RESEARCH IN CIVILIAN RESISTANCE ACTIVITIES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80T01002A000200020024-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 23
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 29, 2005
• Sequence Number: 24
• Publication Date: May 20, 1975
• Content Type: MF

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22 Apra1. 1.975
MEMOitAA dDUI?1 OR: ED PROCTOR, CIA,
SUBJECT: Research in Civilian Resistance Activi`~es
a
Dr. Gene Sharp at Harvard University recently contacted me in
reference to possible Defense Department support of some long
term research in the role of civilians in defending against
foreign military forces by using non-violent means (e.g., general
strikes, work slowdowns). He already has done a substantial
amount of research in the field, although I am not acquainted
fully with his work. Professor Thomas Sche'.Ling at Harvard referred
Dr. Sharp to me with his proposal (attached).
I thought CIA might be interested in this work. Dr. Sharp opens up
an avenue of thought about a different type of conflict which could
occur in the future and to which analysts should probably be exposed.
However, while. the work :Looks interesting I am not in a position to
judge its utility. I have sent copies to you, the Army and OSD(ISA)
to alert people who would possibly be interested and riay wish to
contact Dr. Sharp.
DREW W. MARSHALL
ON FILE OSD RELEASE INSTRUCTIONS APPLY
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L>: I
OFFICE OF THE SECRET ARY OF
V;`ASI-ZING rON, O.C. 20301
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DRAFT
INVESTIGATION OF CIVILIAN STRUGGLE AND ITS POTENTIAL AS AN ALTERNATIVE
TO TRADITIONAL MILITARY I MANS AND O ER POLITICAL VIOLENCE
IN NATIONAL DEFENSE AND OTHER ACUTE CONFLICTS
A two-year proposal for -research, analysis, and planning
by Gene Sharp, D. Phil. (Oxon.
Research Fellow, Program for Science and International Affairs
Center for International Affairs, I Iarvard University
Rockefeller Foundation Fellow in Conflict in International Affairs
being conducted in
The Program for Science and International Affairs
at The Center for International Affairs of Harvard University
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page
1.00. The Conceptual Basis for the Proposal ......................... 2
2.00. The Project ...................................................
2.10. Preparations for a research' program on civilian
struggle and related phenomena...., .. 7
2.2.0. The applicant's individual studies. on. civilian
struggle and civilian-based defense ................... 10
2.30. Research fellmships and consultations on civilian
struggle...ass.? ...................................... 12
3.00. Supporting Activities......,.,,...,,.. ........................ 16
4.00. The Basis for this Project at the Harvard University Center
for International Affairs ................... 17
5.00. The Buslget......:.,.,..>>,......,... ............................. 18
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 Civi?.ifc;: st.ut gle 2
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1.00. The Conceptual Basis for the Proposal.
Until very recently, a major technique for waging political
struggle and providing national defense has remained misperceived
and virtually neglected by both academics and policy-makers. This
is the technique of civilian struggle--protest, noncooperation,
and intervention without physical violence. This has also been
cdlfed civil resistance, nonviolent action, and civilian combat.
In it, diverse social, political, psychological, and economic "weapons"
are applied rather .than military ones.
In recent years social science studies have-begun.to reveal
this as a vast and extraordinarily rich field. Policy-makers have
also begun to examine whether this technique can be deliberately
refined and adapted to develop specific substitutes for political
violence for particular purposes, including national defense..*
In significant and diverse cases, even without preparations,
nonviolent struggle has to a high degree already been substituted
for political violence as the technique of struggle. In 1944 economic
shut-downs and acts of political repudiation destroyed the dictatorships
of El Salvador and Guatemala within days. By massive strikes and
demonstrations, Communist rule was shaken (but not disintegrated)
in East Germany in 1953, in Poland and Hungary in 1956, and in Poland
again in 1970-1971. Other cases include American colonial struggles,
1765-?1775; the Russian Revolutions of 1905 and -February 1917; the
Indian national liberation campaigns under Gandhi's leadership;
indigenous Norwegian, Danish, and Dutch anti-Nazi resistance; the
Buddhist 1963 anti-Diem campaign in South Vietnam; and the Sudanese
dissolution. of General Abboud's regime in 1964.
