selected to complete the
questionnaire because you represent part of
the desired cross section of grade and func-
tional specialty. You will note anonymity is
desired. I urge you to complete and mail the
questionnaire ASAP.
To mail simply fold top to bottom and
staple. Address and stamp are then in the
appropriate position for handling by U.S.
Postal Personnel.
ROBERT L. MOUSER,
Deputy Civilian Personnel Officer.
SURVEY
You are being asked to complete this ques-
tionnaire as part of a study being conducted
of group attitudes and opinions on certain
political matters. Three distinct and sep-
arate groups are being surveyed. Your group
is part of one of the larger groups.
The questionnaire is divided into six parts;
it contains a total of 50 questions. Please
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S 5676 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
read the directions at the beginning of each
part. As you complete each part go directly
to the next part. Please answer all questions.
There is no time limit.
Please do not put your name anywhere on
the survey form.
Now, please turn the page and begin.
PART I.-The questions in this part are
designed to gather statistical data about the
people who complete this questionnaire.
Please circle the letter in front of the word
or phrase which most nearly answers the
question as it pertains to you.
1. How old are you? A. Less than 25. B. 25
to 30. C. 30 to 35. D. 35 to 40. E. Over 40.
2 What is your education? A. Less than
high school. B. High school graduate. C. Two
years college. D. Bachelors Degree. E. Masters
Degree. F. Doctors Degree.
3. What is your race? A. Caucasian, B. Ma-
layan. C. Negroid. D. Oriental. E. Other.
4. What is your yearly income? A. Less than
$10,000. B. $10,000 to $14,000. C. $14,000 to
$18,000. D. More than $18,000.
5. How would you classify the place in
which you grew up? A. Rural. B. Small town.
C. Small city. D. Medium city. E. Large city.
6. What do you consider to be your geo-
graphical background? A. Eastern. B. South-
ern. C. Midwestern. D. Western. E. Pacific
Coast.
7. Are you a registered voter? A. Yes. B. No.
8. Are you a registered member of any po-
litical party? A. Yes. B. No.
9. When did you last vote in a local elec-
tion? A. 1969. B. 1968. C. 1967. D. Other.
E. Never.
10 When did you last vote in a Presidential
election? A. 1968. B. 1964. C. 1960. D. Other.
E. Never.
11. With the views of which party do you
most usually agree? A. American Independ-
ent. B. Democratic. C. Republican. D. Other.
E. No party.
12. Have you ever contributed money to a
political party or candidate? A. Yes. B. No.
1$. Have you ever actively campaigned for
any candidate or worked for a political party?
A. Yes. B. No.
14. Have you ever run for public office? A.
Yes. B. No.
PART IL-The questions in this part are
also designed to get statistical information.
but require you to write a one-or-two word
response. Please fill in the blanks below. If
you do not know the answer, or if none is ap-
propriate, please write "unknown" or "none."
15. What do you do for a living?
16. In what congressional district do you
now live?
17. What is the name of the congress-
man from that district?
18. What is your state of legal residence?
19. What is your congressman's name?
20. What is the name of the Attorney Gen-
eral of your home state?
PART questions in this part are
designed to obtain some information about
your opinions on certain political matters.
Please circle the letter in front of the word
or phrase which most nearly answers the
question as it pertains to you.
21. Of the three alternatives, I believe it is
most important for government to be: A.
Responsive. B. Efficient. C. Fair.
22. I think the best form of city govern-
ment is: A. City manager/council. B. Strong
mayor/ council. C. No opinion.
23. The major defect of the city manager/
council form of local administration is: A.
It puts too much power in the hands
of an individual not elected by the voters.
B. Dynamic leadership, progress, and innova-
tion occur less than in other forms: the city
tends to stagnate C. The city manager may
- SENATE April 14, 1970
step beyond the limits of administa ion and
enter the area of policy. D. An int inpetent
manager is hard to fire.
24. County governments tend tc provide
better services to residents when: A Depart-
ment heads are professional public deninis-
trators who are hired. B. Departna t heads
are elected directly by the voters. C Depart-
ment heads are appointed by elector!' nlicials.
D. It doesn't matter.
25. I feel that local school boar i ought
to be: A. Politically responsive Above
politics.
26. I feel that elections for mayor id sim-
ilar positions ought to be: A. Par .an. B.
Non-partisan. C. It makes no differ ie tee.
27. I believe that elections for of ...ts such
as city councilman ought to be: A. i irtisan.
B. Non-partisan. C. It make no dile: -nce.
28. I believe the political rights 4 civil
servants ought to be: A. Limited. B.' ie same
as any citizen.
29. I believe the political rights of lintel,
officers ought to be: A. Limited. B. ,e same
as any citizen.
30. In order to have the best chit, oes for
advancement, I believe the career alitary
officer should: A. Become involved Party
politics. B. Get a politician to "spars him,
but avoid political commitment Itneelf.
C. Keep out of any political involve, t tett.
PART IV.- -The questions in this at are
designed to survey your opinions abei some
matters related to politics. Please tclicate
whether you agree or disagree with ach of
the following statements by circling " te let-
ter "A" for agree, or "D" for disagrei. io the
right of each statement.
31. Civil servants perform more eta aively
at higher management positions ta tn do
politically appointed officers (A) (I a
32. Civil servants know inure ab t t the
real world of politics than do career 3/ :Mary
officers (A) (D).
33. Military officers are at a disad atage
in dealing with civil servants bees - e the
latter understand politics better (Ai (B).
34. Politicians often dupe or use ^areer
military officers because the latter art. (actlit-
ically naive (A) (D).
35. Civil servants are more politica ?a' so-
phisticated than career military offia (A)
(B).
36. Foreign service officers are more
cally sophisticated than civil server" (A)
(D).
37. Foreign service officers are more anti-
cally sophisticated than career Militia y of-
ficers (A) (D)
38. Career military officers are too op, and
honest to deal effectively with poll:. clans
(A) (D).
PART V.-The next two questions m de-
signed to learn what you think you wat d do
under certain circurristances. Beale qv, ,tion
contains a hypothetical situation. Plee - in-
dicate which alternative you feel you ould
take by circling the letter in front the
phrase which most nearly describes w'he you
feel your actions would be In the sit- lion
described.
39. One of your hometown friete is
elected to the Congress. You are 'assigli al to
the Washington, D.C. area Would yr- A.
Tell your friend that because of his pei rton
and yours, the two of you should Ilea no
contact, in order to avoid even the aet; eaz-
ance of political influence? B. See your' lend
socially. Introduce him to your friend( and
introduce him to your supervisor? C. Sec our
friend, but keep your friendship very .iery
quiet? D. Report the situation to yourst aer-
visor?
40. You have final authority to make
sonal management decision affecting e " of
your subordinates. You haven't made up our
mind, and your decision could go either vav.
You receive a telephone call personally oim
a member of Congress who says ne v. lai
appreciate it if you would approve the Ei% on
Approved For Release
Would you: A. Approve it? B. Disapprove it?
C. Ask your supervisor what to do? D. Tell
the Congressman politely that you Would de-
cide the case on its merits?
