(SANITIZED)PRE-REVOLT CONDITIONS 2. HUNGARIAN REVOLT IN OCTOBER 1956 3. ADVANCED EDUCATION(SANITIZED)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80T00246A040100260001-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 49
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 5, 2010
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: February 7, 1958
• Content Type: REPORT

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INFORMATION REPORT INFORMATION REPORT
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
This material contains information affecting the National Defense of the United States within the meaning of the Espionage Laws, Title
18, U.S.C. Secs. 793 and 794, the transmission or revelation of which in any manner to an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.
COUNTRY Hungary
DATE OF
INFO.
PLACE &
DATE ACQ.
2. Hungarian 1olt in October 1956
3. Advanced Bdnoation
n ons
REPORT
DATE DISTR.
NO. PAGES
REFERENCES RD
7 F Li, 1958
sad th? status of advanced education in..Hungary prior to the revolt. ~
57-page report concerning conditions in gary25X
pr 1
ior to the revolt of Ootober/Nov~ber 19569 cis and events of the revolt
~
NAVY
I IAEC
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he Democatic organization of students, the
soecalled "movement of the peoples' boards"
All the intellectuals of the area were included in
this organization. At first, they held meetings in the house where MATTHIAS
(former king of Hungary in the fight against the Turks) was born. They
held debates and exchanged thoughts. Already in 1940 Gyorffy SANDER (not
a Communist), professor of ethnology at the University of Budapest, had
formed a new folk organization as a means of fighting against Fascism.
These peoples' organizations were very important in connection with the
freedom fight in 1956 (Petofi club, mentioned later in this report).
Bajesy ZSILANSKI, delegate in the Parliament and leader of the illegal
movement, stated in 1944 that the troops might better go into hiding and
wait there for the freedom struggle. He was killed in 1944 by the Fascists.
The young people from these organizations, including those from Czechoslo-
vakia, Bulgaria, and so forth, worked on a railroad in Yugoslavia after the
war. Thus they had international contact with each other and could exchange
ideas. When RAJK was taken prisoner, these organizations, which were accused
of Titoism, were destroyed. The debates were too dangerous for the state
(1951). Up to 1948 people were free, after that they were not.
In the fight for elections, the Communists were better organized than
the other parties, because of their training in Ruasia, among other reasons.
Despite the bad name of the Russian occupying troops, due to the many thefts
and violations of women committed by the Russian occupation armies, the
Communist won the elections (70%). This was possible because in Budapest ,
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for example, the young Communist could vote five or six times, while those
who thought otherwise could vote only once.
young Communists who come from a certain suburb could vote again in other
suburbs, being taken from one to the other in automobiles. This happened
again and again in various neighborhoods. After the Communist victory the
Communistspen6trated everything and especially forced their way into the
peoples' organizations.
The big process began in 1949. Anyone who was suspected was sent away.
No one dared any longer to express himself. For this reason the Social
Democratic Party was abolished in 1948. Everyone who wanted to keep working
had to be a member of the Communist Party.
In factory production, not the average worker but the best worker was
taken as the example. Not only did the farmers have to pay high taxes, but
they also had to give the state a part of their produce. This is still the
situation today, even in bad harvests, even when caused by unfavorable
weather conditions; the farmers must still pay their full share to the govern-
ment. The result of all the,hings was that in the villages and in the
farmlands people died from hunger. The plans for production~rom the
Soviet Union and were put into effect in Hungary without any changes. This
time, that is, from 1947 to 1953, is called the "RAKOSI". This period was
marked by the fact that labor was considered the most important element
and that the government was strong.
In 1951 all foreign lecturers were forbidden, as well as listening to
foreign radio stations, which was made a punishable offense. (There was
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some difficulty anyway in listening to these stations because of the inter-
ference transmitted by the government.)
The death of Stalin in 1953 brought changes. The most important persons
in the government were all NKVD agents. In b example, HODJA was
an NKVD agent, as were BODARASJ in Rumania, in Poland, and. SLANSKY
in Czechoslovakia. In Hungary it was RAKOSI, GERS, and FARKAS. All of these
people were Jews. NAGY and KADAR are Hungarians (not Jews). There were some
among the leaders who sympathized with Tito.
Although Hungary was an agr.Van land, the Russians directed that it
must have heavy industry; otherwise, the country could not be independend%1
Along the Donau especially, whole industries were built from the gmund up.
Since Hungary has no ore of its own, the country has become completely depen-
dent upon import from foreign countries (that is, Russia:). In this way
the imperialism and colonialism of Russia appears strongly.
After the death of Stalin, peoples' movements came into existence in
the Peoples' Democracies, for example in East Germany (Berlin), Poland
(Posen), Czechoslovakia (Pilsen) and Hungary also. One heard about these
movements directly in one's own country, and about those in other countries
via the radio transmitters from the West.
An isolated group of writers had come into existence; these people
dared to debates, openly. This so-called "Isolated" group wrote for still
other groups, among others T. J_ students. One of the main doctrines was
that one rust work for the People, in order to provide better living cir-
cumstances The 20th Congress in the Soviet Union gave a real push to the
freedom movement of 1956. $j% Students in Bratislawa were the first to
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decide that no more Russian must be taught at the University. Also a
trusted group of students in Budapest came into existence, a so-called
"isolated" group (March 1956). Also a group arose from the Peoples' organ-
izations, the so-called Petofi group. They debated, among other things,
about science in history. Various professors who taught history were in-
vited to give their opinions. The general opinion was that the leadership
must be changed. This history lesson really contained nothing but the
history of Russia. No history of Hungary was discussed, nor that of any
other countries.
Since the circle of writers was becoming constantly greater, they also
had more contact with the workers in the factories. Not only by writings,
but also by personal visits to the factories and work places, they came
into contact more with the workers. The government in Hungary had been
warned by the events in Posen. Many arrests were made. In the industry
centers alone, about 100,000 people were interned, and about 20,000 prisoners
remained in the dungeons. In addition to the intern camps already known,
there were also some more camps in Miskolc, Kazincbarcika (north-east Hungary),
and SajobAbony (north-east Hungary). The Petofi circles were propagandized
to the workers as reactionary, but the workers did not believe this.