The technique of civilian struggle has also been tried for
national defense. A general strike and noncooperation by civil servants
* See C. Sharp, "N tpq on the possible relevance of civilian-based
defense to the short- and medium-range defense and security problems
of the United States and other countries" (draft), pp. 4-13 and
bibliography pp. 54-59. Cambridge: Program for Science and Inter-
national Affairs, 1975 (Xerox MS.).
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successfully defended the German Weimar Republic against a coup ute?tat
In 1920. When the Ruhr was invaded by French and'Belgian troops, civilian
resistance was official German defense policy: refusal. of collaboration,
social and economic boycotts, and labor strikes. The results were mixed,
with economic losses on both sides. The occupation troops withdrew after
,the German government agreed to call off the resistance, in which counter-
productive sabotage had developed. The French government under Poincare
was unexpectedly defeated in the 1924 elections, partly because of French
revulsion against.the occupation and repression.
Reacting to invasion by over a half-million troops, Czechs and
Slovaks in 1968-1969 wielded improvised civilian-based defense:
defiance by the President and National Assembly, resistance broadcasts,
symbolic strikes, Party opposition, student demonstrations, police
noncooperation, absence of collaborators, and demoralization of Russian
soldiers.
Despite weaknesses and strategic mistakes, this unprepared
defiance led to severe morale problems among Russian troops, restraint
in Russian repression, temporary defeat of the Russian attempt to
impose a pro-Moscow. regime, and a return to power of the Dubcek--reform
.group, with some of the reforms, for eight months. In comparison,
prepared Czechoslovak military resistance..if used, reportedly could
have been crushed in a few days.
--..-These are but a few examples out of a vast but largely ignored
history of civilian struggle utilizing nonmilitary "weapons." Many
specific methods have been applied in such conflicts and are included
in this technique: nearly 200 have been identified to date. They are
classed as nonviolent protest and persuasion (the milder forms),
noncooperation (boycotts of social relations, economic boycotts,
labor strikes, and political noncooperation), and nonviolent intervention
(psychological, physical, social, economic, and political).
Though nonviolent, this type of struggle has nothing.to do with
pacifism. it is a vigorous resistance by ordinary people. They have
fought by disrupting, paralyz5nng, and nonviolently coercing, denying
i.liu opponent needed cooperation, and directly or indirectly undermining
his system.
Nonviolent struggl.c hi e1'-eady been applied the technique
of struggle or fi al sanr i
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civil liberties campaigns, nfi might be .expected. They altto include
peasant struggles for land reform, the labor movement's use of strikes
and boycotts, and liberation movements against both foreign invaders
and domestic dictators--even totalitarian systems. As we noted, they
also include struggles against coups d'etat and foreign invasions.
The technique has been applied successfully against violently
repressive opponents. one reason this is possible is that repression
may trigger "political jiu- itsu," that is, repression produces backlashes
which undercut the opponent's power bases while increasing the extent
and intensity of resistance and sometimes pressures, from third parties.
Most: past nonviolent struggles have occurred without significant
awareness of earlier cases, or. of the nature and requirements of this
technique; they have generally been improvised without preparations,
training, and "know-how." While there have been notable failures, a
high degree of success has been achieved in many cases despite these
unfavorable circumstances. Even on the basis of our present knowledge
of some of these cases and of the nature of"nonviolent struggle, major
reexamination may be required of significant parts of political history.
However-,-in contrast to the deliberate development of the technique of
war, civilian struggle has been neglected and is still as undeveloped
as was war five thousand years ago.
Researchers and scholars, for example, were slow to focus attention
on the phenomenon of nonviolent means of conducting conflicts. Now,
however, serious social science examination has begun on a limited basis..
There were a few pioneer studies in the 1920s and 1930s, but the more
significant contributions have only developed in the past fifteen years
or so. These culminated in 1973 in my book, The Politics of Nonviolent
Action, which has been widely described as a landmark and breakthrough
for the field.
Significant groundwork for the study and analysis of the technique
and policies based upon it has now been laid. The field has been
delineated, basic terminology and concepts formulated, main characteristics.
described, and methods of action defined and classified. Also, the
technique's assumptions, dynamics and processes, strategic principles,
requirements,and ii,plications have been made explicit and related to
historical cases. Additional cases have been identified for further
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research. From all this, hypotheses for research can be formulated and
significant research problems can be located. For example, systematic
study of cases of defeats, successes, and of mixed results, may help
us learn about the potential and requirements of this technique.