PART VL-The questions in this part are
designed to test your knowledge of the work-
ings of our political system. Please indicate
whether each statement is true or false by
caroling the letter '"T" for true, or the letter
"F" for false to the right of each statement.
41. Third or minor parties rarely affect
National policy (T) (F)
42. All primary elections are partisan?
(T) (F)
42. Membership in American political
paaltiea is based mainly upon social said eco-
nomic class? (Ti (F)
44. "Block" voting by members of minority
groups is a thing of the past? (T) (F)
45. A member of the Congress who achieves
great national prominence can likely do more
for his home state or district than a relatively
obscure member who has a committee chair-
manship? (T) (F)
46. "Pressure groups" -perform no legiti-
mate functions? (T) (F)
47. In the operations of our National Gov-
ernment, the separation of executive, judi-
cial, and legislative powers is carefully ad-
hered -to? (T) (F)
48. Centralization of party control is a dis-
tinguishing feature of American political
parties? (T) (F)
49. The aims, policies, and directions of
some bureaus of the Federal Government are
set solely by the applicable oommittees of the
Congress? (T) (F)
50. The open primary is the most common
form of primary?(T) (F)
Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, the sec-
ond questionnaire, also sent to Army
employees is a little closer to having a
management purpose. This is to measure
the effectiveness of certain aspects of the
Department of the Army's sick leave Pro-
visions. It is not clear to me, however,
how this management purpose will be
achieved by asking an employee to state
truthfully whether he would like to fire
his boss.
Nor can it be expected that any sensi-
ble employee, informed by the command-
ing officer that he has been selected as
part of the group to be surveyed, will
provide frank and honest answers to
such questions as these. At least, assur-
ances of anonymity would not suffice to
encourage my responses were I in their
places.
In my job, I am paid: More than the
work I am doing is really worth; about
what the work I am doing is worth; less
than the work I am doing is really worth.
In my office: We all think very highly
of the boss; most of us respect the boss;
most of us do not respect the boss; none
of us think too much of the boss.
Off the job, I socialize: Mostly with
people I know from work; about as much
with people I know from work as with
people I know from other places; mostly
with people I know from places other
than work.
Compared with other places you know
about, is your office a good place to work:
I would rather work here than any place
else I know; I think it is about aver-
age; It is just average; I think it is be-
low average.
Check the statement which best ap-
plies to you: I believe that, sooner or
later, I am going to be promoted; I think
I have a good chance of being promoted;
I do not think / have much chance of
41481MINYRowertsee-wompo
April 1.4, 1970
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE S 5677
being promoted; I am sure that I am not
going to be promoted.
In dealing with me, my boss is: Always
very fair; he plays it straight; usually
fair; he always means well, anyway;
sometimes unfair; in a pinch, he does
what is good for him; usually unfair; he
Is out to get me if he can.
Pity the office with one respondent
who dares to indicate that he thinks his
boss is really a figurehead who only
thinks he is in charge.
Again, the recipient was not told that
this form was voluntary, and he was free
to ignore it or not, as he saw fit:
As Mr. Cramer appropriately writes:
It's an amateurish questionnaire which
Will measure little and produce less . . . an
imposition on employees who have been
asked (not ordered) to fill it out . . . and
almost certainly a waste of whatever tax
dollars the finance office spent in distribut-
ing and collecting.
Yet this form, although purportedly
helpful to the Army, like the first, was
apparently basically for the personal re-
search needs of another Army officer en-
gaged in graduate study.
Mr. President, I recognize the need
for research to produce better manage-
ment techniques. However, at a time
when the strains on the Federal service
are many, there is also a real need for
creative thinking to produce manage-
ment theories which rely on more than
frivolous personality studies and behav-
ior questionnaires.
I can perceive no reason why the De-
fense Department or any other agency
should support governmental or private
research which invades ?the privacy
which employees possess as citizens. Cer-
tainly the need for the research and
the relevancy of the questions to the
purpose should be carefully reviewed at
the highest level.
The least we can expect of Federal
managers, whether civilian or military,
Is that they will demonstrate the basic
commonsense as well as the courage to
veto such obvously questionable re-
search projects.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the text of the questionnaire,
the perceptive articles on this subject,
written by John Cramer, and published
In the Washington Daily News of April
3 and 7, 1970; and my letter to the Secre-
tary of Defense be printed at this point
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the ques-
tionnaire, letter, and. articles were or-
dered to be printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY,
Washington, D.C., March 25, 1970.
Subject: Sick Leave.
1. References: a. CPC 2 dated 24 April
1969; b. CPP 60 dated. July 1960.
2. In accordance with the above references,
the attached, questionnaire is designed to
measure the effectiveness of certain aspects
of the Department of the Army's sick leave
provisions to determine what improvements
in application are needed.
3. You have been selected as part of the
group to be surveyed. Your frank and hon-
est answers will contribute to the success of
the task. Your answers will remain anony-
mous, Do not place your name on the ques-
tionnaire.
4. Instructions:
a. Pill in items 1-6 as indicated.
b. Questions 1-18 inclusive should be an-
swered by placing an "X" in the appropriate
blanks. Only one answer should be given for
each question.
c. Questions 19, 20 and 21 may be an-
swered in any way you choose.
d. Please complete and return the ques-
tionnaire by 6 April 1970. Tear off this letter
before you forward the questionnaire so that
your answers will remain anonymous.
ILL E. RICHMOND,
Colonel, FC, Commanding.
SICK LEAVE QUESTIONNAIRE
To: Civrtr.aw PERSONNEL OFFICE, I
Room 302 Headquarters Bldg
Fort Lesley J. McNair.
Paygrade: Time in Grade:
Male: Female:
Length of employment with .this organiza-
tion:
Length of civil service employment:
1. Check the statement that best applies
to you:
- (a) I'm the breadwinner in the family
and I make enough money at this
job to support us and enjoy most
of the luxury items we want as well.
(b) As breadwinner, I make enough
money to support myself (or my
family) with a little left over for
luxuries.
(c) As breadwinner, I don't make quite
enough money to support myself (or
my family) in this job.
____(d) As breadwinner, I cannot support
myself (or my family) on what I
make in this job.
I am not the principal breadwinner
in our family but I have to work
to help support us.
I am not the principal breadwinner
in our family and I do not really
have to work to support us.
2. Check the statement which best applies
to you:
- (a) I am sure my boss cares about me.
- (b) I think my boss cares about me.
(c) I don't think my boss cares about
me.
(d) I am sure my boss doesn't care about
me.
3. In my job, lain paid:
____ (a) More than the work I am doing is
really worth.
- (b) About what the work I am doing is
worth.
__(c) Less than the work I am doing is
really worth.
4. In my office:
- (a) We all think very highly of the boss.
- (b) Most of us respect the boss.
_(c) Most of us do not respect the boss.
- (d) None of us think too much of the
boss.
5. The people I work with:
- _ (a) Are congenial; we get along very
well together.
____(b) Are all right; we get along about as
well as could be expected.
____(c) Are only so-so; sometimes we don't
get along too Well.
(d) Aren't much good; we don't get
along at all.
6. Check the statement that best applies
to you:
(a) I do not hesitate to discuss job-re-
lated problems freely with my boss.
