(SANITIZED)COMMUNIST LITERATURE(SANITIZED)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80T00246A033800700001-9
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 888
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 23, 2010
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: April 15, 1957
• Content Type: REPORT

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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY----
This material contains information affecting the National Defense of the United States within the
18, U.S.C. Seca. 793 and 794, the transmission or revelation of which in any manner to an unau
-R-E -T
SUBJECT Communist Literature
DATE DISTR. 15 April 1957
NO. PAGES 2
REQUIREMENT
NO.
DATE OF
INFO.
PLACE &
DATE ACQ.
communist propaganda
Manifesto of the Communist Party, Moscow 1955
How to Be a Good Communist by LIU Shao-Chi, Peking, Revised edition 1952
Documents on Hungary, Soviet News Booklet No. 24, 1956
How to Deal with Unemployment by I. Barbadoro
Speech by Ma Suslov, 1 February 1956
Visit of N.A. Khrushchev to India, Moscow 1956
The Tasks of the Youth Leagues, Moscow 1953
The Soviet Electoral Law, Moscow 1955
Marxism and Problems of Linguistics, Moscow 1955
J. Stalin Works 13, Moscow 1955
Short Stories by Oless Gonchar, Moscow
Marx, Engels, Marxism by V. I. Lenin, Moscow 1953
Short Novels and Stories by A. P. Chekhov, Moscow
Life Triumphs by A. Sharov, Moscow 1955
(Note: Washington distribution indicated by "X"; Field distribution by "#".)
I N FORMATION REPORT INFORMATION REPORT
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How to deal with
Unemployment
1. BARBADORO
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FOREWORD
THE problem of unemployment examined in this pamphlet is
one of vital interest at the present day.
The number of unemployed in the capitalist countries is not
only very high, but is tending to increase. The table below, com-
piled from government statistics eloquently demonstrates this:--
Development of unemployment, as shown by official statistics
In thousands 4
1951
Australia ............... 0.67 (May)
Austria ..................
Belgium ..................
Canada ....................
Denmark .................
Western Germany ......
France* ...................
Ireland ....................
Italy ........ . ..............
Japan .....................
Holland ..................
Norway ..................
Great Britain ............
U',S.A . .................... !
1952
5.24 (May)
96.8
(May)
124
182.4
(May)
231.7
172
(March)
212
30
(May)
58.8
1,387
(May)
1,312
29.3
(May)
39.4
1,676
(April)
1,870
370
(January)
490
61
(June)
106
6.4
(May)
7.5
214.5
(June)
489.6
1,856
(July)
1,942
(May)
(May)
(March)
(May)
(May)
(May)
(April)
(January)
(June)
(May)
(June)
(July)
There are, however, countries where there is no longer any
question of unemployment, since this has been abolished by virtue
of the fact that the causes of unemployment have themselves been
abolished.
In these countries, the right to work is assured, not merely
in the text of the Constitution, but in actuality, in real life.
Unemployment, which is a consequence of the economic
organisation of the countries in which it is rife, develops through
the impoverishment of the working masses, the inadequacy of their
* France. There, are no official statistics in France relating to unemploy-
ment as a whole; certain categories of unemployed being considered
merely " assisted persons." Inquiries made by " poll " methods have,
however, established that the number of totally unemployed has risen
,by at least 20(.000,-and that of partially unemployed by more than
500,000.
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purchasing power, the too high prices of products and articles of
common consumption, and the obstacles impeding normal com-
mercial trading with all countries. It is at present becoming fur-
ther increased and heightened in these countries under the weight
of the armaments burden.
A considerable portion of the national income is absorbed by
increased armament expenditure, and this also acts to the detriment
of production for the civilian sector of the economy
The grievous consequences of unemployment are felt in the
first place by those out of work, but they do not spare certain other
social strata, in particular small trades-people, peasants and evert
the owners of numerous small and medium undertakings.
The big industrialists and trusts strive to profit from uneniploy-
ment crises by suppressing numbers of small and medium
undertakings in order to remain in control of the market and in
this way to augment still further their excessive profits.
The trade union organisations can certainly not permit them-
selves to be satisfied with establishing the facts, without at the
same time acting with the necessary energy to fight against
unemployment and the causes which give rise to it.
They struggle against this social curse of unemployment and
against the bankruptcy of capitalist society which has proved itself
incapable of ensuring work to millions of able-bodied men and
women, who have no other means of existence apart from their
wages.
Those trade union organisations catering for workers in
industries severely affected by unemployment put the struggle
against unemployment in the forefront of their responsibilities.
The interchange of experiences of these struggles, which will
take place at the time of the International Conference on Social
Security, which will he held in Vienna in early March, 1953, will
make it possible to improve the methods of dealing with
unemployment.
At the same time as the trade union organisations tight against
unemployment, they also undertake the defence of the claims of
the totally and partially unemployed.
IN THIS FIELD IT IS ABSOLUTELY NECESSARY
THAT THE RISK OF UNEMPLOYMENT SHOULD BE
COVERED BY SOCIAL SECURITY.
In those countries where the workers are still without the
benefit of Social Security, the trade union organisations should
not fail to introduce into their programmes the necessary demand
that the risk of unemployment be covered by Social Security.
It is necessary to start with the principle that every wage-
earner, without consideration of his profession, family status or
age, from the moment when he is deprived of his wages through
unemployment. must be able to draw benefits, without any restric-
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tion, in the form of unemployment pay-commencing with the day
when he loses his employment, and without any time limit.
Agricultural workers, who very often suffer unemployment,
must have the same right as industrial workers to receive unemploy-
ment benefit without any restrictions.
In matters regarding the scale of unemployment benefit, it is
necessary, in our opinion, to make this the concern of the trade
union organisations in each country. By taking into account the
actual detailed situation in their own countries, they will be in a
better position to determine the scale. -
The condition of the partially unemployed should also be kept
in sight by the trade unions. We are at present witnessing the
development of partial unemployment in the capitalist countries.
There is no need to stress that workers receiving a reduced
salary are exposed to want and privations, since even those who
work a full week experience difficulties in satisfying their own
needs and those of their families, in view of tHe gap which exists
between wages and the cost of living.
All these questions, bound up with the grave problem of
unemployment, will be examined, discussed and clarified in the
course of the work of the International Conference on Social
Security.
This pamphlet has for its aim simply to make a contribution
to the discussion of these problems and to assist the trade unions
in finding solutions which will enable millions of partially and
totally unemployed to receive full employment, and provide a
decent unemployment benefit to those who remain "unemployed
in spite of themselves."
These discussions, like the campaign itself, will be carried out
in the spirit of the broadest possible working class unity, which
we must constantly promote in the interests of all workers.
F. MAURICE,
President of the International
Union of Fur and Leather Workers.
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HOW TO DEAL WITH
UNEMPLOYMENT
IN the capitalist countries, the forms in which insurance against;
unemployment exists and their range are extremely varied,
extending from the complete absence of any system, or of systems
extremely restricted in respect of the numbers of people affected
and of the value of the benefits allowed. This makes it particularly
difficult to formulate the basic characteristics of unemployment
insurance.
The fundamental reasons fcr these profound differences are
of course to be found in the variety of the concrete economic
conditions. the way these have developed and the resultant rela-
tion of class forces. There is thus a direct relation between, on
the one hand, the various situations of the market and the struggle
waged by the working class in order to protect itself against
unemployment. and on the other hand, the concrete system
brought into being. In general, there exists more extensive
insurance in countries with an advanced economic development
and where the working class has emphasised the problem in the
course of its struggles. In countries where, by reason of a
retarded economic development, unemployment has become
inherent in the system, and is growing, the systems in existence are
generally restricted. In these cases their extension presents basic
problems, whose solution in terms of precautionary measures is
possible on condition that this is organised on a much broader
basis.
Before entering on an analysis of the characteristics assumed
by social precautions against unemployment in the various
countries, it would be well to examine briefly the effects of
insurance of this kind.
The Effects of Unemployment Benefit
WHATEVER may be its forms and financial requirements,'
unemployment benefit entails a certain amount of expen-
diture. It is essential that a part of the national income, without
consideration of the means by which it is to be set aside, should
be devoted to allowances for the unemployed. As long as this,
levy had to be supported exclusively by the persons concerned, as
was the case in the former Workers' Mutual Aid Societies, and as
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Western Germany. The despair of the unemployed-who will give my
father work?
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was the general rule in all the voluntary mutual aid funds. this
protection expressed itself in the redistribution of a portion of the
income of the working class within the limits of the working class
itself, without profits or interest being at all affected. But in pro-
portion as the struggle of the workers developed, the employers
were compelled to assume, in whole or in part, .whether directly
,by contributions or indirectly by taxation, the financial burden of
unemployment insurance. (In the capitalist countries the costs at
the moment are generally speaking shared between the workers
and the employers, with or without state participation. In some
countries, however, e.g., Italy, the workers have 'succeeded in
making the employers bear the entire burden of insurance.)
Insurance of this kind deals a blow at profits by bringing
about an increase in the price of labour without a proportionate
increase in the output or price of the goods produced.
It is thus entirely understandable that the employers have
attempted and are still atempting by every means to avoid the
application of this sort of insurance, or to apply it only in so far
.as they are compelled to do so.
On the other hand, the fact must be taken into consideration
that in numerous markets controlled by monopolies, the most
powerful groups of employers, that is those who dominate the big
factories, have succeeded in transferring to prices, and in conse-
quence to the consumers, at least a part of the increase in the costs
of production resulting from the system of unemployment insurance,
and in this way diminishing the effect of the latter on their profits.
Another consequence of unemployment insurance makes itself
felt in the development of capitalist production. We well under-
stand the reasons why this cannot function without a certain mass
of unemployed workers, who in offering their labour power, cause
its price to be lowered and thus keep down the wages of the
employed personnel to a level consistentwith high profits. In fact,
capitalism keeps down the wages by playing off the unemployed
against those in employment. But in order that this stabilisation
and even reduction of wages can be put into practice, it is necessary
that the unemployed person should have no other sources of income
than his labour power, which he is not in a position to utilise.
That is to say, he is held in a vice by his own needs and those of
his family.
Now the application of social insurance schemes includes
economic benefits which allow the unemployed person a certain
purchasing power and have the effect of strengthening his resistance
and making it possible for him to refuse to sell his labour power
below its value. If, for example, the benefits represent 60% of the
average wage and allow the unemployed person to obtain for him-
self at least a minimum subsistence, then he will not only not accept
a wage inferior to the benefits, he is receiving already, but since
his livelihood is ensured, he will be able to offer resistance and to
fight to obtain the same treatment as the employed workers. The
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''effect on the level of wages of the existence of a mass of un-
,employed is reduced in proportion as social insurance is more
effective. Thus, the latter does not merely attack the profits of the
employers, like the other forms of social insurance, but at the same
'time represents a significant check to the continuance of a low. level
.,of wages, and so is a favourable condition for the raising of this
level. It is only when one considers this double effect-on profits
and on the level of wages (these last constituting in effect an indirect
`attack on profits)-that the strength of the employers' resistance
is explained, resistance of such a kind that this form of social
insurance is non-existent in many countries, or else is restricted to
those categories of workers who have succeeded in obtaining it in
:the course of their. struggles.
In certain states social legislation does not in any way provide
for unemployment insurance. This is the case in a large number
of semi-colonial countries-Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Iraq, etc.-where
production relations are still semi-feudal. These countries are,
for the most part, openly exploited by foreign imperialism, and
have an excessive labour force with a very low standard of living.
The same conditions prevail in the majority of technically back-
ward countries which have reached a certain level of industrial
. development, usually financed by foreign capital, but where the
local labour force is relatively poor. In these countries the
.employers do their best to keep wages down in order to guarantee
.high profits. Such conditions exist in the majority of Latin-
American countries.
In Portugal, social unemployment protection still assumes the
form of charitable aid, reminiscent of the " Poor Law " of Queen
Elizabeth, or the " Institution " of the Papal States in force up to
1860-70. Even in those developed capitalist countries where un-
employment is not a permanent feature and is only very limited-
during periods of less prosperity-and where the wage level is
fairly high, there are no compulsory forms of insurance against
unemployment. This is left to voluntary mutual organisations,
which are administered for the most part by the trade unions,
with some financial assistance on the part of the State. Sweden
and Finland are typical examples of this position.
As to the countries where compulsory unemployment insurance
systems are in force, a comparison of the numbers of people
covered with those of the health insurance systems shows that the
first usually embraces a very much smaller number of workers than
the second. This demonstrates that social insurance against un-
employment in the capitalist countries assumes a more restricted
form than health insurance.
The Extension of Unemployment Protection
IN examining the achievements in the capitalist countries, we can
establish at once that the almost universal application of rigid
qualifications in the regulation of social insurance against unem-
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4 i`gnt~ is a common characteristic of these countries, despite the
8iffefent economic conditions.
We must first of all explain what we understand by a system
~goyerned by insurance qualifications." Such a system of social
insurance exists when the right to receive appropriate benefits is
0 (granted to an individual in his capacity as a member of the
lronfinunity, or as possessing some particular quality, for example,
in being. a worker but when this right proceeds from the fact of his
having made the appropriate contribution to the insurance funds,
tf:&e of his having been employed in an approved field of activity.
An" Insurance system of this kind, even though compulsory, retains
A, the characteristics of private insurance, since the right to
benefit is not an automatic right, but proceeds merely from the
fact of having contributed to the finances of the social insurance
system itself.
I:t is necessary to stress that the application of such criteria
iA not made only in countries where there is large-scale, permanent
unemployment, but also in countries of less unemployment. Now
if in the cases where there is large-scale, permanent unemployment,
complete social protection for the whole working class presents
financial probbeins;''such difficulties can certainly not be used to
justify the existence of protection based on an insurance system
(wmetimes extremely restricted), where unemployment is not
permanent and where its extent is comparatively limited.
Of all the capitalist countries, only Australia and New Zealand
have instituted social security systems protecting the entire work-
ing. population, without exception, against the risk of unemploy-
ment, and guaranteeing benefits regulated by the sole condition
that the applicant should have reached working age and should be
in, need of support.
It is nevertheless clear that a system based on insurance,
however broad this may be, not only fails for technical reasons to
Fgrrespond to the requirements arising from permanent unemploy-
ment, but is further only able to ensure incomplete and imperfect
protection in situations of temporary unemployment.
The existence of a system based on the insurance principle
arises. from a denial of the right of the entire working class to
social, protection against unemployment. In other words, in main-
taimng these qualifications it is possible to limit the right to draw
f epefits, by excluding this or that category of workers, or this or
tlfa;;~ector of the-economy. Thus, what should be the right of the
c ire.. working class is allowed only to certain categories of
% ork`er$~-those to whom it is impossible to refuse benefit.
The extent of the existing systems with regard to the number
f people covered varies very much from one country to the other
sC >4-s may ~e summed up as follows :
"''`'siiier2[tiot{~o fhe economic sector in which they work, or of the
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professional category to which they belong. Such. systems: arc
extremely few in number, and exist' only in " Great Britain
and in 16 Swiss cantons.
(b) Systems protecting the majority of employed workers;
but excluding certain categories in receipt of an income above
or below an established level; or else workers who are able
to rely on relatively stable employment; or again workers,
occupied in certain fields of the economy, domestic workers,
or seasonal workers, or those engaged for short perit s, or
finally workers employed in small undertakings. The most'
frequent exceptions relate to one or other of the following
categories: employees of public services, agricultural,'domestic
and seasonal workers and craftsmen.
(c) Systems protecting only certain trades, generally
covering workers in large-scale industry. The difference
between these sytsems and those of group (b) is an essentially
quantitative one, and consists in the number of workers
excluded from participation.
The most common systems are those of the two last categories.
Such a classification is, however, hardly a complete one. For
example, in the United States, side by side with the federal laws
(in force for the whole country), providing for, compulsory insurance
of workers in certain sectors of the economy, there are local laws
as well covering categories which vary from one State to another:
In Switzerland, a system insuring, all employed workers is in force
in 16 cantons, whereas in the other 6, such provision either does
not exist, or functions only on a voluntary basis. In countries
having entirely voluntary schemes, it is evident that these are
.Limited to the most easily organisable sectors of industry, and thus
exclude not only workers in various branches of the economy, but
also all workers in small-scale industry and in more scattered
sectors of production.
The systems in force vary considerably from one country "to'
another and range from the absence of any sort of protection right
up to, in some rare cases, the protection of the entire working
population-with the most diverse intermediate stages. The extent
of the system naturally depends on economic conditions and on the
struggles of the workers. Thus, for example,,in certain countries,
where there is only a certain amount of scattered unemployment,
the lack of protection may be explained by the fact that unemploy-'
ment has only a minor and local significance. In case of a
temporary worsening provisional help is ,provided which eases, the'
pressure thus enabling the problem to' be. dealt with as,soon as the
crisis" stage is past.
We can find indirect confirmation of this analysis in st~}dyin
which categories of workers are most frequently excluded from the.
right to unemployment protection in the capitalist. countries. . These.
are, in effect, the weakest and poorest groups ,who And it partied
fatly difficult to organise any fight by reason of the,niture cif their
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work, in which there is no concentration of workers. Such are
agricultural workers, seasonal and domestic workers, and in certain
cases workers engaged in small undertakings or handicrafts, or
workers receiving wages below a certain minimum level. It is
evident that exclusions of this kind are not made by reason of the
absence of unemployment risk, or the absence of economic need-
which is the fundamental reason for bringing about the adoption
of some form of social protection against unemployment. In fact
it is probable that these categories of workers suffer on the average
more frequently from unemployment and that their economic
situation is in general worse. These exclusions are actually due
to the fact that, arising from the low degree of organisation of
these workers, the employers, by not including them in the system,
are able to secure considerable economies. Thus they have also
at their disposal a body of unemployed not receiving any compen-
sation, and tending by their unlimited competition on the labour
market to exercise a downward pressure on wages.
A rapid examination of the laws in force in countries posses-
sing some kind of protection allows us to form a sufficiently clear
idea of the kind of exclusion carried out in respect to employed
workers.
There is no exclusion in Australia, New Zealand, Great Britain
and the 16 Swiss cantons, which have introduced a system
embracing all employed workers. In the countries where there is
only inconsiderable and temporary unemployment, as for example
Austria, Norway and Holland, there are fairly considerable
exceptions. In Norway, for example, not only employees in public
.services, but also fishermen, domestic workers and all those earning
less than 600 crowns a year are, in practice, excluded from
insurance. This, moreover, holds good for all workers without
permanent occupation, that is to say precisely those who have the
greatest need of benefits in order to make up their insufficient
income. In Austria, public officials and employees, agricultural
workers, foresters and domestic staffs are not included in the
insurance. In the Netherlands, insurance covers all employed
workers, with the exception of domestic workers with an income
lower than 6,000 florins a year. In France, a country possessing
one of the most inclusive systems, since it embraces not only
employed workers, but also-which exists in no other country not
possessing a social security system for all workers-writers, artists
and young people in search of their first employment, seasonal
workers are nevertheless left without protection.
Countries with more unemployment, like Belgium and the
United States, have unemployment insurance systems with very
serious exclusions. In Belgium, apprentices, domestic workers
and workers in public services are not included in the system. In
addition there are certain restrictions for agricultural workers. In
The United States, a highly developed country where unemploy-
ment, already high enough in normal times, reaches terrifying
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proportions in periods of crisis, the following categories are in
practice excluded from every kind of protection by either federal
or state legislation : all workers in the federal or local public
services, agricultural workers, domestic workers, and all those
working in concerns which have too few workers to come under
the unemployment laws. Thus, in effect, unemployment protection
covers only workers in large-scale industry.
In countries where there is considerable inherent unemploy-
ment there are also very restrictive systems in being. In Western
Germany, although there is no system of protection on. a national
scale, but only local systems, the exclusion of agricultural workers,
of domestic and seasonal workers can be considered an accom-
plished fact for the whole country. In Italy, agricultural and
seasonal workers. workers in public services. and those not having
continuous employment are excluded, as well as all part-time
workers.
It is appropriate to make some observations on the technical
difficulties which it is claimed are involved in establishing protec-
tion against unemployment in agriculture and in general in seasonal
and non-permanent occupations. and which the ruling class makes
use of as a pretext to justify its failure to meet its obligations.
When it is a matter of unemployment or of being temporarily
out of employment (as we shall see, these are two quite different
problems). the solutionl is particularly easy to find. It is evident
that it is a question rather of insuring the workers against a future,.
uncertain risk. by guaranteeing a certain income for the period
already known in advance, during which these workers, for reasons
independent of their will, are unable to work at their usual trade,
or in any other job. since there is an absence of demand. It is
thus a matter of guaranteeing a yearly reserve of income, whose
size should be related to the duration of employment in the given
sector, and also to the possibility possessed by the particular
economies to utilise the man-power available during the "off-
in " in other sectors. The matter is therefore far from being
without a solution. In confirmation of this, it is sufficient to cite
the fact that this problem has been concretely solved in numerous
capitalist countries without the emergence of any of the difficulties
warned against.
Necessari Conditions for the Right to Benefits
AS we have already said, an insurance system does not guarantee,
even in the best examples. anything but incomplete and defec-
tive protection. In reality, the first and principal effect of such
systems is to exclude from the right to benefit a fairly considerable
section of the workers, even those included in the system. since
one must satisfy conditions of contribution or employment quali-
fication before acquiring the right to benefits. The worker must-
in order to be able to claim compensation. be in a position to prove
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Workers queueing up for work at Labour Exchanges. Although factories
engaged on rearmament are employing more workers, war preparations
have produced mass dismissals in the consumer goods industries. The
United States television industry has dismissed 10,000 workers in recent
weeks.
a certain sung of contributions, or a certain period of employment
during a prescribed period preceding the unemployment. Since
no contributions can be paid if the worker is not occupied in a
branch of industry where insurance is obligatory, the right to
benefits is made dependent on the work recently performed. There
can be no question that within the framework of capitalist economy,
the establishment of such qualifications is unjustifiable, since the
possibility of obtaining work does not depend only on the will of
the worker. Under such conditions, all young people in search of
their first jobs are automatically excluded from the right to benefits,
even in cases where this is not stipulated by law.
Among the existing systems of unemployment protection-
without speaking of Australia and New Zealand, where this protec-
tion covers the entire working population without any other
consideration than economic need-the French system is the only
one to admit young people seeking their first employment to the
right to claim compensation, if they are less than 17 years old.
providing that there exists an unemployment fund and have com-
pleted their studies more than a year before, and are registered
with an official employment bureau.
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The significance of the exclusion of young people in countries
with permanent unemployment, is absolutely clear. An increasing
number of workers will be unable to find work, will be left without
resources, and will exert pressure on the labour market, thus
lowering the standard of living of the mass of the working class.
In countries where unemployment is only temporary, absorption
into production of new contingents of man-power never follows at
once. Moreover, the process of absorption may be considerably
slowed down by the effects of a crisis which throws young people
out of work. They are not absorbed into production until
.economic recovery begins to make itself felt. Thus, even in
countries which normally make use of their new sources of power,
young workers may remain without work for a considerable time-
without having the right to claim benefit.
The fact that such conditions as the payment of contributions
or a time qualification are exacted, excludes from the right to
benefits all those who for one reason or another have not been in
a position to fulfil the necessary conditions before becoming
unemployed. The extent of these exclusions depends naturally on
the conditions exacted and the situation in the labour market of
the country concerned.
These conditions, although varying considerably from country
to country, all display a tendency to exclude the greatest possible
number of the unemployed. In order to have the right to claim
benefit, it is necessary in Great Britain to have paid contributions
for 26 weeks. In Norway, 45 insurance weeks over the 4 years
preceding the unemployment are demanded, and in Austria, 20
insurance weeks during the course of the year preceding the
ompensation claim. In the Netherlands, 156 working days during
the foregoing year are required. In Belgium 6 months of work
over the last 10 months preceding the benefit claim are necessary
in sectors where insurance is compulsory, while in Italy a worker
must have been insured for at least 2 years, of which I year at
least must have been during the past 2 years.
Duration of Benefits
A system based on the principle of insurance is incapable of
guaranteeing benefits for the entire period of unemployment,
even in cases of temporary unemployment, and above all when
unemployment is increasing as a result of a cyclical crisis. Since
this kind of system is the most widespread, it follows that in the
capitalist countries social protection is, in the majority of cases,
limited in respect of its duration. The only exceptions are
Australia and New Zealand, which have instituted a social security
organisation, and also France and Belgium, whose legislation takes
no account of time limits for the receipt of benefit.
In certain cases, the limitation of the duration is uniformly
applied to all insured persons. In others an extension (equally
limited) is only granted if the contributions of the person insured
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exceed the required minimum by a fixed amount. In others again,
the duration of benefit is made dependent on qualifications in time
(for example, 1 week of benefit for 2, 3, or 4 weeks of
contributions).
In Great Britain, for example, benefits are granted for a
period of-180 days,, which is extended to one year, if the insured
person has paid at least 50 contributions during the year preceding
his last benefit claim. After the expiration of the benefit period,
the unemployed person must, in order to be able to receive com-
pensation again, be able to show a credit of 13 other weekly
contributions. In Austria, benefits are granted for a period of 12
weeks, if contributions have been paid over at least 20 weeks;
for 20 weeks, if 30 weekly contributions have been lodged in the
course of the 2 years preceding the demand; for 30 weeks, if
during the course of the 5 years preceding the demand, contri-
butions have been paid for 30 weeks at the minimum. In Italy,
the duration of benefit is for 180 days, without regard to the time
over which contributions have been lodged. In the Union of South
Africa, one week of benefit is granted for 4 weeks of contributions,
in Norway one week of benefits for 3 contribution weeks, with a
maximum of 15 weeks of compensation annually. In the Nether-
lands, unemployed people have the right to 48 days of compensa-
tion paid out by the professional insurance organisation and to
78 days of benefit paid out by the ordinary insurance, or, if he
does not possess the right to trade insurance, he receives benefits
paid out by the ordinary insurance over a period of 126 days.
Without paying attention to the method which determines the
duration of benefits, it is apparent that its limitation is characterised
by the exclusion from compensation of all unemployed who, after
the expiration of the limits laid down, have not been absorbed
into production. Wherever unemployment has a permanent
character, this is the equivalent of depriving the protection scheme
of part of its value. Added to the other disqualifications, there
results a profound difference between the number of unemployed
who receive assistance and the actual number of unemployed, of
which the first represents only a small percentage of the second.
(For example, in Italy, the numbers benefiting from unemployment
allocations represent only 10-12% of the total numbers of
registered unemployed).
Such limitations also involve exclusions from the right to
claim compensation in situations of temporary unemployment. In
the United States, only 50% of the unemployed receive benefits;
in Switzerland, 40%; in Austria about 70%. In normal times the
severity of these exclusions is determined by the duration of the
period for which compensation is payable and by the mobility of
labour, and in the last analysis by the volume and character of
unemployment. In times of crisis, the volume of exclusions
increases as the crisis itself grows more serious.
In some countries, as for example in Great Britain and
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Austria, the unemployed person whose right to obtain allowance
has expired before he has found work and who is in a state of
need, is able to claim certain other benefits, in most cases without
any time limit. However these benefits are not granted in the
form of insurance benefits, but as public relief. Parallel with the
insurance systems there thus exist assistance schemes financed not
by contributions, but by taxation. This double system of protec-
tion, when at a given moment relief takes the place of insurance
which has run out, exists only in very few countries, where, by
reason of the local characteristics of unemployment, relief only
entails a very limited expenditure, since not only the number of
beneficiaries utilising these systems is small, but, moreover, the
benefits available are inferior to those granted by the insurance
organisations.
"The reason for which such " insurance criteria " are to he
found in almost all unemployment protection systems is
undoubtedly explained by the two-fold interest of the employers
to pay out as little as possible and to keep the unemployed in the
worst economic conditions, in order that they should constitute a
factor tending to lower the wage of the employed workers. In fact,
the short analysis that we have just made clearly demonstrates
that the workers excluded from protection-the young people in
search of their first job, the unemployed who are unable to satisfy
the contribution demands, and those who are left without work
after the expiration of the period of compensation-constitute a
considerable mass of unemployed, unable to obtain compensation
and exercising for these reasons severe competition on the labour
market.
Benefit Scales
THE real scale of the benefits allowed in the different countries
varies considerably. They can be either fixed for the duration of
the benefit or they can vary according to a given index or according
to the cost of living or level of wages. The benefits can be set at
a uniform amount for all insured people or they can vary according
to the amount of contributions made, according to trade qualifi-
cations or according to the wages drawn.
It is necessary to make special mention of benefits which are
not fixed. By this we mean benefits granted according to systems
which do not take into account any changes in the cost of living,
except by special decision, as for example by a law establishing a
new amount of compensation.
This kind of benefit is characteristic not only of countries
with a relatively stable currency, but also of countries with an
unstable currency, such as Italy and Austria. Now a system of
fixed benefits presents in the present stage of capitalism a serious
threat to the real value of the benefits. All recent experience shows
us that a stable currency under capitalism cannot be achieved.
The sharpening of capitalist contradictions by imperialist wars and
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periodic crises have compelled the final abandonment of any
stable currency. Currency manipulation has become a characteristic
of. present-day capitalism. Further, all-out rearmament creates,
inflation. This is why a system of fixed benefits under present
conditions amounts to permitting the employers to decide the real
value of benefits.
Scales of benefit in capitalist countries are fixed according
to the balance of class forces. But if we examine the extent to
which the level of benefits varies, we find that only in exceptional
cases does this exceed two thirds of the average wage. In the
Netherlands, benefits vary between 60% and 80% according to the
number of dependents (this percentage in fact includes the family
allowance supplements, which implies the renunciation of family
allowance). In other countries the scale is much lower: in Austria
from 38% to 50%, in Great Britain, below 40%. In Belgium it
is 50%, of the wage for unskilled labour (i.e., the lowest wage).
In the Scandinavian countries it stands at about two-thirds of the
wage and in Italy at less than 30% (including supplements for
dependents).
The compensation scales although generally including supple-
ments for dependents, are nevertheless expressed as a percentage
of the net wage, excluding the family allowance. The compensation
received therefore represents a considerably lower percentage of
the worker's ordinary income.
The low general level of allowances is mainly due to the
tendency of the employers to impose the biggest possible economies.
In the countries where unemployment is temporary and affects few
people, the desire of the employers to use unemployment to force
down wages also plays a part. The lower the benefits, the more
the unemployed person is driven to exert pressure on the labour
market by his search for work. That is why in certain countries
where benefits are not limited with respect to time, and are still
paid after the expiration of the right to draw benefit, the amount
is reduced after a certain period. In this way the unemployed
person, his resources further reduced, is even more " inclined " to
ask less for his labour power. In France, compensation is in this
way reduced by 20% after one year of assistance, and thereafter
by 10% for each subsequent year. In Great Britain public assis-
tance benefits are less than three-quarters of the benefits paid out
by the insurance.
When benefits are ridiculously low (as in general is the case
in.. countries having high permanent unemployment, and where
only a small number of unemployed receive assistance after the
expiry of the insurance benefits), not only is the effect which they
exert on the consumer goods market a minimum one as a result
of the very insignificant sums paid, but further than this, demand
tends to fall.
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Finance and Organisation
FINANCING differs considerably from country to country, both
as regards method and the source. A simple classification of
methods may be made as follows.
(a) Financing exclusively by the State, which covers costs:
by taxation. This method is used not only in countries with 'a
social security system, but equally in other countries.
(b) Financing partially by the State, partially by contri-
butions. State assistance may be expressed by an annual
appropriation of a stated sum, as in Great Britain, or by an
appropriation when the need arises, as in Belgium and
Norway. Contributions may be shared between workers and
employers, in equal or unequal parts. as is the case in
practically every country, or may be the exclusive responsi-
bility of the workers, as in Sweden and Switzerland.
(c) Financing only by contributions, without any assis-.
Lance from the State. In this case also, the contributions may
be shared between the workers and the employers, or may be
the responsibility of a single category, as in Italy, where they
are borne exclusively by the employers.
Contributions may be based on a fixed scale, or may be made
proportional to wages, with a top limit, or again may be propor-
tional to the real income. In Great Britain, Norway and Austria
contributions are fixed. In other countries where financing is
carried out by contribution, a top limit exists.
The effects of financing exclusively by contributions totally or
partially supported by the industrial enterprises are well-known.
A system of this sort determines the amount of contribution levied
in relation to the demands of compensation and not to the income
of the particular industrial concern. That is to say, that the
economic possibility of supporting the expenditure is not taken into
account. This has the effect of favouring all activities requiring
a small labour force, that is, utilising mechanised processes, which
are in short the large monopolist undertakings. The others who
are obliged to employ many work people, and who belong to the
less monopolised sectors of the economy, are put at a disadvantage.
Furthermore, contributions are, like taxation of wages, used as a
pretext to reduce employment.
The introduction of a top limit for contributions, or still
worse, the establishment of a fixed contribution scale, brings about
the suppression of any relationship between income and contribu-
tion. In other words, if a wage exceeds the maximum limit, or
if the contribution is fixed, any extension of the working day fails
to bring with it an increase in contributions, which has the same.
effect as reducing the cost of overtime work and permitting the
substitution of overtime for the taking-on of fresh workers. Fur-
thermore this tendency considerably increases the injustice
existing in the distribution of the costs of social protection in..
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respect of certain branches of production. In fact it increases the
possibility of making the branches of industry with a large un-
skilled labour force (where wages are below average) bear the main
burden, whereas those branches of production which employ a
small number of specialist workers (whose wages are above the
average) are able to profit from the fact that the cost of specialised
work does not cost more. In this way the strongest among the
employers' groups-those dominating the great monopoly con-
cerns with a high level of mechanisation and employing a certain
number of specialist workers-succeed in passing on thegreatest
burden of insurance costs to small and medium industry. This
defective distribution exists in the same country between the
more economically developed sectors and the more backward
sectors. In the case of the first, a considerable part of the wages
are above the average, while in the others, the wages are average.
That is to say that the deductions will be greater in relation to
income in the second group, i.e., precisely in the poorest sectors.
Contributions imposed on the workers represent an absurdity
from any point of view. The insurance benefits form a part of
the income of the working class, that is to say of the price of
their labour power. It is therefore quite obvious that the price
of labour, in other words the wage, plus the parts of the wage
which are really a form of delayed investment, i.e., contributions
or taxes, which are the equivalent of benefits--must be paid by
the employers. From this it follows that not only the contribu-
tions, but also taxation destined to finance the benefits (in
Hundreds of unemployed queue every day outside the Bureau of Native
Affairs in Johannesburg, South Africa. If they cannot find work within
three days, they are liable to be expelled from the city area and sent to
work in the countryside.