In the first part of 1956 President Tito of Yugoslavia traveled to
Moscow. There, among other things, he made known his wishes in regard to
the reparation payments by Hungary to his country, payments which were
stopped in 1948 by all Satellite states occupied by Russia.. After his
return to Yugoslavia he received GERMS in Belgrade; GER8 was charged with
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handling the reparation payments. The second purpose of GER61s visit was
to improve the existing relationships. These improved relationships enlarged
the influence of Titoism and brought many improvements. Many cases of cor-
ruption were made public. The re-establishment of RAJK also opened many
peoples' eyes to the senseless system. Imre NAGY was again offered a pro-
fessorship at the'University as well as the position of Minister-President.
grime-Ministe7.
The situation in Poland was approximately similar to that in Hungary,
only the Poles were fortunate in making themselves more or less free.
On 23 October 1956 demonstrations came into existence in Budapest as expres-
sions of sympathy with the Poles. Ch 16 different points, the wishes of
the people were made public and carried on banners. GERI'3, who had just re-
turned to Budapest from Belgrade, said on the radio that these demonstrations
were Fascist oriented. Just because of this radio speech the demonstrations
became stronger. The demonstrators were successful in forcing their way
through to the radio studio and demanding there that the 16 points be broad-
cast over the radio. PRAGAY was most closely involved in these demonstra-
tions. The door of the radio studio was closed, but through the windows,
which re not closed, they succeeded in forcing their way in. The AVH
then tear gas bombs. During this confusion SZAKASITS, the leader
of the Democratic Party who had been taken prisoner in 1949, but who was
released in 1955, arrived at the radio studio. He told the demonstrators
that they must go home. No one trusted him and no one listened to his
advice. He was chased away with the shout "What are ytou doing here?"
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None of the professors present had the slightest influence on the mass.
The AVH first fired into the air and after that on the 1 asphalt, and
various victims fell. An officer of the Hungarian Army tried to intercede
but was shot dead by the AVH. A moment later a second officer tried the
same thing, but he too was shot down by the AVH along with other young
people. The bodies of the victims were taken to the Parliament building,
where the demonstrators went next.
It should be remarked that the Hungarian Army, in general, did not
take part in the revolution, but that individual members did so. Indeed,
many soldiers gave their weapons to the demonstrators. The soldiers of
the Hungarian army, when they came into service all had to take an oath
to work for the working population and to fight for them. On the basis of
this oath the demonstrators urged the soldiers to give them their weapons,
which happened in many cases. It must especially be reported that not a
single weapon was received from the West.
After this, the radio station was taken over in Budapest. From the
Western radio the people heard that the revolution was general, and that
it was taking place in the entire country.
Russian
Troops stationed in Hungary did not want to fight against the Hun-
garians. These troops had already been in Austria and East Germany and
had seen alot. Russians giving
their weapons, including Panzer wagons, to the revolutionaries. Then new
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Russian troops, from Rumania among other places, were sent to replace the
Russian soldiers previously stationed in Hungary. The latter were disarmed
in the barracks and sent to Ruasia as prisoners.
garian General
Pal MALETER made alot of mistakes. This Hun-
was unjustly regarded in the West
as a hero, had neglected to oppose the arrival of Russian troops from the
East, a thing which he would have been able to do, for example by destroying
roads and bridges and putting up barracades. Thus he had not had to fight
against the Russians, for this would have shown open bpd enmity. The revol-
ution would probably have succeeded in that case.
the Kilian barracks]
was manfully defended against the
Russian tanks. If this barracks had been left temporarily and the fighting
had taken place in the city, it would have had more effect.
the first opposition in the Kilian barracks was led not by
Pal MALETER, but by aptain of the army, name unknown.
Many of the Russian soldiers who had arrived from the East
they were at the Suez Canal or in Berlin. They had
been told that they were to fight against the capitalists who had made an
attack on the Peoples' Democracies.
After the failure of the revolution, it appeared
that about 16,000 people were dead, about 40,000 deported and about 180,000
had escaped to the West.
Of the approximately 10 million Hungarians, about 100,000 reliable
Communists were armed. In the revolution, however, it appeared that,
including the Army and the Peoples' Police, about 400,000 people were armed,
25X1
25X1
25X1
25X1
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that is, 300,000 more than were permitted.
The Russians speak of true war and false war. The true war is fought
only for the service of the people. It is announced that the Russians are
systematically at war with the enemies of the Peoples' Democracies.
The Headquarters of the Russians were, among other places, in Cegled..
Kisjemed, and so forth. Most of the troops were stationed in camps outside
the city, not in the city. Among the refugees there are various ones who
still sympathize with Communism and who were AVH
Concentration Camps:
These really came into existence in 1945, but were officially organized
only after 1949. Before 1953 one could be arrested without a warrant. After
1953 there first had to be a legal warrant for arrest, but this was only an
appearance, really, and not a protection.
Hungarian Red Cross:
Before the revolution this was a pure Communistic organization. During
the revolution the order came from the new government to throw the Communists
out of it. This order was at first taken over and continued by the KA.DAR
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government, but later was not. There was a committee of the Hungarian Red
Cross in every neighborhood in Budapest for the passing out of the goods.
On the morning of 17 November 1956, twenty-one Russian soldiers with
a few AVH agents came to the University in Budapest in a tank. They wanted
to look for the (registered) stencil machine and for pamphlets. They asked
for the Rector, who said that no one was allowed to use the stencil machine.
In the afternoon of the same day these people came back to take away the
stencil machine. Then a number of pamphlets weAe found on which there were
some names
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University Life in Hungary
a. The period up to about 1940:
Before the second world war there were five universities in Hungary:
the University at Budapest and the Polytechnical University also in Budapest,
as well as the universities at Debrecen, Szeged, and Pecs. Despite the regime
of the late Adm. HORTHY these universities were practically autonomous, the
members of the university community were inviolable inside the university
buildings, and the police had no access to them. At the head of the univer-
sities stood. a rector, while the leadership of the various faculties was
charged to a dean. The dean also had a faculty council. The rector with
the deans formed the board of the university. The universities were fin-
anced through the Ministry of Education, while the appointment of profes-
sors was made by the board of the university and ratified by the Minister
of Education. The appointments were on the basis of merit.