____(b) I usually hesitate a bit before bring-
ing job-related problems to the at-
tention of my boss.
__(c) I do not bring job-related problems
to the attention of my boss unless I
have to.
- (d) i'never bring job-related problems
to the attention of my boss under
any circumstances.
7. Off the job, / socialize:
____ (a) Mostly with people I know from
work.
(s)
(f)
- (b) About as much with people I know
from work as with people I know
from other places.
____(c) Mostly with people I know from
places other than work.
8. Check the statement which best applies
to you:
____ (a) My boss keeps me well-informed
? about what is going on in our or-
ganization without my having to
ask.
- (b) My boas usually keeps me informed
about what is going on in our or-
ganization; if I want to know some-
thing special, I can find out by ask-
ing him.
(c) My boss seldom tells me what is
going on in our organization; he
doesn't like me to ask questions.
__(d) My boss never tells me what is going
on in our organization; he won't
answer questions if he can help it.
9. Check the statement which best applies
to you:
(a) I would never take on a second job.
____(b) I might take on a second job.
____(e) I am looking for a second job,
(d) I have a seeond jab now,
10. Compared with other places you know
about, is your office a good place to work?
--(a) I would rather work here than any-
place else I know.
(b) I think it is about average.
____(c) It is just average.
(d) I think it is below average.
11. Check the statement which best applies
to yon:
____(a) I believe that, sooner or later, I am
going to be promoted.
- (b) I think I have a good chance of be-
ing promoted.
____(e) I do not think I have much chance
of being promoted.
I am sure that I am not going to be
promoted..
12. In dealing with me, my boss is:
____ (a) Always very fair; he plays it straight.
(b) Usually fair; he always means well,
anyway.
- (c) Sometimes unfair; in a pinch, he
does what is good for him.
(d) Usually unfair; he is out to get Me
if he can.
13. The work lam doing:
____ (a) Is very interesting and satisfying.
(b) Is fairly interesting and satisfying.
(c) Is pretty dull and boring.
____(d) Is a waste of my time.
14. If / could, I:
(a) Would promote my boss.
(b) Would not promote my boss, but I
would keep him on the job.
(c) Would demote my boss,
(d) Would fire my boss.
15. Choose the statement that best applies
to you:
(a) I know I could handle a bigger job
than the one I have now.
I think I could probably handle a
bigger job than I have now.
I am not sure I could handle a bigger
job than the one I have now.
- (d) I know I could not handle a job
any bigger than the one / have now.
18. Check the statement which beat applies
to you:
- (a) I always know where I stand with
my boss.
(b) I am pretty sure I know where I
stand with my boss.
(c) lam not so sure I really know where
I stand with my boss.
(d) I have no idea where I stand with
my boss.
17. On the whole, I would say that:
____(a) My boss leaves no doubt that he is
in charge; he runs a "taut ship".
- (b) My boss generally keeps control of
what is going on; at least he keeps
tabs on important things,
(h)
(c)
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S5678 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? - SENATE
- (c) My boss exercises only loose con-
trol over what is going on; he doesn't
influence as many activities as he
likes to believe.
- (d) My boss is really a figurehead; he
only thinks he is in charge.
18. Do you have a transportation problem
getting to and from work?
____ (a) I drive my own car.
I am in a car pool or ride with
someone else.
- (c) I take the bus and have no diffi-
culty.
- I take the bus and have great diffi-
culty.
__(e) I walk to and from work.
19. Please write below any comments you
have about your office which you feel are
especially good,
20. Please comment on any practices which
you feel are especially bad.
21. If you had the power to do so, what
would you do to improve employment con-
ditions?
APRIL 8, 1970.
1Ion. aletviar R. LAIRD,
Secretor' of Defense
The Pentagon,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. Sectiursaty: In the course of the
Constitutional Rights Subcommittee's study
of governmental invasion of the privacy of
federal employees, it has come to my atten-
tion that Defense Department employees are
being asked to complete questionnaires about
their social and political beliefs, attitudes
and activities, and about their personal
thoughts and beliefs about people in their
offices.
One example of these questionnaires is en-
closed with this letter. As you will see, it is
distributed to selected employees by a Dep-
uty Civilian Personnel Officer with the com-
ment, "I urge you to complete and mail the
questionnaire ASAP." The directions state
that the "survey Is being conducted in the
Army Staff as part of a larger research proj-
ect encompassing several military organiza-
tions, and that the results will become part
of the basic research required for an ad-
vanced degree of a former Army Staff officer."
Among the questions whioh this question-
naire asks employees are the following:
How old are you?
What is your race?
When did you Last vote in a local election?
When (led you last vote in a Presidential
election?
Are you a registered member of any politi-
cal party?
With the views of which party do you most
usually agree?
A. American Independent.
B. Democratic.
C. Republican.
D Other.
E. No party.
Have you ever actively campaigned for any
candidate or worked for a political party?
Have you ever contributed money to a
political party or candidate?
I think the best farm of oity govern-
ment is:
A. City manager (council.
13. Strong mayor exeincil.
C.. No opinion.
I feel that local school boards ought to be:
A. Politically responsive.
B. Above politics.
I believe that elections for offices such as
city councilman ought to be:
eseterteattittalee
A. Partisan.
B. Non-partisan.
C. It makes no difference.'
I believe the political rights of ci. I serv-
ants ought to be:
A. Limited.
B. The same as any citizen.
In order to have the best chances ttr ad-
vancement, I believe the career , 'Mary
officer should:
A. Become involved in party politic,
B. Get a politician to "sponsor" lit a but
avoid political commitment himself.
C. Heep out of any political involv insult
Civil servants know more about 'tY a real
world a politics than do career xo,lita.ry
officers.
Military officers are at a disadvant ge in
dealing with civil servants because thu latter
understand politics better.
Foreign service officers are more poi- teeny
sophisticated than civil servants.
"Blook" voting by members of int ority
groups is a thing of the past.
"Pressure groups" perform no legit mate
functions.
A member of the Congress who ari levee
great national prominence can like I do
more for his home state or district ti an a
relatively obscure member who has a 'orn-
rni btee chairmanship?
I think you would agree with me ?hat
the answers to these questions clear sire
none of this student Army officer's burs. less,
nor are they the business of the Army The
fact that this reply is supposed to be riso my-
mous is irrelevant.
As an old infantry drill regulation et ;tee,
a request from a superior is equivalent to a
conana.nd, and no citizen should be en-
mended to supply such information, reg ard-
lees of the purpose.
I strongly urge that this and any sic iar
surveys be cancelled and that procedurs be
established in all of the services to amen an
adequate review at a high level of such re-
search, whether it be private or got in-
mental.
The second questionnaire is apparently iso
for private research by an Army officer al-
though ostensibly designed to aid in In in-
agement of sick leave programs. Again, in-
ployees are not told this survey is vot n-
tary, but rather, the Commanding Cal 'er
tells them to "please complete and ret rn
the form by April 8." Although it is lied
that the replies of this "selected" group re
"anonymous," recipients are told by he
Commanding Officer to send questioanitl es
back to the Civilian Personnel Office WI di
supposedly selected them in the first pit e.