The basis has now been laid for major research and analysis of
the technique of civilian struggle and its policy potential. Basic and
problemworiented research, coupled with deliberate efforts at refinement
and development, would very likely increase significantly the effectiveness
of this nonviolent combat technique, as has been done with the technique
of war. In addition to research, other" means may help improve effective-
ness, including contingency planning, training, and specific preparations
to make the technique operational in conflicts in which war or other
violence would otherwise be used. Such deliberate development of the
effectiveness of this technique may extend the types of situations in
which it is a viable option, even against extremely powerful and ruthless
regimes.
Pa-r-allel with the beginning of academic attention to this phenomenon,
unusual policy-oriented interest has developed into the possibilities
of deliberate development of the nonviolent technique for national defense
uses, i.e., to produce a full substitute for defensive conventional war
or a nonviolent. supplement to military defense. It has been argued that.
with specific preparations the whole population might provide effective
nonmilitary defense against invasions and coups by preventing consolidation
of control, denying enemy objectives, and wielding political Ziu-jitsu.
If well-prepared and accurately perceived, such capacity might deter
those forms of attack. If this type of deterrence failed, civilian-based
defense-might succeed,
Today in several countries, national defense by prepared nonviolent
struggle of the trained civilian population is beginning ter be seriously
discussed by defense planners, responsible politicians, and military
officers. To evaluate this possible defense option we need answers to
many hard questions.
Could prepared civilian-based dof.-.r e.- deLeat an .uncon.~,tiitutional
internal seizure of rower? :with this policy, could nonalirne cl countries
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increase their defense potential and hence independence? Could U.S.
allies by adopting it regain a greater self-defense capacity (lost through
changes in military technology), both benefiting themselves and relieving
the U.S.? Is this policy relevant to the nuclear powers or not?
Could civilian struggle defeat attempted genocide? What repression
might .be applied against this type of resistance-with what consequences?
Would the spread of this "know-how" alone encourage indigenous effective
resistance to established dictatorships? Would this "know-how" also assist
nonviolent means of social change in developing. countries, providing
the population alternatives to both guerrilla warfare groups and oppressive
regimes, thus eliminating involvement of weapons-supplying foreign powers?
There are many other questions relevant to defense, and comparable questions
also exist for other types of conflict situations in which without a
perceived effective nonviolent option, some type of political violence
will be used.*
Answers to such questions might be provided by a major research
effort. Despite growing academic and policy interest' in this field, major
research and efforts to develop the effectiveness of civilian struggle
have not yet been. launched. Such research and other efforts are likely
to determine the possibilities and conditions for replacing, in part or
in full, military action as the basis of national defense with an alternative
civilian defense capacity. This capacity would be developed in part from
the primitive prototypes of civilian struggle and civil.ian--based defense
which have occurred without preparat ions, and in part from innovations.
Such research and efforts at refinement would also help to answer the
question of the extent to which nonviolent struggle might be substituted
for political violence for objectives other than defense.
This field is thus ready for the next steps in investigation of
this proposed substitute for war and other violence.
See Sharp, "Notes on th possible relevance of civilian--based defense..."
etc., and Sharp, F;x~l_orinpi Nonviolent Alternati.ves, chapter 4 "}research
Areas on Nonviolent Alternatives," pp. 73-113. Boston: Porter Sargent,
1970..
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2,00. The l'ro ect.
This project of research and planning for investigation has-been
accepted as part of the Program for Science and International Affairs,
directed by Professor Paul Doty, at Harvard University's Center for
International Affairs, This project consists of four primary parts:
(2.10). the planning for establishment in 1976 of a major research pro-
gram on civilian struggle, its potentialities, and related fields;
(2.20) the applicant's own research, analysis, and writing in these
areas; (2.30) doctoral and post-doctoral research fellowships for persons
doing research in these fields, especially when they may also contribute
to the development of the future research program; (2.40) supporting
activities, such as consultations and conferences for sharing basic
research already undertaken, laying groundwork for;curther research,
exploring potentialities of proposed new policies, and the like.