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countries where insurance is financed with assistance from the
State), must come out of profits in all its forms-industrial profit,
rent, and interest. Where the State participates in financing, this
must be utilised to adjust the cost of insurance according to
economic capacity (a function which a system based on contri-
butions is unable to accomplish). The collection of the requisite
amounts should be carried out by a personal and progressive tax
on unearned income, and not by indirect taxation, which has to
be supported by the workers in their capacity as consumers, and
still less by a percentage tax (as is the case in New Zealand) where
the same percentage is subtracted from all incomes.
As to the organisation of insurance schemes, we find here
a great diversity of forms.
In certain countries. insurance is directly administered by
government authority, as in Great Britain and Luxembourg. In
other countries, Italy or the Netherlands, by one or several auto-
nomous institutions: in other countries like the United States, by
local government organs: in others as in France, by regional, local
or professional funds: and finally in some countries, as in Denmark
directly by the trade unions. The degree of workers' participation
in management is equally very diverse. There is none when the
insurance schemes or social security are directly administered by
government or local authorities (Australia, New Zealand, Great
Britain, Austria, etc.) In other cases, the workers participate in
management together with the employers, and generally speaking
with government representatives. In practice even in the best cases,
only a minority of the workers participate in the management of
this form of social protection in capitalist countries.
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COMPLETE PROTECTION AGAINST
UNEMPLOYMENT
,OUR examination has established that unemployment is a normal
phenomenon of capitalism. We have shown its manifestation
in present-day conditions, and also the forms and extent of social
.protection provided for in particular countries.
We have seen that social protection does not exist in many
countries, and that the problem of making both ends meet while
unemployed is left to the individual worker. We have seen how in
other countries, far from there being guaranteed protection for the
whole working class, such protection is limited to certain categories
of workers who sometimes only represent a minority of the
working population who must have been able to satisfy certain
conditions laid down, in the matter of contributions made or work
,done. Finally, we have seen that the benefits are inadequate and
everywhere are limited in duration. Thus, in the great majority of
countries which have instituted a form of unemployment protection,
this is organised on a restrictive basis and is therefore incapable of
insuring satisfactory protection.
The Right to Social Protection
The first problem is to define the number of people to be
,covered by unemployment insurance. We have seen that in the
schemes at present in force, protection is extended to various cate-
gories of workers either because they are insured or because the
scheme covers the industry in which they work. In other words,
the right to claim protection is conditioned. Any reform having
for its sole aim the inclusion in the existing scheme of certain
categories of workers, at present excluded from it, for example,
agricultural, seasonal or domestic workers, would only mean a
purely quantitative change affecting the numbers entitled to social
protection, without at all altering its restrictive conditions.
We must, however, reaffirm the principle that social protec-
tion must apply to every worker who becomes unemployed,
without regard to whether he is registered with an insurance scheme,
or whether he has worked in a prescribed job.
Production is not a series of private acts, but a collective act
of society. The right to obtain protection must for this reason be
'based on the fact that the workers as a class produce the national
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wealth, and that the incident covered by the protection occurs,
independently of their will. In fact, in capitalist society the possi-
bility of finding work does not depend on the wish of the worker,.
but on the demand for labour and in the last analysis, on the
organisation of production. If capitalist production. being based
on private profit and not the needs of consumption, is unable to
make use of the available labour, then it must at least guarantee
adequate social protection to workers whom unemployment has
left without resources.
Social protection against unemployment is therefore a right
which is applicable to the whole working class without exception.
Not only workers employed in industry but also groups of young
workers, agricultural, seasonal and domestic workers and others at
present excluded by legislation in almost every capitalist country,
must be covered.
As soon as we recognise the right of the whole working class
to receive unemployment protection, it becomes clear that benefits
will apply to any unemployed person who can prove he is a worker,.
without any condition of insurance qualification, of contributions
or of work.
There can be no question that this qualification must apply to
all those who, before losing their employment, have worked in
some sector or other of production or distribution. It is a different
matter for young people in search of their first employment and
for agricultural workers, who at the same time, are owners of a
small holding incapable of absorbing, and in consequence of
repaying all their labour power. For the first group the difficulty
can. be easily overcome, by fixing a minimum age-at the end of
the compulsory education period or at the beginning of the legal
working age-for compulsory registration with an employment
bureau, which amounts to a certificate of qualification to become
a worker.
The question of the agricultural worker is more complicated.
This includes also owners of small holdings which prove insufficient
to afford them full subsistence. But in this case also the difficulties
arising when it is necessary to assess them as workers with a right
to social protection can be overcome, since it is possible to establish
the period of real unemployment during the year.
It is necessary to protect every worker not merely against
absolute unemployment but also against partial unemployment,
resulting in a partial loss of income.
Duration and Scale of Benefits
HAVING defined the categories entitled to social protection during
unemployment, and the basic conditions for the granting of
benefits, we must now determine the nature of this compensation.
The aim of a complete scheme of protection must necessarily
be (if protection is not to degenerate into charity) the defence of
the living standards of the working class against all risks of society
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which are attended by a loss or diminution of income, an increase
of expenditure, or both occurring simultaneously. The scheme
must therefore provide specific benefits which will permit those
affected to get by without a serious lowering of their living condi-
tions. This is why, from the moment when a social security
system has been put into operation, the living standards of the
working class will depend not merely on total earnings (i.e., after
deduction of all stoppages), but also on the sum of benefits, whether
these replace the wage (as sickness, accident and unemployment
.allowances) or whether they add to it (as family allowances).
To the worker, unemployment means a loss of earnings. It
is naturally accompanied by a lowering of his living standards and
constitutes an extra burden for the employed members of his family.
Social protection against such an eventuality must therefore neces-
sarily provide adequate compensation to make up for the wage he
previously received.
Taking into consideration that the right to unemployment pro-
tection applies to all workers from the moment of unemployment,
.and that the aim of this protection is to maintain a certain living
standard, the cash benefits should cover the whole period of
unemployment, without conditions or time limits. The latter
.actually has no valid justification except in the desire to save a
portion of the benefits. If a time limit should be established, the
teffect could only be to exclude from compensation all those who,
through no fault of their own, were unable to find employment.
Benefits must cover the entire period of unemployment. They
must be granted until the moment when the out-of-work person,
who must, be registered with an employment bureau, receives an
offer of work at his own trade. It is obvious that an offer of work
at some other trade cannot be used as an excuse to terminate
benefit.
It would otherwise be really too simple for the ruling class to
reduce the number of those receiving benefit. In circumstances
where there is no possibility of taking on workers with given trade
qualifications the protection scheme must itself set about organising
retraining courses, with the aim of facilitating the absorption of
the unemployed into economic life.
It is more complicated to fix the rates of benefit than to
decide the duration period, in spite of the fact that we have already
defined the aim of social protection as the defence of the living
standards of the workers. For obvious reasons it is impossible to
demand full-scale compensation for the worker, i.e., compensation
equalling the amount of wages previously earned, or which would
have been earned if the worker had been allowed to take part in
production.
On the other hand it is impermissible that the benefits should
be so low as to create a considerable gap between the living stan-
dard of the unemployed, and that of the unemployed, workers. If
this were the case, the very aim of social protection would be com-
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promised, without mentioning the drastic reduction in demand for
consumer goods which would follow, with the consequent threat
to wages resulting from the competition taking place on the labour
market.
In order to determine the scale of benefit, it is necessary there-
fore to take the various factors into account. Benefits must ensure
the unemployed person not merely a simple existence, but also a
given and determinable living standard, on the basis of concrete
needs, which should approximate to those of the employed workers.
If the level of wages in a given country allows the working class to
enjoy only a very reduced living standard compensations must not
he allowed to differ at all significantly from this level, while in
cases where the wage level is more favourable to the workers, the
gap may be wider, although to a limited extent. In any case, we
are of the opinion that the scale of real compensation should vary
between 70%, and 85%; of normal income. Benefits below this
level would be insufficient to satisfy the most essential and imme-
diate needs. In fact, if we examine the average level of wages in
the capitalist countries, we can establish that the greatest proportion
of wages is absorbed by the most urgent needs, such as food-
clothing and housing. Any worsening of the situation makes it
extremely difficult to satisfy those basic needs.
It goes without saying that the living standard of the unem-
ployed person depends on his right to benefit and on the value
of the latter. But the living standard of the unemployed is not a
matter which concerns them alone, since the lack of any adequate
protection compels them to offer their labour power at a price
lower than that demanded by the employed workers. The existence
of a proper unemployment protection system and the struggle to
obtain it are thus of direct interest to the entire working class, not
only because its members may in future be caught by unemploy-
ment. but above all as a medium of defence and in order to
eliminate the obstacles which hinder the improvement of wage
levels. This common interest must therefore form the basis of
unity between all workers, in the struggle for a proper unemploy-
ment protection scheme.
If we tackle the question. of compensation scales, we must con-
cern ourselves with the problem of how to determine this compen-
sation. We already know why it is necessary to do away with
benefits of fixed amount, since these are incapable of being adapted
automatically to a new situation.
If protection is to be limited merely to guaranteeing a certain
purchasing power to the unemployed, it would be necessary to
establish the relationship between the benefits and the cost of
living. In this manner the real value of the compensation, ex-
pressed in consumer goods, would be able to adapt itself more or
less completely to the variations in the value of money. Thus we
would have succeeded in ensuring the "constancy" of benefits in
kind, expressed in consumer goods, without reference to the
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?` The Government should help us to live, not die."-says this banner
carried by these unemployed Italian workers.
development of wages. In other words, if employed workers were
to obtain a wage increase during the period in question, without
the cost of living being affected the real value of the compensation
would nevertheless remain constant, which means that the gap
between the living standards of the employed and unemployed
workers would be increased.
If, on the other hand, we mean to defend the standard of living
of the working class by means of social protection. then compensa--
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tion must necessarily be equal to wages. Earnings will tend to rise
if the cost of living rises, even where there is no provision for a
sliding scale, since workers are particularly inclined to fight to
maintain the real level of their wages. But the workers' fight is
not confined to this field, and it tends just as much to improve
living standards at the expense of profits. If, however, compen-
sation is linked to wages and follows wage advances, it is then
adapted automatically not only when the cost of living goes up,
but also when there is any real improvement won by the working
class. In this way the ties between the employed and unemployed
workers can be strengthened and the direct interest of the
unemployed aroused in all wage battles.
A SCHEME of social protection against unemployment must not
limit itself to the allocation of benefits, but must also seek to
facilitate the re-entry of the unemployed into production. Under
the anarchy of capitailst production, a situation is often found
where there is a relative excess of manpower in one industry and
a relative scarcity in another. On other occasions, unemployment
arises from technical changes in production, which result in certain
specialist qualifications being no longer required, while a new
demand arises for different qualifications. Often the absorption
of labour forces is hindered by the lack of trained personnel, either
in an absolute sense or in relation to the qualifications sought.
Other things being equal, those possessing the necessary skill stand
the best chance of obtaining work.
Without doubt society is interested in having at its disposal a
suitably qualified labour force (from the technical point of view).
Equally the workers have the right to be productively employed,
which would, within the limits of possibility, reduce the severity
of unemployment. Further to reduce the possibility and duration
of unemployment, implies equally to reduce the expenses of
unemployment protection. The problem thus takes on particular
importance within the framework of the social protection system,
in the same way as the question of prevention must be of interest
to bodies dealing with benefits for industrial accidents.
Vocational training must necessarily be directed towards those
sectors which present practical opportunities of expansion.
Finance and Organisation
IN selecting a system, it is necessary to keep in view the aim to be
realised. To assert that social protection constitutes a funda-
mental right for all workers, and that in consequence, the right to
benefits extends to all, with no other condition than that of actual
unemployment, to assert further that there must be no limit to the
duration of compensation, and that the scale of benefit must be
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such as to ensure a certain standard of living-to assert all this sig-
nifies implicitly to exclude all schemes of the insurance type.
These last are in fact based on restrictions which limit either
the number of beneficiaries or the duration of benefit, the right to
benefit, etc. It is apparent that the desired conditions can only
be realised by a broad social security system, requiring as qualifi-
cation for benefit only membership of the working class and being
unemptoyed:' The transition from a system based on the insurance
principle to a system based on a social security system requires not
only a quantitative change, that is to say an enlargement oL;.the
system elf, but a qualitative change, i.e., in the structure of social
protection.
The financing of such a system is rather complicated. In our
opinion, the means should be found either in a mixed system-of
contribution and taxation-or exclusively in the state resources.
The reasons for which a system based solely on contributions
must be rejected have already been indicated; since such a system
does not take into account, in the distribution of costs, of the
economic capabilities of the enterprises; it bears chiefly on concerns
with a large labour force and on the other hand favours the great
monopolist enterprises. Moreover, contributions, if they are high
enough, have the effect of a tax on wages and make themselves felt
as a hindrance to expansion, and sometimes also encourage the
employers to cut down their staffs.
It is not difficult to realise that it is not permissible to require
the workers to make contributions, for this would transform social
protection into a redistribution of part of the employed workers'
income among the entire working class, and would reduce the
living standards of the workers below that permitted by their gross
wages.
For the constitution of the funds, independently of the manner
in which this is done, it is necessary to take into account the fact
that the benefits granted in the case of unemployment make 'tip a
portion of the price of labour power of the community, and that
its costs must consequently be borne by the employers. .In the.
actual conditions of the various countries, it would be necessary to
select the methods of financing and where necessary the sharing
of the costs between contributions and taxation, in such a manner
as to insure the best distribution of the cost of social protection.
Thus, in one country it might be preferable to have a system
financed by contributions with the participation of the state, and
.in another country to have the financing carried out exclusively by
taxation. In the second case, it is necessary to ensure that the
choice of taxation methods should be made in a responsible way,,
since it is necessary to avoid all taxationwhich might be capable
of being transferred in the last resort to the workers in their capacity
as consumers.
We have already been able to show that the schemes at presebc
in force are organised in a very different way, that some of them
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are based on a central organisation, others on local funds while
others again are controlled directly by the State or by local
authorities. This variation corresponds to the diversity of local
situations, and for this reason it is not an easy matter to decide
which is the best system. That is why it seems to us more correct
that each country should study locally the best applicable form of
organisation for the scheme, in connection with which it is a matter
of ensuring smooth working and at the same time obtaining the
greatest possible economies in administrative expenditure. But
whatever the system selected the administration of the organisation
(or various units) should be entrusted to the trade union movement
in cases where this is a united body and can offer responsible
guarantees of representing the whole working class and its demo-
cratic character . In other cases, it should be handed over to repre-
sentatives elected by all the workers. When the financing of the
scheme is guaranteed exclusively by the State, it is necessary to
obtain a mixed administration, permitting the broad participation
of the, workers and the. full preservation of their rights.
The Fight for Social Protection in Countries with Temporary
Unemployment
THE ensuring of a suitable social security system against involun-
tary unemployment, on the basis. of the principles which we
have just explained, involves much lesser difficulties if it is a ques-
tion of temporary unemployment. In this case its importance, com-
pared to the number of employed workers, is relatively limited, and
only becomes serious with the development of the cyclical crisis.
In such a case the structure of society theoretically allows the
utilisation of the entire available labour force, since this structure
does not show a profound disequilibrium between the demand and
supply of labour. In circumstances where such a disequilibrium is
present, unemployment is only able to decrease as a consequence
of an expansion in the means of production. Assuming that there
is no permanent body of inherent unemployment, which is in-
capable of being absorbed even in prosperous times, the absolute
and relative variations in employment over short periods depend
on the evolution of the cycle itself, which brings with it in conse-
quence a high mobility of labour, and for any individual worker a
fairly regular distribution of work and a rather shorter period of
unemployment. In the average "labour-life" the periods of
employment are therefore incomparably longer than the periods of
'unemployment.
We thus find a situation where, unemployment has the
following characteristics : limited volume compared with the total
available manpower and with the degree of employment; short
duration when compared with the average labour-life. The intro-
duction of a very broad system of social security is unable to secure
substantial and structural modifications in the distribution of the
social 'product.
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. . It is apparent that with the extension of the scheme to cover
more people, with the- recognition of the right of the whole working
.class to enjoy protection and with the abolition of all preliminary
conditions qualifying the right to benefit, the number of bene-
4iciaries will naturally increase up to.the point of coincidence with
The actual number of unemployed. But we have already seen that
this number is limited, and in :consequence, the average number of
beneficiaries will also be limited. The abolition of the time limit
for benefits and their modification to support the real burden of
unemployment will naturally bring about an increase in expendi-
ture, which will be greater insofar as the difference between the
efFicacity of the scheme in force and that to be won is more con-
siderable. Moreover the expenditure also mounts proportionately
to the number of beneficiaries. But even in this case the increase
is obviously limited. In spite of the additional costs and the aboli-
tion of the workers' contributions, financing does not present prob-
lems particularly difficult to solve, which should be a matter of
financing by taxation or of a combination of financing by
.employers' contributions together with State assistance.
Having cleared the ground of all preconceptions on the ques-
tion of the possibility of bringing into being an efficient unemploy-
ment protection scheme, we must concretely define the aims to be
attained in relation to the actual situation in the individual coun-
tries, the advantages already achieved by the workers, the balance
bf class forces and the political and trade union maturity of the
workers.
As we have already said, the final aim is not to achieve a
modification of a purely quantitative type in the schemes, (where of
course such schemes are in existence) by demanding for example the
inclusion of new categories of workers, the reduction of the required
conditions in the field of contributions or of work, in order to be
able to obtain benefit, the increase of the latter, etc. Rather is it
a question of carrying out a qualitative change, making the right
to benefit (the scale of which should guarantee a given living stan-
dard) apply to all workers, in the event of unemployment.
Similarly, where there are no social protection schemes, or where
the existing systems are not obligatory, the final aim must not be
to set up a protection scheme with limitations in regard to the
numbers affected, the scale and right to benefit. But it must be to
:set up a system capable of putting into practice the principles we
have just indicated.
If we take- into consideration the consequences of social
unemployment protection, that is the reduction of the employers'
profits and the prevention of the exercising of pressure on wages,
it is obvious that no benefit system cani be achieved without a united
struggle; drawing in all workers, whatever their political or religious
-opinions and: trade union affiliations. It is not enough to mobilise
,either thoseDwho at the moment are excluded from social protection
or those unemployed who receive little or no benefit. On.?the con-
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trary, all workers should be directly concerned since unemployment
affects them all, because it constitutes a permanent menace to their
living standards.
The mobilisation of the masses can only be achieved on the
basis of concrete and attainable aims, which must be adapted to-
conditions in the different countries and to particular categories of
workers, and must also form a part'of working class policy directed
towards better standards of life.
These aims must therefore be determined according to the
priorities and the initia1,?volume of popular support in a given
country, in such a way as to ensure the broadest mobilisation in
action. The working class should seek support from craftsmen,
small and medium employers, tradespeople, the liberal professions,.
and smallholders cultivating their own land.
An adequate system of social protection allows the employed
person to maintain a given standard of life. Benefits thus con-
stitute a part of current income and so help to maintain purchasing
power. This is particularly significant during periods of stagnation
and crisis. At such times, the demand for consumer goods falls
suddenly because of mass unemployment (in cases where the
unemployed are not compensated), which itself helps to increase
the difficulties of the tradespeople, artisans, etc.
This is why the workers must seek for an alliance with these
sections in their struggle for unemployment protection, since they
stand to benefit indirectly by its achievement.
In Italy, for example, the working class has developed an
alliance with such sections. In their fight against the policy of
shutting down basic .industry, which among other things leads to a
loss of wages as a result of dismissals, and in consequence in a
lowering of demand for consumer goods, the workers have had as
allies the tradespeople, small agricultural proprietors, and shop-
keepers who have gone into action by means of strikes, petitions,
collections of signatures, meetings, etc.
A second sphere where it is possible to realise this sort of
policy is that of financing social security schemes. The extension
of the social security system and the abolition of workers' contri-
butions mean an increase in the employers' contributions. This
increase in costs may be covered by an increase either in contri-
butions or in taxation. A system based solely on contributions
does not distinguish between the economic capabilities of individual
enterprises, but fixes the contributions on the basis of the wages
paid out, and thus constitutes a heavier burden for enterprises
employing a greater labour force in relation to the total capital
invested in production. A parallel situation may be produced in
the case of total or partial financing by the State, when the money
is obtained by taxes which bear most heavily on the consumers
(which brings about a contraction of the market) or on the small.
and medium enterprises.
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It is therefore necessary to take into account not only the
.additional social expenses which result from the transformation
of the protective system, but also the expenses already existing,
and to redistribute them according to the real income of the various
enterprises. On this basis, not only the working class, but also
most small and medium employers, can participate in the fight.
This is why, in determining the concrete aims to be realised,
it is necessary to take into account not only the economic and
social situation, but also the need for an alliance of the working
class with as many other sections of the people as possible.
In certain capitalist countries where there is already a broad
system of social protection, the immediate objective must be to
change its character and extend it. In France, for example, the
,C.G.T. has aimed at just such a radical transformation. Elsewhere,
short-term aims can be achieved, like the increase in benefit scales
and their determination not as a fixed sum, but in relation to
wages, the extension of the scheme to more people, with for
example the inclusion of young people in search of their first
employment, agricultural workers, etc., the abolition of workers'
contributions and of time limits or conditions attached to benefits,
the readjustment of social insurance charges according to income,
the control of social protection by the workers, or at the least their
participation.
But in a case where the situation allows only limited aims to
be set, these should be seen as part of a fight to achieve the right
to social security against unemployment.
The Fight for Social Protection in' Countries with Permanent
Unemployment
IN the capitalist countries where unemployment has taken on a
permanent character as a result of an insufficient capitalisation
on the one hand and a superabundant supply of labour power on
the other, the realisation of an adequate system of unemployment
benefit raises much more serious problems.
The setting-up of a system to guarantee unemployment benefit
.and to ensure a given living standard, raises very difficult financial
problems. Taking into consideration the constant high number
of beneficiaries, and the scale of benefits which must guarantee a
living standard not too much below that of the employed workers,
the expenditure on such a scheme will be very high and difficult to
.apportion, if one does not wish to run the risk that its consequences
may bring about serious harm to the economic life of the country.
If the financing led to an increase in the contributions, this would
act as a pretext for reducing employment. The raising of the
necessary funds by taxation might..also have similar effects.
The introduction of benefits results in an increased demand
for goods. If the cost of the benefits is not carried by the
employers' profits, but is transferred to prices, we end up not with
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an increase in production. but with inflation. But this does not
mean that it is necessary to renounce the policy of acting directly
on consumption by a policy of increasing the benefits, even in the
case of inherent unemployment.
The problem, however, cannot be solved if we limit ourselves
to social protection. The solution must be found in the field of
economic policy. The only genuine and effective protection against
unemployment is its, virtual abolition through the elimination of its
fundamental causes, on the basis of expanding production.
It is. of course, obvious that it is impossible to do this without
eliminating the forces interested in holding back production, and
restricting the market for the benefit of monopoly profits.
In this way the struggle for social protection becomes part of
the general struggle against the monopolies for the expansion of
the national economy.
We are unable to enter as fully as we should like into the
details of such action on the part of the working class. We will
merely draw attention to the experiences of the Italian working
class, which through its unified trade union organisation. the
C.G.I.L.. has put the problem in actual terms of struggle, in its
" Plan for Labour." This plan which, in the economic conditions
of Italy. constitutes the alternative to the ruling class policy of
stagnation and war was conceived with the perspective of
bringing about. by a campaign of public investment and by political
action. a recovery of production in certain basic sectors of
economic life, capable of producing a general increase in produc-
tion and employment, and in consequence. an expansion of the
market. The key sectors have been specified as follows:
-The indispensable condition for a general recovery of
production is the expansion of the hydro-electric industry (which
in Italy represents the same thing as the coal mines for Great
Britain. that is. the industry producing the motive power), by
means of public investment and the elimination of monopoly
through nationalisation:
-The development of uncultivated or insufficiently cultivated
land in order to enlarge the disposable land fund (and, in conse-
quence. to achieve more stable employment in agriculture) and in
order to increase production and extend retail sales for products
of the metal and engineering industries. whose recovery would thus
he equally assured:
--An increase in the people's housing, not only to deal with
the terrible shortage of houses, but above all to stimulate the
recovery of all industries linked to building.
On this basis the Italian working class is every day succeeding,
in enlarging its,sphere of activity by an effective policy of alliance
with ever broader sections of small and medium employers.
How is it possible to link the fight for unemployment protec,,
tion to the fight for increased production, and the expansion of.
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These five lads are busy building a fort with the debris from behind one
of the working-class dwellings between 8th and 9th Avenue, in 52nd Street,
New York City. U.S.A. When they leave school, will they find work?
employment'? An alliance of this kind can be achieved by
including in the general struggle such concrete objectives in the
field of social protection as are capable of mobilising not merely
the workers, but the broadest strata of the population. Thus a
campaign to obtain an increase in benefits (the extension of the
number of beneficiaries or increase of the rates of benefit, etc.),
seen as part of the general fight against the monopolies, would
stimulate increased consumption, bringing pressure to bear on one
aspect of the crisis, by securing fuller use of existing enterprises,
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and at the same time would act as a stimulant to make more
effective the campaign to alter the structure of the economy. It.
is with this perspective that the working class should see its actions.
Parallel with the struggle against the shutting-down of industry by
demanding measures to ensure the recovery of the basic sectors of
production, it is essential to raise in concrete terms the problem
of the, expansion of the consumer market, whether by an increase
in wages, or by antincrease in the volume of benefits by raising the
number of beneficiaries and the rates of compensation granted. In
the case of permanent unemployment, the fight must be carried
through on the basis of broad unity, drawing in employed workers
in the same way as the unemployed and all other economic strata
interested in a recovery of production, on the basis of common
objectives. But these aims must be defined not in narrow terms of
social protection, but as part of a broad political platform,
according to the actual conditions in the individual countries.
Thus in Italy, for example, the following objectives are laid
down for the purpose of broadening the scheme in relation to the
numbers affected, the inclusion of wide groups of workers at
present excluded, such as agricultural and seasonal workers, and
young people in search of their first employment (since the
influence of this category on the total of unemployed rises every
year, as a consequence of the incapacity of Italian economy to
absorb them).
--Revision of the rates and duration of benefit, as well as the
methods used to determine these.
--Organisation of an effective system of employing workers,
ensuring an equitable distribution of opportunities for work and a
trade training scheme designed to provide new forces for industry
and agriculture.
--Equitable distribution of assessments on wages.
-Participation of the workers in the control of institutions
for social protection, etc.
All these demands are a part of the struggle carried on by
the working people for a new economic policy, the expansion of
production, and prosperity.
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APPEAL FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
FOR THE DEFENCE, IMPROVEMENT AND
EXTENSION OF SOCIAL INSURANCE AND
SOCIAL SECURITY
AT the end of the second World War the people of all countries
hoped to see at last the fulfilment of their earnest desire for
prosperity, progress and security in the social order. They were
looking forward especially to improvement in the existing social
insurance systems and the introduction of social security schemes
for protecting the entire population against all risks.
These aspirations were so strong that important advances
were registered in various branches of social legislation and social
rights. However, this favourable development never extended to
all countries. In particular, the colonial and economically un-
developed countries where social security was non-existent were
still, in the main, left out.
Today, however, the people are confronted with the fact that
not only are there no further advances but that an opposite ten-
dency has set in. In an increasing number of countries 'there
has been regression in the sphere of social legislation and advan-
tageous projects already adopted are either being deferred or with-
drawn. These attacks make themselves felt especially in the field
of unemployment insurance, old age pensions and health setvices
but they also affect other branches of social security.
In those countries where social security schemes do not exist
increasing obstacles are being raised against their introduction.
The real value of social security benefits is being reduced and
the functioning of social security systems jeopardised through
inflation, rising costs of living and the heavy burden of armaments.
Millions of men and women are condemning this situation as
it is well known that the economic, financial and technical resources
of the world would be sufficient to ensure decisive advances in
social security, and this is, in fact, proved by the continual pro-
gress achieved in this sphere by some countries which are con-
stantly perfecting their social security systems. Consequently the
most varied sections of the population in countries where there is
regression in social security are expressing their very justified
apprehensions and are insisting that this regression shall end.
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Within the trade unions and other working class organisations
the members have already carried on many activities expressing
their determination to reverse the present trends. This desire has
also found expression amongst many professional people including
doctors, administrators and specialists in social questions, basing
themselves on the support of the masses of social security
beneficiaries.
Thus the initiative of the World Federation of Trade Unions
in calling an International Conference for the Defence, Improve-
ment and Extension of Social Insurance and Social Security meets
the needs of the present situation.
The International Conference, planned originally for Decem-
ber 1952 has been postponed at the request of several national
groups to March 2nd-6th, 1953. It will be held in Vienn_,
Austria.
The
(1)
(2)
following Agenda is proposed :
Adoption of the Agenda and rules of the Conference.
The Defence, Improvement and Extension of Social
Insurance and Social Security and its inauguration in
countries in which it does not exist.
Adoption of the recommendations of the Conference.
It is proposed that the Conference should bring together, in a
discussion open to the expression of all points of view, the
experiences of the various countries; analyse concretely the present
situation; establish general principles which may serve as a basis
for social security systems in all countries, discuss the means to
realise this programme and consider how best the people can
defend and impr.o a their systems of social security.
11 We are calling upon all who are in favour of social justice to
endorse the present appeal and invite all organisations to. elect or
appoint delegates to attend this important Conference.
By contributing to the success of the International Conference
you will help to raise the level of activity for the defence and
advancement of social security and for its introduction where it
does not yet exist. Thus a great contribution will be made towards
raising the living standards of the people and opening the way for
security and welfare in all countries.
Appeal adopted by the Preparatory
Committee of the International
Conference.
16th September, 1952.
STAT
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OTHER BOOKLETS ON SOCIAL SECURITY
The Struggle for Social Security
by HENRI RAYNAUD
Social. Security in the Colonies
by ALI MEDORA and JACK WODDIS
Workers' Control and Administration
of Social Security
by DR. JAN GALLAS
? Every active trade unionist and everyone interested
in social security questions, will find these booklets
invaluable.
? Each booklet is a comprehensive study of the subject
under review, gives all the essential facts and indicates
the line of solution.
? Essential reading for all those interested in the forth-
coming international Conference for the Defence,
Improvement and Extension of Social Insurance and
Social Security.
ORDER FROM
W.F.T.U. Publications Ltd.
CHICHESTER CHAMBERS, CHICHESTER RENTS
CHANCERY LANE LONDON, W.C.2
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RECENTLY PUBLISHED
HOUSING CRISIS
in
Capitalist and Colonial
Countries
by
A. SAARINEN
General Secretary Building, Building Materials and
Wood Manufacturing Dept. W.F.T.U.
OBTAINABLE FROM
ALL BOOKSELLERS
OR FROM THE PUBLISHERS.
STAT
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 fo~ 44
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e
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many shortcomings. But :we are aware, of them, and are
doing everything we can to remove them as quickly as pos-
sible.
.In talking with people from other countries, and when.
reading the foreign press, one often meets with incorrect
ideas about the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. As
First Secretary of the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U.,
I should like to dwell a little on this question.
Yes, many. legends are spread about the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union. And this is not surprising, be-,
cause our Party organizes and unites the masses for the build-
ing of an entirely new society-a communist society, one,
fundamentally different from the old, capitalist so-,
ciety.. .
I think you will not suspect, me of indulging in propaganda..
(Laughter and applause.) We consider that ideas are a matter
of the conscience, the outlook not only of each nation, but
of each individual. After all, there are people in our country
who do not belong to the Communist Party. The Commu-
nist Party has 8 million members, and the Young Communist
League nearly 18.5 million members, as against the 200
million inhabitants of the Soviet Union. (Animation.) Con-
sequently, very far from all in our country are members
. 49
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of the Party or the Young Communist League, and, what
is more, that is not our object. But all the people of our coun-
try are united around the Communist Party, and rightly
regard it as their organizer and leader. In our country, the
people and the Party are inseparable.
Ideas and convictions are the personal affair of each indi-
vidual. In the U.S.S.R., Communists and non-Communists,
atheists and believers work jointly and harmoniously for
the good of the people. Freedom of worship is recognized for
all citizens. Freedom of conscience and religious faith is not
only proclaimed, it is strictly guaranteed by the state as
a constitutional right of the citizens of the U.S.S.R.
(Applause.) Among the Soviet citizens are Christians,
Moslems, Buddhists, Baptists and people of other denomi-
nations.
Our great teacher, Lenin, who deeper and better than
anyone understood the laws of development of modern so-
ciety, founded the Communist Party as the vanguard of the
working class, as the most advanced section of the peoples
of Russia. Appreciating the gigantic power of the working
class and the labouring masses generally, he aroused them
for the decisive attack on the slave, feudal and capitalist
order of things which fettered the peoples of Russia. Lenin
did this not only for the sake of the freedom and happiness
of the peoples of our country. He knew that it would benefit
the peoples of other countries.
The Great October Revolution ushered in a new era in the
life of mankind. As Jawaharlal Nehru says in his book,
The Discovery of India: "The Soviet revolution had advanced
human society by a great leap and had lit a bright flame
which could not be smothered. (Applause.) It had laid the
foundations for that `new civilization' toward which the
world would advance." We fully agree with these
words.
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It has been said that there was much unnecessary sacrifice
of life in that revolution. But that is not true. The October
Socialist Revolution was the most bloodless of the great rev-
olutions. (Applause.) Having taken the power into its own
hands, the working class did not blindly punish those who had
wronged and oppressed it for ages. More, in the first months
after the October Revolution, it released on their word of
honour many reactionary tsarist generals, who then per-
fidiously broke their pledges and took up the sword against
their people. The Soviet republic needed peace, and Lenin
and the workers' and peasants' government proclaimed peace.
But a bloody struggle was forced upon us. It was not of
our choosing. After all, it is not propaganda but an histori-
cal fact that the armies of the French, British, American,
Japanese and other invaders, armed to the teeth, were
hurled against Soviet Russia.
The war thus imposed on us caused incalculable losses.
But, I repeat, it was not we that chose it. We were attacked,
they sought to strangle the Soviet state, to tear our country
to pieces.
And, is it not to the credit of Lenin, to the credit of the
Communist Party, to the credit of all our people, that we
did not bow our heads and capitulate to the superior forces
of an enemy armed to the teeth? The working class and all
the peoples of our multi-national country rallied around their
collective leader, the Communist Party, and rose in a sacred
patriotic war. The enemy was shattered, and the Soviet state
firmly established itself as the mighty power of the liberated
peoples. (Applause.)
Having won the longed-for peace, the Soviet people, with
inexhaustible energy, addressed themselves to the peaceful
reconstruction of their country, in which they achieved
outstanding success. Engaged in peaceful labours, we knew
that the forces of reaction had not quietened down. Fearing
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the very existence of the Soviet country, where the people
enjoy the fruits of their labour, our enemies let loose
against our country the mad dog of Hitler fascism. How the
fascist invasion ended is well known. Nazism, that formid-
able menace to free mankind, was crushed, and Hitler
has long since mouldered in his grave.