I know it will perplex you as much aa it
does me why the Army sees fit to spend c-
payers' money asking employees' "frank t id
honest" answers to questions such as:
I am sure my boss does not care for
In my job. I am paid more than the w
I am doing is really worth.
In my office, none of us think too muck tf
the boss.
I am sure that I am not going to e
promoted.
/n dealing with me, my boss is usua. y
unfair; he is out to get me if he can
If I could, I would fire my boss.
On the whole, I would say that my bc s
is really a figurehead; he only thinks he ;
in charge.
In my opinion, the only worthwhile quo
tion is the last, which is "If you had tt
power to do so, what would you do to iii.
prove employment conditions?"
It would be most useful to have, ff -
each of the armed services and the Delete
agencies, copies of all similar statistical ta
search questionnaires asking civil servants
report on their thoughts, habits, beliefs as,
personal lives.
In the interest of employee morale and prt
teetion of individual privacy, I urge you r
April 14, 1970
give serious consideration to issuance of a
Department-wide directive:
(1) Requiring that every governmental or
private research questionnaire sent to civil
servants in the Defense Department state
on the first page that response is voluntary,
and that the recipient is under no compul-
sion to reply;
(2) Requiring a high level clearance for all
such questionnaires;
(3) Banning all such forms asking about
an individual's political, economic, and social
beliefs which have nothing to do with his
employment.
With all kind wishes, I am
Sincerely yours,
SABI J. ERvne, Jr.,
Chairman, Subeenini.ittee on
Constitutional Rights.
[Prom the Washington Daily News,
Apr. 3. 19701
RARE AND RANK
(By John Cramer)
Today we have rare, rank bit of bureau-
cratic abuse?an Army personnel guy using
his official muscle to pressure Army employ-
ees into helping an Army officer get a gradu-
ate degree.
Specifically, he asked them (in terms which
could be construed as an order;, to fill out a
six-page questionnaire of 50 questions on
their "political attitudes."
The personnel guy is Robert L. Mousel,
.. 7Th
deputy civilian personnel officer for the Office
of the i1 Chief of Staff. Perhaps he's mere-
ly a victim e system.
The Controversial questionnaire was dis-
tributed Over his signature with a note which
read:
"The enclosed survey is being conducted
In the Army staff as part of a larger re-
search project encompassing several military
organizations. The results will become part
of the basic research required for an advanced
degree of a former Army staff officer.
"You have been selected to complete the
questionnaire because you represent part of
the desired cross section of grade and func-
tional speciality. You will note anonymity is
desired, I urge you to complete and mail the
questionnaire ASAP."
The employes were "urged'' to complete the
questionnaire ... were not told they were free
to ignore it. Unquestionably, subtle pres-
sure to "cooperate" was there.
Mr. Mousel said the research project, de-
signed to analyze differences in political at-
titudes between civilian and military person-
nel, was the work of a lieutenant colonel
whom the Army has assigned to George
Washington University while he pursues a
master's degree in political science.
He also said:
That the colonel's planned course of study,
Including his research project, had been ap-
proved in advance by the Army.
That civilians who received the question-
naire were 250 GS-12s, 13s, and 14e, selected
at random by a "small computer run."
That the questionnaires were distributed
to the 250 thru the Pentagon mail system.
That the Army frequently Derforms similar
serviees for other researchers.
The questionnaire came with a cover sheet
bearing the colonel's home address and a
stamp. Employes were told: "To mail simply
fold top to bottom and staple. Address and
stamp then are in the appropriate position."
My suggestion to employes: mail the ques-
tionnaire, as directed. Just don't bother to fill
It out.
This won't help the colonel get his degree.
It may, however, ennoble his future career by
pointing out to hint one dominant "political
attitude" of Aiwa' civilians.
They dislike being showed around.
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April 14, 1970 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
[The Washington Daily News, Tuesday,
Apr. 7,1970]
(By John Cramer)
Apparently it's common practice in Army?
MORE BRASS USING CIVILIANS EOR RESEARCH
the business of letting its civilian employes
be used as semi-captive guinea pigs for the
research projects of Army officers assigned
to graduate schools.
Last week, there was mention here of a
six-page questionnaire recently distributed
by the Office of the Army Chief of Staff
to 250 employes at the 05-12-14' level.
It was the work of a lieutenant colonel
studying differences in "political attitudes"
of Army civilian and military personnel as
a research project required for an advanced
degree at George Washington University.
ANOTHER ctIIESTIONNAIRE
Now we have a different lieutenant colonel,
? also at GWU, with a different question-
naire?this one a mere four pages.
It purports to "measuae the effectiveness
of certain aspects of the Department of
Army's sick leave provisions.,'
And the captive guinea pigs for this one
are employes of the Army's Finance and Ac-
counts Office here.
Actually, this second questionnaire in no
way deals with "sick leave provisions." In-
stead, it apparently seeks to discover rela-
tionships between sick leave use and such
things as employe earning. . their rapport
with co-workers . . . attitude toward their
bosses . . . chances of promotions . . . etc.
But it's an amateurish sort of question-
naire which will measure little and produce
less . . an imposition on employes who have
been asked (not ordered) to fill it out ... and
almost certainly a waste of whatever tax
dollars the Finance Office spent in distribut-
ing and collecting it.
BLAME ARMY
In the long run, it will be of value only
to the lieutenant colonel who foisted it off
on the Finance Office. But don't Name him.
Blame the Army for letting him i get away
with it.
The best that can be said for his project
Is that it makes more sense than the Office
of Chief of Staff research on. "political
attitudes."
The Finance Office questionnaire was au-
thorized by Col. M. E. Richmond, new corn-
Mender of the office, Who explains himself
so decently that I'm almost inclined to for-
give him.
He said he has a sick leave "problem" in
the Office . . that he hopes to correct it by
providing better motivation . . . that he
thinks the questionnaire might point the
way.
But I can't quite see spending taxpayer
dough, and imposing on employes with ques-
tions such as No. 5 in the questionnaire:
"The people I work with:
"(a) Are congenial; we get along very Well
together.
"(b) Are all right; we get along about as
well as could be expected.
"(c) Are only so-so; sometimes we don't
get along too well.
"(d) Aren't much good; we don't get along
at all."
"Check the statement that best applies
to you:
Or No. 7?
"Off the job, I socialize:
"(a) Mostly with people I know from work.
"(b) About as much with people I know
from work as with people I know from other
places.
"'(c) Mostly with people I know from
places other than work."
Sen. Sam Ervin, D-N.C., and others have
made the point that we already have an
excess of professionals licensed to practice
their psychological tests, attitude surveys,
and other assorted sorceries on federal
workers.
So spare us, please, the Army's student-type
amateurs with their one-time ventures into
the sticky world of attitude testing.
FILING DATES FOR PERSONAL
FINANCIAL REPORTS
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, recent
inquiries to the Select Committee on
Standards and Conduct suggest that not
all Senators and employees are familiar
with the filing deadlines for personal dis-
closure and outside employment reports
required by the Senate rules of conduct.
Senators, candidates for Senator, and
officers and employees of the Senate are
reminded that personal financial state-
ments must be filed before May 15 and
that reports of outside employment must
be flied on May 15.