2.10. Preparations for a research pro ram on civilian strug&le
and related..enomena.
The foundation studies already completed on civilian struggle,
and the initial analyses of its potential policy relevance,* both point
to the urgent need for major basic research, problem-oriented research,
and analyses of the possibility of developing substitutes for war and
other political violence. The studies now completed have also laid
the groundwork for all three of these types of new investigation, so
that exploration of this field is now not only very feasible but at an
effective "take-off point." The basic social. science research will
help to advance knowledge of a hitherto largely unstudied social and
political phenomenon- ft will also prop' dp more fou.-da:tion knowledge
to ass-i?.t: p:. Licy-orien,:2 explorations. These policy studies, in turn,
* See the bibliography on these topics in Sharp, "Notes on the Po Bible
Relevance of Civilian-based Defense..." pp. 54-59.
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are likely to point to the need for problem-oriented research, and
also further basic research. All these may therefore mutually reinforce,
each other in expanding basic knowledge of a largely unstudied social
phenomenon, and also help answer whether and, if so, how effective
nonviolent substitutes for war and other political violence in specific
types of conflicts might be developed.
A small beginning has already been made in both basic research
and.policy investigations. However, there has been as yet no coordinated
intelle,.ctual effort on a scale remotely capable of meeting the needs
in these areas. Simply to "catch up" with knowledge in other fields
would require a major effort. It is, however, necessary to.go beyond
that because of the need for adequate. information to evaluate the policy
proposals which have been made. Also, the exploration of the policy
questions in themselves will require considerable efforts. These include
the problem-oriented research, examination of whether and, if so, how
effectiveness of the technique might be increased, examination of possible
conflict and defense contingencies, the nature and objectives of opponents,
development of means to prepare. for such conflicts and train populations
in the use of suxch means of struggle, and the like. -
.The need to "catch up" in basic knowledge and, almost simultaneously,
to explore the possible extension of the viability of civilian struggle. -
in major conflicts, including national defense, requires special intellectual
efforts supported by appropriate institutional structures and financing.
A first step is the establishment of a special research program, center,
or some other form, where scholars and policy analysts of diverse
disciplines, backgrounds, and viewpoints could obtain support, conduct
individual and group projects, and encourage development of younger
scholars. Such a program could advance significantly both the needed
basic research and also analyses of possible policies in this field.
pr., other similar programs or centers might be established elsewhere.
Sel_-nz,ssibl.e institutional options have been suggested to
fulfill. this need. These include: a special research center independent
of other institutions; a research program within a broader center or
institute; at separate center or program or committee within a suitable
university; a broader program of research, of which this field would be
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a component part; a reseaar.ch_&ponsoring foundation assisting individual
scholars and several programs at different institutions; a university
program combining research and graduate studies; a policy-oriented
think-tank. There may be other possible forms.
It may prove desirable to combine the research on civilian struggle
and its policy implications with-research on other phenomena. These
may incluc:e individual and comparative studies of various types of
violence (including guerrilla warfare; conventional warfare, military
occupations, and the like), the nature of dictatorships (including
their means of control, possible .limits and weaknesses), the relationship
of differing social, economic, and political structures to alternative
ultimate sanctions and conflict techniques, nonconflict modes of resolving
contention, theoretical assumptions and problems related to political
sanctions and structures, general studies of strategy, and the like.
Within each such broad area, many sp.cific research problems exist.
Within the limited fields of nonviolent struggle and civilian-based
defense, I have already identified fifty-one broad research areas.*
One major part of this two-year program, therefore, will be exp or
ation of the possibility of establishing some type of program, center,
or other structure for research and analysis of the nature and potential
of civilian struggle, possible policies using civilian-based defense and
'other substitutes for political violence, and. possibly such related
fields as those cited above,
Careful advance policy formulation, planning, and preparations
would be required before any such program could be launched.. The problems
to be solved include the following:
What institutional form, or forms, would be most suitable for it?
What should be, or can be, the institutional auspices? Can funding
needs by adequately met, and if so, how? Can a staff of suitable researchers
be assembled, how and who? What can be learned from small--scale-efforts
in Europe to launch research YZms in similar. fields? Would a new
med;t.::, of piblicatinn, aid research in this field? How can "basic research"
be best combined with, or separated from, policy evaluation Rnd development?