The students were united in various student organizations, some of
which were rather nationalistic. this was the
result of the provisions of the peace of 1918 and the nationalist-fascist
regime of HORTHY in the years 1919 to 1944. Also there were some legitimistic
groups of students (supporters of the princely house of Hohenzollern), but
these were much fewer in number. Most of the Roman Catholic students were
organized in nationalistic organizations, while a smaller part of them
participated in the legitimistic groups.
b. Period During the Second World War
After 1940 the influence of the State upon the universities was becoming
contantly greater, especially after 1941 when HORTHY had been more or less
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Ate. A.
forced to take the side of Germany. Jewish professors were dismissed,and
the appointment of professors became more and more a matter of State. Suit-
ability to the regime became one of the criteria for appointment. The
Nationalist student groups became more and more Fascist-like. Various experts
who under ordinary conditions would certainly be considered for appointments
were not considered because they were not permitted by the regime. This was
true for non-Jews also.
c. Period after World War II to Mid-1918:
Although after the war a democratic government was formed in Hungary,
by the Communist Party, ~ /$%$ j the Social Democrats, the National
Farmers Party, and some other small groups, a dominating influence was
exercised by the Communist. The Ministry of Interior Affairs -- hand in
hand with the Communists -- was taking all sorts of measures to get the
power in their hands. This had its influence on university life. The influ-
ence of the State upon high schools became constantly greater. The rectors
were appointed by the government, while the professors were named by the
Minister of Education.
d. Period From Mid-1948 to Today:
After TITO was thrown out of the Communist bloc, the Communists in
Hungary took power completely into their own hands. No more professors nor
staff members who were not members of the Communist Party, were appointed.
Various professors and staff members not considered suitable by the regime
were fired, and others went to foreign countries.
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The influence
of the Party on the university was systematically enlarged, and the deputies
of the rectors and deans were all recruited from the Party. For propaganga
purposes, faculties of the existing universities were split up and. made into
universities by themselves. For example, the medical faculty of the Budapest
University became an independent university with its own faculties of general
medicine, pharmacy, and denistry.
The universities came to stand under the direct supervision of the cen-
tral leadership of the Budapest Party districts. This was an exceptional
situation, since even the big industries in and around Budapest were under
the supervision of the Party district leadership. The diagram below may
make these things clear.
DIAGRAM OF PARTY INFLUENCE ON THE UNIVERSITY
Hungarian Party Leadership
/Provincial, leadershi
/Berirke ?
Budapest
District leadershi / University/
The study officers were no more purely administrative officers of the
University; they became centers of power in the universities, occupied by
reliable Party members. There was a secret card file, and this office
directed the infiltration into all parts of the university.
/Central leadership of the 1
Budapest d.istrictS
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About 1950 the university council was composed as follows: rector
(Parr member or fellow-traveler), deputy rector (always Part member, often
not a university man), dean (Party member or fellow-traveler or would-be
fellow-traveler), deputy dean (always Party member, often not a university
man), chief of the study office (always Party member), chief of personnel
affairs (always Party member), student representative (always Party mem-
ber), some representatives of the Disz (Communist Youth Organization,
always party members), and the Party secretary, chief of the study office
and in fact the dictator. The decisions of the university council meetings
were prepared by him,although he never proposed them himself, but always
put them into the mouths of the rector or one of the deans.
As mentioned earlier, for propaganda purposes some faculties were made
into independent universities. In addition to the one already named, the
medical, the faculty of natural science of the Budapest University was cut
off. The newly formed natural science university got two faculties, the
chemical-physical and the biological.
However, the:aere also completely new universities set up, for example,
at Miskolc and Szolnok. These were mainly organized for industry and trans-
portation. A fine new chirxrical university was built at VeszpAm. The
Lenin University was set up in Budapest. This became the center for politi-
cal schooling. Courses were as follows: history of the USSR; Communist
Party doctrine; geography of the USSR; USSR literature; Marxism and Leninism.
Thus, nothing about Hungat?an history or literature. This "university"
turned out interpreters (Russian), high state and Party functionaries, and
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Party theoreticians. These high state and Party functionaries were
called'Janicsars" or "Janicsaren" among trusted people. (This word came
into existence in Hungary in connection with the Turkish occupation in
the 16th century, when the Turks sent Hungarian children away to Turkey,
gave them a hard military upbringing there, and later brought them back as
adult fighters to Hungary in order to rule the Hungarians with an iron fist
and to exploit them for the benefit of the Turks.) The theoreticians were
called secretly "Kucsera" (that is, parents).
The usual preparation for the universities was as follows: four years
of elementary education, plus four years of continued education and four
years of college preparatory higher education. One could be admitted to
the Lenin University, however, with four years of elementary education,
provided one was an outstanding Party member and did not come from the
class of the peoples' enemies. From 1950 to 1955 such people could also
be admitted to other universities with four years of elementary education
and after a sort of phony examination. The professors and staffs were
obliged to give particular attention to these students, and a certain per-
centage of them had to pass the examinations. In the secret card file,
all particulars concerning all people in the university community were
written down.
Twenty per cent of the lecture time was spent on the following: Martism,
military doctrine, Russian language, and military exercises. Of the 24
lecture hours per week, 16 hours were spent on trade study, the rest on obli-
gatory nonsense A medical student, during his five
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years of study, had to do practical military exercises two hours per week;
this included the women. The military organization of the students according
to their faculties was as follows: the artillery men were recruited from the
natural science university; the doctors from the medical university; the
engineering officers from the polytechnical university; and so forth. Nat-
urally, the political officers came rom the Lenin University, and they were
put into platoons where, regardless heir rank, they had equal say with the
commanding officers of the platoons. What seems to have happened was that
workers, after a five month course at the Lenin University appeared as pol-
itical officers with the rank of major.