The Second World War caused tremendous damage to
our country. Here, too, the Soviet people, inspired by the
Communist Party, did not retreat in face of the difficulties.
They have fully repaired the ravages of the war. And now,
with unparalleled energy, the people are building new mills
and factories, and the biggest hydro-electric stations in the
world.
I say this not because I want to foist upon you the Soviet
path of development, but in order that you may have a better
idea of the difficult path our people have travelled. But it is
a noble path, and advancing along it our people have regis-
tered tremendous gains and achievements. We have in this
period acquired great experience. And if you want in any de-
gree to utilize the experience we have achieved in this or
that branch of economy or culture, we shall readily, amicably
and disinterestedly share it with you and give you all pos-
sible assistance. (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
Our people are absorbed in a gigantic task of construction.
The Soviet Union is now engaged on a programme envisaging
a swift advance in all branches of the national economy, in
order to promote the economic and cultural progress of the
Soviet Union and a continued rise in the living standards
of its people.
We are gladdened and inspired only by peaceful work.
We strive tirelessly for peace and peaceful relations between
countries. It must however be said that we do not always
meet with proper response and support from a number of
other countries in the work of strengthening peace.
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We stand for the-fullest development of international trade
and cultural intercourse. All the world knows of the Soviet
Government's efforts for relaxation of international tension.
We stand for peace and for the peaceful co-existence of
states, regardless of their internal social systems. This is
corroborated by all our country's ? foreign policy measures.
An important international event was the Conference of
the Four-Heads of Government in Geneva, which resulted in
a ,certain easing of international tension. In pursuance of
the Directives of the Four Heads of Government, a conference
of the Foreign Ministers of these countries recently took place
in' Geneva. But it dhd not achieve any great results, because
the Ministers were confronted with very complicated prob-
lems which cannot be solved at one conference. We are
confident, however, that if we adhere to the course charted
by the Geneva Conference of the Four Heads of Government,
we shall achieve further relaxation of international tension,
and shall move forward step by step to the settlement of
all complicated international problems.
We cannot close our eyes to the fact that there are some
who cannot stomach the spirit of Geneva. Certain elements
in some countries are still trying to carry on the notorious
"positions of strength" policy, the policy of holding up the
threat of atomic weapons, which is a disgrace to modern
civilization.
After the Second World War, the reactionary elements
sought to frighten us with the atomic bomb and hold us in
subjection. But, as you know, nothing came of this. Soviet
scientists discovered the secret of producing atomic energy.
(Applause.) In order to frustrate the aggressive designs of
certain bellicose -foreign leaders, we were compelled to man-
ufacture atomic and hydrogen bombs ourselves. But having
produced these weapons, we declared there and than that
we did not want them ever to be used. The Soviet Union was
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the first in the world to place atomic energy at the service
of peaceful development. We have made proposals for the
prohibition of the production and use of atomic and hydro-
gen weapons, and for a solemn undertaking by the govern-
ments not to employ these weapons. But so far the Western
Powers have not agreed to these proposals.
The forces of reaction are doing all in their power to disrupt
peace. But we are convinced that victory will be on the side
of the peoples and individuals who desire peace, for peace
among the nations is the dream of all progressive men and
women. We are glad that in this we have such a fine ally as
India. (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
The Soviet people and the people of other countries highly
appreciate the big contribution made by the Indian people and
their Government to the effort for peace, the effort to elim-
inate the threat of another war. India worked actively for
ending the wars in Korea and Indo-China. (Prolonged ap
plause.) Despite the obstacles raised, India continues to
discharge the difficult, but honourable international duty of
supervising observance of the armistice terms in Korea and
Viet-Nam.
There are still many complex and unsolved problems
in the present-day world. Much effort, perseverance and pa-
tience will be required to preserve and consolidate peace, but
we have firm faith in the triumph of this noble cause.
Mr. Chairman, Honourable Members,
We may note with satisfaction that the economic and
cultural ties between our countries have lately become con-
siderably stronger. (Prolonged applause.) There are good pros-
pects for extending mutually beneficial economic relations
between the U.S.S.R. and India, and this will help to
bring our peoples still closer together. Trade is successfully
developing on the basis of the Soviet-Indian Trade Agree-
ment signed in 1953. (Applause.) We believe that an
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important contribution to the strengthening of our eco-
nomic ties is the agreement concluded this year, providing
for the construction in India, with the help of the Soviet
Union, of an iron and steel works which will produce a
million tons of steel annually. (Applause.) Soviet workers
and engineers have undertaken with great enthusiasm the
fulfilment of the orders connected with this project.
We attach great importance to personal contact between
leaders of the Republic of India and the Soviet Union. The
visit of the Prime Minister of India, Mr. Nehru, to the Soviet
Union has left a deep impression on the minds of the Soviet
people. (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
Soviet people display tremendous interest in India's
rich and ancient culture. Many works by Indian writers
have been translated into Russian. The splendid productions
of India's great writer and public figure, Rabindranath
Tagore, enjoy great popularity in our country. (Applause.)
Books by modern Indian writers are read with unflagging
interest by our people. (Prolonged applause.) In the period
of Soviet rule, Indian literary works have been published
in the Soviet Union in a total of more than two million
copies. (Applause.) Russian translations have been made of
the writings of Mahatma Gandhi, who had such a thorough
knowledge of his country and its great people, and who
played such a big part in your history. (Prolonged applause.)
The Discovery of India, the book by the distinguished
statesman and political leader, the Prime Minister of the
Republic of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, has been published
in a large edition. (Applause.)
We stand for all-round and broad exchange in the sphere
of culture and art, and for exchange of technical and scien-
tific achievements. The Soviet people are always glad to
see Indian friends in their country. (Applause.) The better
we know each other and help each other, the firmer will
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be our friendship, and the stronger will be the forces of peace
throughout the world. (Prolonged applause.)
Allow me to thank you for the warm and friendly welcome
you and your hospitable people have accorded our delega-
tion. From the bottom of our hearts, we wish the friendly
people of India happiness and prosperity. (Stormy applause.)
Long live the great people of India! (Stormy and prolonged
applause.)
Long live the friendship of the peoples of India and the
Soviet Union! (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
Long live world peace! (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
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VISIT
OF N. A. BULGANIN AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
TO THE BHAKRA-NANGAL
CONSTRUCTION PROJECT
November 22
On their arrival in Bhakra, N. A. Bulganin and
N. S. Khrushchov inspected the construction of the dam
and acquainted themselves with the project of the entire
Bhakra-Nangal system.
After the inspection of the dam construction site,
C. P. N. Singh, Governor of the State of Punjab, gave a lunch-
eon in honour of N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov.
In the course of the luncheon the Governor made a brief
speech of welcome to N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov,
in which he said: "We are very glad to have you visit the State
of Punjab. The warm welcome and hospitality shown you by
the people of Punjab are an expression of the sincere, friend-
ly feelings of the entire Indian people for the people of the
Soviet Union. The construction project you have seen today
symbolizes everythitig we should like to do in our country.
We should like your help in this great work. We could
draw a great deal from your experience."
In his speech of reply N. A. Bulganin expressed deep grat-
itude for the warm welcome and hospitality accorded them.
He noted that the hospitality of the Punjabis was a stirring
demonstration of the friendship between the peoples of In-
dia and the Soviet Union. "The attitude of the Punjabis
towards us," he continued, "deeply moved us and carried us,
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in our mind's eye, home, where we should like to tell the
Soviet people how affectionately we are being welcomed in
India. Our two countries are separated by high mountains,
by vast expanses, but our friendship knows no barriers. It is
not hindered either by the mountains or the expanses." (Ap-
plause.) To a fresh outburst of applause N.A. Bulganin said
in Hindi, "Hindi Rusi bha'i bha'i/" (Indians and Russians
are brothers!) Emphasizing that he and N. S. Khrushchov had
been particularly pleased by their inspection of the Bhakra-
Nangal construction project that day, N.A. Bulganin proposed
a toast to the great people of India and to Soviet-Indian
friendship.
N. S. Khrushchov then made a short speech.
SPEECH BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOT
"Friends,
"We have already been a number of days in your remark-
able country. Indeed, we have had so many interesting
impressions and meetings that I have lost count of the days.
We have met a great number of people. We have seen many
of the fine things created by the people of India. (Applause.)
We have had the opportunity of seeing both ancient temples
and projects under construction. But the most valuable
thing of all for us is the friendship shown us everywhere.
(Applause.)
"Your Prime Minister Nehru visited us not long ago and
he was given a warm welcome. We, in the Soviet Union,
have a very high opinion of him, and the reason for our
high opinion is that he realizes the importance of friend-
ship between our countries and of our common struggle to
strengthen peace and friendship among nations.
"We have different political outlooks, you have your
outlooks and your philosophy, we have ours. What is the
use of finding out now what points we differ on? The im-
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portant thing is to see that we are at one on the main thing
(applause), the question of war and peace. This is a ques-
tion on which no man can be indifferent. No honest person
can help wishing for peace and fighting for it. (Applause.)
And we are looking for friends in the struggle for peace,
no matter how great or small the states they belong to,
no matter what their political outlooks, races or creeds may
be. The important thing is that there should be a common
desire to strengthen peace. It is each country's domestic
affair what system of government it has. And political views
are each man's own concern. That is why we ask others not
to interfere in our internal affairs and do not allow our-
selves to interfere in anybody else's. (Applause.)
"The Five Principles of peaceful co-existence proclaimed
by Prime Minister Nehru and our friend Chou En-lai
satisfy us completely. (Applause.) We confirmed this
in the Statement which Mr. Nehru signed with us when
he was in Moscow.
"As for problems of political structure, our views are quite
definite and clear-cut, but we have no intention of imposing
them on others. Economic construction and technology are
another matter, they are international problems.
"Nikolai Alexandrovich was right when he said here that
it was a pleasure for us to see the power station construction
shown to us today. It was a greater pleasure to see the men,
their eager eyes and the enthusiasm with which they work.
"We were particularly glad that it was the building of a
power station that our friends showed us. This is a fight
against the elements, a fight to harness nature and to make
it serve man. To accomplish this task is especially impor-
tant to the Indian people who have been lagging behind eco-
nomically not through their own fault, but through the fault
of others; I am not going to be more explicit, you know who
it is that I mean and they will know themselves. (Applause.)
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"We have said already that we are willing to share our
experience in peaceful construction with you. But some
newspapers, voicing the views of those who are displeased by
our trip to India, have been saying that Khrushchov and Bul-
ganin are cunning and can deceive India with their promises
of technical aid, and that the Indians would do well to be
on their guard. (Laughter.)
"Here is what we say to those who write such things:
perhaps you want to compete with us in friendship with the
Indians? All right, we agree. (Applause.) What have we come
here with? We have come to you with open hearts (applause),
and honest intentions. (Applause.) We say to you: You want
to build industrial establishments? We are glad to hear it.
Perhaps you have not enough experience? Ask us, we will
help you. (Applause.) You want to build power stations?
If the task is new to you or if you want technical assistance,
ask us, we will help you. (Applause.) You want to send your
students and engineers to us for training? Do so, by all means.
(Applause.)
"Well, that's our 'cunning'-see that we don't deceive
you now, as some people are writing. (Laughter, applause.)
We should very much like other countries to show the same
'cunning.' It is better to compete in this field than in the
production of atomic and hydrogen bombs. (Stormy ap-
plause.) This is a nobler occupation.
"We are not at all worried by the scribblings and broad-
casts of people who want to set us at loggerheads. They talk,
write, and broadcast speeches, but it all goes in at one ear
and out at the other. (Applause.) People are now in the hab-
it of judging by deeds rather than by words. (Applause.)
And when we meet Indians, although we do not know
their language, we read friendship in their eyes." (Ap-
plause.)
N. S. Khrushchov closed his speech with a toast to firmer
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Indo-Soviet friendship and the health of Prime. Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru.
Then the Maharaja of Patiala presented gifts to N. A.
Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov-two ancient sabres with
silver- and gold designs. "May these swords serve peace," the
Maharaja said. N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov
thanked the Maharaja for the precious gift and handed
him presents made by Soviet handicraftsmen.
Thanking the Maharaja for the gift, N. S. Khrushchov said,
"I shall treasure this gift as a symbolic souvenir of friend-
ship, Here is what I thought as I looked at this :splendid:
sword: When a baby is born, we Soviet people say, it needs
good care. If .it is left without care, defenceless, unlooked
after, it will die. It must be cared for and defended until
it is able to defend itself. I like the way you look after trees.
When they are small you carefully fence them off so that
the wind will not break them, or a careless foot tread upon
them. Once the tree has grown up it needs no more fencing.
A tall and strong tree fears neither wind nor storm. That is
true of a state too. Our state came into being 38 years ago.
It was still weak, and could hardly keep on its legs, and then
fourteen countries fell upon it .all at once. The British took
up arms against us. I hope the British journalists here
present will excuse me. But you cannot get away from it,
it is an historical fact. The Americans, the French and the
Japanese crusaded against us. What were we to do? Sit back
with folded arms? That is not what our people did. They
unsheathed their swords and rose to defend their new-born
state. We fought well. We drove out the invaders and said
to them: Don't try war on us again. There was a Russian
prince who said a long, long time ago: He who comes
to us with a sword shall perish by the sword. That
is the rule we keep to now. We welcome guests and treat
them well. But anybody wishing to come to us with a
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sword, as an enemy, would do well to remember what
happened to Hitler; the same will happen to any enemy.
(Applause.)
"I do not want to give you any advice, but I cannot re-
frain from the question: how long was India under the sway
of colonialists? For centuries. You are determined, of course,
to maintain your freedom and independence. I will tell you
what I know from our own experience: there are some who
look at us with envious eyes and wonder how they could
smash us. We, of course, should like our bombs and shells
to remain unused for ever. We would prefer to produce
tractors and other useful things. But what would happen
to us if we were disarmed? We would certainly be torn to
pieces, and then our grandsons would say: Lenin was a
great man who properly understood the interests of the peo-
ple. Under his leadership Soviet rule was established and
the Soviet State created, but posterity failed to uphold
their freedom and independence. We are upholding our
freedom as a sacred thing so that this may never happen.
We cannot do without it. You, too, must guard what you
have won in a hard struggle.
"That is what we sincerely wish you." (Applause.)
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N. A. BULGANIN AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
IN BOMBAY
SPEECH OF WELCOME BY M. DESAI,
CHIEF MINISTER OF STATE OF BOMBAY,
AT AIRFIELD
November 23
Your Excellencies, we are very happy to welcome you
to the city of Bombay. In the short time you have been
in India you have visited our capital and some of the other
interesting places in our country. Now you have arrived
in Bombay. Bombay is a city where one can meet people
from all the provinces of India and from various countries
of the world. Your visit to this universally known city is
a tremendous joy for the citizens of Bombay.
Our Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, recently visited
your great country. The peoples of India and Russia used
the opportunity which that visit provided to establish
closer contact. Your visit to India will further promote the
friendly relations between our two countries.
India has always believed in the ideals of peace and reject-
ed the use of force. The father of our state, Mahatma Gandhi,
enjoined us to maintain friendship with all the nations of the
world. The nations desirous of establishing peace throughout
the world have expressed their faith in the Five Principles,
Panch Shila; your great and powerful nation is one of them.
The people of India believe that peace and understanding
among nations will ensure progress for all of us, and then
there will be no place for destruction. We believe that friend-
ship between India and Russia will substantially promote
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the creation of friendly ties among the various countries
of the world and will ensure the welfare of mankind. I hope
that this will bring us to an era of peace, to prosperity the
world over. Once again I welcome you, from the bottom of
my heart, to the city of Bombay.
SPEECH BY N. A. BULWANIN
Dear friends,
We heartily thank you for your friendly and warm recep-
tion. Nikita Sergeyevich and I, and all the friends who have
come with us are happy to greet the citizens of the glorious
city of Bombay.
We are well familiar with the history of your remarkable
city where the beginning. was laid for the organized move-
ment of the Indian people to regain their national independ-
ence. Your city is known as a world transport and indus-
trial centre, as a centre of national culture and science.
We know very well what an important part your remark-
able city is playing in the economic and cultural develop-
ment of the Republic. That is why we are especially glad to
visit the glorious city of Bombay, to make the acquaintance
of its inhabitants and to learn of their achievements in the
economic, cultural and scientific fields.
We are very glad to be able to convey, in person, friend-
ly, ardent greetings from the peoples of the Soviet Union
to the residents of Bombay.
Once again we thank you, dear friends, for your warm and
friendly welcome.
(N. A. Bulganin's words were greeted with stormy applause.)
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RALLY AT PATFL STADIUM IN BOMBAY
November 23
The rally was opened by N. Pupala, Mayor of Bombay,
who, on behalf of the citizens of Bombay, read an address
of welcome to the Soviet guests.
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ADDRESS OF MAYOR OF BOMBAY
Your Excellencies,
On behalf of the citizens we, the members of the munic-
ipal corporation of Greater Bombay, convey our heartfelt
greetings to you. We are glad that you are with us and that
we have the opportunity to convey, through you, our best
wishes to the peoples of Russia. We assure you that we shall
remember you a long time. We welcome you as represent-
atives of a great nation whose resolute struggle we have
admired throughout four decades. Your country has won
many splendid battles against foreign aggression. Your
emergence into the world arena as a great power is truly
an.event of immense importance. It is perfectly clear that
a nation which has experienced so much should strive
to follow the paths of peace. Russia's adherence to the
Five. Principles of peaceful co-existence formulated by.
our Prime Minister Nehru on the basis of Indian expe-
rience has created a highly favourable international at-
mosphere for successful co-existence. Since the consoli-
dation of India's freedom the bonds of friendship between
our countries have grown stronger. We saw how heartily
the people of Russia welcomed our Prime Minister when
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he visited that country. We hope th:t your visit to In-
dia will bring our countries still closer together to their
mutual benefit. We honour Your Excellencies as worthy
leaders and faithful servants of your people. You, Mr.
Bulganin, have risen to a high post thanks to your out-
standing qualities and devotion to your country. You have
had a long and distinguished career. Having begun it at
the age of 22, in the period of the revolutionary movement,
you have played an outstanding role in your country's
development. The fact that you were Mayor of Moscow
from 1931 until 1938 is particularly gratifying to our
corporation, for it establishes bonds of kinship between
our two cities. You rendered outstanding services to your
country in the difficult years of the Second World War.
In March 1947 you were appointed Minister of the Armed
Forces of the U.S.S.R. and Vice-Chairman of the Council
of Ministers of the U.S.S.R.; in March 1953 you were appoint-
ed First Vice-Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the
U.S.S.R. and Minister of Defence of the Soviet Union.
Your country has conferred on you the title of Hero of So-
cialist Labour and decorated you with the Orders of the Red
Banner, Suvorov, Kutuzov, and the Red Star. Your elec-
tion as Chairman of the Council of Ministers by the session
of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. on February 8, 1955,
marks the highest point in your distinguished career and
testifies to the trust which the people of Russia place in you.
Our city greets you, Mr. Khrushchov, as another outstand-
ing Soviet leader. Born into a working-class family, you
have devoted your energies to a great cause and have earned
the trust, respect and admiration of your people. You be-
gan your career as a worker in a mine in the Donbas, and
you fought heroically on the Southern Front during the
Civil War. Since then you have done a great deal of impor-
tant and responsible work for your country. During the
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Second World War you were a member of the Military
Council of theKiev?Area. In 1952 you were elected a member
of the Presidium of"the Central Committee of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union, and Secretary of that Committee.
Today you are one of the most experienced and respected
members of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R. Your grateful country has rewarded you with
high honours: Orders of Lenin, Orders of Suvorov, the Or-
der of the Red Banner of Labour; on your 60th birthday,
in April 1954, it conferred on you the title of Hero of So-
cialist Labour.
I hope you have a pleasant stay in our city and in our
country. We also hope that your visit will still further
strengthen our common determination to fight for peace
and the happiness of mankind.
SPEECH BY N. A. BULGIANIN
Mr. Mayor,
Dear friends,
Allow me on my own behalf, on behalf of Comrade Ni-
kita Sergeyevich Khrushchov and the friends who have
come with us to India, and on behalf of the many millions
of Soviet people to convey ardent greetings to you. Our
hearty thanks to you, the many thousands of citizens of
this wonderful city who have come here to express their
friendly feelings of love to the representatives of the Soviet
people. Such a welcome is striking evidence of the fact that
in your great city the Soviet Union has many good friends
who appreciate the friendship between our peoples. (Stormy
applause.)
The name of the city of Bombay is well known to Soviet
men and women. We know it as a big modern city, as a
major industrial centre, as an important seat of science and
culture, and, lastly, as one of the world's biggest ports. The
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glory of Bombay throughout many generations has been
created by the intensive labour of the ordinary Indian work-
ing men. It is they who have built its factories and mills,
railways, beautiful edifices. It is they who have worked and
are working at industrial establishments producing goods
generally known beyond the bounds of India.
Bombay is one of the centres of the creative endeavours
of the Indian people, their national pride. Here the Indian
people have demonstrated with special clarity that they,
like other peoples of Asia, are successfully mastering the
highest achievements of world culture and science, are build-
ing up a modern industry and developing modern means
of communication.
Your city played a considerable part in the Indian na-
tional liberation movement which enabled India to rid
herself of colonial oppression and gain long-awaited freedom.
The Soviet people always followed that struggle of the
Indian people with great attention and sympathy. As early
as 1908 Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, our leader and the founder of
our socialist state, uttered prophetic words about the inev-
itable crash of the colonial regime in India. His remark-
able words have come true.
India is now an independent country. Her people are
in a position to shape their destiny as they wish. The sig-
nificance of this goes far beyond the bounds of India. It
reflects the great changes now taking place in Asia, where
the colonial regimes forced on the peoples from outside are
collapsing. We are glad to observe the great constructive
work in which the Indian people are engaged. You have set
yourselves a very important aim, namely, to make your
country economically independent.
Our Soviet people know from their own experience how
tremendously important it is to achieve that aim. The So-
viet Union fully sympathizes with the legitimate desire
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of the people of India to gain economic independence and
is prepared to co-operate with India in the sphere of eco-
nomic development. We are in favour of expanding econom-
ic intercourse with India, of extending trade between
our countries, of exchanging scientific and technical achieve-
ments, and of constructive and mutually beneficial co-
operation.
In its foreign policy the Government of the U.S.S.R.
invariably follows the principle of peaceful co-existence
of countries with different social systems which was put
forward by the great Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. The foreign
policy of the Soviet Union is a policy of further relaxing
world tension, promoting confidence among states in the
interests of adjusting and settling international problems
through negotiations, and ensuring universal security
and a firm and lasting peace. The Soviet Union actively ad-
vocates broad international co-operation, the expansion of
economic, scientific, technical and cultural contacts between
all countries whatever their social systems.
The Soviet people are deeply satisfied to note that the
peoples of India are in the vanguard of the champions
of peaceful co-existence. It was India which first proclaimed
the Panch Shila, the Five Principles of peaceful co-operation
among countries. (Stormy applause.) One cannot fail to pay
particular tribute in this connection to the outstanding role
of that distinguished political leader, the Prime Minister
of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, whose name is closely associated
with the struggle of the peoples for peace, for translating
into life the principles of peaceful co-existence among na-
tions. The Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru,
is quite right in pointing out that co-existence is the only
wise possibility for all countries, for the only other alterna-
tive would be mutual annihilation. In this connection I
wish to say that the Government of the U.S.S.R. deeply
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respects the position of the Government of India, which has
come out for the reduction of armaments, the prohibition
of atomic weapons, the removal of the threat of another war
and the settlement of all international problems through
negotiations, and against the formation of aggressive mili-
tary blocs. The Soviet people are well aware of the Indian
Government's efforts to achieve a further easing of world
tension and a strengthening of peace.
The Soviet people welcome India's contribution to peace
and to the settlement of the outstanding problems of Asia.
It was through the combined efforts of the People's Repub-
lic of China, India and the Soviet Union that the wars in
Korea and Indo-China were ended. (Stormy applause.) The
Soviet Union and India are working jointly for the People's
Republic of China to be granted its rightful seat in the Unit-
ed Nations. The Government of India advocates a peaceful
settlement of the Taiwan question with due regard for the
national interests of the Chinese people. India was one of the
sponsors of the first Asian and African conference in Bandung,
which is of outstanding significance for strengthening world
peace and guaranteeing the rights and interests of the peoples
of Asia and Africa.
The fact that the interests of the Soviet Union and India
in preserving and strengthening world peace coincide pre-
determines the friendly co-operation of our countries on
many international problems. This is in line with our com-
mon interest in providing the necessary conditions for the
prosperity of our countries.
We have something to learn from each other in the field
of science. Indian science has an ancient history. It has
given the world a number of eminent scientists whose dis-
coveries have enriched world science and culture. Your
science maintains these good traditions today, too.
Many foreign scientists come to the Soviet Union. Scien-
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tists of your city, which is one of the country's leading
scientific centres, have also visited us.
We believe that our Soviet scientists, on their part, can
learn many useful things in India. Such exchange of scien-
tific achievements and scientific co-operation are very use-
ful both for your scientists and for ours.
Living and working in your city, which is one of the
leading cultural centres, are, for instance, many well-known
writers and workers in the arts who are known and loved
in the Soviet Union. Bombay is the centre of India's
film- industry. Several Indian films made in Bombay have
been shown in the Soviet Union. Soviet audiences liked
them very much. This fact alone shows what an important
role your city can play in promoting cultural interchange
between our countries, for which we have vast and as yet
unused opportunities. This interchange will contribute to
still closer friendship between our countries, our peoples.
In conclusion, allow me to wish success to your city and
state, to your great people. That is the wish of the entire
Soviet people, who love and value their Indian friends.
(Applause.) It is with attention and joy that the Soviet people
are following the Indian people's battle for peace and their
efforts in building a new life, and the friendship of our great
peoples is a firm bulwark of world peace. Let us, then, pre-
serve and strengthen this great friendship. (Stormy applause.)
Long live the friendship of the Indian and Soviet peoples!
(Stormy, prolonged applause.)
SPEECH BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOY
Ladies and gentlemen, friends,
Allow me to express from this rostrum my sincere grati-
tude to Prime Minister Nehru, the leaders of the State of
Bombay and the Mayor of the city of Bombay for the hos-
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pitality they have accorded us. (Applause.) Allow me to
thank all of you who' have come here to meet us. Allow me
to thank also all the citizens of Bombay who came out today
to welcome us and who, I saw it in their eyes, were so sincere
in expressing their sentiments towards us, towards the Soviet
Union, towards our people. (Prolonged applause.)
Words cannot express the warm feelings with which our
hearts overflow in these days of friendly meetings with the
Indian people. (Applause.)
We rejoice at your initial successes and we wish you still
greater successes. We are glad that the peoples of India have
freed themselves and acquired national independence.
(Applause.)
There is deep and thoroughgoing understanding between
us. We are fighting together for peace. (Stormy applause.)
I should like to say a few words in this connection about what
the Soviet people understand by fighting for peace. (Ap-
plause.)
If you ask anybody in the world today whether he is
for peace or for war, he will certainly say he is for peace!
(Applause.) Even he who is for war at heart will not say it
openly. He would prefer to declare that he stands for peace.
He knows that the peoples do not want war and that it is
dangerous to speak up openly for war. (Applause.)
Some of those who now say that they, too, stand for peace
would certainly not be averse to achieving without war the
aims they set themselves. What they would like to have is
a peace in which some peoples submitted to others. But that
is not what the peoples want. This is the crux of the matter
and the key to all the differences.
You know that the Heads of Government of the Four
Powers met at Geneva and that later the Foreign Ministers
of the Four Powers met there. Much effort was made to
achieve agreement but the results are very small so far. That
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is because we understand the same words to mean different
things.
As for the Soviet people, our understanding is clear and
understandable to all. We say: peace for all the peoples of
the world! (Stormy applause.) We say: there should be no
interference in the internal arrangements of other
states and peoples. (Stormy applause.) That is the main
thing.
We are working for these principles which have been
set out so very well in the Statement proclaimed by India
and China and known to all. (Applause.)
Like all Soviet men and women, I am certain that truth
will prevail, that peace will prevail. (Stormy applause.)
But we must exert all our efforts towards that. We must not
slacken our perseverance, we must not relax our efforts in
working for world peace. (Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, friends, we live in happy times.
This is the spring-time of mankind, when colonial slavery
is crumbling and there is no return to the past.
We are travelling now through the cities and villages
of India, and meeting the Indian people. We see how bright-
ly sparkle the eyes of the free men who have won their coun-
try's independence and who want to be the masters of their
state, of their destinies.
This outstanding. fact is appraised in different ways. As
for the peoples of the Soviet Union, they sincerely welcome
those successes. We rejoice that the peoples of great China
won a great historic victory, cast off for ever the yoke of
the imperialists and are building their great people's state.
We rejoice that the peoples of great India have won national
independence. All the peoples of Asia and Africa are now ris-
ing to fight against colonial slavery. That is an ocean wave
which nothing can block! (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
The peoples_ of the Soviet Union stretch out a hand of
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fraternal and everlasting friendship to the peoples of India.
(Prolonged applause.)
Our stand has been, and is, that the internal structure
of states should be a matter for the peoples themselves to
decide. We do not interfere, nor shall we over interfere, in
anybody else's affairs. You and we have very many inter-
ests in common on which there is complete understanding
between us. On the basis of this understanding, on the basis
of mutual respect, we should cement our friendship for the
sake of world peace.
As we visit Indian towns and villages these days I often
hear fine words with which I agree entirely. And it is with
these words that I would like to close my speech today:
"Hindi Rusi bha'i bha'il" (Indians and Russians are
brothers!) (The concluding words of N. S. Khrushchov aroused
prolonged, stormy applause.)
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SPEECH BY N. A. BULGANIN
AT RECEPTION GIVEN BY M. DESAI,
CHIEF MINISTER OF THE STATE
OF BOMBAY
November 24
Mr. Chief Minister, Member3 of the Bombay State Legis-
lative Assembly,
First of all I should like to express my gratitude for your
hospitality. Allow me to express personally and on behalf
of Comrade Khrushchov and the friends who have come with
us, our sincere gratitude for the warm-nay, I would say
more than warm-for your friendly welcome, for a wel-
come usually accorded only to one's closest friends. (Ap-
plause.)
We have been instructed by the Soviet Government, and
this instruction reflects the will of the entire Soviet people,
to convey to the Indian people the Soviet people's warmest
and fondest regards. (Applause.)
We do not doubt that our visit to the Republic of India
will still further consolidate the friendship of our two peo-
ples-the great Indian people and the great Soviet people.
(Applause.) Both the Soviet people and the Indians desire
peace, want to live in tranquillity and to work fruitfully
for the happiness of the future generations. The stronger
our friendship is, the more enduring will peace be, thegreat-
er will be the hope of a lasting peace. (Stormy applause.)
You and we are people of the 20th century and there is
one very happy thing we have in common: we live in an age
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In which the consciousness of the peoples has grown im-
measurably, in which they are taking their destiny into their
own hands and starting to build a new life, guided by the
teachings of the men whom they look up to as their teachers.
You had an outstanding leader who did much for your
country. I am speaking of Mahatma Gandhi, who is held in
high esteem in your country as a glorious patriot and friend
of the people. We pay due tribute to his memory and to the
work of his successor, Jawaharlal Nehru. (Applause.)
We, Soviet people, are guided by the teachings of the great
Lenin who showed us and all the other peoples the way to
freedom, independence and happiness.
We, Lenin's pupils, do not share Gandhi's philosophical
views, but we consider him an outstanding leader who did
much for the development of a peace-loving attitude in your
people and for their struggle for independence.
It was only after our people had freed themselves from
capitalist oppression that they were able to embark on the
building of a free and independent country and improving
their welfare. It was only after India had gained her inde-
pendence that new possibilities and new prospects opened
up for her development.
The peoples inhabiting this nlobe are all striving for peace
and are fully resolved to ensure that the future generations
may work and live in tranquillity and happiness. But let us
not speak now of the tasks facing all the peoples. Let us
speak only of the task facing our two peoples: the great In-
dian people and the great Soviet people. Let us then say:
Long live lasting peace between our peoples! Long live
enduring and indestructible friendship between the Indian
and Soviet peoples! (Stormy applause.)
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RECEPTION IN THE INDO-SOVIET
CULTURAL SOCIETY
SPEECH BY N. A. BULGANIN
Friends, allow me first of all to thank you for the cordial
and ardent welcome you have given us.
It was not without emotion that we approached the bor-
ders of your country. It was not without emotion that we
set foot on Indian soil, in your admirable city of Delhi, the
capital of your country.
We have come here to acquaint ourselves with your coun-
try, with your people, with you.
Having been several days in your country, I must say
that at our meetings with the Indian people, with their
representatives and with the Indian authorities, and at this
meeting with you today we have been deeply stirred by the
cordiality and friendship shown us. We feel here as if we were
at home, among close friends. (Stormy applause.)
Tcday we are the guests of the Indo-Soviet Cultural So-
ciety. The very name of your society speaks of its aims and
objects.
In recent years quite a number of delegations and individ-
ual representatives of the great people of India have been
to the Soviet Union. Many people from the Soviet Union
have been to India.
The Soviet Union has received visits from Indian scien-
tists, writers, many public figures, cinema workers, actors
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and producers. Many of them are now very, very popular
among the Soviet people. We have seen many here with whom
we are personally acquainted. (Applause.)
We are happy to be at this meeting. We address our grat-
itude today to the respected President of your society, Dr.
Baliga, who directs its activities-We are also grateful to the
Governor of Bombay State, Mr. Mehtab, for making it
possible for us to be present here at this wonderful gathering.
I propose a toast to the continued expansion of the activ-
ities of the Indo-Soviet Cultural Society. I drink to the
health of its President, Dr. Baliga, and to the health of the
Governor of Bombay State, Mr. Mehtab.
Long live Indo-Soviet friendship! (Prolonged applause.)
SPEECH BY N. S. KHIIUSHCHOY
Friends, I permit myself to call you friends because we are
here at a meeting of a society whose object it is to promote
and strengthen friendly relations between India and the So-
viet Union. (Applause.)
Like my friend Bulganin, I want to thank the President
of your society, Dr. Baliga, and the Governor of Bombay
State, Mr. Mehtab, who is assisting the work of your society
and who has graciously invited us to your fine city. (Ap-
plause.)
I also address my thanks to the Chief Minister of your
State, Mr. Desai. (Prolonged applause.) I thank you all
for coming here to meet us. (Applause.)
Sometimes, when beginning a speech, you involuntarily
feel excited, until you get down to your subject and can
smoothly develop your speech. (Animation and applause.)