The Select Committee on Standards
and Conduct has prepared forms for
these reports whose use is recommended
but not mandatory. The committee also
has issued instructions for preparing the
reports, which state among other things
when and where to file.
Copies of the forms and the instruc-
tions may be picked up in the commit-
tee offices in room 1417 of the New Sen-
ate Office Building or may be requested
by telephone on extension 2981. The staff
of the committee will assist anyone who
requests help in preparing reports.
LET REASON PREVAIL IN OUR
TRADE POLICIES
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Presi-
dent, on October 13 of last year my dis-
tinguished colleague and fellow West
Virginian, (Mr. RANDOLPH) and I intro-
duced S. 3022, the Trade Expansion Act
of 1969. Since that date, due in part to
the subsequent supporting debate on this
floor, the fog shrouding the issues con-
fronted by the bill has lifted enough to
reinforce my belief that it has immedi-
ate merit.
The fundamental reason for my sup-
port of the bill is my conviction that in
the currently expanding world economy
the rate of growth of industrial produc-
tion must be subject to a modicum of
order. The present structure tends to-
wards overproduction in some industrial
fields, with seriously disruptive con-
sequences to parts of the American
economy.
The fact that the United States is the
largest market, and the major open mar-
ket in the world economy, does not viti-
ate my argument. On the contrary it
makes it more relevant and timely. Hard-
ly a week passes by without reports of
difficult or unsuccessful meetings and
official negotiations dealing with the
problem of mouting imports in face of a
relative decline in our exports. Gener-
ally, statements from all parties con-
cerned are more self-seeking than self-
evident. But there is also noticeable a
change in mood and a stiffening of na-
tional positions. The seriousness of this
situation is underscored by the very fact
that meaningful international relations,
both political and economic, must be
based on a give-and-take formula. I find
that we have been doing most of the
giving and little of the taking. In fact, we
S 5679
have been giving so long that our trade
partners have frozen in their position of
taking to such an extent that they seem
now to consider it the natural state of
affairs.
Mr. President, I think that the time
has come for Congress to do what it can
to correct this situation, Our Govern-
ment's dealings with the Japanese Gov-
ernment on the matter of textile imports
have been marked by intransigence. The
high point of this was reached by the
statement of the powerful Japanese Min-
ister of International Trade and Industry
who in February was quoted saying:
There can be no way of pushing ahead
talks unless the United States accepts Ja-
pan's basic thinking.
Only recently, the chairman of the
Japan Textile Federation warned the
Japanese Government that the federa-
tion would not honor any agreement be-
tween the United States and Japan on
the textile issue if unreasonable conces-
sions were made to the Americans. The
chairman implied that there was no need
for such concessions since critical voices
in Washington could be counted upon
to prevent the passage of protectionist
legislation by Congress.
In an unprecedented move, the United
States presented to Japan in late Janu-
ary of this detailed economic data to
show that the U.S. textile firms and ap-
parel industries are being injured by im-
ports. On March 10 a report from Tokyo
described the current United States-
Japan export curb talks as fruitless. A
dead end has been reached, the report
said, in the year-long search for an
agreement on- textile imports to the
United States when our "final offer" was
made. This, however, was followed by a
flying visit to Washington by a high Jap-
anese diplomat who reportedly envis-
aged Japanese voluntary restraints only
after Japanese exports to this country
exceeded a 50-percent rise over any pre-
ceding year. Is this a realistic and rea-
sonable approach in trying to solve a
problem on a mutuality of interests? The
same report also noted that the Japa-
nese public opinion is increasingly
marked by a new awareness of national
self-confidence which, according to, their
culture, requires them to ?"stand up" to
American "pressures."
Japan will have to learn that the in-
ordinate expansion of its trade and fi-
nancial exchanges with the rest of the
world, but especially with the United
States, is no longer consistent with its
restrictive practices and policies. Meas-
ures that made some sense when Japan
was rebuilding its war-ravaged economy
and trying to create industries that could
stand on their own in international com-
petition have no shred of justification
now.
Of course, the problem does not lie
with textiles alone, nor is it confined to
Japan. Other major industrial products
are affected by mounting imports, among
them glass, hardware, steel, and elec-
tronic products.
Assistant Secretary of Commerce Ken-
neth N.: Davis, Jr., bluntry cautioned
Western Europe and Japan in March
that they must give fairer treatment to
American exports sold in their markets
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S 5680 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE
and that both trading areas should not
underestimate the American administra-
tion's determination to achieve an equit-
able solution.
Ann Davis said:
For the benefit of all the world's trade, it
is time for Japan and Europe to respond
more fairly than heretofore to 20 years of
U.S. leadership In expansionist world trade
policy!
Subsequently, Mr. Davis mentioned
that a series of missions of U.S. business
leaders will visit other nations in the in-
terest of fairer trade relations. More-
over, it is reported that Commerce Sec-
retary Maurice Stans is considering call-
ing In Washington leaders of American
industry and trade associations to map
an all-out drive on unfair restrictions
against U.S. business activities by some
of the major industrial nations.
But, is our Government pressing the
issue strongly enough? The lack of fe-
sults and the seeming widening policy of
restrictionism of the various nations in-
volved would indicate that this is not
the case. Extended consultations and
talks across the Atlantic have yielded at
best accusations and counteraccusations.
Mr. Davis termed troublesome the atti-
tude of the Europeans and their lack in
understanding that serious differences
exist between the two trading areas. True,
it may not be within the spirit and the
letter of the General Agreement on Tar-
iffs and Trade for the United States to
retain the American selling price pro-
vision in our trade with GATT members.
But for the Europeans to insist on our
repeal of ASP while they are about to
erect new barriers discriminating against
American electronic components. is an
unreasonable and untenable position. The
French-German-British accord may well
be considered by its members as nondis-
criminatory, but it is aimed at what the
Electronic Industries Association esti-
mates to be about 35 percent of the U.S.
shipments of electronic components to
Europe.
A visit here in February by a trade
representative of the European Economic
Commission in the wake of U.S. criticism
of the Common Market was preceded by
a salvo of criticism from Europeans
warning a,bout.the danger to world trade
by the protectionist measures advocated
in the T.J.S. Congress. The European Com-
mission also maintained that the com-
mon American notion that the U.S. com-
plaints of the European Community by'
far outweigh in number and importance
their complaints of the American system
is unfounded. They cited U.S. import re-
strictions in the agricultural and me-
chanical industries, but failed to men-
tion the severity of their barriers in
agriculture, which surpass any ration-
ality. If the European Commission is
Publicly expressing anxieties about im-
port restrictions pending in Congress,
then they ought to publicly or privately
consider the issues in terms of their
merits and in line with their avowed
extremely liberal policy toward trade,
instead of contributing to the atmosphere
of criticism and suspicion of intentions.
Quite contrary to many of its pro-
nouncements, the European Community
has been busy in protective action lately.
atiowasairmessaimma
The Common Market has been gning
preferential trade agreements wi a va-
riety of African and Mediterranee- coun-
tries. These trade pacts often violate the
spirit if not the letter of the GATT prin-
ciplet.