AVH Functions:
Among the functionaries added to the University by the Party there were
also various AVH agents. Also, students considered suitable for the purpose
were requested by the AVH to act as eyes and ears for their service; they
especially tried to get sympathizers in every study group. It was the custom
to unite 25 or 30 students who were studying in the same field into a study
group under the leadership of one or two assistants. A leader of Disz
(Communist Youth Organization) weps put into everyone of these study groups.
It goes without saying that such people were recruited from the fiery Com-
munists. The cream of the Hungarian Communist youth was taken into this
Disz, workers and farmers as well as intellectual, youth, provided that the
latter were not of a peoples' enemy class. Thus there were no special
payments
departments for students, farm youths, and so forth. The study X~Jf J, for
the students were various and of course were given only to members of the
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Party. Sons and daughters of workers who worked for the Party or the Disz,
or children of Communists who were of service to those organizations, came
under consideration in the years 1950 to 1955 for the "RAKOSI-payments."
These were the highest payments and were given, by the study year)t only
a few students. They amounted to 800 florints per month.lstudents
who in their study as well as in their Party work did outstanding service,
worth
there was a sum of 400 florints per month. (A florint is/about 22? U.S.)
in Hungary an entrance examination is also demanded. During the
Communist regime, from 1950 to 1955, this was in fact a political examina-
tion. By higher authority, directives were given regarding the percentages--
that is, 30% of future students might come from intellectual circles (see
the limitations below); 60% from the workers' circles; and 10% from farmers'
circles. A central commission from the university council-- all Communists,
of course--ultimately decided whether or not one was to be admitted, after
one had been interrogated by a commission consisting of a professor, an assist-
ant, and a Docent. The students had to request admission from the Ministry
of Education and fill in lists of questions for this purpose. On this list
of questions there had to be a signification by the local Party secretary
that the candidate was "good." In Budapest the approval of the provincial
council was also necessary. 0n* of the students of the polytechnical school
were questioned very seriously about their knowledge; the rest of the can-
didates were interrogated about the facts of their lives, services they
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had done for the Party or the Disz, and so forth. For every category there
was a special mark on the report form, as follows:
Candidates from the workers' class - M
Candidates from the farmers' class - P
Candidates from intellectual circles -
Children of minor officials, railroad men, and so forth - E
Chid en of classes hostile to the people, priests, former owners and so forth-X
If a candidate's parents were former land holders, for example, then he was
not admitted to the university. He could then go to work, for example, in a
factory for two years and by great industry could improve his situation,
after which he could seek admission to the university.
Finally, the candidate had '1 to have in his possession a recommendation
from the head of his last school.
International University Contact:
After 1948 contact with Western countries was made pactically impossible.
Professors and staff members often got X 7 %X 0# orders to report invita-
tions from the West and to say that they were prevented by sickness or by
something else from attending a congress or some such meeting. Also the
in
exchange of professors and staff members, as well as of students ji the
various Satellite states,` as rather small. Some students from the Lenin
University did go to Russia for furthest schooling and returned as completely
prepared'%Tanicsars" a "Janicsarens". There was very little exchange of
students with Czechoslovakia and Poland. This amounted to only a few stu-
dents per faculty per year. There._were, however, a rather large number of
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North Koreans studying at the university of Budapest. There were fewer
Scientific congresses in other Satellite states were attended exclu-
sively by trusted Communistlfrom the Hungarian universities. Books and
magazines from the West were denied as far as possible. The few that did
arrive could not be the personal possession of the scholars, but were stored
in the university libraries, and precise records were kept of the people who
read these things. Also, it was not permitted to publish in Western maga-
zines without the permission of high authority.
These things were somewhat liberalized in the early part of 1956 after
the 20th congress in Moscow.
Material Provisions for the Universities:
The provision# for the universities in Hungary was frankly bad. The
whole thing was based upon the five-year plans. Chemicals, for example,
had to be ordered years in advance, a ridiculous situation because in chem-
istry it is very difficult to tell in advance how certain types of research
will develop#. If a certain raw material was used upIto others -- much more
expensive ones -- had to be used. Books and periodicals also had to be
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ordered far in advance; Western literature, as described above, was very
scarce, and under tight control. At least 30% of this study literature had
to come from Russia; often it was not worth much and was chfdishly written;
it all had mainly a propagandist character. This was true of books as well
as magazines.
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I. Population
Registration and Documentation:
Budapest is divided into 22 districts and every district has its own
population register. If one changes from one district to another, this must
be registered in both districts. There are special identity cards provided
with a photo of the subject and telling the place where he works. There is
a different identity card for every occupation. These were inspected seldom
or never until the revolution. Four times a year one must have the card
sealed. If one loses it one must pay a fine, about 100 florints. If one
loses it again, a double fine. No further details.
Work Duty:
This was not a direct duty to work, but no one dared to risk not working.
One took a great chance on being interned for being suspected of being a
capitalist. Special distribution cards existed for mothers and babies, for
butter, milk, meat, and fruit. Semi-tropical fruit, spices, and so forth
were very seldom available. It was impossible to change one's work without
permission. One could get another job only with the help of influential per-
sons in the Communist Party. When one changed his job he had to look for his
own replacement. No further details.
Medical and Social Care:
Everyone came under the decision regarding the sickness funds. That is,
everyone but the capitalists. The care of the sick, however, was bad. The
hospitals were completely full and it was difficult to be accepted into one.
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Little thought was given to the sick. In this too, the bigger and. more
important a Communist a person was, the better the care. One had the
chance of consulting a private doctor, but then he had to pay for the care
himself. The medicines were bad and very expensive. Older people had a
small old-age pension and no taxes.
Travel:
One could travel without hindrance throughout the country except for
the border areas. Special persmission was needed for that. There was no
inspection of identity cards in the public means of transportation, except
in the border areas. International trips within the Communist bloc of
states took place collectively. One had to submit a request and await one's
turn to take a trip. The purpose of a trip and the names of the persons to
be visited also had to be submitted. Thus, in this connection, one could
visit his family.
Private Transportation:
For the buying of bicycles, motorcycles , and other motor vehicles
one had to have permission. An automobile of one's own was very exceptional;
motorcycles were also scarce.