, No iyi.olent
* A Xerox copy of these is attached. From G. Sharp, E),p1oring
Alternatives, pp. 73-1.13. Boston: Porter Sargent, 1970.
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Which related fields are best combined with the study of the nature and
potential of civilian struggle? What should be research priorities for
such a program, say over a five or ten year period? What are the
preferred problems to be tackled for the first two years of operation?
Answers to these and other important questions would require very
considerable efforts, consultations, and evaluation.
A major part, therefore, of this t,Jo year project will be focused
on deterrnination of the next feasible and required institutional. steps
in iaiunc`hing a major investigation of civilian struggle, its potential
as a substitute for war and other political violence, and of related
problems and phenomena?
2.20? Individual studies by the applicant on civilian struggle
and civilian-based defense.
In the development of academic study of civilian struggle and
exploration of the policy potential as a substitute for defensive
warfare and other types of political violence, my various publications*
have played significant roles both directly and indirectly. The second
part of this project provides opportunity for me to complete work on
several books already in progress. On the basis of the responses to
my past writings, the completion and publication of these should further
advance both basic research and policy analysis in this field. These
books include the following, and possibly others:.
An Abecedary of Civilian Struggle. This is a dictionary of about
400 terms for the field of nonviolent action, civilian struggle,,
civilian-based defense, and tangential areas. It is largely completed.
This is a major extension of my past contributions to the clarification
of concepts, development of terminology, and formulation of definitions.
It should aid significantly social science. research, intelligent
thought, and strategic analysis of these phenomena.
Post -l-Silitary Defense. This is to be a book of about 150 pages
See my publication list (attached) and "Notes on the possible relevance
of civilian-based defense..." pp. 57-59.
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on the nature of national defense by prepared civilian resistance.
It is to be an introductory book for the general public, the academic
community, and defense thinkers. A detailed outline now exists,
The Politics of Nonviolent Action shortened for foreign translations.
This version aims to shorten while keeping the substance and main examples
of the ways in which this technique operates. This would facilitate
foreign translations and thereby research and policy evaluation in
other countries. A still more abridged version may be prepared also.
Defense Without War., This is to be an edited, intermediate-level
book with contributions primarily front European and American writers,
focusing on the nature, problems, and potential application of civilian-
based defense. It is to be a more diversified and advanced discussion
of the nature of civilian-based defense than Post-lMilitary Defense.
Some work on this has already been done.
Strr1g,gleWi_thout Violence, This would be an edited book of case
descriptions of diverse historical examples of nonviolent struggle
and civil resistance, probably at an average length of 20 to 35 pp.
each. Some of these are already gathered. This could be especially
useful because of the difficulties of locating good descriptive accounts,
even for well-known cases.
The Political Equivalent of War and Other Essay This would
be a collection of my individually published articles and chapters on
nonviolent action, civilian-based defense, political conflicts, and
alternatives to violence published over the past twenty years.
Revised edition of Exploring Nonviolent Alternatives. This
introductory book published in 1970, now going out of print, requires
major revision, updating, addition of new chapters, expansion of "areas
for research," and updating of the specialized bibliography.
. Given time, I also wish to pursue new political and historical
studies of nonviolent struggle and civil resistance, studies of dictator-
ships, with particular attention to weaknesses of dictatorial systems
which tend over time to produce their relaxation, inefficiency, or
disintegration, and studies of theoretical problems in power and conflict.
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2.30. Research fellowships and consultations on civiIlan
ctru ,l-e.
The substantive study and evaluation of the phenomena and
policies on which this project is focused and the preparations for.
the wider research program to be launched in 1976 can both be substan-
tially enhanced by support. for doctoral students and postdoctoral
scholars doing research projects in these fields.
in addition, special papers may be commissioned of established
authorities in the general fields of strategy, defense policies,
dictatorships, nonviolent action, civilian-based defense, and the
like. Other American and foreign scholars in the field of civilian.
struggle, civilian-based defense, and security problems may be brought
to the Program at Harvard for a few weeks for special, consultations
on formulation of research programs, analysis of special problems,.
part icipati..on in seminars and conferences, and also may be asked to
prepare special papers or memoranda or to make other contributions.