The process is fast becoming a unckery
of the most-favored-nation In nciple
which, in- international trade, r quires
that the extension of preferential treat-
ment to one trade partner be ex vmded
to all partners. This principle is fIst be-
coming something to invoke in ono case
and to disregard in another while n hot
pursuit of national self-interest.
The initial beneficiaries of the in efer-
ential trade pact. of the Common "):arket
were Greece a d Turkey and the irmer
French and Igian colonies, ni - in-
dependent states. In the past 61'veral
years the ist expanded to include 'ugo-
slavia, ? nisia, and Morocco. Late l r. the
Europe n Community has been ti tietly
creat g a network of preferential n ade
pacts ith Mediterranean countria, This
area as been buying about $1.3 inion
wort of goods from the United S ates.
Two ations particularly Involve(' are
Israel nd Spain which alone inip irted
more an 1 billion of these Arne ican
exports. This trade is bound to b af -
fected n because of improved on, ape-
titian, but cause new barriers st 01 be
erected disen nating against our Pods.
Meantime, wai g in the wings are
Eygpt and Lebano Libya and Al ria,
and little Malta, all g up for pn fer-
ential trade accords the Cononon
Market.
No doubt there may be cc' 'c j
fications for such a policy an e Earo-
Pean continental powers are fr out
their main goal in these arrange its.
They seek political influence if not
inance. While the United States sh ld
perhaps not complain on the lattei
pect, we have the right to examine
methods used as they would seem io
only contrary to existing agreements but
directly injurious to our national In-
terests. At stake are the welfare of )ur
business firms and our workers' job in
the years ahead.
The proliferation of preferential trde
ties can only lead to a growing polar i -a-
tion of regional interests with the exl n-
tual emergence of large rival trati ug
blocs.
It is interesting to note that privan
the Common Market has been saying Ii -t
the basic circumstances of international
trade have been altered since the n
dustrial tariffs were reduced almost :10
percent in the Kennedy round. This is
exactly the point that I have been '4o, -
pounding. If GATT principles w n
which the Kennedy round have bee
ducted and, so far, partly imple ent ci
are no longer viable, then it is h tinie
for this Congress to establish w guiti ?-
lines consonant with our curr nation ,d
interest and policy. It ma well be ti. t
the Common Market s not want a
division of the world in economic blen
Nor, would this I believe, be in the int'
est of the United States. But we cantn
sit here just watching events as thn.
unfold. Furthermore it does not help
that the European Common Market oi
ficials are ready and willing to swear tho7.,
April 14, 1970
their intentions are to preserve the
GATT, while at the same time their ac-
tions indicate a different course of events.
Some of the Europeans have successfully
blocked the current initiative of GATT
In its attempt of starting negotiations
later this year on agricultural trade and
nontariff barriers. Morevover, the total
direction of current efforts crossing the
Atlantic and the Pacific would indicate
a return toward erecting new nontariff
barriers so that the major GATT mem-
bers can consolidate their negotiating
positions for the next bout.
I am not in favor of either political
war or economic war. I believe that
reason can prevail. But now is the time
to use reason and bring our house in
order. We cannot wish our problems
away. We have a responsibility toward
our citizens and our Nation's economy.
We cannot allow the present unsettled
situation to rule us or to continue un-
checked. If the administration is unable
to achieve its stated goal within ate ex-
isting framework of international trade
agreements, we in Congress have the duty
to do it here and now. I am not proposing
major surgery. But I am convinced that
preventive medicine is far preferable to
the treatment of an organism in an ad-
vanced state of decay. Every doctor will
also tell you that in the long run such
an approach is both more effetcive and
more economical.
Mr. President, the bill that I support is
not repressive or protectionist in nature.
It would only assure us and our trading
partners full participation of a fair share
of an orderly growth of our markets.
This I do in the face of growing direct
subsidies of foreign exports undercutting
our efforts to sell our goods abroad, while
at the same time U.S. manufacturers are
being asked by the same governments to
transfer production and jobs out of the
United States.
What it finally comes down to is the
preservation of American workers' jobs--
the preservation of West Virginia jobs
and jobs in every State where our mag-
nanimous trade policies are resulting in
loss to our own citizens.
The bill of which I am a cosponsor
would apply to imports of flat glass, glass-
ware, steel, footwear, manmade fibers,
and electronic products. Other commodi-
ties, of course, can be included in in-
stances where economic loss is occurring.
In my own State, 30,000 jobs, in round
figures, are represented by the industries
to which the bill applies. That is a very
substantial number in our work force.
Too many people tend to think of un-
employment in terms of statistics when
they should be thinking of it in human
terms. Being unemployed, being without
a job and the means to support oneself
or one's family is a cruel and degrading
experience. We simply cannot afford, Mr.
President, for the overliberal import pol-
icies of government to be the cause of
joblessness and misery among our own
people.
Theory and practicality have historic-
ally collided in America's foreign trade
experience. Too often have we erred on
the side of theory. Wishful thinking about
the intentions of others has too often
blinded us to the fact that In the real
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April 7, 1970
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? SENATE
Other objections to direct election have
been rather fully discussed. No great prin-
ciple is involved in the speculation that it
might increase the importance of small
states. Purely as a matter of Interest, how-
ever, I believe that those who anticipate such
a consequence would be seriously disap-
pointed.
Most presidential campaigns are directed
at a "swing vote" of about 10 to 20 per cent
9f the electorate. Any candidate in search of
those votes must focus his money and efforts
on the large states, for that is where the
people are and where the most volatile vote is
to be found.
In 1968, about half the total vote for the
two major candidates came from just seven
states. A change of less than 1% per cent in
those states would have canceled out Richard
Nixon's entire Southern margin over Hubert
Humphrey. No political strategist could
wisely advise a candidate to take the slight-
est risk in the big states in order to pick up a
few Southern or border states.
Thus if direct election is approved, the
proponents of the "New Federalism" will pre-
side over the dissolution of one of the few
remaining levers which less populated sec-
tions have on national politics. This may be
a healthy thing, but it always helps to be
clear about what you are doing when you
change the Constitution.
NO PURE DEMOCRACY
The electoral college has not only faith-
fully reflected the popular will; it has usually
strengthened it by giving a candidate with
a narrow popular margin a far larger electoral
mandate. Against this historical experience
is now set the argument that the electoral
system offends the theoretical democratic
principle of "one man, one vote."
This is certainly so, at least in abstract
possibility. We must remember, however,
that this is not the uniform principle of
our government. The Supreme Court, with
Its power to overrule President and Congress,
is responsible to no electorate. And its in-
sulation from popular will has helped
strengthen it to protect liberties.
A Senator elected by a few hundred thous-
and vote& in Idaho has as much power over
national affairs as a man selected by several
million citizens of New York. Yet the Senate
has often been a more liberal and principled
body than the House. Men like the Secretary
of Defense, whose power over our lives far
exceeds that of most of our earlier Presidents,
are appointed and removed by one man.
Our national government is not a pure
democracy, nor does anyone suggest that it
should be. None of our institutions of gov-
ernments acts exactly as the Funding Fathers
expected. Yet they have managed to evolve
some kind of enduring and relatively fruit-
ful harmony.