It seems to me that on this occasion a very good subject
would be friendship between nations. There are different
kinds of friendship. There is the friendship of people who
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are close companions, and there is the "friendship" of people
who are neighbours but are not on visiting terms. (Laugh-
ter and applause.) So it is with countries. Between some of
them there is no real friendship, but they live on one planet,
and whether they like it or not they have to get on
together.
That is the kind of relationship which our great Lenin
called co-existence. The principle of co-existence is a very
important principle. But there are people who ask: is co-
existence possible? One would think that there cannot be
any such question, since states co-exist in practice. (Ani-
mation.) But the question is asked. all the same.
What I want to say is this. The birth of a child depends
on the parents. But the day and hour it is born does not de-
pend on them, nor whether it will be the kind of child they
would like it to be. (Animation.) How is it possible to halt
the development of history, to prevent the birth of new so-
cial forms? Just as the sun rises every morning, so obsolete
social forms are supplanted by new and more progressive
ones. (Prolonged applause.)
Well, that is how our Soviet state was born. It was the
first proletarian state, the first workers' and peasants' state
in the world. (Applause.) The appearance of this state was
greeted by all other states without the ringing of bells.
(Animation.)
Since the old, tsarist system in Russia was rotten through
and through, the October Revolution was almost bloodless.
But then they came along and said to us-not in so many
words, of course, and without a protocol-but by their
actions: How's this? Who authorized the Soviet state to
appear? By what right have the workers and peasants taken
the power into their own hands? (Animation.)
They not only said this, but hurled their armies against
the young Soviet state. The French interventionists landed
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in Odessa, the British in Arkhangelsk, the American in
Vladivostok, and the Japanese followed suit.
Everybody knows what came of this. The Soviet people
swept out the invading forces, as a good housewife sweeps
the dust out of her cottage. (Animation and stormy applause.)
But this did not seem enough to some gentry. They wanted
a repetition, and instigated the Second World War. They
hurled the big armed forces of Hitler Germany against the
U.S.S.R.
How this ended is also known to all. Again the Soviet
Union defeated its enemies. But far from being weakened
by the war, the U.S.S.R. acquired even greater strength.
(Applause.) Now the Soviet people have healed the wounds
of the war, repaired their shattered economy, successfully
fulfilled their first postwar five-year plan, and are now on
the point of fulfilling their second postwar five-year plan.
Our country is rapidly developing and blossoming luxu-
riantly.
I remember the early days of the October Revolution,
and the years of the Civil War, when only Lenin clearly
foresaw our future development and how powerful the new-
born Soviet state would become.
An absolute majority of those present here are members
of the intelligentsia. I should therefore like to tell you how
the revolution was greeted at that time by the intelligentsia
of Russia. Many intellectuals welcomed the revolution and
honestly began to serve the young Soviet state. But some
of them argued as follows. What is going to happen? Lenin
and the Communists have summoned the workers and peas-
ants to rule the country. The guidance of the country is in
the hands of illiterate workers and still more illiterate peas-
ants. What will become of Russian culture? Who will
be the connoisseurs of Russian art? Presumably, there will
be no more Russian ballet, which was world-famous even
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before the. revolution. Presumably, there will be no more
opera, which was also on a high level before the revolution.
Presumably, the other arts will likewise go under. There
will be no real. connoisseurs!. .
But developments belied these misgivings. Soviet culture
is much superior to the culture of the old Russia. Many of you
have been to the Soviet Union in late years. You have seen
with your own eyes that art. in the Soviet Union is more
highly appreciated than it ever was before the revolution.
The workers and peasants singled out the finest among their
number and sent them to university and college, and, what
is more, they themselves at the bench acquired culture.
We are proud of this.
Whether our ill-wishers like it or not, the Soviet Union
exists. And not only does it exist; it is successfully growing
and developing. Our economy is expanding, our culture is
progressing, the living standards of our people are rising.
And all this at a time when we are compelled to reckon
with. the existence of hostile forces who have still not given up
the idea of strangling our country. We are obliged to spend
quite considerable funds on national defence. If we could
divert the funds now spent on armaments to peaceful pur-
poses, the living standards of our people would be even higher.
This our ill-wishers realize. And that is why certain polit-
ical leaders abroad are afraid to talk seriously of disarma-
ment, and do not want to put an end to international ten-
sion. They are afraid we might use the funds now spent
on defence for peaceful construction.
But despite this, we are confident that, even as things are
now, in peaceful competition between the capitalist and
socialist systems, it is we, socialism, that will win. (Pro-
longed applause.)
I happened to say this publicly at one of the receptions
in the Kremlin. The bourgeois correspondents blazoned it
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around the world that Khrushchov had been "incautious"
and let out that the Bolsheviks had not abandoned their
political plans. No, I was not incautious and did not let
out anything, but said what we think and what we con-
fidently believe. We have never abandoned, and never
will abandon, our political line, which was mapped by
Lenin; we have never abandoned, and never will abandon,
our political programme. (Prolonged applause.)
As our proverb has it: you don't leave a good life to look
for a bad one! (Animation.)
Why should we abandon that which has led our country
from age-old backwardness to the level of the industrially
and economically most advanced and developed countries?
Why? What have we to gain by abandoning it?
And so we say to tha gentry who are expecting the Soviet
Union to change its political programme: "Wait until the
crab whistles!" And you know when the crab whistles. (Ani-
mation.)
Hence, there is only one possibility-co-existence. Co-
existence of the two systems. Co-existence of the socialist
and capitalist systems.
I, personally, dislike very much the capitalist system.
(Applause.) I speak of co-existence not because I want capi-
talism to exist, but because I cannot help recognizing that
this system does exist. (Animation.)
But the other side refuses to reconcile itself to the existence
of the socialist system, though it is not only we that have
built a socialist state; many other countries have embarked
on the same path. Socialism is being built by our close friend,
the great Chinese people-and that is a state which, as
the saying goes, you cannot step over without noticing.
Socialism is being built by a whole number of European
and Asian countries, which stand shoulder to shoulder with
the Soviet Union.
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The Prime Minister of India, Mr. Nehru, has said that
India will also follow the socialist path. (Stormy applause.)
That is good. Of course, our conceptions of socialism differ.
But we welcome this statement and this intention.
And so, the socialist system exists, and does not ask any-
body's permission to do so. (Animation and applause.) We
not only exist, but can well defend our existence.
If we had confined ourselves to pleading for co-existence,
we should have been crushed long ago.
Our enemies might like very much to see the end of us,
but that is not in their power. (Prolonged applause.)
Hence, like it or not, love it or not, the socialist and capi-
talist states have to live together on one planet.
We say to the capitalist countries: If you don't like us,
don't have us as your guests, but we will exist all the same.
Such is the situation in the present-day world.
We want such co-existence as will facilitate normal de-
velopment of relations between all states. We want, in par-
ticular, to trade with all countries. Let them buy from us,
and we shall buy from them.
Just now they are trying to practise trade discrimination
against us, and do not want to trade with us in important
items. But our country is developing and growing stronger
all the same. And between you and me,. their discrimination
has only induced us to bend our efforts to produce those
items which the capitalists are unwilling to sell us. We now
produce these items ourselves, and are moving ever onward.
Consequently, the trade discrimination policy has not
harmed, but even benefited us.
We stand for broader cultural intercourse between coun-
tries. We want more people from the capitalist countries to
come to us, and more of our people to go to these countries.
We have been accused of erecting an "iron curtain." But
only this year a large number of U.S. senators have visited
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the U.S.S.R., and quite a number of American scientists
and press representatives, also American and British farm-
ers, and American war veterans.
We do not refusevisas to thosewho wish to visit our country.
You are probably acquainted with the biblical legend
about Noah's ark. When Noah gathered the beasts into
his ark, he took of those that were clean by seven pairs and
of those that were not clean by two pairs. Well, I can tell
you it was mostly the unclean that came to our country,
but we received them without fear. (Animation.)
The way we looked at it was, suppose an unclean one- does
come-he won't dirty us.
Hence, if international cultural intercourse is not devel-
oping as fast as one would like, we are not to blame.
These are a few aspects of the question of peaceful co-
existence. I think that if a classical example of co-existence
is needed, it is provided by our relations with India. Not
only do we co-exist; we are friends, despite our different
political views on a number of questions. The basis of this
friendship is our common effort for peace. We must therefore
not relax this effort. Let us continue to break down every-
thing that stands in the way of peaceful co-existence. Let us
promote everything that facilitates the development of
peaceful co-existence of states.
We have had a small, perhaps microscopic, success in
this respect as a result of the Geneva meetings. The Four
Power Foreign Ministers Conference has just ended. It did not
produce the results that might have been expected. But
we are not particularly discouraged. Evidently, the time
had not yet come. The question was not ripe for decision.
And our partners had not given up the idea of negotiating
from so-called "positions of strength."
I must again frankly warn that anyone who tries to speak
to us from "positions of strength" will get nowhere.
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Well, it looks as if we shall have to wait for the settle-
ment of the questions which were brought before Geneva.
Well, we are prepared to wait. The wind, as they say, is not
blowing in our faces. We shall wait for fairer weather. We
shall wait until these questions can be settled in the inter-
est of the people.
When I was already in India, I read the speeches of a
number of statesmen assessing the results of the Geneva
Conference. I am glad that the statements of the partici-
pants in the conference were restrained. This presumably
indicates that they did not want just now to give rein to
passions that would aggravate international tension.
I am concluding. There must be co-existence. We do not
demand it or request it; we really exist, just as capitalist
states really exist. Nobody can transplant us to Mars-what
is more, the scientists have not discovered the means of
doing so. Presumably, the capitalist states do not want
to transplant themselves to Mars either. (Animation.) Con-
sequently, we have to live on one planet. And living means
co-existing.
That being so, the task is to prevent the aggressive forces
from unleashing another war.
The work of your society furthers the solution of the
problem of peaceful co-existence. The better we know each
other, the closer we co-operate, the more we help each
other, the stronger will be the forces of peace, and this
will act as a restrain on the aggressive forces. Aggressors,
you know, cannot be weaned from aggressiveness, they can
only be restrained by active efforts, by an active struggle
of the peoples for peace. (Applause.)
I propose a toast to all present here-to all who are
working might and main in this direction. I propose a
toast to friendship. Your health, friends! (Stormy and
prolonged applause.)
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MASS RALLY OF CITIZENS OF POONA
IN HONOUR OF
N. A. BULGANIN AND N. S. IIHRUSHCHOV
November 25
ADDRESS OF CITIZENS OF POONA READ
BY MAYOR B. N. SANAS
On behalf of the people and the municipal corporation
I gladly, from the bottom of my heart, welcome Mr. Bulganin
and Mr. Khrushchov and their companions. This is truly
a festive day in the history of our city. The visit 'of the
Russian leaders is a historic event; our comrades crossed
the Himalayas to pay us this visit.
The inhabitants of Poona are happy that during their
short stay in India our guests have found time to visit
our city. I hope that even in these brief hours of their stay
here we shall be able to win their favour.
The Soviet Union is one of the greatest countries in the
world. It emancipated its peoples from age-old tsarist
oppression. The people's revolution in Russia has its paral-
lels in other parts of the world.
Under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi we, on our
part, launched a peaceful struggle and won our freedom.
British imperialist colonialism has departed from our ter-
ritory.
Today we can with full justification recall the heroic
Russian defence of Moscow, Leningrad and Stalingrad against
the monstrous forces of Hitler. Under the leadership of
Stalin our guests guided and inspired the Soviet people to
fight to the last drop of blood. They helped to destroy the
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spectre of Nazi imperialism. That is why we are happy
that you, gentlemen, are here today among us. Only five
months ago our beloved Prime Minister had the opportunity
to visit your country. The great Soviet people welcomed
him everywhere he went, welcomed him with all their hearts.
We shall not forget that friendship and love for our Prime
Minister and for us. Your visit to India will bring our na-
tions still closer together. If representatives of the coun-
tries of the world were to meet and hold talks as often as
possible, it would undoubtedly promote mutual under-
standing, peace and the prosperity of the nations. The So-
viet Union and the Republic of India have a total popula-
tion of 550 million people whose sole desire is to ensure the
nations of the world peace and friendship.
Mr. Mayor, dear friends,
Allow me to convey ardent greetings from the Soviet
people to you and, through you, to the entire population
of Poona.
Your city has glorious historical traditions. In the past
it was the capital of the courageous and intrepid Marathas,
who bravely defended their country's national independence
against foreign invaders. Here, not far from Poona, coura-
geous Maratha soldiers waged battles against the colonial-
ists. Your forefathers did not shed their blood in vain.
The memory of their deeds has always inspired the Indian
people's struggle for national liberation. The aspirations of
your brave forefathers have come true: India has become
an independent state.
Now the Indian people are gradually turning historic
Poona into a city of science and learning. The university,
the colleges, the observatory, the National Academy of
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Defence, the water and power research station-all these
are centres of high culture and education of the youth.
May the noble, freedom-loving Maratha traditions of
yesteryear live on for ever in Poona, and may the contem-
porary culture of the Maratha people develop ever broader
and broader.
May friendship between the Soviet and Indian peoples
grow and strengthen. We shall work together for a lasting
and stable world peace, for friendship among all nations.
Allow me to thank you for the warm welcome you have
given us today in your splendid city. (Stormy, prolonged ap-
plause.)
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N. A. ~ BULGANIN AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
IN BANGALORE
SPEECH BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOY AT CITY RALLY
November 26
Friends, brothers,
Allow me on behalf of myself personally, of my friend,
Nikolai Alexandrovich Bulganin, and of all the friends
accompanying us on this wonderful tour of your great coun-
try, to thank you for the invitation which has enabled us
to visit your State of Mysore and the splendid city of Ban-
galore. (Applause.)
I want also to express our gratitude to the Rajpramukh
of Mysore, Mr. Jaya Chamaraja Wadiyar Bahadur, the
Chief Minister, Mr. K. Hanumanthaiya, and the Mayor of
the city, Mr. V. P. Deenadayalu Naidu, for having said
such kind things about our country, about the achieve-
ments of the Soviet Union. (Applause.)
We have now been several days in your great country.
Our tour and our acquaintance with India are going so
swiftly and eventfully that we have lost count of the days.
This morning, for instance, Nikolai Alexandrovich and
I had an argument about what day this is-Saturday or
Sunday. (Animation and laughter.)
In the few days we have been in India we have seen much
and learned much. We have accumulated a mass of impres-
sions. Today we drove about your fine city. Howmany people,
young and old, came out into the streets, what cries of
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welcome expressing the friendship and regard of the
Indian people for the peoples of the Soviet Union! (Ap-
plause.)
We should be very petty indeed if we thought that the
friendship and regard manifested by the Indian people were
meant for me, my friend, Nikolai Alexandrovich, and the
other friends who have come here with us. They express
the love and respect of the Indian people for the peoples of
the Soviet Union.
What have- the peoples of the Soviet Union done to deserve
the deep affection and warm gratitude of the great people
of India?
I ask this question because the appearance of our Soviet
state, a state organized on new principles, was greeted by
the capitalist world very ungraciously, indeed with hostil-
ity. But despite this, our state steadily grew and devel-
oped.
We have advanced a very long way since the establishment
of the Soviet state. The great Lenin, and the Communist
Party he founded, issued the call for peace and for the build-
ing of a new society in our country, and this call was taken
up by all the peoples. In the early period of Soviet govern-
ment, our country was poverty-stricken and devastated.
Industry was in a state of disruption. Most of the population
was illiterate. And in these conditions it needed Lenin's
vision, his boldness and perspicacity, to foresee the great
future of the new-born workers' and peasants' state, and to
win the following of all the peoples of our country.
At that time our enemies said that before a year was
out the Soviet state would collapse and Lenin and the
Bolsheviks would have nothing for their pains.
Well, what do you think now? Do these gentry qualify
as prophets, or have they no place among the prophets?
(Animation.)
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Far from collapsing, the Soviet country, as you know,
grew into a mighty power, with a powerful industry and a
highly developed economy.
Wherein lies the strength of our Soviet state? After all,
it came into being against the opposition of all the capi-
talist countries. It received no assistance or capital from
anyone. On the contrary, everything was done to prevent
us, the Soviet people, from building up the Soviet state.
Wars and economic blockades were organized against us,
and every other obstacle was put in our way. Yet, despite
all this, our country grew stronger from year to year, built
mills and factories, universities, colleges and schools, raised
its cultural standards, and moved steadily forward.
Now the Soviet Union can compare favourably with any
capitalist country as regards the number of intellectuals,
of engineers.
Well, then, wherein lies our strength? Our strength lies
in the people. The people are the chief capital. They are
the makers of everything mankind has produced.
We know from our own experience that if a people has
won the freedom of its country, it may be illiterate today
but will be literate tomorrow. A man may be illiterate to-
day, but tomorrow he will not only be literate; he may be-
come an engineer or a scientist.
In the early years of Soviet government, we had no intel-
ligentsia of our own. Now we have a numerous people's
intelligentsia, an intelligentsia that has come from the ranks
of the workers and peasants. (Applause.) This, friends,
we consider one of our biggest achievements. (Applause.)
Why is it that you applaud us so heartily and greet us
so amicably? For, you know, there are some who abuse us.
I shall not go in for propaganda and name those who abuse
us. You read the newspapers, and you know what some of
the representatives of the bourgeois press are writing about
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our tour of India. But you don't believe them. You don't
believe them because you know that all the nasty things
they write about us are sheer slander. (Applause.)
And we say to these hacks: Write what you like, say
what you like-dirt does not stick to the clean. (Anima-
tion.) We have a folk saying I should like to cite: a man
passes, the dog barks, the bark is carried away by the wind,
the man goes on his way. (Laughter.)
And we, too, are going on our way, a way which human-
ity has never yet followed-the way of socialist con-
struction. Our country is paving the way to a bright future
for all mankind.
Our people are building a communist society, and they
will achieve their goal-they will build communism!
You may respond in different ways to our ideas. Your
conceptions and ours may differ on a number of questions.
You must choose your own path of development, that which
pleases you most. Not only shall we not try to deter you;
we shall assist you in the good work of developing your coun-
try, for the benefit of your great and noble people. (Applause.)
We say, perhaps there is something in our practical expe-
rience that may suit you. If so, use it; if not, don't. We
do not force anything upon anyone; we are not seeking to
impose any political obligations. Why do we say this to you
so frankly? Because our attitude towards you is sincere,
as towards brothers. (Applause.)
We feel that your welcome to us is a special one. We have
visited many Indian towns and villages and have seen much.
India today resembles a mighty current that has broken
down the obstacles in its way and spread far and wide.
That current makes the old world tremble. But we are
glad that the Indian people have broken out of colonial
slavery, that India has embarked on the path of independent
development. (Applause.)
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Why, do we feel about India like this, and why are cer-
tain other countries averse to India's independent develop-
ment? Because it is not our object to take advantage of the
weakness of your industrial development; but certain other
countries want to exploit this weakness for gain.
We want to see you rapidly building your own wills and
factories. You showed us today a very fine college. It will
not be long before you see yourselves that it is a small col-
lege, that it is only a beginning.
We sincerely wish that India may become as great and
strong economically as she is great today in spirit, in cul-
ture and moral grandeur. We should like her to have a highly
developed industry, an advanced agriculture and a high
national standard of living. We, on our part, are ready
to help you in this good and splendid cause. (Applause.)
Friends, in the speech he made here, the Mayor of your
city spoke very well about the Five Principles which were
first proclaimed in the Joint Statement signed by Mr. Nehru
and our great friend, Chou En-lai. (Applause.) These prin-
ciples were endorsed in the Soviet-Indian Statement signed in
Moscow during Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru's visit to the Soviet
Union. It is on this document that we base our relations
with your country.
As I have said, there are some points both-of method
and theory-on which we differ. We do not conceal
it, nor do you. But this does not prevent us from being friends.
Why? Because, neither of us has any evil designs on the
other. You really. are our sincere friends, and we are your
best friends and brothers. (Applause.) Here we have a graphic
example of peaceful co-existence of countries with' different
social systems.
We propose to all countries: let us live in friendship
instead of quarrelling and attacking one another in the
press and public statements. But we also frankly say that
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we do not like the capitalist method of economic organi-
zation, just as not everyone likes our methods.
Let us, we urge the leaders of the capitalist states, prove
in practice which system is the best. Let us compete without
war. (Applause.) Is that a bad proposal? It is better, surely,
than to say, let us compete and see who produces the most
weapons and who smashes the other. That would be competi-
tion against the interests of the people, competition in
annihilating human beings. What we propose is peaceful
competition in raising the living standards of all peoples.
We stand, and always shall stand, for such competition as
will help to promote the prosperity of the peoples, to raise
their living standards. Therefore, our proposals are very
clear and comprehensible. They are comprehensible to all
people. And I am sure that this clear and just position of
the Soviet Union is welcomed by the Indian people. But we
must view things soberly and assess the situation correctly.
Every beast has its own food. The tiger, for example, lives
on meat, and the buffalo on grass. You cannot force the
buffalo to feed on meat, nor the tiger to feed on grass. (Anima-
tion.) I shall not develop this thought any further, so as not
to be suspected of propaganda. I think you understand it.
(Animation and applause.)
Friends, we have put forward very clear proposals on disar-
mament. The Mayor of your city pointed out here that we
have reduced our armed forces by 640,000 men. We have
liquidated our base at Porkkala Udd, in Finland, and
given up the naval base we had in Port Arthur.
The Soviet Union has proposed prohibition of the use
of atomic and hydrogen weapons, and has submitted pro-
posals on reduction of conventional armaments. We have
proposed the establishment of effective control. But, they
say, so long as you do not agree to a form of control which
will enable the United States to control the territory of
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the Soviet Union from the air, and, conversely, the Soviet
Union to control the territory of the United States, we
shall have no talks with you on questions of disarmament.
It is obvious to all that this form of control is unaccept-
able, because it does not solve the problem. Assume that
American aircraft begin to fly over the Soviet Union, and
Soviet aircraft over the United States. What will be the
use? The aircraft will fly, and the airmen will see: there is
a town here, a village there; here troops are stationed, there
some factories are located. Supposing we see that the Ameri-
cans have a large number of airfields. In that case we shall
have to conclude that we must make more headway so as
not to fall behind, and build several more airfields. (Anima-
tion.) The Americans, in their turn, see what we have, and
will also say that they must have more airfields and aircraft,
and perhaps other things too.
Hence, if we accept this proposal, it. will only only lead to an
arms race. We say to the Western statesmen: If you are
afraid to disarm, to destroy your bomb stocks, let us
pledge our word of honour as gentlemen that none of us
will ever employ atomic weapons. They reply that they
cannot pledge their word, because, supposedly, they need
hydrogen and atomic bombs to maintain "equilibrium."
And what does this "equilibrium" mean? It means an arms
race. Hence, considerable resources, a substantial propor-
tion of the national labour goes not for the peaceful develop-
ment of the country, but for military purposes. Can we
continue to reduce armaments unilaterally, when the Western
Powers do not want to do likewise? I shall answer this
question in the words of a Russian saying: if you live with
wolves, you must howl like a wolf. (Animation.)
If the Western Powers do not want to prohibit the pro-
duction of atomic and hydrogen weapons, if they do not
even want to pledge their word to prohibit their employ-
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went, this compels us, too, to produce atomic and hydro-
gen bombs, rocket weapons and all the other means of anni-
hilation.
Today the newspapers in many countries, including some
Indian newspapers, stated that an atomic bomb was explod-
ed in the Soviet Union. I shall not say that there was no
such explosion. (Animation and laughter.) There really was
an explosion. It was an explosion of incredible power.
Tomorrow our press will be publishing a statement on the
subject.
Lately, in pursuance of a plan of research and experiment
in atomic energy, new types of atomic and thermonuclear
(hydrogen) weapons have been tested in our country. The
tests have fully borne out the computations of our research
workers. They have, also, demonstrated important new
achievements by Soviet scientists and engineers. The latest
experimental hydrogen bomb explosion was the most power-
ful explosion carried out so far. Our scientists and engineers
succeeded, with the use of a comparatively small amount of
nuclear material, in producing an explosion equal to that
of several million tons of ordinary explosive. But I declare,
friends, that the Soviet Union will never abuse its posses-
sion of these weapons. (Animation and applause.) We
shall be happy if these bombs never explode over towns
and villages. (Applause.) Let the bombs lie in storage
and get on the nerves of those who want to unleash war.
Let it be known that one cannot unleash war, because if
he starts war, he can be sure of meeting with a proper re-
buff. (Animation.)
We were compelled to develop this terrible type of weap-
on. It is not this that.enthuses us. We work with greater
satisfaction on the making of more machines, tractors,
ploughs, in order to grow more wheat, rice and cotton, and
in order that our people may have meat, vegetables, fish and
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other foods in abundance. That is what we want, and that
is what we are working for. (Applause.)
To this end, we shall. continue to strive persistently for
world peace. (Applause.) We shall continue to strive for
reduction of international tension. (Applause.) We shall strive
for the ending of the "cold war," and work for the devel-
opment of trade among all countries. It will be our concern
to promote friendly international contacts. This is what life
demands. This is what mankind needs.
We shall do all that we can for the satisfaction of man's
requirements. We must not relax our efforts, we must mobilize
everything necessary to compel the aggressive-minded ele-
ments in a number of countries to talk less of war, and more
of contacts, of the promotion of peaceful relations between
countries and elimination of international tension.
If I have said anything that may be unpleasant to anyone,
please forgive me. (Animation and applause.) What I chiefly
wanted was to express my warm feelings of friendship for
your great people, to tell you that all the Soviet people
entertain the most friendly feelings for the peoples of India.
(Prolonged applause.)
In conclusion, I should like once again to express our deep
gratitude and acknowledgements to the Prime. Minister of
India, Mr. Nehru, that excellent man and distinguished
statesman who ipvited our delegation to your great and
hospitable country.. (Applause.)
Long.live the .fraternal friendship of the peoples of India
and the Soviet Union!
Hindi Rusi bha'i bha'i/ (Prolonged applause.)
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RECEPTION GIVEN
BY K. HANUMANTHAIYA,
CHIEF MINISTER OF STATE OF MYSORE,
IN BANGALORE
November 26
K. Hanumanthaiya, Chief Minister of the State of Mysore,
gave a reception in Bangalore on November 26 in honour
of the Soviet visitors. During the reception Chief Minister
Hanumanthaiya and N. A. Bulganin, Chairman of the
U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers, exchanged speeches.
"We are happy to welcome among us two such outstanding
leaders of the U.S.S.R.," K. Hanumanthaiya said. "Your
arrival in our country has brought joy to 360 million
Indians. The arrival of such distinguished leaders is indeed
a historic event. That is particularly true of this case, be-
cause your arrival is of deep and beneficial import for the
whole world. Friendship between our two great countries
is nothing new, but now it is firm and solid.
"Before the Great October Revolution Russia was in the
clutches of imperialism and capitalism. Russia was a poor
country, she was among the backward countries. Now,
thanks to the leadership of Lenin and his successors, Russia
has become one of the most powerful and influential coun-
tries in the world. That the face of an entire huge country has
been so greatly transformed in the lifetime of a single gener-
ation is in itself something like a miracle. I trust you are
gratified by the fact that not only your country alone has
enjoyed the fruits of your labours. Russia helped to weaken
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the chains of world imperialism and colonialism. Your
efforts to prevent war and establish a durable peace have
won you the regard and gratitude of the entire war-weary
world."
K. Hanumanthaiya went on to say: "We live in the age of
the atom. This is a critical moment in the history of man.
Never before has mankind striven so persistently for peace.
At this time all your energies are directed towards the
noble goal of employing atomic energy for the welfare of
man."
The Chief Minister emphasized further that the Indians
were by tradition a peace-loving people. "Having won
independence," he said, "India has devoted all her efforts
to the maintenance of world peace. The meeting between
India and Russia that your arrival marks is therefore a meet-
ing of two great forces working for a common aim, for
the cause of peace. It is this feeling that lies at the bottom
of the spontaneous outburst of rejoicing called forth by your
arrival. Your arrival is the prelude to a new great era. We
have read the speeches made by you in various towns of
our country, we have heard your assurances that you will
do everything possible to help the backward countries.
Your speeches breathe simplicity, courage and modesty,
they are permeated with brotherly sentiments."
The Chief Minister also pointed out that th3 State of
Mysore has a population of 10 millions. "A mere eight
years have passed," he said, "since we threw off the yoke
of imperialism and autocrccy. Along with the people of
the other pzrts of India, we have undertaken to establish
in our country a society of the socialist type. Your visit
will undoubtedly be an additional source of inspiration to
us in the fulfilment of this great task."
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SPEECH BY N. A. BULGANIN
On behalf of Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchov and on my
own behalf I thank you, and through you all the citizens
of Bangalore, for the exceptionally warm welcome given us
here. We are full of the finest impressions of the industrious
and gifted people of Mysore, of their great achievements in
building a new life, and of their wonderful monuments of
ancient culture created by skilled folk craftsmen.
To our regret we do not have the time to make a more
detailed acquaintance with all the aspects of life and many
places of interest in Mysore, although we should like very
much to do so. Allow me to express the hope that the con-
tacts we have made here with the citizens of Bangalore
will be successfully continued and developed in future.
There is no need to dwell here on the importance of the
development of all-round ties between India and the Soviet
Union. The significance of these ties is very great, and we are
confident that their extension accords with the interests of
the peoples of both countries, India and the Soviet Union.
I should like in this connection to cite one example which
shows how greatly friendly contacts benefit both our peo-
ples. Beginning with 1948 delegations of scientists from the
U.S.S.R. Academy of Science have been taking part annual-
ly in sessions of the Indian Scientific Congress. In these
years many Soviet doctors, statisticians, geologists, metal-
lurgists and other specialists have visited India, and many
of your scientists have visited the Soviet Union. They have
exchanged experience and advice, with definite benefit both to
India and the U.S.S.R.
In future, too, Indian delegations will have every opportu-
nity to acquaint themselves with the Soviet Union's indus-
trial and agricultural development, scientific and engineering
achievements, public education and the health services,
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and achievements in culture and art. They can always count
on receiving the necessary aid and due attention during
their stay in the Soviet Union. (Applause.)
Direct contact and close, broad ties between the Soviet
and Indian peoples benefit both our countries and promote
friendship and co-operation between India and the So-
viet Union. This friendship between our two great peoples
is an important factor for the promotion of peace and inter-
national security. Long live the growing friendship between
the Indian and Soviet peoples! (Applause.)
Long live world peace! (Stormy applause.)
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PUBLIC RALLY
IN MADRAS IN HONOUR
OF N. A. BULGANIN AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
November 28
SPEECH BY N. A. BULGANIN
Esteemed Mr. Governor,
Esteemed Mr. Chief Minister,.
Mr. Mayor,
Dear friends,
We gladly accepted the invitation to visit your splendid
city of Madras. Allow me, on my own behalf, on behalf of
Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchov- and our friends who have
arrived together with us, to thank you for the warm reception
accorded us during our stay in your city. We also thank you
for the presents you have given us. Allow me also to extend
to you fervent and friendly greetings from the Soviet people,
who entertain deep respect for the great and peace-loving
people of India. (Applause.)
Before coming to Madras we visited a number of other
Indian cities. One could speak at length about the impres-
sions this very useful trip has made on us, but I want to say
first of all that everywhere in India we have observed an
irrepressible desire of the people to preserve peace. The indus-
trious Indian people, who have won national independence
for their country, are engaged in constructive labour.
The peoples of the Soviet Union are likewise engaged in
peaceful constructive labour. They are building a new society
together with other peace-loving peoples and are fully re-
solved to prevent another world conflagration from breaking
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out, because they know from their own experience what war
is like. Ready at any moment to defend their interests, the
Soviet people are consistently upholding the cause of peace;
they are working to ease international tension, to remove
the danger of another war and assure peaceful co-opera-
tion between all states, irrespective of their social systems.
The Soviet people are happy that they have many allies
in this lofty cause, and among them such a splendid ally
as the people of your great country.
Other peoples of Asia who are now living through a great
turning point in their history are also working to preserve
a firm and lasting peace. For decades, indeed for centuries,
the peoples of Asia have groaned under the yoke of foreigners
and have fought selflessly for their freedom and national
independence, and now the colonial regime is collapsing and
passing out of existence for ever. (Applause.) Yet there are
some states in Europe which still fail to understand that
the days of the old colonial order are gone never to return.
There is no justification whatever for the existence, to this
very day, of the Portuguese colony of Goa on what since time
immemorial has been the territory of India. This is a disgrace
to the civilized nations. (Applause.) The sympathies of the
Soviet people have always been, and will always be, on the
side of those who are fighting against colonialism and its
survivals. (Stormy applause.)
One cannot say that the peoples of Asia have already
overcome all their difficulties on the road to independent
development. Attempts are still being made to push them
off the path of peaceful development and on to the path of
militarization andpreparation of another war. That, in partic-
ular, is the purpose behind the various military pacts and
blocs which are being knocked together in Southeast Asia,
the Middle East and other parts of the world. They arouse
justified suspicion on the part of the peoples of Asia because
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their initiators are the same forces which in their day im-
planted and defended the colonial system. Your Government,
headed by Mr. Nehru, that outstanding statesman of our
time, has taken a wise decision in refusing to join those
military groupings, clearly realizing that they hamper the
efforts of the peoples to secure a firm and lasting peace, and
that the existence of such groupings greatly increases the
danger of another war.
We note with satisfaction that many Asian countries
have taken a determined stand against the building of
foreign military bases and the stationing of foreign troops
on their territory, being perfectly aware that the establish-
ment of foreign military bases and the stationing of foreign
troops on their territory is fraught with the great danger
of it being turned into an area of war and annihilation.
We know that Madras is famed for its ancient culture.
The wonderful architectural monuments which have arisen
on your land throughout the centuries bear witness to the
tremendous talent of your people, of your architects and
builders. The State of Madras holds an important place in
India's economic and cultural life. The state's chief treasure
and asset, however, is its people, the creators of its wealth and
its material values.
Today all the peoples of India are working to strengthen their
country's independence. We do not doubt that a broad road
to new achievements in all spheres of the country's economic
and cultural life lies open before them. We wish you success
in further strengthening the unity of the peoples of India,
in increasing her wealth and in steadfastly upholding the
cause of peace. In the peoples of the Soviet Union you have
true and reliable friends (applause), staunch and consistent
champions of peace. (Applause.)
Friendship between our peoples has glorious and ancient
traditions. Never have relations between them been clouded
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by friction, still less by conflicts. This alone means much
in evaluating prospects for the development of Soviet-
Indian relations, prospects for further strengthening friend-
ship and co-operation between the two countries.