Lhing:
It was formally prescribed that if one stayed in a place more than 24
hours he had to report to the local police. In practice, however, this did
not happen. In the city of Budapest every house is the property of the
state. The so-called housemaster is put in each one by the government; this
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housemaster is also the chief resident. All these housemasters are Party
members. They are charged with the inspection of the other occupantd. They
make up lists reporting the conduct of the occupants, for example how late
one comes home at night, whom one receives, and so forth.
Up to midnight one can go into his house unhindered. After that the
house door is closed and one must ring the bill, so that the housemaster
lets the occupant come in, after the latter has paid a small fine. Coming
home late is always reported to the police, for this can mean attending
meetings which are forbidden, or meeting illegal contacts. There is no cur-
few, although there wh ing the revolution. In Czechoslovakia the inspec-
tion is much fiercer, including that in private residences.
Change of Residence:
One is not free simply to change his residence. He needs permission
for this. The betterCommunist he is, the better and larger the living
space he gets.
Curfew:
A curfew existed only at the time of the revolution. The times varied.
Some housemasters could be bought off from reporting that one came home late
or received a guest.
III Inspection
Censorship:
In the interior of the country there is no censorship of the nn-!W
However, one had to remember that such a thing could happen, by random
sampling. Thus one dared not have any dangerous correspondence. There
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was censorship of correspondence with foreign countries.
In the city of Budapest there are very few telephone booths, and to
have a telephone of your own at your house was a luxury. One had always to
remember that the telephone was probably tapped.
IV Economy
Distribution:
In Budapest there were only state stores. At first there were also
private stores, but by taking all sorts of measures (special orders, high
taxes, and so forth) these quickly disappeared. The prices wereiBually
uniform, but occasionaIb it happened that the same articles were to bear
different prices.
Forbidden Possession:
Anyone could have a camera and make photographs except in the border
areas and near military objects and certain factories. Also one could have
a typewriter or stencil machine, but the numbers of them were recorded, as
well as the names of the owners. Radios could be bought freely and one could
listen to anything. If one listened to the Western radio, this was reported
by the housemasters. Listening to foreign broadcasts was dangerous because
they were always jammed, and from hearing the jammer it could be determined
that one was listening to the West. Maps could not be bought. There were
maps and atlases for the schools, but these were very simple.
V Occupations
Free Occupations:
Doctors and lawyers were united in so-called doctors' registers and
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lawyers' registers. Every large city had its own register, there was also
a national register, a total of about five. It was impossible to practice
one's profession without being a member of such a register; to be a member
one had to pay dues. There were private teachers only in speaking and music.
Small Businesses:
Bakers, butchers, gocers, and so forth (consumption articles) could have
their own stores if they had specific permission. This permission was dif-
ficult to get. There were such stores at first, but by various restrictive
regulations, high taxes, and so forth they disappeared and became state
stores. Carrying on a business with one's own personnel was very dangerous,
for then one was viewed as a capitalist. This was true for every other
business or plant as well.
Farmers and Gardeners:
There were two sorts ofi ms, namely the Kolchozen (state farms) and
private farms. Big farms were nationalized by the government and the small
private farms in the surrounding area were forced to join them. There was
a lot of propaganda to stimulate these Kolchozen farms. It was impossible
for a private farm to continue to exist in the middle of Kolchozen farms.
These were made impossible by various measures. There are still private
farms, but only in places where there are no Kolchozen farms.
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As a whole, the Hungarian people are definitely not Communist-minded.
The short rule of BELA KUNin the year 1919 is still in many people's memory,
and all Hungary was glad when HORTHY drove out this Communistic regime.
The 25-year leadership of this regent, whose system was based on Italian
Fascism, as well as the peace of Trianon in which Hungary lost great amounts
of territory, had a rather strong nationalistic influence on the political
postion of the Hungarians, especially among the predominant Roman Catholic
section of the popu]ttion.
Immediately after the occupation of Hungarian territory in the years
1944 and 1945, the Russians made attempts to put Communism to work in Hun-
gary. Communist agents were put into all spheres of life, especially in key
positions. Even in December 1945 the Ministry of Interior Affairs was in
the hands of the Communists, although the Communits in the first election
after the war got only 13% of the total votes. Some timer later they got -f/te
Social Democratic Party to the point that that Party formed the united
Workers' Party with the Communists. Meanwhile they actively pursued the
occupation of key positions in the city and national governments. In the
elections of 1947 there was false voting on an enormous scale.
in Budapest a number of trucks full of fanatic Communist
youths going from one voting office to another in order to vote again.
Then the Communists got 70% of the votes, and the regime was therefore defi-
nitely in place. The year 1948 was the year of the great purge, in all
circles of life. All the leading figures who were not trusted and who could
25X1
25X1
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be replaced were thrown out of their jobs. The real regime was not main-
but
tained, however, by the Hungarian Communists,/by the Russian observers who
swarmed over the land after the war. These advisors did service, in fact,
in official, military, and industrial life.
A construction progam which served the interests not of Hungary but of
Russia was proposed. The predominantly agricultural Hungary had to be indus-
trialized in a short time, mainly in heavy industry. Because Hungary itself
has no y6~ raw materials, it became completely dependent on foreign countries--
that is, Russia. Colonialization really started in the year 1948. All means
of production were nationalized, and the Kolchose system was begun. It became
an honor for the Party sections in every section to have at least a model
Kolchose. Dispossession from large land holdings was, of course, one of the
first steps. The obligation to give f4dwaf-P to the gov ernment was a heavy
pressure upon the farmer. As far back as men could remember, farmers and
many others on the farm lands had baked their own bread. This was not per-
mitted any longer; they were forced to buy their bread in the bakeries
created by the state, so that they came under more control. The influence
of the Party was felt everywhere, and the Party was busy with everything.
The pressure was systematically increased and the system became constantly
more perfect in its operation.