The following are illustrations of the types of specific projects
for which full' year fellowships might be offered:
Testing?hjr~catheses of the _requirements for success in nonviolent
stru~le. This study examines the validity of hypotheses concerning
requirements for effectiveness of civilian combat, extracted from
existing literature. Those hypotheses are then tested by two significant
cases of mass civilian struggle: the Indian 1930-31 independence.
sat a~,_raha? campaign and the Russian Revolution of 1905. Lesser aspects
of this study include a comparative analysis of the two cases,
and an examination of what may be learned on the importance of skill
for success in wielding this technique of. action. In pro ress. Detailed
description available.
The French Securitx_hurenucracycs responses to the P.T..N.'s
';>6
urban tErrorisYn to October 1957.
carnpaifln_ .
This is an analysis based on original research of the interaction of
the French security forcer with the Algerian National Liberation Front,
with attention to the effectiveness and consequences of diverse modes
of Algerian resir.tonce (terrorism, general stri.',~c, guerrilla units,
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etc.) and of the efforts by the French administration, police, army,
rind special military units, especially the paratroopers, to combat
Algerian resistance and restore effective French control. Special
attention is given to shifts in F.L.N. strategy and tactics, the
problems and consequences of mixing violent and nonviolent action,
and the shifts in control of French repression from the civil bureau-
cracy to the army, the factors producing that shift, and the rational
and irrational factors determining French actions. In progress.
Detailed description available.
European securi.trablems and defense-in-deth policies. An
examination of past and present European defense policies which place
major reliance on advance preparations for means: of national defense
other than defense at frontiers or nuclear retaliation, That is,
policies would be studied which in varying degrees include para--military
resistance, guerrilla warfare, civil resistance, nonviolent noncooperation,
?'social defense" or combinations of these. Future defense plans and
possibilities along these lines in diverse countries would also receive
attention. Part of this study will be descriptive of past and present
policies, but analyses will also be included of the problems of these
policies, or of particular applications of them, along with recommendations s
for optimal future lines of development of these policies and suggestive.
evaluations of their potential contributions and limitations. In _Lrogress.
Civili.an-based defense in Eur its history, and alternative
models for its future development. Focusing exclusively on civilian
based defense relying on nonviolent struggle, this study would present
the history of the spread and development of the concept in European coun-
tries and describe current states of interest in the policy. It would
also project several possible models which this policy might take.
These might include unilaterally initiated transarmament and.a multi-
lateral negotiated model (as for the Nordic countries or Central Europe),
.,:. a; connsider. ztion of the potential for partial or full transarmament
for present N,,>< members, neutrals, and East European countries. Attention
would be giver, to the possible influences on such developments of past
policies and pact security threats, prob'iams of perception, and the
policies of the military super powers. Some work on this
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Historical studies of past cases of civil resistance to f.ox?ei n
occ ati.ons and severe domestic dictatorshijjs. The study of the nature
and potential of civilian struggle will require careful attention to
significant cases of improvised long-term resistance to foreign occupation
regimes (such as Norwegian, Dutch, Danish, and other anti-Nazi resistance),
domestic dictatorships, and tilso to cases of very rapid civilian
insurrections against either situation (such as El Salvador and Guatemala
in 1944, East Germany in 1953,.and Hungary in 1956). Specific projects
could'be selected from these and other cases from studies already in
progress.
Feasibility study of civilian-based defense for .japan. A whole
series of geographical, political, cultural, and historical factors
make it conceivable that a Japan seeking self-defense capacity might
..explore seriously the potential of civilian-based defense. Careful
examination of the viability of thi option would require. attention
to such problems as Japan's vulnerability to nuclear attack or threat,
Japan's dependence on foreign trade, sources of raw materials, energy,
etc., and internal threats from terrorism or guerrilla warfare. Any
such feasibility study vould require attention to potential origins
of security threats, possible objectives of the attackers, forms which
the attack might take, exploration of the nature, feasibility, and pos_
sible consequences of available alternative defense options, and particular
attention to whether and, if so, ho-,7 prepared civilian-based defense
could deal with those threats.