The Soviet people note with deep satisfaction that India
is in the vanguard of the champions striving for the peaceful
co-existence of nations (applause), and for the implemen-
tation of Panch Shila (applause), the Five Principles pro-
claimed in the Statement of Jawaharlal Nehru and Chou
En-lai, and in the Joint Soviet-Indian Statement issued
during the recent visit of Prime Minister Nehru to the
Soviet Union. The Soviet people highly appreciate the con-
tribution made by India and her Government to the cause of
peace and peaceful settlement of outstanding international
problems. In the Republic of India and her Government they
see a like-minded ally in the struggle for peace and for,
further relaxation of international tension.
Long live thegreat industrious people of India! (Applause.)
Long live the inviolable friendship of the peoples of India
and the Soviet Union! (Stormy applause.)
Long live world peace! (Stormy applause.)
SPEECH BY N. S. KHR.USHCHOY
Friends,
I subscribe to what my friend Nikolai Alexandrovich
Bulganin has said, in his speech. To what he said I will add:
Our feelings of friendship blend with yours. We are fighting
for peace together with you. (Applause.)
If we use the strength of our friendship wisely and unite
our efforts in the struggle for peace, then none of the forces
bent on launching another war need hold Any fears for us.
They will be swept out of the way and peace will be en-
sured. (Stormy applause.)
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The Soviet people rejoice at every success of the peoples
of India. They rejoice at your successes because in the past
they themselves were oppressed and exploited by the tsar-
ist autocracy, by domestic and foreign oppressors. In bit-
ter struggle they created their powerful workers' and peas-
ants' state, independent of the whims of foreign enslavers.
This is why the Soviet people rejoice that the peoples of
India, having rid themselves of colonial oppression, are
now building their own independent state.
We know from the experience of our own country that
winning independence is not enough; after it has been won,
independence must be consolidated, so that it can be upheld.
(Stormy applause.) The way to consolidate the independence
you have won is by building up a powerful industry of your
own and steadily raising the living standard of the people.
(Applause.) It is our sincere wish that the Republic of India
may have a powerful, highly developed industry of her own,
and a national economy independent of foreign states.
Our people advanced towards that goal in their own way
and they have achieved big results. You are following your
own road, the road you have chosen. But you should know,
friends, that the Soviet people will always be with you in
your efforts to consolidate the independence you have won.
(Stormy applause.)
Long live the great people of India! (Applause.)
Long live everlasting and inviolable friendship of the peo-
ples of India and the peoples of the Soviet Union! (Applause.)
'Long live world peace, everlasting peace among nations!
(Stormy, prolonged applause.)
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N. A. BULGANIN AND N. S. IIHRUSHCHOV
IN CALCUTTA
RALLY OF THE PEOPLE OF CALCUTTA
IN HONOUR OF N. A. BULGANIN
AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOY
November 30
The rally was opened by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru,
who emphasized that such a large popular gathering had nev-
er before taken place in Calcutta.
S. C. Ghosh, the Mayor, read an Address of the people
of Calcutta to N. A. Bulganin, Chairman of the U.S.S.R.
Council of Ministers, and N. S. Khrushchov, Member of
the Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet.
ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF CALCUTTA
To His Excellency the Prime Minister of the Soviet
Union, N. A. Bulganin, and His Excellency the great Soviet
leader, N. S. Khrushchov. May they live long years!
Dear and Honoured Guests,
We extend to you our most cordial greetings. This noble
city of the East welcomes you with open arms and with
a profound sentiment of devotion and respect. In the deci-
sive epoch of the past it was in this city that our culture
first came under the influence of the dynamic civilization
of the West. Subsequently India started a new chapter in
her history and opened her gates wide to ideas from the
West. Today you have come from the West as envoys of a
new political system and we welcome you. You are achieving
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your aims with never-failing resolution and purposeful-
ness. India is filled with respect for you.
Creators of the new order,
From the very beginning of its history mankind has strived
to find new ways of life and has tried out new social systems.
India has never lagged behind in those ceaseless searches.
The lives of hundreds of her great men enrich the annals of
her history. By her persistent efforts she has at last attained
her goal, her ideal of individual freedom and tolerance.
India believes in the greatest possible freedom for the indi-
vidual because she considers that only thereby can full
development of personality be achieved. But India also
believes that other countries may have different systems and
ideals. Tolerance is the key to Indian culture. Truth is one,
but different roads lead to it. India acknowledges the excep-
tional efforts of the Soviet people to raise the welfare of the
common man. May your efforts be crowned with success!
Dear friends,
How pleasant the ties of friendship and affection be-
tween peoples, between nations can be! Yet we see today
that the world is in a state of tension, rent by con-
flict and plunged in the fear of war. Our great leader, Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru, has shown where the solution lies-in the
acceptance of the principles of co-existence, the principles
of Panch Shila. Let every nation follow its own way of life
and build up its destiny without interference from others.
It is a great satisfaction for India that the mighty Soviet
Union has accepted that idea. May the ties between India
and the Soviet Union be strengthened, and may the joint
efforts of the two nations for world peace bear fruits;
may the world be spared the horrors of total destruc-
tion!
Long live the Soviet Union!
Jai Hind! (Long live India!)
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SPEECH BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOY
Esteemed Dr. Mookerjee, Governor of Western Bengal,
Esteemed Dr. Roy, First Minister of Western Bengal,
Esteemed Mr. Ghosh, Mayor of Calcutta,
Dear men and women, citizens of Calcutta (applause),
Allow me to thank you for the exceptionally warm and
friendly reception you have extended us representatives of
the Soviet Union, your unselfish friend and brother! (Stormy
applause.)
During our short stay in your country we have become
convinced of the Indian people's sincere desire to strengthen
and further develop friendship with the peoples of the
Soviet Union. This friendship has deep roots. (Applause.)
The historic destinies of our peoples have much in common.
That is why we understand each' other so easily. Our friend-
ship is based not only on community of aims in the struggle
for freedom and independence in the past, but on community
of aims today and in the future too.
Wonderful prospects for independent national develop-
ment and for the building of a new life have opened out
before the peoples of India since they freed themselves
from age-old colonial oppression and adopted the line of
independent development.
India has won her political freedom, thus creating the
prerequisite for the progress of your great country.
We are particularly glad of the solidarity of the Asian
peoples who have risen for the decisive storm of the world
colonial system and have tremendous achievements to their
credit.
The peoples of great China, our common friend and
brother, have gained an historic victory. (Applause.)
Great India has won political independence! (Applause.)
Other Asian peoples too are freeing themselves from hated
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colonial oppression. They are choosing their path of devel-
opment, non-interference of other states in their inter-
nal affairs. We greet the peoples of these countries in their
great endeavours.
There are countries which fasten themselves like ticks
to a healthy body. I mean Portugal, which refuses to leave
Goa, to relinquish its hold on that territory which legiti-
mately belongs to India. (Applause.)
But this will happen sooner or later and Goa will be free
of foreign domination and become a component part of the
Republic of India. (Stormy applause.)
The solidarity of the Asian peoples is a mortal blow to
the world colonial system.
We are in famous Calcutta, the centre of Western Bengal,
which made greater sacrifices in the struggle for India's
independence than any other state in India. (Stormy ap-
plause.)
The people of Calcutta have displayed great understand-
ing of their role in the struggle for an independent India.
We are happy to greet them, happy to convey the most sin-
cere greetings from the peoples of the Soviet Union (applause)
and wish you, our dear friends, success in strengthening
the state of your birth. (Stormy applause.)
We know from the experience of our country what inex-
haustible forces people display when they struggle for a
great cause like the strengthening of the independence they
have won. Our whole people together built up its own
powerful industry. No one helped us. More than that, the capi-
talists did all they could to harm us.
But utilizing all our domestic resources we have built
a strong socialist state.
We now have a powerful industry which enables us to
attain important successes in the development of our nation-
al economy.
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We sincerely and heartily wish you success in developing
your home industry-the condition for strengthening the
independence of any great state. (Applause.)
You have immense possibilities for the development of
a powerful industry of your own-an enormous raw mate-
rial base and industrious and talented people. As yet, of
course, you have little experience. But we are prepared
to share ours with you, to pass on to you the necessary tech-
nical knowledge. (Applause.)
We had no such friends when we began to build our indus-
try. But we found strength to surmount all difficulties.
We believe that India will build a mighty industry of her
own.
In the very first years of Soviet power Lenin put forward
the idea of peaceful co-existence of the socialist and the
capitalist systems. He said that the socialist state would
constantly grow and gain strength and, whether the capi-
talist states liked it or not, they would be compelled to
trade with the Soviet Land, to have close economic ties
with our country. We Soviet people have always stood for
peaceful relations between states irrespective of their polit-
ical system, for independent development of both large and
small countries and respect for their territorial integrity,
for non-interference in the internal affairs of other states.
That is why we so heartily support the Five Principles
proclaimed in the Statement signed by Mr. Nehru, your
Prime Minister, and Comrade Chou En-lai, as represent-
ative of the great Chinese people. (Applause.) These Five
Principles conform to our foreign policy, and we gave them
our full support by signing the Joint Statement of the
Soviet Union and India. (Applause.)
Friends,
The peoples of our countries, engaged in peaceful con-
structive endeavour, are vitally interested in maintaining
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and strengthening peace. The friendship between the peoples
of India and of the Soviet Union is growing and becoming
stronger in the fight for peace.
Each going its own way, the peoples of our countries
are working for their bright future.
Further consolidation of our friendship, mutual exchange
of experience and broad development of economic and cul-
tural ties between the peoples of our countries will undoubt-
edly promote the earliest attainment of the noble aims
they have set themselves.
. Our friendship enriches the peoples of India and of the
Soviet Union materially and spiritually.
Friendship between the peoples of India and of the Soviet
Union, however, is not to the liking of some people, who
would not be averse to destroying it. It is clear to us why
certain circles in some countries are trying to achieve this.
They fear friendship between peoples because it promotes
the strengthening of world peace.
We have never imposed our ideas or our way of life on
other countries, as the governments of some states do. We
build our relations with other countries on mutual respect
for the way of life chosen by those nations.
. We stand for reduction of armaments and prohibition of
atomic and hydrogen weapons. (Applause.) But to our
regret we are not getting proper support in this matter
from the Western states. They do not want this because the
monopolists thrive on the armament race. They do not want
any cut in armaments because they strive to make us spend
more for defence purposes so that we will not be able to
spend more on the peaceful development of our national
economy or to render assistance to economically underde-
veloped countries.
It is our task to exert an active influence on the reaction-
ary forces and to work for the prohibition of atomic
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weapons. We are in favour of control over armaments, but
of effective, not fictitious, control. (Applause.)
We have special pleasure in visiting your wonderful city
since it is one of the biggest industrial and cultural centres
in India. It is a pleasure for us to visit it also because it is
the birthplace of the great son of the Bengali people, the
writer of genius and public figure Rabindranath Tagore.
(Applause.) Tagore was a sincere and loyal friend of the
Soviet Union. (Applause.) The Soviet people deeply re-
spect him and are fond of his works. (Applause.)
Our compatriot Gerasim Lebedev lived and worked
in your city, and together with, advanced representatives
of the Indian, intellectuals he founded the first Bengali
theatre in 1795.
We should like relations between our countries to grow
broader and stronger.. We should like your people to come
oftener to our country, where they will always find the
warmest and most cordial welcome. (Applause.)
Allow me to thank you once more, dear friends, for the
-warm and exceptionally hospitable reception you extended
us. We take it, as the expression of your love for the peoples
of the Soviet Union, a love of which we are very proud. The
peoples of India and of the Soviet Union are brothers!
(Stormy applause.)
We express our most heartfelt gratitude to Mr. Nehru,
that outstanding statesman and political leader, whom
we sincerely and highly respect (applause), and. we wish
to thank him once more for the invitation to visit your
country and to acquaint ourselves with her life and the
wonderful Indian people.
May the fraternal friendship between the peoples of India
and of the Soviet Union grow stronger and develop! (Ap-
plause.) Long live world peace! (Stormy applause and
cheers.)
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Twelve days ago our esteemed guests arrived in Delhi
and were welcomed by our people. Then they made a journey
through other parts of India, visited several of our famous
cities and saw some of our rural localities. Now they have
arrived in this, our largest city, and you have organized
the biggest reception for them. I congratulate you on this,
although I should have liked your enthusiasm to have been
more disciplined.
Our guests have seen some of our achievements and the
work we are doing in our country and have got to know the
spirit of our people, just as I saw their great achievements
when I visited the Soviet Union and was welcomed by
the Soviet people five months ago. Thus we come to know
and understand one another better, and the friendship
between us is growing stronger.
Our guests have everywhere laid stress upon the Five
Principles of peaceful co-existence-Panch Shila-and
expressed their agreement with them. These Five Principles
are the basis of our relations with other countries and we are
sure that if relations between countries rest on this founda-
tion they will be sound, peaceful and in the spirit of co-
operation, because such relations are based on equality,
mutual respect and peaceful co-existence and exclude
aggression and interference in each other's internal affairs.
A conflict arises when one country reigns over another or
interferes in its internal affairs. Were the Five Princi-
ples fully and sincerely adopted by all countries peace
would be guaranteed everywhere and co-operation would
exist.
That does not mean that all countries must resemble one
another or pursue the same policy. It means that each coun-
try must develop freely in the way it considers necessary,
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being at the same time friendly towards other countries.
India and the Soviet Union have different economic and po-
litical systems. Nevertheless, we are friendly countries and
co-operate in many fields, because we respect each other's
freedom and way of life and do not want to interfere.
For us in India peaceful co-existence is not a new idea.
It has been our way of life and it is as old as our thought
and culture. Two thousand two hundred years ago, India's
great son Asoka proclaimed this idea and carved it on a
rock which still exists today and conveys his message to us.
Asoka told us that we must respect the faith of others,
that a man who extolls his own faith and abases another's
does harm to his own. That is a lesson in tolerance and peace-
ful co-existence and co-operation, in which India believed
for many centuries. Now we speak more about economic
and social systems, but the approach is the same as for-
merly.
That is why we do our best to be friends with all coun-
tries, whether we agree with them or not. That is why we
refrain from criticizing other countries, even when we do
not agree with their policy, provided circumstances do not
force us to explain our point of view.
From this it naturally follows that we must keep out
of military and similar alliances and not join any of the
groups of the Great Powers which rule the world today.
We are pursuing our own independent policy, but not in
a spirit of pride or arrogance. We cannot do otherwise,
unless we have forgotten everything that India stood for
in the past and stands for today. We welcome relations and
friendship with all and exchange of thoughts and ideas of
all kinds, but we reserve for ourselves the right to choose
our own way. In this lies the essence of Panch Shila.
The great reception which our guests have had in India
has disturbed some of our friends in other countries who
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cannot help thinking in categories of hostile camps and
military alliances. I have frequently declared that we do
not intend to join any camp or alliance. That is our basic
policy. But we want to co-operate with all for peace and
security and the improvement of the condition of mankind.
No one must object to friendship and co-operation among
others. We must show love and avoid hatred, coercion
and enmity.
We are happy that India and the Soviet Union have been
brought nearer to each other through the historical visit
of the Soviet leaders, and we desire fruitful co-operation for
peace and the well-being of mankind. This friendship
and this co-operation are not directed against any nation
or people. We hope that the zone of friendship and co-opera-
tion will extend until in the end it covers the whole world.
To this we dedicate ourselves.
I again greet our esteemed guests and hope that they will
convey our message of friendship and greeting to their
people.
(Nehru's speech was frequently interrupted by applause.
The crowd cheered when, in conclusion, he hailed Indo-
Soviet friendship and world peace.)
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RALLY IN JAIPUR
IN HONOUR OF N. A. BULGANIN
AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
December 8
A rally in honour of N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov
was held in Jaipur on December 8. In his speech of welcome
M. L. Sukhadia, Chief Minister of the State of Jaipur, said:
"On behalf of the people of Rajasthan allow me to convey
sincere greetings to you on the occasion of your visit to
our historic city of Jaipur. We in Rajasthan eagerly looked
forward to your visit and, we welcome you with deep satis-
faction and joy. We are happy to have you here among us,
today. Although your visit will be brief, I hope you will
feel that the heart of the common man of India is filled with
deep love for you and the great people of the Soviet Union.
"I greet you as esteemed representatives and leaders of
a great friendly nation. Our people are proud to welcome
you here as friends and comrades on the road to the prosperity
of mankind. The heroic struggle of your courageous peoples
against the forces of darkness during the Second World
War met with boundless sympathy and admiration from our
compatriots, although, unfortunately, at that time we were
merely sorrowful onlookers in an enslaved country."
The Chief Minister went on to say: "Your visit to India
has given us an opportunity to become better acquainted
with the Soviet Union, to understand it better. India fully
subscribes to the passionate desire of the Soviet people to
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preserve world peace. We in India have great and old tra-
ditions of peace and tolerance, bequeathed to us by Mahatma
Gandhi, the father of our country. Our Prime Minister is,
in his own way, following in the footsteps of the great teach-
er. What with the tremendous reserve of good will existing
in the world today, we are confident that India and the Soviet
Union, hand in hand, will successfully uphold all the values
and ideals which give meaning and worth to human life....
For our part, I should like sincerely to assure you that we
shall always retain the most vivid and precious memories
of your visit to India.
"Allow me once again to take advantage of this occasion
to convey through you and your comrades our heartiest
greetings and warm wishes for peace and prosperity to the
friendly people of the great Soviet Union."
Mr. Chief Minister, Mr. Mayor, dear friends,
Allow me on my own behalf, on behalf of Comrade Nikita
Sergeyevich Khrushchov, on behalf of the friends who are
accompanying us, and on behalf of the entire multi-
million Soviet people, to convey friendly greetings to you.
(Applause.)
We heartily thank you, dear friends, for your warm wel-
come and fraternal hospitality. (Applause.)
Jaipur is known as a city with a glorious history, as a city
with wonderful monuments of Indian architecture.
We know that the population of Jaipur together with all
the people of Rajasthan for a long time heroically upheld
their independence and inscribed many glorious pages in
the annals of India's struggle for independence. (Applause.)
We know how courageously the people of Rajasthan are
combating grim nature, and we wish them successes in
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converting the droughty areas of the state into flourishing
fields and orchards, into sources of the people's prosperity.
(Prolonged applause.)
During our stay in India we have visited many towns and
districts of your great country. We have seen and learned
a great deal. We have made the acquaintance of the people
of India, who everywhere have greeted us as friends and
expressed their ardent love for the Soviet people. (Prolonged
applause.)
We have been deeply moved by the warm fraternal welcome
you accorded us. We shall never forget it. (Prolonged ap-
plause.)
The friendship between the Indian and the Soviet peoples
is a great historical achievement. This friendship was born
in the struggle of the peace-loving nations against war,
in the struggle for peace and security. The friendship be-
tween our peoples is of immense importance for the further
consolidation of the forces of peace. (Applause.)
The relations between our countries are based on the well-
known Five Principles, Panch Shila. (Prolonged applause.)
The Soviet Union firmly adheres to these principles. (Ap-
plause.) We want the friendship and co-operation between
India and the Soviet Union to develop and gain in strength
for the benefit of our great countries, for the benefit of
peace. (Prolonged applause.)
Dear friends, allow me to wish success and prosperity
to the wonderful city of Jaipur, to your state and to the
entire Indian people. (Prolonged applause.)
May the sovereign and independent Republic of India-
our country's great friend-grow in stature and strength!
(Stormy applause.)
Long live the friendship between the peoples of India and
the Soviet Union! (Stormy applause.)
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N. A. BULGANIN AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
IN KASHMIR
STATEMENT BY N. A. BULGANIN AT AIRFIELD
December 9
Sadar-i-Riyasat, Mr. Prime Minister, ladies and gentlemen,
Allow me to convey to you, and in your person to the pop-
ulation of Kashmir, our sincere gratitude for your warm
and hearty welcome.
We have been to many cities in India, have visited indus-
trial establishments and plantations, construction sites and
scientific institutions and are full of impressions of everything
seen in that great country.
India is a country of immense potentialities and the Indian
people are filled with desire to build a new, economically
strong India.
During our trip we have met representatives. of many
peoples inhabiting India who differ in language, historic
traditions and culture, but they are all united in their striv-
ing for peace and peaceful labour. We can assure you that
in their striving for peace the Indian people have loyal and
consistent friends in the peoples of the Soviet Union. (Ap-
plause.)
Our tour of India has proved very useful to us. We must say
with all frankness that the conception of India we had
was far from adequate. Thanks to the opportunity kindly
granted us we travelled through the whole of South and
Central India. But without visiting the northern part of
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India we would not have been- able to geta full idea of India.
(Applause.)
That is why we have accepted with great satisfaction the
invitation of the Sadar-i-Riyasat Yuvraj Karan Singh
to visit Kashmir. (Applause.) The trip to Kashmir is inter-
esting to us because the peculiar natural conditions of
Kashmir, the rich original culture of its peoples and the art
of the popular craftsmen have won Kashmir world-wide
renown. The trip to Kashmir is of interest to us, representa-
tives of the Soviet people, also because Kashmir is near to
our country. In the past we always had extensive trade ties
with Kashmir. (Stormy applause.)
We should likCe-to make use of our sojourn in Kashmir
to learn about the life and customs of the Kashmiri people,
their rich, original culture and their achievements.
Once again we thank you, dear friends, for your warm
welcome. (Stormy applause.)
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LUNCHEON
GIVEN BY SADAR-I-RIVASAT YUVRAJ
KARAN SINGH
IN HONOUR
OF N. A. BULGANIN
AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
December 10
SPEECH BY SADAR-I-RIYASAT Y. K. SINGH
The natural beauties and the arts and crafts of this state
of the Indian Union are known the whole world over. Ever
since your visit to India was announced we hoped you
would come to Kashmir. We are grateful to you for having
honoured us with your visit despite all the inconveniences it
caused you. This gesture of yours is highly appreciated by
our people. We only regret that at this time of the year we
cannot show you Kashmir at its best. I sincerely hope you
come to us sometime in the spring or summer, when the
gifts of our nature shine in all their wealth and splendour.
Your visit to India, following close upon the historic visit
of our great Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, to Russia,
has tremendous national and international significance.
Between our two countries there exists a long-standing tra-
dition of friendly, good-neighbourly relations, although
until recently, owing to historical reasons, close cultural
relations between us did not develop. But now that we have
become a sovereign, independent republic, ties of friend-
ship and mutual understanding have been created between
India and the Soviet Union on the basis of the noble Five
Principles, Panch Shila. This friendship is a good sign for
the establishment and maintenance of world peace, for the
creation of conditions under which all energies can be con-
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centrated on improving human well-being. We in Kashmir,
together with our fellow-citizens in the other parts of India,
welcome this historic process.
Allow me once again to thank you for having honoured
us by your presence, and to express the hope that friendship
between our two countries will grow from day to day. Jai
Hind! (Long live India!) (Stormy applause.)
Sadar-i-Riyasat,
We heartily thank you for your warm and friendly wel-
come and for the kind words you have addressed to us here.
We gladly accepted the invitation to visit Kashmir. (Ap-
plause.)
The Soviet people are well familiar with the rich and dis-
tinctive culture of Kashmir, which has presented India
with many outstanding scientists, historians, writers, polit-
ical leaders and artists.
The productions of the industrious and talented crafts-
men of Kashmir are highly valued in the Soviet Union.
.In this we were not mistaken. When visiting today the
exhibition of the work of local craftsmen, we had one more
opportunity to convince ourselves of their great skill.
We think that the talented and industrious people of
Kashmir, together with all the peoples of India, will achieve
further success in economic and cultural development.
Sadar-i-Riyasat, you rightly observed that ca-operation
between the Soviet Union and India is now particularly
fruitful, developing as it is on the basis of the Five Prin-
ciples, Panch Shila. These principles not only ensure the
peaceful co-existence and co-operation of our countries;
they serve the general cause of the peace and security of the
nations.
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The Soviet Union is perseveringly working to ease
international tension and to strengthen confidence between
the states, so that international problems may be fully
solved by negotiation. We are confident that a real
international detente will come when universal confidence
has been established, as expressed in renunciation of the
policy of forming military blocs, in cessation of the arms
race, in successive reductions of armed forces and arma-
ments, arid in unconditional prohibition of the production
and use of atomic and hydrogen weapons.
We are very glad that on many of these problems India's
views and our views concur.
Allow me to wish you, your people and all the population
of Kashmir continued and even greater achievement.
The warm and cordial welcome we have received is evidence
of the friendly feelings cherished by your people for
the Soviet Union.
Long live the friendship of the peoples of India and the
Soviet Union! (Applause.)
Long live world peace! (Applause.)
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RECEPTION
GIVEN BY G. M. BARSHI,
PRIME MINISTER OF KASHMIR,
IN HONOUR
OF N. A. BUL(IANIN
AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOY
December 10
SPEECH BY G. M. BAKSHI
Your Excellencies,
It is, with deep satisfaction that I welcome you from
the bottom of my heart on behalf of the people of Jam-
mu and Kashmir. We are grateful to you for your consent
to visit these places, although, we believe, it has bur-
dened you to a certain extent. Allow me. to assure you
that we regard your consent as an expression of your
warm, sincere attitude towards us, and that the memory of
your visit will remain as a fond and pleasant memory in the
hearts of the people of Kashmir.
Throughout the centuries Kashmir has hospitably wel-
comed people from all over the world who have visited this
splendid valley. There was a time when we maintained,
through the Pamirs, lively relations with many parts of
Central Asia. The commercial and cultural intercourse which
then existed laid an imprint on our life and culture. Wel-
coming you today, we take advantage of the occasion to
emphasize our century-old cultural and commercial relations
with the peoples of your country.
We are happy that, for the first time in history, it ap-
pears, such outstanding guests from the neighbouring great
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have visited us. This
is a memorable event of our time, marking the broadening
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relations of friendship and good will which the people are
striving to establish with all parts of the world and with
all nations....
Pursuing the ideal of peace and progress, India has stretched
out a hand of friendship and alliance to all the nations of the
world. Prompted by a sincere desire to relax international
tension, our leader and Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru,
has dedicated all his energies and all the resources of the coun-
try to influence the international situation, with a view to
preventing war and violence and bringing near security,
peace and co-operation. We note with satisfaction that all the
peace-loving peoples of the world, regardless of the colour
of their skin or their religion, are united in the attainment
of that historic goal.
The preservation of peace is particularly important to the
people of Kashmir, for they have experienced the sufferings
and deprivations caused by armed conflict. At a time
when the war had ended everywhere, our people were drawn
into a struggle which has left a bitter mark in the memory
of our generation. The powerful desire of our people for peace
and frecdom is therefore fully understandable, and we
welcome the good will of all supporters of freedom, peace
and progress.
The visit of Your Excellencies to our country testifies to
the growing understanding and good will of the great Soviet
Union towards India. The warmth and sincerity with which
our people have welcomed you everywhere during your
visit is a testimony of the feelings which the Indians enter-
tain for your country. We stand on the threshold of great
social and economic changes, and the co-operation and
assistance of all our well-wishers sincerely concerned with
progress and freedom will promote the further development
of good-neighbourly relations between our two countries.
The close bonds which link the U.S.S.R. and India on
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the basis of the great Five Principles of peaceful co-existence
inspire our people with confidence that the danger of war
will be eliminated and that the zones of possible conflict
will gradually give way to zones of concord and friendship.
May the friendship between our peoples pave the way to
the establishment of more peaceful and happy relations the
world over! (Applause.)
SPEECH BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOY
Dear friends,
Allow me first of all to express my deep gratitude
to the Sadar-i-Riyasat of Jammu and Kashmir, Mr.
Y. K. Singh, the Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir,
Mr. G. M. Bakshi, to all present here and to all the
people of your state for the cordial reception you have
given us. (Prolonged applause.)
We shall never forget the very hearty welcome we received
from the people of Kashmir. Yesterday, when we rode
in the boats on the river, with its banks crowded with wel-
coming people, and through the thronged streets of Srinagar,
we were deeply moved by the manifestation of most cordial
friendship and affection entertained by the inhabitants of
Kashmir, as of all the other Indian cities and states we
visited, for their friend and brother, the people of the Soviet
Union. (Applause.)
Your state is situated nearest of all to the Central Asian
republics of the Soviet Union-Tajikistan, Turkmeni-
stan, and Uzbekistan. (Applause.) That is why we accepted
with deep gratitude the invitation of the esteemed chief
of your state, Yuvraj Karan Singh, to come to Kashmir.
It has been a pleasure to visit your state, because it is
the birthplace of your esteemed Premier, Mr. Nehru. (Pro-
longed applause.)
Your climate, too, is similar to that of our Central Asian
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republics, and the crops you grow have much in common
with theirs. When we came here we felt, as it were, the breath
of our native country, of its southern, Central Asian part.
The population of Kashmir and of the capital of your state,
Srinagar, is not homogeneous in composition. Here live
Kashmiris, Dogras and Ladkhis; the inhabitants of Kash-
mir include Hindus, Moslems, Sikhs and members of other
nationalities and religions. But when we drove through
the streets of Srinagar, we felt that we were being welcomed
in equal degree by people of all religions and nationali-
ties. This was expressed both in the mottoes of welcome
and in the kind words addressed to us by the inhabitants
of Srinagar.
All this was linked with the name of the Prime Minis-
ter of the Republic of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, who enjoys
here, as in the other states of India, immense popularity
and prestige. (Prolonged applause.)
All this indicates that the peoples of Jammu and Kash-
mir, though of different nationalities and different faiths,
live together harmoniously and want to work effectively
for the welfare of their motherland, the Republic of In-
dia. (Applause.)
Friendly co-operation of peoples is something we under-
stand and dearly prize. Our country is multi-national in
composition. In it live people of many faiths. But this
does not give rise to any misunderstanding, and the Soviet
people live and work together in one harmonious family.
(Applause.)
Religion is a matter for the conscience of each individ-
ual, and of each nation. Our delegation includes Jabar
Rasulov, Zukhra Rakhimbabayeva and Sharaf Rashidov,
representatives of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, whose peoples
profess the Mohammedan faith. But in what way do our
Moslems differ from members of other faiths? We make no
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such distinction, because all the peoples of our country are
worthy members of the great Soviet Union, and constitute
one family of nations. (Applause.),
We in the Soviet Union have effectively solved the nation-
al problem and the problem of freedom of religion. Every
citizen of our country may worship in the way he thinks fit.
I say this in order that you may have a clearer idea of
our attitude to this question. There are states which still
seek to sow discord among the peoples of India by stirring
up national enmity or dividing the peoples on religious lines.
Official representatives of these states attempt to foment
artificial conflicts.
But is this to the benefit of India and her peoples? We think
that it is to the detriment of the interests both of India as
a whole and of the peoples of India.
The peoples want to have the opportunity to work, to
raise their cultural standards; and to live in material secu-
rity. They want to have a state of their own which is free
and not dependent on the whims of imperialist states.
But does all this depend on the faith this or that people
professes? I think not. (Applause.)
In order to enjoy the political freedoms and to be able
constantly to raise one's educational standards, and to
live in material security, there is no need to base one's state
on one particular religion. What is necessary is that the
people shall be free, that there, shall be no exploitation of
man by man. (Applause.)
We have never attempted to force our views or our form of
government on anyone. The peoples of each country can,
and should, themselves -decide what form of government
to ' choose, and what ideology to adhere to. But we want
to record the fact that the path chosen by our people has
led to the unfolding of all their constructive energies, has
created immense potentialities for the continuous. progress
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of their national economy and culture, and for the promotion
of the welfare of the broad masses of the people.
Why has the so-called Kashmir question arisen at all?
It did not arise among the people. Certain states find it to
their advantage to foment animosity among the peo-
ples of countries which are emancipating themselves from
colonial oppression, which are throwing off their age-old
subjection to alien oppressors. (Applause.)
In this, the monopolists are solely pursuing their own
ends. They incite some of the peoples of these countries
against others, so as to bring these countries under greater
economic subjugation and make them dependent on their will.
It is hardly necessary for me to name the states which
are constantly straining the Kashmir issue, for this is wide-
ly known. Nor do these states themselves particularly
conceal their interest in further straining the issue.
The Kashmir question was discussed in the Security
Council, and the representative of the Soviet Union clearly
set forth our view, the Soviet view, on this question.
Our attitude to this question is as clear-cut and definite
as it could be. The Soviet Union has always maintained
that the political status of Kashmir is a matter to be
decided by the people of Kashmir themselves, in accord-
ance with the principles of democracy and in the interest
of promoting friendly relations among the peoples of this
area. (Prolonged applause.) While maintaining an impartial
and objective attitude to the Kashmir issue, the Soviet
Union has always expressed its sincere sympathy with the
people of Kashmir and their peace-loving democratic
forces, who have established friendly relations with the pro-
gressive and peace-loving forces of the Republic of India,
which is fully cognizant of the national aspirations of the
Kashmiri people.
The facts show that the inhabitants of Kashmir do not
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want Kashmir to be a plaything of imperialist forces.
(Stormy applause.) And this is precisely what certain powers
are striving for on the pretext of supporting Pakistan's posi-
tion on the Kashmir issue.
If I may, I should like to state my opinion generally
concerning the division of India into two states. We, the
friends of India, were grieved that the imperialist forces
succeeded in dividing India into two parts: India and Pak-
istan. Before the Indian people won the independence of
their country, India was united. It was not in the interest of
the peoples of India that India was divided. But precisely
for this reason, passions were kindled over the different
religions of the peoples of India, though religion has never
been the chief consideration when any state was established.
One might cite our country as an example. In the Soviet
Union there are more than 15 million Moslems, as well as
members of other religions. And despite the different
faiths, the peoples of our country live in fraternal friend-
ship. They have created, and are constantly strengthening,
a united state-the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,
a socialist country. (Applause.)
Consequently, it was not the different religious faiths
of the population that was the chief consideration in estab-
lishing Pakistan and separating it from the united India.
Other states, who conduct their policy in accordance with
the old principle of "divide and rule," had an active
hand in the matter. They exploited the existence of dif-
ferent religions for the furtherance of their own ends.
We are firmly convinced that when passions subside and
the peoples come to realize all the significance of this artifi-
cial division of the territory of India, they will regret it.
But the establishment of two separate states-India
and Pakistan-is a decided issue, and I have not stated
my opinion on this score so frankly in order that the ques-
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tion might be re-examined in any quarter. I note it as a
fact. And inasmuch as the two states exist and are develop-
ing, it is scarcely necessary now to redraw their boundaries,
as certain powers would like to do. (Applause.) We know
that changes of frontiers are always a painful process and
involve bloodshed.
That Kashmir is one of the states of the Republic of India
has been decided by the people of Kashmir. It is a question
that the people themselves have decided. (Stormy and pro-
longed applause.) I think the two sides should display great-
er determination to preserve peace in this area, as both
India and Pakistan can develop only in conditions of
peaceful co-existence. (Applause.)