A much hated figure in this system was the Party leader RAKOSI. After
Tito was thrown out of the Cominform in 1948 the reparation payment to Yugo-
slavia was immediately stopped, and RAKOSI was the great opponent of Tito,
whose position had awakened all sorts of admiration in Hungary. In Hungary
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there are many people who follow the Tito system, not because they are
completely of Communist persuasion, but because they see this system as
a means of getting rid of Russian domination and exploitation, in order to
evolve later into a truly democratic state. It ought to be said emphatically
here that quite few longed for regimes such as that which existed before the
Russian occupation. In fact, up to that time the Hungarian ways lived
4
in a more or less feudal state. For an important percentage, the possission
of large amounts of ground was in the hands of the Roman Catholic church,
while the rest was in the hands of a number of families of the nobility.
In fact, the Hungarians have never known any democratic system. The Uom-
munist leadership profited greatly from this by making propaganda for its
system among young undeveloped farmers and workers, and, many of such people
became "worthwhile" workers in the Party.'
Among better developed persons and intellectuals one met very few con-
vinced Communists. Various among them were members of the Party, but 25X1
this was done only in order to maintain the positions they 25X1
had. The very great mistake of the Communists was that they flooded the people
with propaganda. Communism was preached up one side and down the other, and
often in such a child like and stupid ways that the people spat on it. The
real Party followers were chiefly recruited from, in addition th the already
named simple farmers and workers,,--IT the mentally and physically handicapped;
also a lot of very fanatic 6ommunists appeared among the occupational groups
such as house painters, salesmen, barbers, shoemakers, newspaper venders,
coal handlers, waiters, and bakers.
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Many supporters of the Communist regime were found among the Jews.
In the second world war, these people had lived in Hungary in the same
circumstances 4 their elders under the German occupation. In contrast
to other countries behind the iron Curtain, the Hungarian Jews got no visas
to travel to Palestine and establish themselves there. Those who had lived
through the Nazi regime thus accommodated themselves; many of them became
members of the Communist Party, and many got themselves gO important posi-
tions in the regime. But this too can not be completely generalized; sub-
ject knew many Jews among the freedom fighters and others who disagreed with
the system.
Also, a pet system of the Russians was to work in the countries behind
the Ixon Certain with people who were far from the people of the country or
who were from other countries. For example, Viliam SIROKY in Czechoslovakii
is a Hungarian; so it was with ROKOSOFFSKY in Poland. Also the representative
of Hungary and the leader of the delegation of Hungary at the United Nations,
named Peter K64, was not a Hungarian. He was a Russian national and his
real name was Lev KONDUKOTOROV. The years 1949 to 1953 were the darkest for
Hungary. Systematically the regime was built up and the thumb-screws were
turned. Opposition was impossible because this meant immediate liouidation,
long years of being interned in a concentration camp, or banishment to
Siberia.
The Nekosz were peoples' organizations which came into being
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from a democratic movement from the years around 1940 as a means of
fighting Fascism; there were Communists in this movement but the movement
was not dominated by them. These organizations had their own homes in
which the students lived, worked and studied and were under the leadership
of one or more assistants who lived in.
Many of the leading figures in the revolution were in the Nekosz. These
people had had some political schooling in the debating clubs and especially
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the writers among them, for example those from the Pet&fi club, had an
important influence on the workers. The first ray of light came in the
early part of 1953 $1 after the death of Stalin. Imre NAGY appeared in
the government in Hungary for the first time. Many people were freed from
concentration camps, and in general a completely different atmosphere arose.
However, this didn't even last a half year. Still, an important part of
the people had seen and felt that the regime was not so firmly in the daddle
as they had previously presumed. Radio Free Europe, and especially the
Hungarian broadcasts of the BBC,had a great many listeners. Still, there
was no possibility to make any preparation or anything that
preparation for beginning a revolutkon. Government pressure was heavy and
no one was trusted.
After the 20th Party Congress in the USSR a completely different mood
came into being. Among the witers and other intellectuals so-called iso-
lated groups came into existence; these groups organized debating evenings,
with their main motive being that Hungary must again become master of its
own house and that the interests of the Hungarian people should again be put
first. A writers' newspaper was again published, originally once per month,
later weekly. In this paper the government was strongly critized and mis-
takes were traced. When the rehabilitation of RAJK with complete restora-
tion of honor took place, a lot of workers' eyes were opened to the true
nature of the regime. The writers' newspapers %$ came to be read more and
more by industrial workers in Budapest and Csepel, and the newspaper boys
who for the sake of security always hid these newspapers under the official
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newspapers, made three or four times the price for the writers' newspapers.
Meanwhile conferences were being carried on between the Russian leaders
and Tito. Tito had demanded that the reparation payments, among othe3 those
from Hungary, which had been stopped by Stalin in 1948, should be resumed,
and that the relationships with Hungary should be improved. His great enemy
in Hungary, RAKOSI, immediately fell along with his supporters as a victim
of the de-Stalinization and was succeeded by GERMS. In October 1956 GERM
and some of his close fellow workers made the trip to Belgrade. heanwhile
revolt had started in Hungary also, and the Hungakkans, who support the
Poles to a great extent followed the events there with great excitement.
Spontaneously a movement of sympathy with the Poles arose; this was supported
by the Hungarian leaders for reasons of opportunism. A mass meeting was to
be held by Hungarian youth at the Joseph Behm Square, where the statue of
this Polish freedom hero stands. A great many people got time off to attend
the
this meeting and ~ rather small Behm Square could not contain this mass of
people. Meanwhile GERMS, who was just returning from Belgrade, had ordered
that the meeting could not be held, but shortly thereafter permistion was
given. The meeting took place on 23 October in the afternoon. Before that,
the Pe8fi club had called upon the Disz (Communist Youth Organiaation) to
containing
close ranks with it on a number of points ~~WW the demands of the Hun-
garian youth for more democracy. The crowd met in the square by the Parlia-
ment building. The Budapest students had decided on this, and the leader-
ship of the Disz had joined them. Here it was demanded that the program of
the Hungarian youth should be made known over the radio, for which purpose
the mass moved to the radio station-in Budapest. ghen this building appeared
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to be completely locked, people fried by forde to get access to the
station. Some young officers tried to intervene but were shot down by
AVH troops who had arrived in the meantime. Arpad SZAKASITS, formerly
one of the Social Democratic leaders, who had just arrived, and one of the
people who played an important role in the fusion of the Social Democrats
with the Communist Party in the years 1946 and 1947, and who was president
of the republic of Hungary for a short time, but who later in 1949 was
sentenced by his comrades to life-.long labor as a spy for the West, and
who in 1955 was set free with a number of other Social Democratic leaders,
also tried to intervene. He called upon the masses not to go the extremes
of force and to go peacefully home. But he was completely hooted away.