Civilian noncooperation a ainst minority perrilla attack. The
conventional means of combatting minority guerrilla attack are not so
obviously satisfactory as to exclude consideration of possible alternatives.
Suggestions have been made by knowledgeable persons` that, at least at
certain stages of guerrilla warfare, civilian noncooperation and defiance
may be able to counter efforts to terrorize the population into submission
to the guerrillas, prevent their establishment of a para-governmental
structure, and maintain lLg.timate and established instl"+?tions c?ut.side
See reference cited in Sharp, "Notes on the possible relevance of
civilian-based defense..." pp. 33-35, and J. Victor Koschmann, "Boun-
daries of Human Conflict," spa _jnteri?S ter, Vol. 7, Nos. 3-4 (1972.),
pp. 429-430.
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 Approved For Release 2005/07/12 : CIA-RDP80TO1002A00
of guerrilla control. There appears to be at least a little supporting
data along these lines from Algeria and Vietnam which require careful
research and examination along with a search for other possible relevant
successful or unsuccessful attempts at such modes of opposition.
Nonviolent foizns of domestic and internati.on al- stru le in United.
States histpr The cases from which specific projects could be selected
range very widely, and include not only the familiar civil rights struggles,
labor strikes,and boycotts, and religious liberty contests, but also
widespread economic and political noncooperation and suport'or rival
economic and political institutions in the colonial struggles against
England 1765-1775, the use of economic embargoes against European. powers
during the presidencies of Jefferson and Madison, and certain Indian
rights and anti-slavery struggles. In addition to g eneral knowledge
of the operation of this technique, such case studies may shed light on
the. -question of compatibility of non': iolent and nonmilitary forms of
.-struggle with the culture and personalities of Americans. Certairi
cases are innr Tess. 0
t ,__t of_ losr-level violence and semi-violent conflict.
Serious analysis, evaluation, and strategic or tactical planning involving
a wide range of struggle activities which fall between conventional
warfare on one side and nonviolent struggle on the other is extraor-
dinarily difficult becasue of the absence of careful typologies which
distinguish the quite diverse types of action witl:hin this range. For
example, these include political suicide, self -mutilation, individual
assassinations, demolition or bombings with intentional injury or
death, demolition or bor:,bings without actual or intended injuries,
removal of parts from machinery, destruction of machinery, random
terrorism, severance of power and fuel supplies., severance of water or
food supplies, the various levels and types of guerrilla struggle, arson
of various types, removal or misplacing materials in filing systems,
jamming of tele;',one lines and exchanges, dismantling equipment or cutting
,-_ vltone physical mistreatnx,r k t without lasting injury (as
tarring and feathering), etc. Examination of the whole range irony reveal
various broad classes of action within this area as well as identification
of specific types which m+ty be disting,d;hed from the others.
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 ~,,~ 1.viliana struggle. -
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by supporting activities of several. types. These way include seminars,
conferences on basic research, problem-oriented research or policy
implications, consul. tations, and solicited criticisms of work-in-progress,
and provisional. plans.
In all of this work in the overall project, it will be important
to seek the participation of specialists of differing backgrounds,
professional experience, academic disciplines, political viewpoints,
and opinions on international relations and defense and security
questions in the research, analysis, and criticisms.
4.00. The Basis for this Project at_the Harvard University Center
for International Affairs.
For seven years, 1965-1972, I was a Research Fellow at the
Center for International Affairs, having been brought to the Center
from the University of Oslo by Professor Thomas C. Schelling. My major
.'ork, T}~e' Politics of Nonviolent Action, which is already recognized
as the foundation for further work in this field, is formally designated
as "A study prepared under the auspices of Harvard University's Center
for International Affairs." Hence among researchers and faculty
associated with the Center, considerable recognition of the importance
of this field and understanding of it substantively already exists.
This is also true to a significant degree among professors in several
departments at Harvard.