Very good and friendly relations have developed between
us and the Republic of India. (Applause.) They have so
developed because we build our relations on the Five Prin-
ciples of peaceful co-existence. We have common views on
very many international issues. We adhere to a common
position in condemning the formation of military blocs
and military alignments of any kind. The Governments
of our countries pursue a policy which helps to relax
international tension and prevent war.
The independent and sovereign Republic of India is a
young and growing state. What draws us together is that
it is actively striving for world-wide peace.
Just as we do not interfere in the internal affairs- of India,
so India does not interfere in our internal affairs. (Applause.)
The internal affairs of every state are a matter for the
people of that state.
If in the Republic of India we see an ally in the effort
for peace, for the peaceful settlement of outstanding issues,
this, unfortunately, cannot be said of Pakistan.
Pakistan is also a young state. But we are alarmed by
the policy of its rulers. The facts show that their policy is
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not guided by the vital interests of their people, of their
state, but is dictated by the monopoly circles of other-coun-
tries. The present Government of Pakistan frankly adver-
tises its particular closeness with American monopoly
circles. (Animation.) It was one of the first participants
in, one of the sponsors of, the notorious Baghdad pact,
the aim of which is anything but peace. (Animation.)
It has sanctioned the establishment of American military
bases on its territory-that is, in close proximity to the
borders of the Soviet Union.
We say frankly that the establishment of American mil-
itary bases in Pakistan cannot but arouse our alarm. With
the active participation of Pakistan, further efforts are now
being made to enlarge the membership of the Baghdad pact.
It is a regrettable fact that the Government of Iran has
bowed to the imperialist forces and has acceded to this pact.
We say frankly that we never have supported and never
shall support the parties to the Baghdad pact, or to any
other alliance directed against the Soviet Union.
We should be politically blind if we acted otherwise. It
is obvious to all that the Baghdad pact is spearheaded
against the Soviet Union and other peaceable countries.
It is therefore our task to weaken this belligerent alliance,
one of the hotbeds of possible warlike ventures.
We sincerely want the peace-loving, independent Re-
public of India to grow in stature and strength. (Stormy
applause.)
We have learned of the following unfriendly act of the
Pakistan Government. The Soviet Ambassador to Pakistan
was called to the Foreign Ministry and recommended
that my friend, Nikolai Alexandrovich Bulganin, and I
should give up our visit to Kashmir, decline the invitation
of the chief of your state to visitSrinagar and other parts
of your state.. (Burst- of laughter.)
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This can only be taken as an unprecedented instance of
interference in the affairs of others. Never before has a third
state permitted itself to tell us where to go, and why, and
what friends we should choose. (Animation and applause.)
We very much dislike the Baghdad pact, one of the most
active participants. in which is Pakistan, though without
benefit to itself or its people. But we are patient and are
confident that the Baghdad pact will burst like a soap bub-
ble, and that nothing will remain of it but an unpleasant
memory. (Animation and stormy applause.)
The representative of the Pakistan Foreign Ministry also
told our Ambassador that the Pakistan Government would
not like us to visit Afghanistan, a neighbour of our country.
(Animation.) But that is already going far too far, and
those who make such recommendations are taking much
too much upon themselves.
Afghanistan is our good neighbour, with whom we have
long maintained friendly relations. (Applause.) We want
to develop and strengthen these relations, and we~hope that
our visit to Afghanistan will facilitate this. (Applause.)
We should very much like to have similar relations with
Pakistan, and it is not our fault that such relations have
so far not developed. But we shall persistently strive to
improve these relations in the interest of peace.
The Soviet Union has always stood for world peace, for
friendship between nations and between states. We were
enjoined to follow this course unswervingly by the great
Lenin. (Stormy applause.) And we shall follow this course
undeviatingly, strengthening and extending our friendship
with all states and nations.
Long live friendship and co-operation between the Re-
public of India and the Soviet Union! (Prolonged ap-
plause.)
Long live world peace! (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
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SPEECH
BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
TO PEASANTS OF STATE OF PUNJAB
DELIVERED IN VILLAGE OF BHATGAON
December 12
After thanking the inhabitants of Sonepat District on
his own behalf and on behalf of N. A. Bulganin for the
hearty welcome given them, N. S. Khrushchov said they
were very glad to be guests of the Indian peasants that day.
The Soviet Union, he noted further, had demonstrated
in practice what rapid progress the peasants can make when
the conditions for it are created. He conveyed to the audi-
ence, and through it to all the peasants of India, the wishes
of the Soviet Union's collective-farm peasantry for
the flowering of their spiritual and material forces. He
emphasized that the road to the peasantry's material and
spiritual advancement lies through the development of
machine methods of production, through the supply of the
countryside with machinery, and wished the people of
India success in this work.
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RECEPTION
GIVEN BY N. A. BULGANIN
AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
IN DELHI
December 12
Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, dear friends,
Our stay in India is drawing to an end. We have spent
almost three weeks in your country and thanks to the oppor-
tunity kindly given to us by your Government and Mr.
Nehru we have been able to see many towns and regions of
India, visit many enterprises and construction sites, planta-
tions and scientific institutions; we have been to the West
and South, to the East and North of your country;
we have acquainted ourselves with your people and gor-
geous monuments of ancient culture and economy. For all
this we are very grateful to you.
We have seen a lot of fine things during our trip. We
have found out many useful things. At present I should
like to touch on a point which, to my ;mind, is very im-
portant.
The sincerity and strength of the sentiments displayed
by the Indian people for us have shown with great force
that the Indian people are loyal friends of the peoples
of the Soviet Union. (Applause.) We have seen a lot
with our own eyes, we came into contact with representa=
tives from different social strata, we heard from the mouth
of the people themselves about their wishes, their aspira-
tions and what makes up their life.
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We will never forget the fine words which we heard every-
where we went: "The Indian and the Soviet peoples
are brothers." (Applause.) These few simple words reflect
the sincere desire of our peoples for friendship and co-oper-
ation.
We are deeply convinced that friendship and co-opera-
tion between our peoples are necessary not only for the
happiness and prosperity of our states, they are needed
also for the strengthening of peace and security. Friend-
ship between India and the Soviet Union is a weighty con-
tribution to peace which the enemies of peace cannot dis-
regard. I propose a toast to the further development of
friendship and co-operation between India and the So-
viet Union, to the health of Prime Minister of India Jawa-
harlal Nehru. (Applause.)
SPEECH BY JAWAHAR;AL NEHRU
When I visited the Soviet Union six months ago, I had
the honour not only of meeting you and your colleagues,
but to a certain extent of establishing contact with the
peoples of the Soviet Union. I have learned that the Soviet
people are exceptionally friendly and hospitable. I felt
great sympathy for them and that is why I said at my de-
parture that I was leaving a part of my heart in the Soviet
Union. (Applause.) I believe that friendship always evokes
friendship, and that is why the friendship which was dis-
played towards us by the Soviet people aroused in its sen-
timents of exceptional sympathy for them.
During- your stay in India you have met a great number
of people from different social strata, and I think you
were warmly and cordially received everywhere you went.
I love my people, .and naturally I am biassed Sin. its favour,
but I think that you also liked our people. Thus, through
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friendship we have opened a way to mutual understanding,
to friendship not only between individual persons, but
between the peoples.
We are always ready to expand this area of understand-
ing and confidence in each other. (Applause.) You say you
have often heard from the people of our country that the
Soviet and the Indian peoples are brothers. This is not
only a slogan, it is actually so in reality. There is an old
Indian saying that all the peoples of the world are brothers.
But to our regret, suspicion, fear and mistrust still poison
relations between nations. These relations will develop if
we succeed in removing those fears and suspicions.
I am very happy that if there was certain misunderstand-
ing between our peoples, it has disappeared as a result
of my visit to the Soviet Union and still more as a result
of your visit to India. We now look confidently forward to
the extension of the sphere of our co-operation not only for
our mutual benefit, but in the interests of insuring world
peace. Both you and we will whole-heartedly devote ourselves
to this great cause. Peace is indivisible, and that is why
we must strive for it everywhere, so that the violation of
peace in one place will not affect the preservation of univer-
sal peace.
I hope that you will convey to your people our greetings
and best wishes. Tell them what you have seen, because
an eye-witness of friendship is better than any words. Millions
of people in India who were very happy to see you will
preserve for ever the good memories of your visit.
I hope that your visit to India is not the last, but only
the first visit. We shall be always happy to receive you
here. And next time our people will welcome you as good
old friends.
(In conclusion Mr. Nehru proposed a toast to the health
of N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov.)
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SPEECH BY N. A. BULGANIN
OVER ALL-INDIA RADIO
December 13
Dear friends,
I am very grateful for this opportunity to speak over the
Indian radio.
Tomorrow we leave hospitable India, carrying away
with us many fond and indelible memories of your country
and your people. We shall never forget our friendly meet-
ings with the people, or the hearty welcome they gave us.
We visited many towns and districts during our stay in
India. We went to construction projects and factories in
Bombay, Calcutta, Bangalore, Madras and Sindri, we saw
centres of agricultural reconstruction, a number of scien-
tific institutions, and wonderful gems of ancient architec-
ture. We also acquainted ourselves with the life and work
of your multi-national people, and with their art.
What made the biggest and most unforgettable impres-
sion on us was the people, their enthusiasm and energy,
their buoyant youth, their talent and industry, their un-
swerving desire for peace and co-operation with all peace-
loving nations. Everywhere we went, the Indian people met
us with hospitality and cordiality. We saw, everywhere, an
expression of sincere and ardent friendship for the peoples
of the Soviet Union.
We have visited your country at a very important time
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In its history, when, after a long period of colonial oppres-
sion, the Indian people have gained the right to shape their
own destiny.
In her few years of political freedom India has made great
progress. India now plays a big role in the settlement of
major international problems.
As we have seen for ourselves, the Indian people also
have registered big achievements in advancing their economy,
in industrial development.
The friendly relations established between our countries
make it possible to promote all-round economic, scien-
tific and cultural co-operation. We are always ready to
share our scientific and technical experience, our experience
in construction, should India require it.
Our visit to India has helped to reach agreement on a
number of major problems pertaining to the continued
expansion of economic, scientific and technical co-operation
between our countries. It has enabled us to continue our
talks with Mr. Nehru, the Prime Minister, and to establish
contact with other leaders of the Indian state. This personal
contact has reaffirmed that our countries have a common
aim: to live in friendship, to preserve and consolidate world
peace, to promote among the nations confidence in their
morrow.
You well know that the relations between the Soviet
Union and the Republic of India are built on a solid and
reliable basis, on the Five Principles, Panch Shila.
The Soviet Union steadfastly adheres to the Leninist
principles of respect for the territorial integrity and sover-
eignty of other states and non-interference in their inter-
nal affairs.
The relations between the Soviet Union and India are a
graphic example of friendship and co-operation between
states with different political systems.
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Our exchange of views with Mr. Nehru and a number of
other Indian government leaders has shown that the Govern-
ment of the Soviet Union and the Government of India have
full understanding on all questions of Soviet-Indian re-
lations, and also that their opinions concur on many major
international problems. We are confident that the good-
neighbourly relations and friendship between our countries
will grow and strengthen. This will exercise a beneficial
influence both on the development of our countries and on
the consolidation of world peace.
In conclusion, I should like to note the exceptionally
warm welcome given us in India, in every town and dis- '
trict we visited. I should like once again to thank your Gov-
ernment, and Prime Minister Nehru personally, who did
everything to make our stay in your country as pleasant
.and useful as possible.
I should like also to thank the governments and authori-
ties in the states and cities we visited for the splendid or-
ganization of our tour and for their warm welcome.
I also express our sincere gratitude to the public organi-
zations and citizens who warmly welcomed us and sent us
sincere, heartfelt greetings. I deeply regret that time did
not permit us to answer all the friendly invitations and
greetings.
Once again my hearty thanks to you, our dear friends.
Good-byel
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SPEECH BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
OVER ALL-INDIA RADIO
December 13
Our dear friends,
Citizens and citizenesses of the Republic of India,
We have been in your country for more than three weeks,
during which we have visited many states, towns and vil-
lages, acquainting ourselves with India's splendid people
and her rich and ancient culture.
We were deeply moved and touched by the friendly and
most heartfelt reception given us, as representatives of
the Soviet Union, both by the leaders of the Republic of
India and by her people. This is something we shall never
forget.
We had known of the Indian people's friendly feelings
for the Soviet Union, but what we have seen and felt here
surpassed all our expectations. They were indescribable
meetings; it is hard to find words to express the feelings
that welled up in our hearts.
In all the towns and villages we visited we heard and
read mottoes of welcome in honour of the friendship between
India and the Soviet Union. And most frequently of all
we heard those simple words, coming straight from the
heart, "Hindi Rusi bha'i bha'il"
These words particularly moved us, for they fully express
our feelings as well, the feelings of the peoples of the Soviet
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Union towards the peoples of India. Yes, our peoples
are brothers, brothers always, in easy times and in hard
times.
The friendship between our peoples is a great, historic
gain. It should be prized and strengthened to the utmost,
for it is to the benefit of both our peoples.
We are eager to promote to the utmost the historical
friendship between our countries which is growing stronger
all the time. We realize, however, that to uphold universal
peace friendship must be promoted not only with one
nation, even though a great one, but with all nations. It
is essential that friendship among all the nations of
the world should constantly grow and broaden. This is
what the peace-loving peoples of all countries and conti-
nents so sincerely and fervently desire. And we shall con-
tribute in every way to that great and noble goal.
We hope that the development of friendly relations. be-
tween India and the Soviet Union will serve the cause of
continued peace throughout the world and the develop-
ment of our countries.
Industrial development is essential for the swift advance-
ment of your country's economy. Without one's own
national industry it is impossible to assure genuine state
independence. We know that well from our own experience.
We have visited a number of Indian national factories
and mills, including large industrial establishments, and
the construction sites of hydro-electric stations. With
what pride our Indian friends showed us all that!
We understand this pride, for in those establishments
one can see the contours of India's future powerful industry,
bulwark of her independence, of her national might.
In -order to build :such an industry you need your own,
national cadres, particularly cadres of engineers and tech-
nicians. These cadres are growing in your country. We
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saw young engineers and technicians, skilled' builders,
who have sprung from the ranks of India's intellec ials.
They are burning with a desire to work for the welfare of
their country.
But in order that you should have more such people
we are ready to share with you our knowledge and the ex-
perience we have accumulated, so that your country might
accomplish the complex and difficult task of building
your own industry more quickly than our country did.
The reason we say this to you is not because we want
to tell you what to do. No, we want to give the people of
India, the Republic of India disinterested aid because
we wish the free and sovereign Republic of India to develop
and grow ? stronger.
The Soviet Union and India are following different
paths of development. Our stand has always been that a
country's path of development is exclusively an internal
matter for its peoples.
Our relations with other states are based on the Five
Principles, which are now shared by many countries. Peace-
ful co-existence of states with different social systems is
now an indisputable fact.
During our stay in India we have received a great number
of warm greetings and invitations to visit many Indian
towns and districts. We regret that the comparative brief-
ness of our stay in your country prevented us from accept-
ing them all. I should therefore like to take advantage of
this occasion to thank all our friends in India-all those
we met and those we regrettably were unable to meet-for
their friendly words of welcome and their kind wishes.
We shall be glad to have any number of our Indian friends
visit our own country. Visit us, see how we live and work,
acquaint yourselves with our experience. You will always
meet with a most cordial reception from our people. Mutual
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exchange of delegations will promote a further consolidation
of the friendship between our peoples.
Once again we express our gratitude to the Prime Min-
ister of India, Mr. Nehru, and to the Government of India
for' the honour of visiting your splendid country, for' the
opportunity to see for ourselves your country and your
industrious and talented people.
Good-bye, dear friends, until new friendly meetings!
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MEETING
OF N. A. BULGANIN
AND N. S. IIHRUSHCHOV
WITH INDIAN M.P: S,
MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENTARY
ASSOCIATION
FOR PROMOTION OF HINDI LANGUAGE
December 13
SPEECH BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOY
Dear friends,
Allow me to thank you with all my heart on my own
behalf and on behalf of Nikolai Alexandrovich Bulganin
for your warm and heartfelt reception. We greet your
association and consider its work to be highly useful and
fruitful for the Indian people and their cultural advance-
ment.
I must tell you frankly that before we came to your
country we did not know it well enough. And we felt this
most keenly when we arrived here. Our stay in India, brief
as it has been, has helped us to fill in this gap to a consid-
erable extent.
N. A. Bulganin and I have discussed the question of doing
everything possible on returning from India so that Soviet
people might have greater opportunities to learn the Indian
languages, Hindi in the first place, and we promise you that
we shall do this.
In order to know one another better, in order fully to de-
velop economic and cultural ties between our countries, it
is important to have direct contact, and a third language
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as a means of communication between our two great peoples
can hardly be.acceptable for long. We shall see to it that
an educational institution is opened in our country in
which our best and most gifted youth could learn Hindi
and other Indian languages. This will help to promote
still better understanding between our peoples and make
it possible for us to know one another better.
The British and American newspaper correspondents have
been greatly annoyed with N. A. Bulganin and myself for
our public speeches in your country and in Burma opposing
the colonial regime. - They have no cause for offence. I do
not think that there is anything in what we have said against
colonialism that could cause antagonism between peoples.
Our speeches must be understood as a denunciation of co-
lonial robbery and the colonial order. If some people do not
like what we said, that is purely a matter for their own con-
science, but we are against colonialism and we shall contin-
ue to say so always and everywhere.
We have no wish to incite anyone against the United States
of America and Britain, nor do we intend to quarrel with
them ourselves. The Soviet Union wants to live in friendship
with those countries. But that does not mean that we should
hide the truth, that we should tell everyone, including the
advocates of the colonial regime, only what they want
to hear. Can we say that the centuries of British rule in
India have been of benefit to the Indian people? We could
never say such a thing. It would be a crime to say that.
We speak of colonialism as an historical fact. I am sur-
prised that our statements against colonialism, especially
against the continuation of the colonial domination by Portu-
gal of Goa and other Portuguese possessions on Indian territo-
ry have prompted certain statesmen in the United States to
come out in support of the Portuguese colonialists, on the
grounds that these possessions have been held by Portugal
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for nearly 400 years. No matter how many years have passed,
stolen property remains stolen property and should be
returned to its rightful owner. Stolen property ought to be re-
turned and, what is more, with interest. That is, of course,
if one has a conscience. (Stormy applause.)
I should like to dwell on one other question. If I am not
mistaken, the population of the Republic of India is 370
million. India thus has the second largest population in the
world after China. This makes India one of the most power-
ful states on earth. (Applause.) The literature and art of
the Indian people are on a very high level. India is one of
the most ancient seats of world civilization. The talent
of the Indian.people and their cultural level are reflected in
the many historical monuments which one can find in any
corner of India. Many of these structures were erected sev-
eral thousand years ago. All this testifies to the greatness of
India and her people. But hitherto India has not officially
been considered one of the great world powers. It is custom-
ary to count among the Great Powers the Soviet Union,
the United States, Britain, France and China. For that
matter, some Western politicians would like to deprive
China too of the right to be considered a Great Power. Ab-
surd as it is, in speaking of China they usually imply the
Chiang Kai-shek clique entrenched on Taiwan Island. And
so, the five countries I mentioned are considered Great Pow-
ers. Looking at it objectively, however, the question natu-
rally arises: why is India not considered a great country?
Evidently because the colonialists want to belittle your
country and your people. To recognize India as a Great Power
would mean altering their position. But we believe that
India is a Great Power and that she ought to rank among
the leading Great Powers of the world. (Stormy applause.)
Here is something else I should like to say. N. A. Bulganin
and myself are being accused by some people of setting the
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East in opposition to the West.71at, of course, is a downright
invention. Our country represents both Europe and Asia.
We have always been against setting any part of the world
in opposition to another, against the domination of any con-
tinent by another. (Applause.)
We want all nations to be independent and to develop
as they wish; we want them to promote their economy and
culture in every way and to live in peace and friendship.
(Applause.)
We wish you success. We, for our part, will do everything
in our power that the* friendship between our peoples, be-
tween our two countries, may grow stronger and flourish.
(Stormy applause.)
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PRESS CONFERENCE GIVEN
BY N. A. BULGANIN
AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
IN DELHI
Decerynber 14
On December 14 N. A. Bulganin, Chairman of the
U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers, and N. S. Khrushchov,
Member of the Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet,
held a press conference for Indian, Soviet and other corre-
spondents in Delhi. More than 150 journalists representing
leading Indian, Soviet and other agencies and newspapers
were present.
N. A. Bulganin made the following statement.
STATEMENT AT PRESS CONFERENCE
We came to India on a visit of friendship at the invita-
tion of the Indian Government. Our visit to India, like
the friendly visit to the U.S.S.R. of Mr. Nehru last June,
is of major significance for the further improvement of the
friendly relations between our countries and for world peace.
You already know of the Joint Soviet-Indian Declaration
signed yesterday which sets forth the views of the states-
men of the Soviet Union and India on the most important
aspects of the relations between the two countries, and on
cardinal international issues. This declaration is not only
highly important in strengthening further the friendly
relations between the Soviet Union and India; it is of great
international significance as well.
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During our stay in India we have visited a number of
towns and regions, big construction projects, industrial
enterprises in Bombay, Calcutta, Bangalore, and Madras,
agricultural reconstruction centres and scientific institu-
tions, and have seen some remarkable monuments of ancient
architecture. We have acquainted ourselves with the life
and activities of the multi-national Indian people, with
the progress they have made during the years of independ-
ence, and have formed some idea of the vast natural re-
sources and the potentialities of India. We have been most
profoundly and unforgettably impressed by the great In-
dian people, their buoyant children and youth, their talent
and industry, their unswerving desire for peace and friendly
co-operation with all countries. Wherever we went, we met
with the hospitality and cordiality of the Indian people,
evidence of their deep regard and friendship for the peoples
of the Soviet Union.
We were also greatly impressed by what the Indian people
are doing to develop their national economy, especially
their efforts to advance industry, which is the foundation
of economic progress, the prime guarantee of the independ-
ence of any country. The construction undertakings in
the Damodar Valley and at Bhakra-Nangal, the projected
construction of iron and steel mills, and the drafting of a
new five-year plan are undoubtedly important measures
undertaken by the Indian Government for the development
of the country's economy.
India has all the conditions for the successful development
of her national economy: vast natural resources, huge areas
of fertile land and, what is most important, the inexhaustible
creative forces of the talented and hard-working Indian
people, who have built undying cultural monuments in
the course of their long history. We Soviet people, who have
some experience in economic planning, have formed the
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opinion that India, with her present striving for economic
development and for the full utilization of her material
resources and manpower, will be able in a short time substan-
tially to increase agricultural and industrial production
and thereby considerably raise the living standards of her
people.
The friendly relations that have been established between
our peoples create favourable conditions for close economic,
scientific and cultural co-operation between our two coun-
tries. The Soviet Union, as we have already said, is prepared
to share its experience in the sphere of science and engi-
neering on mutually advantageous conditions, to share its
experience in economic planning and the construction of
industrial enterprises and hydro-technical installations.
It would also be glad to learn from the experience which
the Indian people have accumulated in various branches
of economy, science and culture. We believe that the expan-
sion of cultural ties between India and the Soviet Union
will serve to strengthen the bonds of friendship between
our countries. We are happy to note that as a result of our
visit to India and the talks we have had with Mr. Nehru
and other Indian leaders agreement has been reached on a
number of important questions connected with the further
expansion of economic co-operation between tha Soviet
Union and India.
Our stay in India has left us with the firm conviction
that the people of India are resolutely striving for peace
and are ready to work vigorously for the maintenance and
consolidation of peace. India is playing an increasingly
important role in deciding international problems and
establishing friendly relations between states. There is
not a single serious problem in Asia-and not only in
Asia-that can be settled today without the participation
of India and the Chinese People's Republic. A striking
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example of the active and fruitful participation of India
and the Chinese People's Republic in settling international
issues is the part they played in bringing about the ter-
mination of the war in Indo-China, and also their active
participation in the work of the Bandung Conference, which
played an outstanding role in reducing international ten-
sion and promoting co-operation among the Asian and Afri-
can countries.
The Soviet Union and India are building and will con-
tinue to build their relations on the basis of the famous
Five Principles of peaceful co-existence, inasmuch as these
principles accord with the interests of all peace-loving na-
tions, the interests of peace. These principles fully conform
to the foreign policy which the Soviet Government has pur-
sued ever since the inception of the Soviet state. They have
already been endorsed by a number of countries and formed
the basis of the decisions of the Bandung Conference. The
acceptance of these principles by all other countries, includ-
ing the United States, Britain and France, would be an
important step towards further relaxation of international
tension and the establishment of the necessary confidence
among nations. As for the Soviet Union, it always has pur-
sued and will pursue 'a policy of peace and respect for the
sovereign rights of nations, a policy of non-aggression, equal-
ity ' and mutual benefit, non-interference in the internal
affairs of other states,. a policy of. peaceful co-existence of
states with different social and political systems. This pol-
icy is determined by the very, nature of the Soviet state Iwhich
has invariably and consistently: pursued a policy; of -peace.
We all know that there are * many very pressing Far
Eastern problems that still await solution. For one thing,
the Indo-China problem can be fully and finally settled
only on the basis of the decisions of the Geneva Conference
on Indo-China. There must be no.lurther delay in settling
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the important question of granting the Chinese People's
Republic its rightful place in the United Nations, the ques-
tion of Taiwan and the other coastal islands-inalienable
parts of C.P.R.'s territory-in accordance with the na-
tional rights of the Chinese people.
The Government of the Soviet Union has always been
opposed to the organization of diverse military blocs in
various parts of the world and to the creation of military
bases on the territories of other states, inasmuch as the
setting up of such blocs and bases constitutes a serious
threat to peace and raises additional obstacles to the reduc-
tion of international tension and the consolidation of
peace. We believe that genuine -security of the nations can
be ensured not by setting up military blocs, but by the
joint, collective efforts of states aimed at strengthening
peace. It is this that prompted the Soviet Government to
submit its proposal to establish a system of collective se-
curity in Europe.
The present arms drive and the continued production
and stockpiling of atomic and hydrogen weapons are a dan-
ger to peace and weigh heavily on the shoulders of the work-
ing people, who bear all the burden of military expendi-
ture. We know that reduction of armaments, the full and
unconditional prohibition of atomic and hydrogen weapons
are an urgent task confronting the states at the present time,
and primarily the Great Powers. Until agreement is reached
on this score, the Soviet Union will naturally be obliged to
continue to concern itself with strengthening its own de-
fence capacity and to produce atomic and hydrogen weap-
ons. Under the circumstances we have no alternative.
We take leave of the hospitable land of India, filled with
gratitude to the Indian people, their Government and the
administration of the states we visited for the exception-
ally warm reception we were accorded everywhere. This
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hospitable reception is evidence of the genuinely friendly
feelings the Indian people cherish for the peoples of the
Soviet Union. We assure our Indian friends that our Soviet
people cherish the same warm feelings for the great people
of India. We take this opportunity to convey hearty frater-
nal greetings to all the people of India from the people of
the Soviet Union.
We trust that the friendship and co-operation between
our two countries will continue steadily to grow stronger
and broader to the benefit of our peoples and in the inter-
ests of world peace.
Summing up the results of our tour and the impressions
we carry away with us, I should like to dwell on two more
questions which, for reasons we well understand, deeply
affect the Indian people. We refer to the question of the
Indian territory of Goa, unlawfully held by Portugal, and
the so-called Kashmir problem..
In our public speeches in the course of our tour we have
stated the position, of the Soviet Union on these questions.
The Soviet Union resolutely advocates the abolition of
the remnants of the moribund colonial system. It be-
lieves that the peoples inhabiting territories unlawfully
seized and brutally exploited for many decades by colonial-
ists must themselves decide their own destinies.
It is common knowledge that Goa is Indian territory.
Everyone knows that the population of that territory is
bound by inseparable ties of kinship with their Indian moth-
erland and cannot endure to be severed from her. We are
convinced that this question will be settled in favour of
the Indian people whether the colonialists want it or not.
The colonialists will have to get out of territory that does
not belong to them.
As for Kashmir, during our visit there we saw how great-
ly the Kashmirians rejoice in their national liberation,
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regarding their territory as an integral part of the Republic
of India. And we are deeply convinced that the people of
Kashmir will solve all their problems without outside
interference. That question will be decided according to the
wishes of the peoples of Kashmir themselves.
We believe that this statement will provide the answer
to the many questions we have received yesterday and to-
day from journalists. There were a great many of these
questions. They could be divided into several groups.
Firstly, many of you are interested in a number of con-
crete aspects of Soviet-Indian economic co-operation, in
the prospects of this co-operation, the spheres of economy it
will extend to, etc. To this we may say that we are nego-
tiating on this score with the Government of India at the
present time. The initial results of these negotiations are
known to you from the Joint Indo-Soviet Communique
signed yesterday concerning economic relations between
India and the U.S.S.R. We may also declare that there
exist good grounds for the development of our economic
relations on the basis of mutual respect and mutual ben-
efit.
Secondly, many non-Indian journalists are asking with
assumed alarm whether the U.S.S.R. intends to make the
strengthening and development of its friendly relations
with India conditional on India's rejection of business
co-operation with the United States and other Western
countries. Only those who are interested in sowing dis-
trust between India and the Soviet Union could put the
question thus. We have said and we repeat that we are for
peaceful co-operation and friendship with all countries,
the United States, Britain and France included. The fear
that Indo-Soviet friendship might jeopardize the relations
of India or the Soviet Union with other states is utterly
groundless.
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Thirdly, many correspondents want to know what are the
further prospects of international relations. Some of them
express concern at .the fact that certain circles-which
circles, you know yourselves-have begun to assert that
the Geneva spirit is dead, that the time has come to renew
the "cold war" at full force, and so on.
You see yourselves that there are some who are trying
to return to the "cold war" in connection with our visit
to India and Burma and our forthcoming visit to Afghani-
stan. The things your irresponsible colleagues have been
writing about our speeches! The garbled accounts they have
given of them! But we Soviet people,do not suffer from a
lack of sang-froid. Abuse gets one nowhere. We calmly ig-
nore such outpourings. "Dirt doesn't stick to the clean,"
as the saying goes.
As regards the substance of this question, we believe
that the spirit of Geneva, which arose as a result of the
fruitful meeting of the Heads of the Four Great Powers
in Geneva last summer, has played a. beneficent role and
cannot be buried. We are for continuing and deepening in-
ternational co-operation, for peaceful co-existence of all
countries. And if the recent conference of the Foreign Min-
isters of the Four Powers in Geneva did not yield the
results which the nations of the world expected of it, that,
as we have said, was only because the situation was evi-
dently not yet ripe. It shows that some Powers have not
yet abandoned the "position of strength" policy long
.since- condemned. It must be said with all firmness that so
-long as .this position is adhered to, negotiations cannot
yield any results.
At any rate the Soviet delegation at the Geneva Confer-
ence, as you know, submitted a good number of important
and practicable proposals on the questions of collective
security, reduction of armaments and prohibition of atomic
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weapons, expansion of international contacts, etc. It is
therefore not our fault if no agreement has yet been reached.
We shall continue to spare no effort for the settlement of
these vital issues.
In the same connection many correspondents ask whether
the time has not come to call a new conference of the Heads
of the Great Powers, after the pattern of the Geneva Con-
ference, to discuss the most important of the Far Eastern
problems. We believe that this idea is worth supporting.
Of course, such a conference could produce favourable
results only if all its participants cast aside the notorious
"positions of strength" policy in examining the questions
at issue. It goes without saying that the Chinese Peo-
ple's Republic and India should take part in such a con-
ference.
We have received many questions concerning disarmament.
We do not think it necessary to give once again a detailed
exposition of our position on this question. It is sufficiently
well known to you. The Soviet proposals on disarmament,
submitted this year to the United Nations, open the way
to a speedy and effective solution of the problem. And were
it not for the sudden change in the position of the United
States, which unexpectedly went back on its own earlier
proposals, the solution of these problems might have been
in sight. Some correspondents put the question thus: would
the Soviet Union not agree to unilaterally reduce its own
armaments to set an example to its Western partners?
We think you will agree that this is hardly a serious
approach to the question.
How can the Soviet Union agree to unilateral disarma-
ment at a time when our partners in the negotiations not
only evince no intention of reducing their own armed forces,
but, on the contrary, declare openly that they intend to
build up their armaments still more? Under these circum-
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stances, to undertake unilateral disarmament would be stu-
pid and harmful not only for the Soviet Union but for all
the peace-loving nations.
We are for disarmament on the clear and definite con-
dition that our partners agree to disarm with us. We are
for prohibiting atomic and hydrogen weapons if our part-
ners are prepared to do this simultaneously with us. We
are for establishing strict international control over the
carrying out of these measures provided there is a realistic
approach to the solution of this task.
The fourth group of questions concerns the internal
affairs of the Soviet Union. We appreciate the interest
shown by Indian public opinion in the life of our country.
In this connection we would be glad to see the Indian press
represented by permanent correspondents in Moscow, as
some of you have suggested here. We do not think it would
be hard to solve the technical problems which are said to
complicate the presence of permanent Indian correspond-
ents in the U.S,S.R. at the present time. Judging by
the questions put to us, India, like a number of other for-
eign countries, still lacks objective information about our
life, about the specific aspects of our economic, social and
political system.
For instance, it is asked: why is there only one party in
the U.S.S.R.? This question evidently springs from a
-lack of understanding of the fundamentals of our socialist
society.
As you know, it is in the nature of the bourgeois class
state to have many parties; parties reflect and uphold the
interests of their respective classes, and each class naturally
has a party of its own. In the Soviet Union, as a result
of the victory of socialism, an entirely new, socialist society
has been established, in which there are no antagonistic
classes, no groups whose interests might clash and conflict.
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Today we have a homogeneous society, a society which is
strong by virtue of its unity and solidarity.
Pre-revolutionary, tsarist Russia had many parties.
There was a party of the capitalists, a party of the land-
lords, a kulak party which ambitiously called itself the
Socialist-Revolutionary Party, and a party of the working
class, the Bolshevik Party, founded by the great Lenin.
This party was able to rally the working class to the strug-
gle against the capitalists and landlords, against the tsar-
ist regime. It was able to secure the alliance of the working
class and the peasantry. This Party was able to win to the
side of the working class the progressive intelligentsia, and
under its leadership the Great October Socialist Revolution
was carried out, the exploiting classes were defeated and
abolished, and a new, socialist society was built. Now the
Soviet people are successfully building a communist society.
Whom could a party of capitalists and landlords represent
today in the Soviet Union? We have no capitalists or land-
lords, and hence the question of having such a party cannot
even arise. Whom could a kulak party represent today in our
country? With the establishment of the collective-farm sys-
tem, we put an end for ever to the old economic system in
the countryside which daily and hourly gave rise to capital-
ism. Our young people today know about the kulaks only
from books and from the accounts of people of the older
generation.