Then events followed very fast. People quit work everywhere, and in
the shortest possible time.in all offices, places of work, plants, and so
forth workers$councils were chosen by free and secret written ballot. In
the meantime the fighting groups had gotten a great number of weapons from
the Kilian barracks, where a young Captain had taken over the leadership
and opened up the stores of weapons. Also supplies of weapons came freely
from the factory militias of the large plants in and around Budapest. The
n
government had lost its power and shortly before his resignation GERO, on
the basis of the Warsaw Pact, called in the help of the Russian troops.
In the meantime the leaders of the revolution at the universities kept
themselves busy trying to create a nucleus out of the w'iters to form a
coordinating organ between the various revolutionary councils, which at first
worked completely independently. This was, of course, a result of the
great spontaneity of the revolution. Couriers instituted communications
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between the various councils and after some days, there really was coor-
dination. Also, close contact was maintained with the NAGY government.
At the urging of the coordinating organ NAGY reported that as quickly as
possible discussions would be opened with the Russians concerning the
withdrawal of the Russian troops. These troops, which had already been
stationed in Hungary for some years, kept themselves more or less aloof
from the battle. They occupied important junctions in the roads and the
bridges between Buda and Pest over the Donau, but free passage from one
part of the city to another was possible.
the leaders of the revolution at the univer-
sities were the following, among others: Ladislaus POSZNAR, Alex PERGEL,
Johann VINCE, Johann VARGA, Edith MOLNAR, Eduard NEMETHY, Alex SAL, and
Zoltan M4REY, all of whom were taken prisoner by the KADAR regime.
Bela JANKO, and Ladislaus GRUBER were in this central leadership.
these
people were representatives of the various faculties of the Budapest Uni-
versity and the Technical High School. There was also a group of intellec-
tuals occupied with the complete reconstruction of Hungary. Leading figures
among them were Georg ADAM, a writer; Ladislaus KARDOS and Georg MARKOS,
professors.
The revolutionary council of the Medical University consisted of repre-
sentatives of the professors, lecturers, and assistants and students. The
first one was represented by Dr. Stephan PATAKY and Dr. Zoltan ZSEBLK, and
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the second group by Bela JANKO, and DESIDERIUS. The first
pwrson who was kicked out of his position by the revolutionary council
was the rector of theMedical University, Gegesi Kis PAL. He was a fellow-
traveler of the regime and did not wish any democratic changes. ffter the
coming power of the KADAR regime he was restored to honor and he later
spoke on the radio on behalf of the KADAR regime.
the NAGY government had matters completely in
hand on 3 November 1956 and without the support bf the Russian troops,
would not have his
which in the meantime had been completely rotated, KADAR X 01W gotten i
foot in the door. Even during the first period of the KADAR regime, every-
thing which had been changed and democratized by the revolutionary councils
remained. People at the universities acted as though nothing had happened,
tried to get things back on the rails as fast as possible and quietly to
maintain the rights they had gained. KADAR, however, was gompletely sur-
rounded by Russian advisors and is now a puppet of the Russian regime, a
prisoner in his own Parliament building. Even after L November 1956 some
people went ahead with thepublishing of pamphlets, including a stenciled
student newspaper which was read by the Hungarian population.
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these apparatuses were seized by the AVH accompanied
by a number of Russian soldiers.
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Red Army
1. In general there was very little contact between the Hungarian population
and the Russian Army in Hungary.
2. The Russian troops, who chiefly consisted of panzer units, were concen-
trated in some parts of Hungary and lived practically to themselves, in
the barracks in the 1~X~~X` summers, in camps in the winters. For
example, there was a panzer division stationed in and around the city of
Szombathely in West Hungary. Many Russian soldiers lived with their fami-
lies in this city. In addition to the language difficulties, the Hungar-
ians and the Russian troops had little in common. In general, the bus-
sians felt themselves somewhat above the Hungarians; they thought they
were a sort of supermen. The troops which were stationed in Hungary
before the revolution were mainly Great Russians. The Hungarians, in
turn, looked down upon the Russians as being of a lower order. The dif-
ferences were just too large to make contact meaningful. The feminine
half of the Hungarian population had only sporaic contact with Russian
soldiers, and even the "public women" would rather not be seen with the
Russians.
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3. It can be stated that in general the Russian occupation troops were
hated by the population, although it was wise not to make this public.
Those who sought contact with the Russians were lowered in the peoples'
estimation.
4. Illegal work under the Russian occupation was not possible. In the years
since 1948 the Communist Party and the AVH have penetrated literally into
all circles to the extent that no one has any confidence. For example,
in the ten*ment buildings in Budapest practically all the concierges
were put in as functionaries of the state by the Party or the secret
police (all possession of large houses was nationalized). In general
they knew everything that took place in the dwelling. Also, the housing
shortage was very severe and many people lived close together in a small
amount of space. Speaking frankly occurred only . with trusted friends,
and even then, in such a way that one could not be overheard. Under
these circumstances it was not possible to think of preparations for a
possible revolt. In a very trusted circle of friends one could discuss
the bad conditions and the terrible limitations which one experienced
on all sides, but simply no one thought of a revolt, because everyone
was convinced that this would be impossible. Just after the 90th Rus-
sian Congress in the first part of 1956, there was a great deal of atten-
tion as to what would take place in Hungary; but everyone supposed that
this was a sort of evolution, that is, that the leaders, under the pres-
sure of circumstances, would have to take some liberalizing measures.
5. At the beginning of the revolt the Soviet Army was very passive. One
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got the impression that they were more or less afraid of jumping into
this fight. They occupied various stragetic points, and sometimes there
was shooting, but always from within the panzer and fighting trucks,
which they never got out of.