This project was launched September 1, 1974 within the Program
for Science and International Affairs, a part of the Center for Inter-
national Affairs. This location makes possible special interchange
with scholars working on arms control and related problems who begin
with different assumptions than those underlying this project and
with professors at Harvard and other Boston-area universities. It
also facilitates cooperation with scholars, policy analysts, and others
located elsewhere, especially in Washington, New Yort% and n. r_hy
locations.
th this affiliati'N therefore, fruitful consultations rand
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 Approved For Release 2005/07/12 : CIA-RDP80T01002A004}+QQQQO,?i,~GS1e 1t3
interchanges are possible with an unusual group of academics and
other types of specialists with diverse contributions which can
challenge, test, supplement, enrich, end A rovide contrasts to the
conceptions, data, and perspective-,_; of t:th. s field.
5.00. The mud.,,et
This two-year pro j:tct ' ?.:: a,clerwa.y, having begun on
September 1, 1974. It is to run until August 31, 1976 under these
same Harvard auspices. After that dafe it is.i.ntended that the wider
research program would be launched under appropriate auspices to be
determined during the planning stage. Partial budgeting of the first
year's work has already been provided by a research fellowship of
the Rockefeller Foundation in Conflict in International Relations.
Funding-for the balance of the first year's budget and for all of the
second is required. A two-level budget.is.presented here. The first,
lower-level budget would allow the work-to proceed-with basic .-support.
The second, higher-level budget would enable the work to proceed with
much more thoroughness. Should funds be received in excess of the
first level. budget:, they will automatically be applied to the second
level budget, unless the grantor stipulates to the contrary.
The higher level budget would permit a significant expansion
of research projects undertaken with the probability that most or all
of the topics described in section 2.30 and other specially commissioned
work could be completed by August 31, 1976. The. higher level budget
would also make possible greater adequacy of the: planning described
in section 2.00 for the wider research program from September 1976,
and make possible the needed supporting activities described in
section 3.00. The additional: funds for the higher level budget,
rv j.,
theit eforc, 'ould prods ce d Isproportiona ely increased research results
Y J
within a short time perio, aad also would increase the z,deq, _-ey and
v"ectivcncs of the prepa rations for
to politic,I conflicts and defense
n of t~list.par .ia
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 Approved For Release 2005107112: CIA-RDP80T01002A000200020024-7
BUOCET
Level One Budget Level Two Budget
Research #ellcwship (1974-1975 at equivalent of ten months' full
professor's salary at applicant?s tenured post @ $24,000, fringe
benefits @ 147. or $3,360; 1975-1976 full year salary on same
basis, $28,800., fringe benefits'@ 14.57, or $4,176.)
Secretarial-editorial assistance, 3/4 time for 1974-1975
($5,660,, fringe benefits @ 15?!. or $849.)
Editorial and administrative assistance, full time for 1975-1976
($10,400., fringe benefits @ 14.5% or $1,508.)
ng assistance, 1/4 time for 1974-1975 ($1,995., fringe benefits
@ 157. or $299.25); 1 full time, Level One budget 1975-1976
($7,980.00, fringe benefits @ 14.5% or $1,157.10); 3 full time,
Level To budget 1975-1976 ($23,940., fringe benefits @ 14.5%
or $3,471.30)
Translations
Xerox and other reproduction
Long-distance telephone, postage and office supplies
Consultants' fees, fellowships, honoraria and research assistance
Travel (including one trip to Europe to evaluate related research.'
efforts, dcmestic and foreign travel to evaluate alternative
auspices for 1976 research program, fund raising, interviews.
with potential researchers, travel of consultants and fellows
from abroad and elsewhere in U.S. to }'award, etc.)
Publication and dissemination
1974-1975 1975.1976
$27,360.00 $32,96.00
6,509.00 --------
11,908.00
2,294.25 9,1`7.10
1974-1975
1975-1976
$27,360,00
$32,976.00
6,509.00
11,908.00
2,294.25
27,411.30
2,500,00 3,..3.012, 0.'JC 4 5C0
3,000.00 5,0:0.00 3,000.00 0,000.00
3,000,00 4,510,00 3,000.00
10,000.00 42,500,00 15,000.00
2,500...00 7,4`30.00 2,500.00
5,000.00
140,000.00
10,000,00
7,250.00 13,600.00 7,250.00 13,600.00
$64,413.25 $130,121.10 $69,413.25
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$252,395.30,
continued next ease
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kdadt (cont1oued)
1 e"'el One B-,-Qt .
L t?e l
~a BUC"
1974