Soviet society is a society of working people, of the
workers, peasants and working intellectuals. As has been
recorded in the Constitution of the U.S.S.R., the Commu-
nist Party is the vanguard of the working people in their
struggle for the construction of a communist society, the
leading force of all the working people's organizations, both
public and state.
Such is our society aitd such our system. We do not seek
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to impose it upon anyone, but, frankly speaking, we believe
that it is the best system. There are people who try to make
it appear as if the spread of communist ideas all over the
world is the result of some sort of intrigues on the part of
the U.S.S.R., yet everybody knows that long before the
October Revolution communism existed in Europe and the
communist doctrine founded by Marx and Engels had struck
root in the toiling masses.
In this connection we would like to dwell also on another
question put to us by some correspondents-concerning
the Information Bureau of Communist Parties, or Comin-
form, as it is sometimes called. The activities of this organ-
ization to which the Communist Parties of a number of
European countries belong and whose aim it is to exchange
information and experience in the struggle of the working
class for emancipation, worry all those who would like to
perpetuate the old system of exploitation of man by man,
which has outlived its time.
Sometimes the question is put thus: Is there no way of
abolishing the Cominform? But, after all, why should the
Communist Parties deprive themselves of this generally
accepted form of international contact and co-operation?
Why, for instance, do those who seek the abolition of the
Cominform not object to the activities of the Socialist
International, which unites the Social-Democratic Parties?
Why should they consider it natural and legitimate for
capitalists to unite in international monopoly combines and
meet regularly in order jointly to transact their business,
while denying the working class the right to give effect to
the great slogan of international solidarity, "Workers of
all countries, unite!" proclaimed by Marx and Engels and
corresponding to the vital interests of all the working people?
We have always stood and always will stand for the
strengthening and development of international co-operation
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of the working class in defence of the vital interests of all
working people, and in the struggle for peace.
The Communist Parties, which stand guard over the
interests of the working class and all working people, fol-
low the most progressive and humane of all teachings-
the teaching of Marxism-Leninism, the application of which
in the Soviet Union, the Chinese People's Republic and the
People's Democracies has so brilliantly proved its worth.
This teaching is spreading more and more over the whole
world. We are against any "export of revolution," as Lenin
said, for to speak of anything of the kind would be unscien-
tific. Progressive ideas inevitably make their own way and
triumph over old, outdated ideas. Thus it has always been,
thus it will be in the development of human society.
Such are the remarks we wished to make in connection
with your questions.
Allow me in conclusion to thank you for your attention.
Good-bye.
At the close of the press conference N. S. Khrushchov
thanked the Indian journalists for their impartial and
truthful reporting of the visit of N. A. Bulganin and N. S.
Khrushchov to India, and observed that such unbiassed
reporting serves to strengthen friendly relations between
India and the Soviet Union.
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DEPARTURE
OF N. A. BULGANIN AND N. S. HHRUSHCHOY
FROM INDIA
December 14
SPEECH BY N. A. BULGANIN AT PALAM AIRFIELD
Mr. Prime Minister, friends,
The time has come for us to leave your hospitable land.
We have seen and learned a great many fine things dur-
ing our tour of India. It is hard to describe the wealth of
impressions we have obtained in the course of our eventful
visit. Most unforgettable of all were our meetings with the
people of India, who gave such a sincere expression of their
friendly feelings for the Soviet Union. We shall tenderly
cherish these friendly feelings in our hearts.
In the course of our visit we have seen something of
India's past, the unforgettable monuments of your ancient
culture, created by the skilled hands of Indian craftsmen.
We have seen your present too-your towns and rural
localities, and the efforts which the people and the Govern-
ment of India are devoting to the development of your in-
dustry and agriculture.
We wish you success with all our heart.
The most important result of our visit to India is that it
will strengthen and promote still further the. friendship
between our nations. The friendship of the Indian and So-
viet peoples is a great historical achievement.
Personal contact between our Governments, which began
with the visit of Prime Minister Nehru to the Soviet Union,
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has been deepened and consolidated by our visit to India.
During our stay here we have had extremely useful talks
with Mr. Nehru and other members of the Government of
the Republic of India. These talks were conducted in an
atmosphere of cordiality and friendship.
The Joint Declaration which was signed yesterday is a
document of great historical significance. It is an important
contribution to the cause of peace.
Permit me to express to you, Mr. Prime Minister, and to
the Government of India and all the Indian people our most
profound gratitude for your hospitality and your affection
for us.
Long live Indian-Soviet friendship!
Good-bye!
Namastel
SPEECH BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOti
Dear friends,
In a few minutes we shall leave the capital of the country
of the great Indian people.
The reception we have been accorded by the Government
and the people of India has been exceptionally warm and
cordial. I wish once again to express my gratitude and ap-
preciation to the esteemed Prime Minister of India, Mr.
Nehru, the President of the Republic of India, Mr. Prasad,
the Government of India and the great Indian people for
the courtesy and kindness shown us throughout our stay in
India.
In the course of our visits to the different towns and
states of India we constantly heard many kind, ardent words
about the friendship between our peoples. This friendship
will continue to grow ever stronger, for it is surely one of
the sources of strength for world peace.
We are happy that our visit to the Republic of India
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has served this noble cause. But our trip and our talks with
the leaders of India would not have yielded such tangible
and valuable results had we not met with the necessary un-
derstanding on the part of our Indian friends.
The identity of the views of India and the Soviet Union
on the further strengthening of friendship between our two
countries and on major international issues has found ex-
pression in the Joint Soviet-Indian Declaration signed yester-
day. Dear friends, when Mr. Nehru, on the termination of
his tour of the Soviet Union, took leave of our country and
its people he said that he had left a part of his heart in our
country. And now as we take leave of you, of the great
people of India, 1 realize how true are these simple but
profound words. Part of my heart, too, will remain here in
India. And in my heart there has grown and become
firmly rooted an ardent love for India and her people. We
are happy to have gained so many great, good friends here;
we are happy that the friendship between our two countries
has become stronger than ever.
. Never has the friendship of our peoples and countries been
darkened by enmity or conflict. And we are deeply convinced
that it never will be. We shall do everything in our power
to foster the friendship between the peoples of our coun-
tries so that it may be eternal and unbreakable.
Good-bye, dear friends! Till we meet again!
Namaste/
The speeches by N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov were
repeatedly interrupted by stormy applause. Their conclud-
ing words were drowned in enthusiastic cheers of "Bulganin
and Khrushchov zindabad!" (Long live Bulganin and Khru-
shchov!), "Hindi Rusi bha'i bha'il" (Indians and Russians
are ,brothers!)
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SPEECH BY JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
"Eminent guests, dear friends,
"A short while ago Mr. Bulganin and Mr. Khrushchov first
set foot on Indian soil. Today these guests are leaving our
country. The last few days which they have spent here are
a great historic event, and many pages of our history will
be devoted to those days."
Nehru went on to say that India had entered a new stage
of her life. He said: "What is our goal? Our goal is to achieve
progress for our country and our common people, and to
live in friendship and harmony with others. World peace
is very essential, very important for the attainment of that
goal. It is also quite indispensable that our relations with the
great country which is our neighbour should be close rela-
tions based on friendship and co-operation."
Referring to the speeches made by N. A. Bulganin and
N. S. Khrushchov the day before, Nehru continued: "Yes-
terday you said that friendship between India and the So-
viet Union was not directed against any other country.
We wish to be friendly with each and every country, in
order that the range of our friendship may expand and
that co-operation and peace may prosper. What friendship
can there be if it envisages hostility to others? We must be
friendly with all, and we hold out our hand to all. For this
reason, our rapprochement with that great country-the So-
viet Union-is very important. But it does not imply that
we are moving away from any other country. That is not
so now, nor will it be so in the future. We have always de-
sired, and we desire now, co-operation between the countries
of the world with a view to promoting universal peace."
The Prime Minister further said that a free and frank
exchange of ideas was an important element of friendship
between India and the Soviet Union. "The importance of
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this friendship; he said, "lies In the fact that we respect
each other's ideas and methods, although sometimes we may
hold different views or go different ways. The cause of world
peace will be promoted if we show tolerance to each other
and strive for co-operation between all countries. Thus we
are setting an example of friendship with all countries,
using their experience and following our own course. This
is what Panch Shila stands for."
With reference to the Joint Declaration, Nehru said: "If
you read that document carefully you will see that it con-
tains nothing indicative of hostility towards anyone. It is
a document of friendship and co-operation between India
and the Soviet Union." He said that both India and the So-
viet Union desired peace all over the world and wanted to
march towards peace, that they desired major problems to
be settled by peaceful means. "Mr. Bulganin and Mr. Khru-
shchov have just described this document as a historic one.
It clearly marks a rapprochement between the two coun-
tries. This is a very important matter.
"During their tour," Nehru continued, "the Soviet leaders
have seen many old and new aspects of India. They have
looked into the hearts of millions of Indians." Addressing
N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov he said, "you had a
chance to get an idea not only of the old times but of the
desires of our people today and of the fact that we want to
see them fulfilled.
"On behalf of the Government of India, on my own be-
half, and on behalf of our people I thank the Soviet leaders
for having come here and voiced their friendship towards
the Indian people. I should also like to thank them for hav-
ing expressed their readiness to help us in various ways
and to promote friendship between our countries. The last
few days will be memorable not only to me. India will
likewise remember them long."
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In conclusion Mr. Nehru said: "I want you to take with
you a valuable thing-India's message of affection for
your people. go cBHuaHHf!"
* *
Nehru uttered the words go cBHuaHna (Good-bye) in
Russian. His warm farewell to the Soviet guests drew stormy
applause and cheers from those gathered to see them oj'.
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TELEGRAM
TO RAJENDRA PRASAD,
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDIA
Esteemed Mr. President,
We express once again our sincere gratitude to you for
the warm and heartfelt reception given us by you personally
and by the great people of India.
We wish good health to you and prosperity to the Repub-
lic of India.
N. BULGANIN
N. KHRUSHCHOY
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TELEGRAM
TO JAWAHARLAL NEHR U,
PRIME MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC
OF INDIA
As we cross the border of your country we express once
again our deep gratitude to you personally, esteemed Mr.
Nehru, to the Government of the Republic of India, and to
the entire Indian people for the warm and heartfelt recep-
tion given us.
It is our wish that the Republic of India should grow
stronger all the time, and that friendship between our
states, between our great peoples, should grow and expand.
N. BULGANIN
N. HHRUSHCHOY
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MESSAGE
OF JAWAHARLAL NEHRU,
PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA,
TO N. A. BULGANIN
AND N. S. KHR USHCHO V
I am deeply grateful to you for the message you sent me
while crossing the border of our country. Your tour of
India was a historic event which has left indelible impres-
sions in the minds of our people. We, who were in close con-
tact with you during your short stay here, are saddened by
your departure. We hope, however, that both, our personal
friendship and friendship between our states will grow and
bear rich fruit for the great cause of world peace and co-
operation.
I send you best wishes from my people and myself.
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RETURN
OF N. A. BULGANIN AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
TO MOSCOW
December 21
BALLY OF THE PEOPLE OF MOSCOW
SPEECH BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOY
Comrades, dear friends,
Allow me first of all to express our heartfelt thanks for
this exceptionally warm and stirring welcome.
We have returned home from our month's tour of three
friendly countries, India, Burma and Afghanistan, full of
memorable impressions. The biggest impression of all was
made on us by the tremendous love and sincerest respect
which the peoples of India, Burma and Afghanistan en-
tertain for our country, for the peoples of the Soviet Union.
We accepted the invitations of the respective Govern-
ments to visit India, Burma and Afghanistan because we
had a clear and simple aim: to strengthen still further the
friendship and co-operation that had been established be-
tween those countries and the Soviet Union.
We endeavoured to carry out this task with credit,
firmly convinced that strong friendship between the peoples
of our countries will benefit the nations and serve the cause
of world peace. I think it was a useful trip which will bring
positive results.
I lack words to express the heartiness, the enthusiasm,
we felt on the part of the great people of India. This was a
manifestation of the brotherly, exceptionally heartfelt love
of the peoples of India for the peoples of the Soviet Union.
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We were very warmly received by the Prime Minister
of Indian Mr. Nehru, and his colleagues.
In the cities of India, hundreds of thousands of people,
millions, in fact, came out to welcome us. And everywhere
we went we heard and read these simple words, coming
straight from the hearts of the Indian people:
"Friendship for ever!"
"Long live the friendship of the peoples of India and the
Soviet Union!"
"Russians and Indians are brothers!
That was the voice of the great people of India.
And we said to them: yes, we are brothers! Brothers not
only in days of peace but in hard times as well. We are
brothers in the struggle for a better future for mankind,
in the struggle for peace throughout the world!
In Burma and Afghanistan both the people and their
leaders met us with the same friendliness and hospitality. -
True, the meetings there were not so large as in India,
but there was the same ardent love of the peoples for the
Soviet Union, for our great Soviet people.
When we saw this brotherly love of the Asian peoples
for our country, we thought of Moscow, and in our mind's
eye there arose a picture of that great titan, the Soviet
people, a people of heroes, a people of builders. It is to
them, the Soviet people, that our country owes its great-
ness. It is they, the Soviet people, who, led by their Com-
munist Party, have raised our country to such a height and
transformed it from backward Russia into the most advanced
and mighty power in the world. It is they, the Soviet
people, who built socialism, thus embodying mankind's
dream in the life and affairs of our Homeland.
Our hearts overflowed with pride that we were sons of
the great Soviet people, its envoys and servants.
In our speeches in India, Burma and Afghanistan we
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exposed the criminal policy of the colonialists, whose
long years of rule in those countries caused the peoples tre-
mendous damage and greatly hindered their economic
development.
The peoples of India, Burma and Afghanistan approved
of what we said, for we spoke the truth.
But what furious hatred did our words draw from cer-
tain public figures in bourgeois countries, and particularly
from reactionary newspapers and magazines!
This hatred is fully understandable. The colonial system
Is collapsing. It has already gone bankrupt in Asia. In many
countries-the Korean People's Democratic Republic,
the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, the Republic
of India, the Union of Burma, and others-the people have
freed themselves from the colonial regime and are consoli-
dating their national independence.
This is to say nothing of our great friend 'and brother, the
Chinese people, who, under the leadership of their Commu-
nist Party, have expelled from their land for all time the
colonialists who tormented them. The Chinese people have
defeated their internal enemies, and firmly taken the path
of building socialism.
That is a blow from which the world system of colonial-
ism will never recover.
The colonial regimes are a disgrace to mankind today.
We have said that and we shall never stop reiterating it
as long as colonialists exist.
Comrades, dear friends, there are many things I should
like to tell you about our big and very eventful tour.
But that cannot be done in a single speech-a speech,
moreover, made when we have just arrived in Moscow.
We met all kinds of people, members of all classes.
The workers, peasants and intellectuals sincerely admire
our country's achievements and heartily endorse them.
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' successes, everybody, without
noting our country s samiration for the achieve-
In theix They spoke with approval of
eg08tgtioonf, exp the Scvie Pvolic~hy? of peace and the Soviet Govern-
m~ fo eserve and consolidate world peace.
Countr
In Indi3~ ngxilions, and also in the peoples of Burma
Afgbanistjm, we have allies in the struggle for world
peace.
India 1s a big anthe good Republic; Indeais
Soviet Union and
a convinced champion of peace.
And India, China and the Soviet Union, as Lenin taught
us, are an invincible force.
Comrades, our trip to India, Burma and Afghanistan took
place at a time when the entire Soviet.Land has been pre-
paring to meet the 20th Congress of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union in 'a worthy manner.
We approach the 20th Party Congress with big successes
both in the further consolidation of the Soviet socialist
state and in the strengthening of our country's international
position. But that does not give us any right to rest con-
tent.
Our task is to develop our national economy, and partic-
ularly its foundation, heavy industry, to the utmost, to
assure a continued advance in all brapches of agriculture,
to strengthen the friendship among ity the of all peoples
e members our
country and the moral and political
of our socialist society.
We are marching along the right road to our great goal:
the building of communism in our country.
Long live our great Communist Party, the inspirer and
organizer of all our victories)
Long live our Soviet .Homeland, bulwark of the peace
and security of national (Stormy applause.)
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SPE1C$ $y N. A. BULGANIN
Dear comrades,
Words cannot describe how happy W, A
loved Moscow again and to meet you, dear' to see our be-
I thank you deeply for this warm and.. ea t
Our tour, a splendid tour in all respecu as welcome
than a month. Of course, one month is not enough to gain
a good knowledge of India, Burma and Afghanistan, of all
aspects of life in these countries, particularly in such a great
country as India. For all that, we saw and learned much.
As you know, we visited the capitals of these countries,
Delhi, Rangoon and Kabul, and also many of the biggest
towns, industrial districts and construction projects,
agricultural establishments, and educational, medical and
research institutions. We met and talked with statesmen
and with members of various sections and classes of so-
ciety. We had meetings with the people, with millions of
ordinary people, with intellectuals, with workers in fac-
tory and field. They all expressed their warmest and most
sincere feelings towards us. They welcomed us as their dear-
est guests, as their best and closest friends, as brothers.
A feeling of great pride in our country welled up in our
hearts at the sight of the unforgettable enthusiasm with
which we, representatives of the Soviet people, were wel-
comed in the towns and villages.
Everywhere we went the people expressed their heart-
iest gratitude towards the Soviet Union for its foreign
policy of peace, for its policy of friendship and co-operation
among nations.
We saw that the enthusiasm and joy with which we were
met everywhere by the peoples of India, Burma and Afghani-
stan were an expression of friendship and love for the Soviet
Union, for the Soviet people who, under the leadership of
their Communist Party, have so glorified their country.
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We saw that the countries we visited are peace-loving
countries, that their peoples and governments desire peace-
ful co-operation will all states. That is the main thing
that draws us together, that creates the necessary condi-
tions for friendship and co-operation.
Peace is th atest, blessing the nations can have. And
friendship and co-operation between the peoples of the
Soviet Union and the peoples of India, Burma and Afghani-
stan are a great factor for .international peace.
Friendship and co-operation among the Soviet Union,
India, Burma and Afghanistan are a factor for peace which
the opponents of peace and co-operation among the nations
cannot help taking into account.
The five great principles' of peaceful co-existence and
co-operation-that is the basis on which we build our rela-
tions with countries having different social and political
systems. More and more states, as we see, are subscribing
to these principles.
Our friendship with. great India, with Burma and with
Afghanistan is a splendid example of the triumph of the
Leninist foreign policy principles of the Soviet state. It
is a great and historic gain.
Our trip showed us how very important personal con-
tacts among statesmen are for establishing mutual under-
standing and friendly relations, for all-round co-operation
and ties between countries. Our contacts with the leaders of
India, Burma and Afghanistan helped us to come to know one
another better, to bring out common view-points on major
international problems, and to find the right path to the
solution of questions pertaining to co-operation and relations.
You know from the press that a result of our visit to
India, Burma and. Afghanistan was the publication of
joint declarations. These historic documents mark a new
stage in the development of relations between the Soviet
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Union and each of those three . countries. Our common
striving for friendship and co-operation also led to good
results in the talks on extending commercial, economic,
cultural and other relations. These relations are based on
our unvarying principle of equality and mutual benefit.
We stand for such economic co-operation and relations as
do not involve any political conditions or obligations.
Our tour had such rich and beneficial results thanks to
the exceptional courtesy and hospitality shown us by the
esteemed Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, the
esteemed Prime Minister of Burma, U Nu, and the es-
teemed Prime Minister of Afghanistan, Mohammed Daoud.
I take advantage of this occasion to convey to them, again
and again, our heartfelt thanks.
And so, the most important result of our trip to great India,
to Burma and to Afghanistan was a further rapprochement
between the Soviet Union and these countries, a further de-
velopment of friendship and co-operation among our peoples.
Not everybody, however, likes that. Our tour and our
speeches, particularly the speeches by Nikita Sergeyevich
Khrushchov, aroused not only stormy approval from friends
but also stormy indignation from the reactionary press
and certain prominent public figures and statesmen in West-
ern countries, especially in Britain. Our only comment is:
they do not like our frank statements about their colonial
policy, they do not like our friendship with India, Burma
and Afghanistan, but we like this friendship very much and
it suits us very much. This friendship among nations has
strengthened the front of the peace-loving countries, has giv-
en it still greater unity. The front of the peace-loving coun-
tries has become stronger than ever. It will grow still strong-
er, and we are confident that it will triumph! (Applause.)
Long live friendship and co-operation among nations-the
greatest factor for world peace! (Applause and cheers.)
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REPORT
BY N. A. BULGANIN, CHAIRMAN OF THE
U.S.S.R.
COUNCIL OF MINISTERS,
ON THE VISIT TO INDIA, BURMA AND
AFGHANISTAN
DEUTERED AT FOURTH SESSION OF THE SUPREME SOVIET
OF THE U.S.S.R.
December 29, 195
Comrade Deputies, this session of the Supreme Soviet of
the U.S.S.R. is meeting in the closing days of 1955, a year
of important international developments that led to major
changes in the relations between states.
The outgoing year will go down in history as a year of
a definite change in the tension which has characterized the
international situation in recent times. No little credit for
this must be put down to the efforts of the Soviet Union
to guarantee peace and security of nations, to strengthen
confidence among nations, and to promote broad political,
gapoomic and cultural intercourse between countries, regard-
lesJ of their social and political systems.
For Soviet foreign policy, 1955 was a year of exceptionally
active and persistent efforts to consolidate peace, les-
sen international tension, and-extend co-operation between
nations and states. Nobody can now deny that the efforts
made by tie Soviet Union in this direction have been
crowned by notable achievement.
A big contribution to the promotion of peace was,
undoubtedly, the development of friendship and co-operation
between the Soviet Union and India, Burma and Afghani-
stan, countries which Comrade Khrushchov and I recently
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visited. This visit was a graphic manifestation of the
peaceful foreign policy of the Soviet state, end a fitting
conclusion of 1955, a year rich in important international
events. (Applause.)
The immediate result of our visit to India, :3urma and
Afghanistan was to strengthen and broaden the relations of
friendship and co-operation between the Soviet Union and
these countries, and to bring the Soviet people into closer
contact with the great people of India and the peoples of
Burma and Afghanistan. But its importance is not confined
to this.
The visit acquired tremendous international signifi-
cance, primarily because it reaffirmed the correctness of the
basic, Leninist principle of Soviet foreign policy, t.ie principle
of peaceful co-existence of countries with different social
and political systems. It demonstrated clearly a:id convinc-
ingly that this principle is a reliable basis for strengthen-
ing world peace and security and for promoting confidence
among states.
We know that the Asian countries, whose inhabitants
constitute more than half the population of the globe,
are becoming an increasingly important factor in the inter-
national affairs of our time. For centuries th -1 peoples of
many Asian countries had been, and some of thorn still are,
victims of harsh colonial oppression. Seeking; to justify
their policy and their domination over the Asian peoples,
the colonialists sought, and still seek, to port:?ay them as
backward peoples, culturally and socially. But i; should not
be forgotten that historically the development'A the Asian
peoples began long before the peoples of Europe entered the
arena of history. And if in recent centuries social and polit-
ical development in Asia was retarded and lagged behind,
this was the fault not of the Asian peoples, but of the colonial-
ists who established in the countries of Asia-and not only
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of Asia, but of Africa as well-a system of administration
based on violence, robbery and inhuman exploitation of
the people. This system is a source of fabulous wealth for
the colonialists, but for the oppressed peoples of Asia and
Africa it spells poverty and dire suffering.
This situation prevailed for a long time, but it could.not
last for ever. To all who had the slightest acquaintance with
the laws of social development, it was clear that a national-
liberation movement was bound to develop in the Asian
countries and would acquire ever greater dimensions. And
it did. The Asian peoples began to awaken and straighten
their backs. This great awakening was stimulated by the
Great October Socialist Revolution in our country, and by
the weakening of the colonial powers as a result of the two
world wars, especially the second.
Speaking of the countries of the East, our great teacher
Lenin said on more than one occasion that the masses of
these countries would inevitably rise to put an end to their
unequal position and become independent builders of a new
life. The time would come, Lenin said, when Asia's millions
would become an active factor in world history and take part
in shaping the destiny of mankind. That time has come.
Today we see that the colonial system is crumbling in Asia
and throughout the East.
The great Chinese people, led by the Communist Party of
China, are stepping out along the broad highway of nation-
al regeneration and independence, building a socialist
society in their country. The historic victory of the Chinese
people has tremendously influenced the whole situation in
Asia and the East generally. It has given a new impetus to
the -national-liberation movement of the colonial and de-
pendent peoples.
The colonial yoke has been thrown off by the people
of the great land of India and the people of Burma. Inspired
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by the urge to revive and- regenerate their countries, these
peoples have now entered a period of independent economic
and political development.
The path of freedom and independence has been taken
by Indonesia and other Eastern countries.
A movement for the consolidation of national independ-
ence is acquiring ever broader scope in the Arab countries.
Active struggle for emancipation is being waged by the peo-
ples of Africa.
Comrade Deputies, Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchov and
I spent three weeks in India. And from the moment we set
foot on Indian soil to the moment of our departure from that
hospitable country, we were surrounded by friendship
and regard of the Indian people. They displayed the warmest
friendship for us, and welcomed us with enthusiasm as the
representatives of the Soviet Union. (Prolonged applause.)
For that reason, our visit to India may be called a meeting
with the great Indian people. (Applause.)
When we left for India, we knew that this was a friendly
country and that a warm welcome awaited us. But what we
saw and heard surpassed all expectations. Descending from
the plane on our arrival in Delhi, we saw people who had
come to meet us, headed by the Prime Minister, Mr. Nehru,
and an immense crowd, and heard the continuous roar of
many thousands of voices. The people cried to. us in words
we could not understand, in words of their own language.
But we knew that those were words of friendship and joy,
for they rang so heartily and sincerely. Here, we felt, were
true friends of the Soviet people, here were our brothers.
(Stormy and prolonged applause.)
In Delhi, nearly a million people came to meet us on
the Ramlila Square. It was an unforgettable sight. The
great square surged with excitement, cries of greeting came
from all sides, we saw streamers with the words in Russian:
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!`Indians and Russians are brothers!" (applause); "Long live
Indian-Soviet friendship!" (applause); "Long live world
peace!" (applause); "Welcome to us, our dear guests from the
Soviet Union!" (Applause.) These greetings came straight
from the hearts of the Indian people. (Applause.)
We realized with pride that the enthusiasm with which
the. Indian people welcomed us was meant for our glorious
country, for the great Soviet people who, led by the Commu-
nist Party, carried out the Great October Socialist Revolu-
tion, routed numberless external and internal enemies and,
unswervingly adhering to the general line of our Party, estab-
lished the first socialist state in the world. (Applause.)
The Indian people welcomed us so heartily because we
represented the peoples of the Soviet Union who upheld
their achievements in a grim struggle against the fascist
hordes in the Great Patriotic War, and are now work-
ing with unflagging constructive energy to build a new,
communist society. (Applause.)
We realized that the achievements, the successes and
victories of our country are appreciated and prized by the
Indian people, are hailed by them sincerely and whole-
heartedly.
It is with deep emotion also that we recall the meetings
with the Indian people in Bombay, Poona, Coimbatore,
Bangalore, Madras, Jaipur, Srinagar and other cities. But
the most vivid, the most unforgettable impression was made
on us by our meeting with the population of Calcutta. For
days before our arrival, people had-been flowing in from the
surrounding towns and villages. The Prime Minister, Mr. Neh-
ru, came to Calcutta. The newspapers reported afterwards
that we had been welcomed in the streets of the city by more
than three million people. It was a surging and tumultuous
sea of human beings, Here,. too, we heard warm words of
greeting, words of friendship and affection for the Soviet
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Union. We were told that many who attended that meeting
in Calcutta had come to the square the day before in order
to be sure of a place near to the platform.
We witnessed manifestations of friendship for us, as the
representatives of the Soviet people, not only in the cities
but in the small villages, where men and women, old and
young, lined the roads to meet and welcome us. Here, too,
we heard joyous cries in honour of our country.
We were deeply impressed by our meeting with the
members of the Indian Parliament, who received us most
cordially and listened with deep attention to and warmly
applauded our speeches. We were warmly and hospitably
received by the statesmen of India and the governments of
the states we visited. They did much to make our stay in
India pleasant and useful.
In Delhi, we were the guests of the President of India,
Mr. Prasad. We stayed at his residence. Mr. Prasad did
everything to make Comrade Khrushchov, myself, and our
companions feel comfortable and at home in his residence.
We had several talks with him. We transmitted to him a
message from Comrade Voroshilov, President of the Presid-
ium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet. Mr. Prasad expressed
deep gratitude for the message and tendered us a reply for
transmission to Comrade Voroshilov.
We had meetings, with the Vice-President of India,
Mr. Radhakrishnan, an outstanding statesman who, as the
Speaker of Parliament, received us cordially and said.many
kind things about the Soviet Union in his speech.
Special mention should be made of our meetings with
the Prime Minister o'f India, Mr. Nehru, one of the most
distinguished statesmen of our time. (Prolonged applause.)
All our meetings with Mr. Nehru were marked by sincere
friendship. Wherever we went, we were conscious of his
kindness and solicitude.
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Warm and sincere esteem and friendship for the Soviet
people were also expressed by the peoples of Burma and
Afghanistan, whom we met later. In the towns and villages
of Burma and in Kabul, capital of Afghanistan, the people
welcomed us with joy and sympathy as the representatives
of the Soviet Union and the Soviet people.
In Delhi and other Indian cities, and in Rangoon and
Kabul, it was said that never before had these cities witnessed
such a friendly and impressive welcome as was accorded to
us, the representatives of the Soviet Union and the Soviet
people.
During our stay in India we were able to acquaint our-
selves with many aspects of the life of the people. The Indian
Government made it possible for us to tour the western,
eastern, southern and northern parts of the country. Using
our Soviet FIJI-1411 plane, designed by Sergei Vladimirovich
Ilyushin, we flew 22,500 kilometres, including some 10,000
kilometres in India alone. We visited various parts of India,
many cities and villages, building sites and industrial enter-
prises, government farms and many cultural establishments,
and saw remarkable memorials of India's rich and ancient
culture.
For nearly two centuries. India had been ruled by British
colonialists for whom this rich land was an agrarian, raw-
material adjunct of the metropolitan country, a market for
its manufactures. Naturally, the British had no desire to
develop industry in India. That is the way of all colonialists,
whose aim is to squeeze the greatest possible profit out of
the colonies and to give them nothing, or practically noth-
ing, in return.
Having thrown off the colonial yoke and regained their
independence, the Indian people,guided by their Government,
proceeded to the economic development of their country.
The first achievements have been registered in this direction.
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We visited India's principal industrial area, which has been
developed in the past few years. It lies at the junction of the
States of Bihar and West Bengal, in the valley of the River
Damodar. Metallurgical, engineering and chemical works
are located here; there are coal and ore mines in the area.
In Chittaranjan we saw the new locomotive works. This
is a government enterprise which began making locomotives
in 1950. While we were there it turned out its 300th
locomotive. The Indians are proud of this works-the first-
born of their engineering industry. The engineers who showed
us round stressed that more than 80 per cent of the locomo-
tive parts were made in the works itself.
We also visited an artificial fertilizer factory in Sindri.
This is another new government enterprise and it plays an
important part in the economy of India whose agriculture is
in great need of mineral fertilizers. The town of Sindri, which
has grown up around the factory, is only four or five years old.
India is an agricultural country; more than three-quarters
of her population are tillers. One of the most important
problems connected with increasing India's agricultural
output is artificial irrigation. Unirrigated fields yield poor
crops, and the Indian Government is making a great effort
to develop a powerful irrigation system.
We made a detailed inspection of one of India's biggest
construction projects, the Bhakra-Nangal development,
where a big dam is being built, to be followed by a power
station. This big development has been conceived on broad
and bold lines; and interesting solutions have been found
for a number of technical problems. But the most interest-
ing thing we saw was the remarkable labour enthusiasm
of the people-the workers and engineers-who are building
the project. The Bhakra-Nangal scheme reminded us of the
atmosphere of our first five-year plan, when we were building
our first big enterprises.
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The Indian Government is seeking for ways and means
of developing agriculture within the framework of private
landownership. For this purpose, it is carrying out in the
rural areas measures known as the Community Projects and
the National Extension Service Development Programme.
We were told that these programmes now embrace about
20 per cent of the villages of India, and that it is intended in
the period of the second five-year plan to extend this system
of agrarian development to the whole country.
We visited a number of government farms. These are
small but well-organized undertakings which, in our opinion,
are undoubtedly doing valuable work as experimental farms.
While in India, we saw for ourselves that, now that they
have thrown off the colonial yoke, the Indian people are
capable of advancing boldly along the road of industrial
progress and building an economically independent state.
We also had ample evidence of how deeply the Indian people
desire peace and co-operation with other countries.
The visit of the Prime Minister of India, Mr. Nehru,
to the Soviet Union this summer already revealed the iden-
tity of interests of the Soviet Union and India in working
for peace and international security, and this found reflec-
tion in the first Joint Soviet-Indian Statement signed in
Moscow on June 22, 1955.
In our conversations with Prime Minister Nehru and
other Indian statesmen during our stay in Delhi, we again
exchanged views both on questions relating to the_ further
extension of friendly co-operation between the Soviet Union
and India and on major international problems. These
talks resulted in the Joint Soviet-Indian Declaration of
December 13.
In this historic document, which is of great international
importance, the two Governments reaffirmed their adher-
ence to the principles of respect for each other's territorial
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integrity and sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference
in each other's internal affairs for any motives of an econom-
ic, political or ideological nature, equality and mutual
benefit, and peaceful co-existence. These principles are a
reliable basis for the peaceful co-existence of states with
different social and political systems. The Soviet Government
considers that the adoption of these principles by other
countries, including the United States, Britain and France,
would contribute to further relaxation of international ten-.
sion and the establishment of the necessary confidence
among the nations.
In the Delhi declaration, the Soviet and Indian Govern-
ments condemned the present arms drive, which is assuming
increasingly dangerous dimensions, and unanimously called
for its termination and for relieving the nations of the heavy
burden of military expenditure. Fully cognizant of the danger
of a situation in which atomic and hydrogen weapons are
being systematically and continuously accumulated, the
two Governments pronounced in favour of unconditional
prohibition of these weapons, of freeing mankind from the
fear of atomic war and the incalculable destruction of
property and life it would involve.
The Soviet Union has always advocated the termination
of the arms drive and the conclusion of an international
agreement prohibiting atomic and hydrogen weapons, and
other weapons of mass destruction, including guided mis-
siles, which have been greatly developed in recent years and,
one might say, have become inter-continental weapons.