6. The real armed force of the Russians began at 0440 hours in the morning
of 4 November 1956. At that time a little cannon was shot off from a
hill in Budapest and this was the sign for the attack; but this was
made almost exclusively by panzer units. All guns began at that moment
to fire, and the sleeping Budapest was awakened by thundering force.
These, however, were not the troops who had been stationed in Budapest
and all of Hungary up to the time of the revolt, but troops bought in
from far away in Russia. All the previous occupation troops had been
evacuated by that time. On 4 November the panzer troops shot wildly;
wher$ ever they were, wherever the met opposition, they shot with panzer
cannons; this is how the great destruction in Budapest took place.
The systematic, street-by-street patrol work in cooperation with the
AVH began much later, after infantry troops had also arrived.
7. As explained in the answer to question number 5, the Soviet Army in the
beginning was definitely passive.
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eight Russian soldiers who had installed themselves in a cellar
gave their weapons to the refugees, without being forced to do so.
12. Pamphlets were made up in $ussian in which the Russian soldiers were
requested not to fight against the Hungarians, for in that case they
would be opposing the people. The Russian soldiers had been impressed
by their education that there are two types of war, the true and the
false war. The true was was fought exclusively against the enemies of
the people, that is, capitalism; the untrue war was fought only by the
capitalistic countries against the suppressed pOletariat and of course
against the Peoples' Democracies. The Hungarians played upon this in
their pamphlets, saying that the Russians must fight in a false war
against the Hungarian Peoples' Democracy.
Moreover, many soldiers
among the new troops had the opinion that they were in Berlin or .-~uez
true
for the purpose of fighting a/warj against the capitalists imperialists.
despite the changing of the troops,
some of these pamphlets found their marks.
it would be very difficult to infil-
trate the Soviet troops in any way. The large part of these troops are not
civilized and have reached no significant level of culture. The Commun-
ist ideology is pumped into them, and they have no understanding of
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other systems. They are driven into war like animals, and fight
like animals. Orders given them are executed without question, how-
ever much they cry about them.
16. During the revolution, the nussian troops were chiefly composed of
Great Russians, and after the change they consisted mainly of Ukranians,
Caucasians, and Cossacks. In contrast to the somewhat more
cultured Great rtussianS and the fiiendly Siberians, the above-named tribes
were hard A unfeeling and more or less animal in their appearance and
their fighting.
17. In general, it can be stated that the nussian troops in Hungary could
work up little enthusiasm for turning against the Hungaiians~ However,
x _
"orders,is orders" goes for them tco,
kow
be more or less considered as a 4MM of animals
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1. a) GERO had nothing to do with the revolt. RAKOSI does seem to have
made. attempts at provocation, but not in connection with the revolt.
The follwwing illustrates this: In the beginning of 1956 ttA.KOSI
invited the actor Antal PAGGR to come to Hungary. The latter t,ad
previously fled from Hungary as a border-crosser. There was a great
deal written about him in the papers and a great deal of talk about
him on the radio. Obviously, tiAKOSI wanted to show that this Fascist
would be greeted with sympathy by the Hungarian people, and ;i.AKOSI
wanted to show this so as to prove that there were still ma Fascists
among the Hungarians. However, not only the Jews, but the whole
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Hungarian population protested against all this.
the meeting) Formed the introduc-
The nucleus of the ram-
phlets which were given out in Budapest by the Revolutionary Council
of the Universities among others was that the Hungarians wanted to
live under freedom and wanted to have control over their own future.
This struck the population very forcefully for the lack of spiritual
freedom was most offensive.
2. a) The revolution was not prepared for at all; it was a completely spon-
tan)ous outburst, and hence it was not a result of provocation at all.
Foreigners were not concerned with it.
b) The first weapons were obtained from the Kilian barracks, where a
young Captain had taken over matters and had opened the magazines to
the revolutionists. Also, the revolutionists got weapons from the
factory guards and peoples' militia. Not a single weapon was received
from a foreign country. two trucks with panzer
troops had been on the way from Yugoslavia to Budapest. This would
true that at the time of the meeting a truck full of Hungarian soldiers
came to the radio station and offered their assistance. These soldiers
gave their weapons over to the revolutionist* when theyuere told that
the Hungarian people were being attacked.
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have been after 4 November, and it is said that the trucks with the
panzer troops, which had surrounded Budapest, were taken prisoner.
c)
Since 1948, the Hungarians have looked jealously to Yugoslavia, for
Tito had the courage to defy Stalin. Since that time, any contact
between the peoples of these two countries was practically impossible
until the time of Stalin's death. It was in this way that R. KOSI,
the much-hated leader of Hungary, was a deathly enemy of Tito, who
allowed the last opportunity to pass him by to attack RAKOSI, just
as RAKOSI let pass the chance to do the same to Tito. After the
pardoning of Tito by the Kremlin, RAKOSI's days were numbered. The
book Tito's Life by DJILAS was read a great deal in Hungary, although
not openly.
In April 1956 a Hungarian, rather Communistic transmitter came
on the air;
this transmitter was on Yugo-
slavian soil. The chief doctrine of this radio station was that
Hungary should build up its own socialist state.
The official Yugollavian transmitters were hindered from 1948
until the beginning og 1956 by jammers.
4. At the immediate time of the revolution there was still no central
Revolutionary Council. Each factory, place of work, or other instal-
lation chose its own Revolutionary Council by free and secret written
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ballot. Through the efforts of the writers' group and the Revolu-
tionary Council of the Universities, especially, coordination was
brought about between the various Revolutionary Councils. At that
time, however, GER8 had already disappeared from the stage, and the
contact with NAGY, who shortly before becoming $ Prime Minister had
been offered a professorship at the Budapest University, was good.
However, there was too much to do, especially since nothing had been
prepared, and a great many things had to be improvised.
Even after KADAR took over the power, this council still .functioned,
but KADAR became more and more surrounded by Ruasian advisors and
within a short time he could no longer be reached by the Hungarians of
good will. By that time, the influence of the Revolutionary Councils
had completely disappeared.
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