The system is not perfect, and I believe we
need some fundamental changes. But when
we are asked to change an institution as basic
as the Electoral College, the only relevant
questions are practical ones. How is it work-
ing? What are its functions? What will be
the consequences of the change? To act on
the basis of rhetoric about pure democracy
may have threatening consequences for the
future of our actual democracy, and would
be in a spirit foreign to the Constitution it-
itself.
For all the influence of mass media and
fast planes, we are still a continent, shelter-
ing diverse peoples with very different ways
of living. The Electoral College has been one
of the institutions tending to strengthen the
curious, irrational and frustrating political
system which has held us together. Before
embarking on the irrevocable course of aboli-
tion, we should be sure that we understand
and are willing to risk the possible results.
DIRECT ELECTIONS AN INvrrarioN
NATIONAL CHAOS
(By Theodore H. White)
Last September, in a triumph of noble
purpose over common sense, the House passed
and has sent to the Senate a proposal to
abolish the Federal System.
It is not called that, of course. Put forth as
an amendment to the Constitution, the new
scheme offers a supposedly better way of
electing Presidents. Advanced with the de-
lusive rhetoric of vox populi, vox Dei, it not
only wipes out the obsolete Electoral College
but abolishes the sovereign states as voting
units. In the name of The People, it proposes
that a giant plebiscite pour all 70,000,000
American votes into a single pool whose
winner?whether by 5,000 or 5,000,000?is
hailed as National Chief.
American elections are a naked transac-
tion in power?a cruel, brawling year-long
adventure swept by profound passion and
prejudice. Quite naturally, therefore, Con-
stitution and tradition have tried to limit
the sweep of passions, packaging the raw
votes within each state, weighing each state's
electoral vote proportionately to population,
letting each make its own rules and police
its own polls.
The new theory holds that an instantane-
ous direct cascade of votes offers citizens a
more responsible choice of leadership?and
it is only when one tests high-minded theory
against reality that it becomes nightmare.
? Since the essence of the proposal is a
change in the way votes are counted, the
first test must be a hard look at vote-count-
ing as it actually operates. Over most of
the United States votes are cast and counted
honestly. No one anymore can steal an elec-
tion that is not close to begin with, and in
the past generation vote fraud has dimin-
ished dramatically.
Still, anyone who trusts the precise count
in Gary, Ind.; Cook County., Ill.; Duval
County, Texas; Suffolk County, Mass.; or in
half a dozen border and Southern states is
out of touch with political reality. Under the
present electoral system, however, crooks in
such areas are limited to toying with the
electoral vote of one state only; and then
only when margins are exceptionally tight.
Even then, when the dial riggers, ballot
stuffers, later counters and recounters are
stimulated to play election-night poker with
the results, their art is balanced by crooks
of the other party playing in the same game.
John F. Kennedy won in 1960 by the tissue-
thin margin of 118,550?less than 1/5 of one
percent of the national total?in an election
stained with outright fraud in at least three
states. No one challenged his victory, how-
ever, because the big national decision had
been made by electoral votes of honest-count
states, sealed off from contamination by
fraud elsewhere?and because scandal could
as well be charged to Republicans as to Dem-
ocrats. But if, henceforth, all the raw votes
from Hawaii to Maine are funneled into one
vast pool, and popular results are as close as
1960 and 1968, the pressure to cheat or call
recounts must penetrate everywhere?for any
vote stolen anywhere in the Union pressures
politicians thousands of miles away to bal-
ance or protest it. Twice in the past decade,
the new proposal would have brought Amer-
ica to chaos.
To enforce honest vote-counting in all the
nation's 170,000 precincts, national Policing
becomes necessary. So, too, do uniform fed-
eral laws on voter qualifications. New laws,
for example, will have to forbid any state
from increasing its share of the total by en-
franchising youngsters of 18 (as Kentucky
and Georgia do now) while most others limit
voting to those over 21. Residence require-
ments, too, must be made uniform in all
states. The centralization required breaches
all American tradition.
S 5189
Reality forces candidates today to plan
campaigns on many levels, choosing groups
and regions to which they must appeal, im
portantly educating themselves on local is-
sues in states they seek -to carry.
But if states are abolished as voting units,
TV becomes absolutely dominant. Campaign
strategy changes from delicately assembling
a winning coalition of states and becomes a
media effort to' capture the largest share of
the national "vote market," Instead of court-
ing regional party leaders by compromise,
candidates will rely on media masters. Issues_
will be shaped in national TV studios, and
the heaviest swat will go to the candidate
who raises the most money to buy the best
time and most "creative" TV talent.
The most ominous domestic reality today
is race confrontation. Black votes count to-
day because blacks vote chiefly in big-city
states where they make the margin of differ-
ence. No candidate seeking New York's 43
electoral votes, Pennsylvania's 29, Illinois'
26 can avoid courting the black vote that
may swing those states. If states are abol-
ished as voting units, the chef political lev-
erage of Negroes is also abolished. Whenever
a race iseue has been settled by plebiscite--
from California's Proposition 14 (on Open
Housing) in 1964 to New York's Police Review
Board in 1966?the plebiscite vote has put
the blacks down. Yet a paradox of the new
rhetoric is that Southern conservatives, who
have most to gain by the new proposal, op-
pose it, while Northern liberals, who have
most to lose, support it because it is hal-
lowed in the name of The People.
What is wrong in the old system is not
state-by-state voting. What is wrong is the
anachronistic Electoral College and the mis-
chief anonymous "electors" can perpetrate
in the wake of a close election. Even more
dangerous is the provision that lets the
House, if no candidate has an electoral ma-
jority, choose the President by the undem-
ocratic unit rule?one state, one vote. These
dangers can be eliminated simply by an
amendment which abolishes the Electoral
College but retains the electoral vote by
each state and which, next, provides that
in an election where there Is no electoral
majority, senators and congressmen, individ-
ually voting in joint session and hearing the
voices of the people in their districts, will
elect a President.
What is right about the old system is the
sense of identity it gives Americans. As they
march to the polls, Bay States should feel
Massachusetts is speaking, Hoosiers should
feel Indiana is speaking; blacks and other
minorities should feel their votes count; so,
too, should Southerners from Tidewater to
the Gulf. The Federal System has worked
superbly for almost two centuries. It can and
should be speedily improved. But to reduce
Americans to faceless digits on an enormous
tote board, in a piebiteite swept by dema-
goguery, manipulated-by TV, at the mercy of
crooked countert?this is an absurdity for
which goodwill and nobletheory are no
justification.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF
BILLS
Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, I ask unan-
imous consent that, at the next printing,
the name of the senior Senator from
California (Mr. MURPHY) be added as a
cosponsor of S. 8 the Federal employee
"bill of righ .
I am happy to report that this brings
to 56 the total number of sponsors of
this bill which is so urgently needed to
secure the liberty accorded by the Con-
stitution to over 3-million American cit-
izens.
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S 3190
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -;ENATE
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
GRAVEL ) . Without objection. it is SO or-
dered.
S. 3164
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Pres-
dent, on behalf of the Senator from New
Mexico (Mr. MONTOYAP I ask unanimous
consent that, at the next printing, the
name of the Senator from New Jersey
(Mr. WILLIA1VIS) be added as a cosponsor
to the bill. S. 3164, to amend the Fair
Packazing and Labeling Act to require a
Packaged perishable food to bear a lab-
el specifying the date after which it is
not to be sold for consumption.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
Iteesete . Without objection, it is so or-
dered.
8 3386
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Pres-
ident, on behalf of the Senator from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Score), I ask unani-
mous consent that, at the next print-
ing, the name of the Senator from Dela-
ware (Mr. Bouts) be added as a cospon-
sor of 3. 3388, to establish an Environ-
mental Quality Administration.
The ?RESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
E. 3528
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia, Mr. Pres-
ident. on behalf of the Senator from New
Hampshire (Mr. Mcleeyee) I ask unani-
mous consent that, at the next printing,
the names of the Senator from Indiana
:Mr. HARTKE) and the Senator from
,elaska (Mr. ST-EVENS) be added as co-
sponsors of S 3528, to amend the Small
imsiness Act.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
isjection, it is so ordered
S. 3562
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Pres-
ident, on behalf of the Senator from New
Hampshire (Mr. McIerreee), I ask unan-
imous consent that, at the next print-
ieg, the name of the Senator from Texas
Mr. YARBOROUGH) be added as a co-
sponsor of S. 3552. to provide certain
privileges against disclosure of confiden-
tial information obtained by newsmen,
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, i is so ordered.
665
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia_ Mr, Pres-.
ident on lienalf of the Senator from New
eitimpstere (Mr. WIN-Teta), I ask unan -
imoup coesent that. at the next print-
Inge the name of the Senator from Texas
Yeeeottoecr) be added as cosponsor
,)l S. 3585, to pro('lde for the establish-
ment of natiOnal- etandards for warran-
tee made with resepteet tet consumer goods
,iistributed in or afetecting interstate com-
merce, and for other purposes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER Without
1..).ke?;ion, it is so ordered.
rises
r MILLER. Mr_ President, at the re-
et of the Senator from Pennsylvania
? me Sam ). I ask ilnaninfous consent
at the next printing, the name of
ee Senator from Oregon (Mr. Hereeete)
ecicied as a cosponsor of S. 3566, to es-
ndtish, within the National Foundation
on he Arts and Humanities, a National
rietricil on American Minority History
a t; r( Culture
The PRESIDING OVVICER Mr.
Atexae), Without objection, it . so
ordered.
S. 3586
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. Presid at, I
ask unanimous consent that at tie next
printing, the name of the Senator rom
Oklahoma (Mr. HARRIS) be added as a
cosponsor of the bill S. 3586, to et tend
title VII of the Public, Health Se vice
Act to establish eligibility of new at ools
of medicine, dentistry, osteopathy, e, tar-
macy, optometry, veterinary med ine,
and podiatry for institutional grant an-
der section 771 thereof, to extend and
improve the program relating to tree ring
of personnel in the allied health pr .es-
sions, and for other purposes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER %tr.
GRAVEL). Without objection, it is so or-
dered.
S 3604
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. es-
ident, on behalf of the Senator I. urn
Massachusetts (Mr. KENNEDY), I tsk
unanimous consent that, at the j -et
printing, the name of the Senator f.
Michigan (Mr. HART) be added as a
sponsor of of S. 3604, to authorize the Je
tablishment of an older worker coin,.
nity service program.
The PRESIDING OFFICER ("' it.
Heiesse), Without objection, it is so r-
dere&
S. 3643
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, at :e
request of the Senator from Penns 1-
vania (Mr. Scorr ) , I ask unanimous ce
sent that, at the next printing, the net :e
of the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Bee g
be added as a cosponsor of S. 3643, ee
provide for the issuance of a gold mete ml
to the widow of the Reverend Doe: ,r
Martin Luther King, Jr., and the ft, -
fishing of duplicate medals in bronze a
the Martin Luther King, Jr., memos" I
fund at Morehouse College and the Mt
tin Luther King, Jr., Memorial Cent' r
at Atlanta, Ga.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (le
ALLEN). Without objection, it is so to -
dered.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSOR OF
RESOLUTIONS
81.1. ATE RESOLUTION 2)1
Mr BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Prem
ident, on behalf of the Senator from.
Maseachusetes k Mr. BROOKE ) , I ale,
unanimous consent that, at the nele
printing, the name of the Senator fror
Pennsylvania (Mr. Score) be added as 4.
cosponsor of Senate Resolution 211, seek-
ing agreement with the Union or Sovie
Socialist Republics on limiting offensivt
and defensive strategic weapons and the
suspension of test flights of' reentre
vehicles.
The PRESIDING OleeiCER (Mr. HAN-
SEN) . Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. YARBOROUGH, Mr. President, 4
ask unanimous consent that at its next
printing the name of the Senator from
Florida (Mr. GURNEY) be added as a co-
sponsor of the resolution, Senate Reso-
lution 376. authorizing the Committee on
Labor and Public Welfare to study re-
search activities conducted to ascertain
April 7, 1970
the causes and develop cures to eliminate
cancer.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
GRAVEL). Without objection, it, is so
ordered.
ANNOUNCEMENT OF HEARINGS
SCHEDULED ON NOMINATION OF
EDWARD B. MILLER OF ILLINOIS
TO BE CHAIRMAN OF THE NA-
TIONAL LABOR RELATIONS
BOARD
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President, I
wish to a enounce a hearing seheduled by
the Corartittee on Labor and Public We/-
fare on May 7 on the nomination of Mr.
Edward D. Miller of Illinois to be Chain-
man of Lie National Labor Relations
Board.
Anyone wishing to testify on this ap-
pointment should notify Robert Harris,
staff din etor of the committee, by
April 30.
PRESIDENT NIXON'S SUCCESS IN
VIETIVAIVIIZATION
Mr. AIR EN. Mr, President, it seems we
are living in an era when good news is
no news. And nowhere have I heard over
the air or cad in any newspaper the fact
that the tinned States for the week end-
ing last Thursday, April 2. withdrew 91000
of our !Watery personnel from South
Vietnam.
This info' mation has been available to
anyone who desires it. But it appears
now that tliP President's goal of reducing
our forces he South Vietnam to 434,500
by April 15 will be reached several clays
ahead of schedule.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
Mr. CASIS Mr. President, I aslounani-
mous consent that I be permitted to pro-
ceed for 12 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
THE RULE OF GERMANENESS?
UNANIMOUS-CONSENT REQUEST
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield without losing his
right to the floor?
Mr. CASE I yield.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that for the re-
mainder of the second session of the
91st Congress the Pastore rule of ger-
maneness of debate shall not begin to
run until the eonclusicn of routine morn-
ing business or until the unfinished busi-
ness is laid beiore the Senate, whichever
comes later.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection?
Mr. BYRD ni West Virginia. Mr. Presi-
dent, reserving the right to object?
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, reserving
the right to object?
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President. I
withdraw the request.
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, I reserved the right to object
merely to ask if the majority leader
would be willinv to confine the operation
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