In May 1955, the Soviet Union submitted a proposal on re-
duction of conventional armaments and prohibition of atomic
weapons. Implementation of this proposal would be a sub-
stantial contribution to the cause of peace. We are glad
that in this noble cause the Indian Government takes a
staiid which is similar to ours.
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Our talks in India resulted in full agreement to the effect
that the policy pursued by certain countries of forming mili-
tary blocs directed against other countries heightens inter-
national tension and increases the danger of a new war,
and that this policy is incompatible with the promotion of
co-operation among all countries, irrespective of their
political and social systems.
The peoples of Asia and Africa cannot but be alarmed
by the creation of such aggressive military alliances as
SEATO and the recently formed Baghdad bloc.
The United States, Britain and France sponsored SEATO.
As to the Baghdad military alliance, we know that Britain
had the chief hand in its formation. The Baghdad pact is
a manifestation of colonialism in a new form. It is essentially
an aggressive pact, as can be seen from the character of the
obligations assumed by the participants in this military
alliance. This became particularly obvious when Iran was
drawn into this alliance.
The Soviet Government has repeatedly called the atten-
tion of the Iranian Government to the fact that the partici-
pation of Iran in military alliances, into which the Western
Powers have long been trying to draw her, is incompatible
with the maintenance of good-neighbourly relations between
Iran and the Soviet Union. We pointed out at the same time
that we want to have good relations with Iran, as with other
neighbouring countries. Unfortunately, those who are re-
sponsible for Iran's policy have taken a different course;
they have joined the Baghdad pact, thereby assuming grave
responsibility for the resultant situation.
We reject, as untenable, the assertion of the Iranian Gov-
ernment that Iran's adhesion to this pact strengthens
peace in the Middle East. There is as little truth in this
assertion as there is in the assertion that the Atlantic
bloc strengthens peace in Europe.
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We heard with satisfaction the statement made from this
rostrum by the head of the Iranian parliamentary delegation,
Mr. Sayed, to the effect that the Government and the people
of Iran sincerely desire to further friendly and good-neigh-
bourly relations with the Soviet Union. But we are forced to
reckon with the fact that the formation of the Baghdad bloc,
and the integration into it of neighbours of the Soviet Union,
cannot but affect the security of our country. The Soviet Union
is, accordingly, obliged to draw the necessary conclusions.
The Joint Declaration signed during our stay in India
condemns the policy of forming military alliances and region-
al military blocs, and stresses that peace and genuine se-
curity for the peoples can be assured only by the collective
efforts of the states.
The Soviet Government and the Government of India
expressed the conviction that permanent peace in Asia is
impossible without granting the People's Republic of China
its rightful place in the United Nations. The two Govern-
ments emphasized the necessity for a speedy settlement of
other Far Eastern problems, including the problem of Taiwan
and the Chinese coastal islands, which must be settled on the
basis of satisfying the lawful rights of the People's Republic
of China. Our Joint Declaration expresses the hopethat these
problems will be settled without delay through agreement.
The Governments of the two countries emphasized the
necessity of settling the Korean question on the basis of
recognizing the national rights of the Korean people and in
accordance with the interests of peace in the Far East, and
also the necessity of implementing the Geneva agreements
on Indo-China. We know that attempts are now being made
to obstruct implementation of these agreements, although
their violation, as the Soviet-Indian Declaration of Decem-
ber 13 rightly points out, would have "exceedingly grave
consequences for both Indo-China and the whole world."
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The similarity of the views of the Soviet Union and India
on the outstanding problems of Asia and the Far East is
undoubtedly an important factor, capable of contributing
to the settlement of these problems on the basis of recog-
nizing the lawful rights of the peoples and in accordance
with the interests of peace.
Pursuing a policy of 'peace, the Soviet Union and India
are successfully co-operating on a number of important
problems which the United Nations is now working to
solve. This is reflected not only in the identity of the
views of the two countries on such problems as disar"mament,
but also on the question of U.N. membership. We note with
satisfaction that the Indian'Government supported the Soviet
proposal for the admission to the United Nations of sixteen
countries: Albania, Jordan, Ireland, Portugal, Hungary,
Italy, Austria, Rumania, Bulgaria, Finland, Ceylon, Nepal,
Libya, Cambodia, Laos and Spain. We 'share the hope ex-
pressed by Mr. Nehru that those countries still outside the
United Nations will soon be admitted to membership.
The Soviet-Indian Declaration records that the Soviet
Union and India concur in their evaluation of the results
of the Geneva Conference of the Four Heads of Government,
and ? of the recent conference of the four Foreign Ministers.
There was full understanding between Mr. Nehru and our-
selves that the effort to lessen international tension must
be continued, and that the best method of settling contro-
versial issues is by negotiation.
Comrade Deputies, the identity of the views of the Soviet
Union and India on vital international problems is not due
to transitory causes or considerations of the moment. It
springs from the fundamental interests 'of the peoples of the
two countries, who want peace and security.
The Soviet people, led by the Communist Party of the So-
viet Union, are engaged in the peaceful constructive work
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I
of building a communist society, implementing the great
plans of economic and cultural development and raising
the well-being of the Soviet people. We have never threat-
ened anyone, nor do we threaten anyone now, and the peace-
loving nations will always find in the Soviet Union a staunch
champion of peace and international co-operation. (Pro-
longed applause.)
India's policy of peace likewise rests on profound foun-
dations deriving from the nature of the development of
the Indian state. We have seen the great effort the Indian
people are making to develop their economy. Our talks with
Mr. Nehru and other Indian statesmen brought home to us
the immensity of the tasks confronting India in raising the
standard of living of her people. The Indians are vitally
interested in peace, in being able to work in peace and create
material values for the good- of their country.
Identity of the interests of the Soviet Union and India in
working for peace is a firm foundation for maintaining and
further developing the friendly relations between the two
countries.
A factor of great significance for the further strength-
ening of our relations with India is economic intercourse
between the two countries and the potentialities which exist
in this sphere. We therefore exchanged views with the Indian
Government concerning ways and means of broadening
economic intercourse, of enlarging the volume of trade
between India and the Soviet Union.
It was agreed that in the three years beginning with
1956 the Soviet Union will supply to India one million tons
of rolled ferrous metals-300,000 tons in the first year and
350,000 tons in each of the two following years. We shall
also supply to India various kinds of industrial equipment
and other goods. It has been agreed that the Soviet Union
will increase its purchases of Indian goods. The two
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parties considered it essential to arrange regular shipping
services between Soviet and Indian ports and to establish
air communication between the two countries.
The Soviet Government considers that international co-
operation implies, among other things, pooling of experience
between countries, including countries with different social
systems. In the course of our meetings in India, we stated
that the Soviet Union was prepared to share its experience
with India and, in the first place, experience in economic
development. We observed, at the same time, that we did
not want to force our experience on anybody, but that if
our friends, the Indian people, desired to avail themselves
of our experience in any degree, we were prepared to share
it with them. We should also like to avail ourselves, and
should avail ourselves, of the experience of India, which
has a centuries-old culture.
The strengthening of political and economic relations
between the Soviet Union and India can, and should, be
supplemented by the development of cultural intercourse
between the two countries, for which there is a mutual desire.
We had the opportunity while in India to convince our-
selves of the tremendous creative ability of the Indian people,
who have produced world-famed memorials of material
and spiritual culture, inimitable specimens of national
architecture, and a distinctive and remarkable school of
scenic art, dancing and music, which preserves and carries
forward the traditions of folk art.
On the other hand, a strong desire for close cultural con-
tact with the Soviet Union is to be observed in India. We
welcome this desire, being convinced that such contact will
be useful to both peoples.
We had many meetings and conversations in India with
statesmen and public figures, with managers of industrial
enterprises and farms, with workers in science, culture and
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art, and with members of the most diverse professions.
They all displayed keen interest in the Soviet Union, in
the life and work of the Soviet people. We invited many of
them to visit our country to get to know the Soviet people
more closely, to see with their own eyes how they live and
work. This will undoubtedly help to strengthen the bonds of
friendship, and promote closer contact between our peoples.
The reactionary press and some government leaders
abroad were greatly annoyed by our frank statements on the
Goa and Kashmir questions.
As you know, there is still a small Portuguese colony on
an integral part of Indian territory-Goa. The Indians are
rightly demanding that this intolerable state of affairs should
be ended and Goa liberated. We have only to glance at the
map of India and at these "possessions" of the Portuguese
intruders to see how justified and lawful is the claim of the
Indian Government that this Indian territory should be
reunited with the motherland. The Soviet Government
supports this just demand and considers that maintaining
a Portuguese colony on Indian territory-as maintaining the
colonial system in our day generally-is a disgrace to
civilized nations. (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
As regards the Kashmir problem, it has been generated
by countries pursuing definite military and political aims
in this area. On the pretext of supporting Pakistan on the
Kashmir question certain countries are trying to entrench
themselves in this part of India in order to threaten and exert
pressure on areas in the vicinity of Kashmir. The attempt
was made to sever Kashmir from India artificially and
convert it into a foreign military base.
The people of Kashmir are emphatically opposed to this
imperialist policy. The issue has been settled by the Kashmi-
ris themselves; they regard themselves as an integral part
of the Republic of India and want to live in the fraternal
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family of Indian peoples, to take part in building the new
and independent India, and work for international peace and
security. (Prolonged applause.) We became profoundly con-
vinced of this during our meetings with the people in Srina-
gar, and in our conversations with the Prime Minister of
Kashmir, Mr. G. M. Bakshi, and his colleagues.
The Soviet Government supports India's policy in rela-
tion to the Kashmir issue (applause), because it fully accords
with the interests of peace in this part of Asia. We declared
this when we were in Kashmir, we reaffirmed our declaration
at a press conference in Delhi on December 14, and we de-
clare it today. (Applause.)
Our visit to India has brought our two countries still
closer. The bonds of friendship between the Soviet Union
and India have been greatly strengthened. We knew before,
and during our stay in India our conviction was confirmed,
that the Indian people entertain sincere brotherly feelings
for the peoples of the Soviet Union. A new and powerful
stimulus has been. given to the all-round development of
political and economic co-operation between the two coun-
tries. Better opportunities for cultural and scientific inter-
course have been created.
We, Soviet people, wish our great friend, the people
of India,, every success in furthering the economic progress
of their country, in developing industry and agriculture,
in raising their standard of living and cultural level, in
consolidating the Republic of India as an independent and
sovereign state. (Prolonged applause.)
Friendship and co-operation between the Soviet Union
and India constitute a most important factor in safeguarding
international peace and security. This great friendship we
shall continue to develop and strengthen. (Applause.)
I shall now speak about our visit to Burma.
Burma embarked on the path of independent national
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development as the result of the devoted struggle waged
by all her people against the long years of British colonial
rule, and then, in the Second World War, against the invasion
of the Japanese militarists, who ruthlessly plundered the
Burmese and their national wealth.
In their struggle for independence the Burmese displayed
determination and heroism. The leader of their struggle, the
popular hero, Aung San, and many of his comrades met their
death at the hands of the enemies of national liberation.
But the people attained their aim: the chains of colonial
slavery were broken, and an independent state-the Union
of Burma--established. In the face of enormous difficulties,
arising from the aftermath of colonial oppression and the
devastation of war, the Burmese set about rehabilitating
and upbuilding their economy.
The visit of the Burmese Prime Minister, U Nu, to the
Soviet Union in October and November 1955 laid the foun-
dation for close and friendly contact between the Union of
Burma and the Soviet Union.
A Joint Soviet-Burmese Declaration was signed in Moscow
on November 3, its keynote being the desire to promote
international confidence and co-operation. The declaration
emphasized that the sincere and friendly relations between
the two countries were based on the Five Principles of
peaceful co-existence already recognized by many states and
nations, and which are aimed at strengthening peace among
the nations.
Our stay in Burma from December 1 to 7, our meetings
with the people of this hospitable country, and our personal
contacts with her leaders once more confirmed that Burma
is an active champion of friendly relations between states,
condemns the formation of military blocs, and advocates
collective effort by the states for the consolidation of peace.
We arrived in Rangoon, capital of Burma, on December 1.
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There we were given a friendly and very cordial reception
by the population and by Burmese government leaders,
headed by Prime Minister U Nu. Our meetings with the
people were equally cordial and hearty in all the other cities
we visited during our six-day stay in Burma. Besides Ran-
goon, we visited the Shan State, part of the Union of Burma,
and its capital, Taunggyi, and also the second largest Burmese
city, Mandalay. Everywhere the Soviet people, the Soviet
Union, and Burmese-Soviet friendship were warmly and sin-
cerely hailed by the people of Burma. (Prolonged applause.)
We were happily impressed, in particular, by our meeting
with the students and teaching staff of the University of
Rangoon, where several thousand young men and women
are studying. The younger generation of this nation,
now that it has thrown off the yoke of colonial servitude,
is making the first steps in the acquisition of the scientific
knowledge required for independent advancement along
the road chosen by the people, for the development of the
national economy and culture.
The students listened with rapt attention to the speech
of Comrade Khrushchov who gave a detailed account of
the Soviet Union, of our way of life, and of our educational
system. Great interest was evoked by the passages in the
speech denouncing the colonialist policy of the imperialist
states,-and declaring that the Soviet Union did not support,
indeed emphatically opposed, this policy. This statement,
like many other passages, was greeted by the students and
professors with stormy applause.
During our stay in Burma we had useful meetings and
talks with the President of the Union of Burma, Dr. BP U,
to whom we transmitted a personal message from the Presi-
dent of the Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet, Com-
rade Voroshilov. Dr. Ba U expressed his deep gratitude for
the message.
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On behalf of our Government, we invited the Burmese
Minister of Defence, U Ba Swe, and the Minister of Industry,
U Kyaw Nyein, to visit the Soviet Union. Both Ministers
accepted the invitation.
Special mention should be made of our meetings and con-
versations with U Nu, Prime Minister of the Union of Burma,
which were marked by cordiality and friendship. These
meetings resulted in the Soviet-Burmese Declaration signed
in Rangoon on December 6.
The Declaration notes the identity of the views of the
two countries on the major international problems requiring
settlement: disarmament, including prohibition of atomic
and hydrogen weapons, the Far East, including the necessity
of satisfying the lawful rights of the Chinese People's Repub-
lic in relation to Taiwan and the coastal islands, and the
question of granting the C.P.R. its rightful place in the
United Nations.
The two Governments reaffirmed their unanimous opinion
that the policy of forming blocs is to be condemned, and
that only a policy of non-participation in such blocs can
establish confidence and good will among states. "Interna-
tional peace," the Soviet-Burmese Declaration says, "can
be strengthened and the peoples' confidence in the future
can be assured, not through the creation of blocs, but only
through joint and collective efforts of all peoples."
The views of the two Governments were also found to
concur on the results of the Geneva Conference of the Four
Heads of Government, and of the recent Conference of the
Four Foreign Ministers. The Soviet-Burmese Declaration of
December 6 states that the two countries consider that
further efforts should be made to solve outstanding inter-
national problems.
Our relations with Burma rest on a firm foundation,
since both parties are vitally interested in maintaining
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and furthering co-operation on the basis of the Five Princi-
ples of peaceful co-existence.
Our economic relations with the Union of Burma are
based on the principle of equality and mutual benefit, and
preclude imposing political or any other shackling condi-
tions by either party. In full conformity with these principles,
which are shared by the Burmese Government, we discussed
during our stay in Rangoon measures for furthering Soviet-
Burmese co-operation in the economic, cultural, scientific
and technical spheres, and, in particular, for enlarging the
volume of trade between Burma and the U.S.S.R.
It was agreed that the Soviet Union would co-operate in
the drawing up of a programme of agricultural development,
construction of major irrigation works, and the building
of several industrial enterprises in Burma. Burma, in re-
turn, will sell the Soviet Union rice, and in the event of the
quantities purchased being insufficient to compensate for
the value of our deliveries, Burma will enjoy the right to
credit, that is, to defer the payments in kind over a number
of years by mutual agreement.
In token of good will and respect for the people of the
Union of Burma, we offered on behalf of the Soviet Govern-
ment, and on its instructions, to build and equip, with So-
viet means and resources, a technological institute in Ran-
goon as a gift to the Burmese people. (Prolonged applause.)
The Government of the Union of Burma highly appreci-
ated the motives which prompted the Soviet Government to
make this offer, and accepted the gift with deep gratitude
to the Soviet Government and the Soviet people. (Ap-
plause.)
On behalf of the Burmese people, Prime Minister U Nu
offered, in turn, an appropriate quantity of rice and
other commodities of Burmese produQtion as a gift
to the Soviet Union. On behalf of the people of the
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Soviet Union, we accepted this gift with gratitude.
(Applause.)
A strong desire for cultural intercourse with the Soviet
Union is manifested by the Burmese leaders and Burmese
intellectuals. We declared that the Soviet Union was ready
to develop cultural intercourse with Burma, since this could
but benefit the two countries and help to strengthen their
friendly relations.
The Government of Burma expressed satisfaction with
the good will displayed by the Soviet Government in the
Rangoon talks. We, on our part, wish the Union of Burma
that it may speedily cope with the aftermath of colonial
oppression and war devastation, consolidate and unite the
Burmese people, and achieve further success in building
an economy independent of foreign states and free of the
difficulties it is still experiencing owing to the efforts of
certain foreign powers to place Burma at a disadvantage in
the world market.
The peoples of the Soviet Union and Burma are unani-
mous in the desire to preserve and consolidate peace, to
safeguard the security of nations, and to promote inter-
national co-operation and friendship. The visit of Comrade
Khrushchov and myself to Burma as the guests of her Govern-
ment, and our meetings with the Burmese people, have
brought the Soviet Union and Burma still closer. The friend-
ship and co-operation between the two countries is becoming
a factor of increasing importance in the effort to relax
international tension.
We shall do everything in our power to strengthen and
broaden the friendship and co-operation between the two
countries for the well-being and happiness of their peoples.
(Prolonged applause.)
I shall now turn to our visit to Afghanistan.
It would be difficult to exaggerate the importance and re-
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suits of our stay in Afghanistan as the guests of His Majesty's
Government. The Soviet Union and Afghanistan have a
common border of 2,346 kilometres , and the two countries
are bound by close and friendly relations of long standing.
The Afghan people won their national independence in
bitter struggle against the British imperialists, who sought
to convert Afghanistan into their colony. The courageous
Afghans were thrice victorious in this struggle, and in 1919
they firmly established their independence and statehood.
A big role in establishing Afghanistan's independence was
played by the defeat suffered by the intervention troops
in Central Asia at the hands of Soviet Russia.
Afghanistan has invariably enjoyed the support of the
Soviet Union. We were the first power to recognize Afghan-
istan as a sovereign state, in 1919. Afghanistan, on the
other hand, was one of the first foreign countries to recognize
the Soviet state established by the Great October Socialist
Revolution. These facts suffice to show how deeply rooted
are the good relations between the two countries. Experience
has shown that these good-neighbourly relations are in the
best interests of the peoples of the two countries.
Our meetings in Kabul with His Majesty King Mohammed
Zahir Shah, Prime Minister Mohammed Daoud and other
leading Afghan statesmen revealed their desire to maintain
and develop the good-neighbourly relations between the
two countries.
This desire of His Majesty's Government of Afghanistan
is only to be welcomed, as we said in Kabul. On its part,
the' Soviet Government has done, and intends in the future
to do, everything necessary to strengthen and develop our
relations with this neighbouring country. (Applause.)
The exchange of views with leading Afghan statesmen
revealed the desire of both Governments to contribute to
a further lessening of international tension and extension
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of international co-operation. We noted with satisfaction
that the views of the two Governments concur on a number
of international problems, including disarmament and
Asian and Far Eastern problems, and this was reflected in
the Joint Soviet-Afghan Declaration signed in Kabul on
December 18.
In our statements in Kabul we set forth our attitude to the
Pushtunistan issue, which is deeply agitating the Afghans.
Pushtunistan is inhabited by Afghan "independent tribes."
The region was annexed to the British Empire in 1893, and
in 1947, against the interests of the tribes inhabiting Pushtu-
nistan, it was incorporated into Pakistan.
We regard as justified and well-founded the demand of
Afghanistan that the inhabitants of the bordering region of
Pushtunistan should be given the opportunity for a free
expression of their will. The people of this area have as much
right to national self-determination as any other people.
No justification can be found for those who refuse to reckon,
and do not reckon, with the lawful national interests of the
people of Pushtunistan.
Our relations with Afghanistan are based on a series of
treaties concluded after Afghanistan became an independent
state. One of the most important is the Treaty of Neutrality
and Mutual Non-Aggression of June 24, 1931.
During our stay in Kabul, agreement was reached with
His Majesty's Government of Afghanistan that this treaty
should be prolonged for ten years, that is, until 1966. We
also agreed that on the expiry of this period the treaty shall
continue in force unless either of the parties proposes that
it be terminated. A special protocol to this effect was
signed in Kabul. This is an act of great importance, and
testifies that both parties take their obligations seriously
and intend to develop their relations on the basis of the trea-
ties and agreements they have concluded.
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We consider that the policy of neutrality and good-neigh-
bourship pursued by His Majesty's Government of Afghan-
istan in relation to other countries helps to strengthen the
position of the Afghan state. In contrast to Pakistan, which
finds herself, owing to her participation in the Baghdad mili-
tary bloc, in a difficult position internally and externally,
Afghanistan undeniably enjoys great possibilities for inde-
pendent economic and political development.
We would like to see Pakistan, too, enjoy such possibilities.
The Soviet Union would like to have no less friendly rela-
tions with Pakistan than it has with India, Burma and Af-
ghanistan, and it is not our fault that this is so far not the
case. However, the Soviet Government has endeavoured,
and will continue to do so, to improve our relations with
Pakistan.
During our stay in Afghanistan we had a fruitful exchange
of views on economic relations between the two countries
and the possibility of expanding them. Our conversations
with leading Afghan statesmen revealed new potentialities
for broadening economic co-operation between the two coun-
tries and, in particular, for enlarging the volume of Soviet-
Afghan trade.
On the instructions of our Government, we granted to
Afghanistan a long-term credit of 100 million U.S. dollars.
While in Kabul we, on behalf of the Soviet Government,
extended an invitation to Prime Minister Mohammed Daoud
to visit the Soviet Union at his convenience. Mr. Mohammed
Daoud accepted the invitation and expressed the wish to
visit our country in 1956. We have no doubt that his stay
in the Soviet Union, like the stay of Comrade Khrushchov
and myself in Afghanistan, will strengthen the friendly
relations between our countries. (Applause.)
In the thirty-six years since the establishment of the in-
dependent state of Afghanistan, our relations with her have
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been a model of genuine good-neighbourship and friendly
co-operation. And we intend to continue our relations
with Afghanistan in a manner that accords with the inter-
ests of the peoples of the two countries and with the interests
of peace.
We want to see Afghanistan an economically strong and
politically independent state, and are glad that our policy
towards that country meets with the full understanding of
His Majesty's Government of Afghanistan and of the Afghan
people.
Comrade Deputies, the strengthening of our friendly ties
with India, Burma and Afghanistan is a triumph for the
Leninist principles of the Soviet Union's peace-loving for-
eign policy, a triumph for the principle of peaceful co-
existence.
As we know, the Soviet Union, India, Burma and Afghan-
istan have different social and political systems. But this is
not, and will not be, a hindrance to the continued strengthen-
ing of relations between our countries-they are firmly found-
ed on the Five Principles of which I have already spoken.
It is on these principles that the Soviet Union, the Chinese
People's Republic, India, Burma, Afghanistan and a number
of other countries in Europe, Asia and Africa build their
relations with one another and with other countries.We deeply
respect these principles, as being in full accord with the
principles of Soviet foreign policy, and consider that the
greater the number of countries that adopt and guide them-
selves by them, the more effectively will international confi-
dence develop, and the more rapidly will tension be lessened
and peace be strengthened.
Our visit to Asia evoked much comment all over the world,
and especially in Asia and Africa.
In our addresses to rallies and assemblies in India,
Burma and Afghanistan, we spoke of the friendship of our
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people for the peoples of these countries, and of the peace-
loving Leninist policy of our Government. We hailed the
peoples who have thrown off the yoke of colonial slavery,
and expressed our sympathy with those who are still the
victims of colonial oppression. Comrade Khrushchov, in
his statements, truthfully and frankly expressed our opinion
of the actions of the imperialists and colonialists in Asia,
Africa, and wherever they have formerly ruled or still main-
tain their rule.
Foreign press comments reveal the importance attached
to our statements in the East. In particular, the press
noted that no representative of the bourgeois world would
venture to tell the Asian peoples the truth about the colo-
nial powers, that it can be told only by those who champion
the equality of all nations, by those who actively work for
freedom for all countries and for their right to develop in
their own way. (Prolonged applause.)
Our frank and forthright statements were received with
sympathy and understanding not only by those to whom they
were directly addressed; they were carried far beyond the
confines of India, Burma and Afghanistan and reached the
hearing of other Asian and African peoples.
Together with these nations, the positive results of our
visit are bailed by the peoples of the Chinese People's Repub-
lic and the People's Democracies. Our visit is approved by
progressive-minded men and women all over the world, by
all our friends. (Applause.)
However, our visit to the Asian countries was not to the
liking of all. Our statements in India, Burma and Afghani-
stan, and the documents of friendship signed in Delhi,
Rangoon and Kabul, evoked the dissatisfaction and even
the resentment of the reactionary press and of official spokes-
men in certain countries. Our friendship with India, Burma
and Afghanistan is not to their liking. But it is very much to
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our liking, and we shall work to strengthen it, and also our
friendship and co-operation with other countries. (Prolonged
applause.)
Our frank statements on colonial policy were distasteful
to certain leading figures in the West. But the colonialist
policy itself is even more distasteful to us and to the Asian
and African peoples. (Prolonged applause.) We have de-
nounced it and will continue to do so because we consider the
colonial system a disgrace to the modern world, and incom-
patible with the peaceful and democratic principles of the
United Nations. (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
During our visit, it was alleged in the West that our tour
of India, Burma and Afghanistan was designed to prejudice
relations between the peoples of these countries and the
peoples of the Western Powers. This assertion is devoid
of all foundation. The strengthening of the Soviet Union's
friendly relations with India, Burma and Afghanistan,
far from being prejudicial to the relations of the peoples
of these countries with other peoples, will help to promote
international co-operation. (Prolonged applause.)
This, perhaps, is incomprehensible to those who are in
the habit of thinking in terms of military blocs and pacts.
But we approach the matter of improving the Soviet Union's
relations with other countries in a different way. And a sim-
ilar view is held by the leading statesmen of India, Burma
and Afghanistan; they, like us, are in favour of broadening
international co-operation on the basis of peaceful co-exist-
ence. (Applause.)
Comrade Deputies, the results of our visit to India, Burma
and Afghanistan once more show the importance of personal
contact between leading statesmen in furthering mutual un-
derstanding between nations and lessening international ten-
sion. We intend to make full use of such contacts in the future.
I should like to take this opportunity to express the cordial
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thanks of. the Soviet. Government and our people to the peo-
ples of India, Burma and Afghanistan for the warm and hearty
reception they accorded us. (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
We send warm greetings to the peoples of these three
countries-sincere friends of the Soviet Union-and wish
them success in consolidating their national independence
and in their peaceful constructive labours. (Stormy and
prolonged applause.)
We whole-heartedly thank the Prime Minister of India,
Mr. Nehru, who did so much to make our stay in India useful
to both countries. (Prolonged applause.)
We tender our cordial thanks to the Prime Minister of
Burma, U Nu, with whom' we have established warm and
friendly relations. (Prolonged applause.)
We heartily thank the Prime Minister of Afghanistan,
Mr. M. Daoud, who is actively upholding Afghan independ-
ence and neutrality. (Prolonged applause.)
We deem it our duty to express our acknowledgements to
the President of the Republic of India, Mr. Prasad, to the
President of the Union of Burma, Dr. Ba U, and to the King
of Afghanistan, His Majesty Mohammed Zahir Shah. (Pro-
longed applause.)
We thank all the government and public leaders of these
countries who contributed to the success of our visit and gave
us every possible help. (Prolonged applause.)
In conclusion, I deem it necessary to declare that the
Soviet Government will unswervingly and firmly carry out
all the agreements concluded with India, Burma and Afghan-
istan during our visit.
We shall spare no effort to develop and strengthen friend-
ship and co-operation between the Soviet Union, India,
Burma and Afghanistan, for the good of our peoples and for
the good of world peace. (Stormy and prolonged applause
and cheers. All rise.)
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SPEECH BY N. S. KHRUSHCHOV
DELIVERED AT FOURTH SESSION OF THE SUPREME SOVIET
OF THE U.S.S.R.
December 29, 1955
Comrade Deputies,
We have listened to Comrade Nikolai Alexandrovich
Bulganin's report on the results of our visit to the three
friendly countries of India, Burma and Afghanistan. The
report expressed the essential of what had to be reported
to the Supreme Soviet on the results of our visit and the
talks which we had on the instructions of the Soviet Govern-
ment in those countries and on the agreements reached
between the Government of the Soviet Union and the Govern-
ments of India, Burma and Afghanistan.
I entirely agree with all that Comrade Bulganin said
in his report. I would also like to comment on certain
questions.
The Soviet Government accepted with great pleasure
the invitation of Prime Minister Nehru of India and sent
us to India on a friendly return visit in order to establish
personal contact with the leaders and the people of India.
There is much in common that unites our two countries
and the chief thing is the fight for the strengthening of
international peace.
I do not think it is necessary to speak about the
importance of the Republic of India. The great Indian
people are determined to strengthen the national and
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political independence that their country has won. India
as a peace-loving state plays an ever-increasing role in the
settlement of the most important international questions.
She is an active fighter for the preservation and strength-
ening of peace in the whole world.
Having freed themselves from the colonial regime the
peoples of India are persistently seeking ways to develop
their country. The Government of the Republic of India
led by such a prominent statesman and politician as the
esteemed Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nebru is pursuing a
consistent policy of independence. And this is worthy of
profound respect.
Close exchange and businesslike co-operation of our
countries is useful and profitable to both countries.
We were guided by the same ideas when we accepted the
invitation of the Governments of Burma and Afghanistan
to visit those countries.
We knew that our visit to India, Burma and Afghanistan
would provoke dissatisfaction on the part of the colonialists,
who are afraid that the strengthening of the Soviet Union's
friendship with countries which were but a short time
ago oppressed by them will further weaken the positions
of the colonial powers.
But Messrs. the Colonialists have only got themselves to
blame.
It is generally known that the principles of co-operation
and friendship of the Soviet Union with other states differ
radically from the principles on which the policy of colo-
nialists is based. The Soviet Union, setting the example of
deep understanding of and respect for the interests of all
peoples and countries, both great and small, proceeds from
the thesis that there are no unequal or inferior nations.
Strengthening its friendship with other states the Soviet
Union does not impose its will on them or dictate any pre-
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liminary conditions as the imperialist states do. It does not
seek thereby any special advantages for itself, but proceeds
from the principle that it has to do with equal partners
whose interests must be respected.
Every people has the right to build its life as it wishes.
The enslavement or plundering of one country by another
is a crying injustice and disgrace.
The equality of nations, non-interference in the internal
affairs of other states, non-aggression and peaceful co-exist-
ence of countries irrespective of their political systems,
these are the principles on which our relations with other
countries have always been based. Our strict observance of
these principles and our co-operation with the states of
Asia, which is becoming closer and closer, are forcing the
colonialists to revise their tactics in regard to those countries
where they are striving to hold their positions, and easing the
situation in those countries.
This is a factor of no mean importance.
We also bore in mind that our visit to India, Burma and
Afghanistan would promote close contacts between both
the peoples and the leaders of our countries. The peoples
of India, Burma and Afghanistan received the opportunity
of knowing more about the Soviet Union and about the life
of the peoples of the Soviet country. This will further
strengthen our friendship.
Finally, we were firmly convinced that our visit to
India, Burma and Afghanistan would further strengthen
the position of world peace and would weaken the camp of
the supporters of war. That circumstance alone made our
visit extremely necessary, for the cause of peace is a
great cause which reflects the greatest wish of the whole
of humanity.
We may now say that the great hopes which were laid
on that visit have been fully justified. (Prolonged applause.)
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Comrade Deputies,
I shall not claim your attention for an account of our
impressions - of our journey through India, Burma and
Afghanistan, for that would take too long. I shall say one
thing-that our impressions are exceptionally strong and
stirring. They are unforgettable. And the strongest of all
our impressions is that of our meetings. with the people.
We expected a cordial welcome in India from her leaders
as well as from her. people. But our feelings in the first
minutes of our stay there exceeded all that we had ex-
pected.
In Delhi, the capital of the Republic of India, and in
all the other states and towns of India we were welcomed
by hundreds of thousands, millions of people. We were
welcomed with exceptional cordiality in which we saw an
expression of the deep love of the peoples of India for the
peoples of the Soviet Union.
Wherever we appeared we were surrounded by friends
acclaiming the eternal and indestructible friendship of
India and the Soviet Union. As a beloved brother is welcomed
in a loving family, so we were welcomed in the great family
of the peoples of India, warmly and cordially as represent-
atives of the great Soviet people. (Prolonged applause.)
The same friendly welcome was extended to us by the
peoples of Burma, Prime Minister U Nu, and other lead-
ers of the Union of Burma. Just as warm was our welcome
in Afghanistan by the people and also by Prime Minis-
ter Mohammed Daoud and the other leaders. of Afghanistan.
We certainly did not think that the enthusiasm and
cordial friendship expressed by the peoples of India,
Burma and Afghanistan towards us applied to us personally.
We saw in them an expression of the boundless love and
respect of the peoples of those friendly countries for the
peoples of the Soviet Union.
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We saw in them a sincere acknowledgement by the peo-
ples of India, Burma and Afghanistan of the historical serv-
ices of the peoples of the Soviet Union in the fight for world
peace and a bright future for all humanity. (Stormy applause.)
While in India, Burma and Afghanistan we had an ex-
tensive exchange of opinions with the Governments of those
countries on many of the most important questions of in-
ternational politics. Everywhere we met general mutual
understanding on all questions discussed. The chief things
which we discussed were peaceful co-existence of coun-
tries with different social systems and questions concerning
the further development of the economic and cultural links
between our countries.
The course of the talks showed unanimity of views and
we quickly found mutually acceptable solutions for all
questions and the necessary formulas for joint declarations
and agreements.
That was the case in India as it was also in Burma and
in Afghanistan. It is very pleasant to note this.
Does not this prove that with good will and honourable
intentions of the leaders of countries it is possible and indis-
pensable to solve by peaceful means all questions of mu-
tual relations between countries in spite of differences in
social systems?
There are some general questions the solution of which
is absolutely indisputable and mutually acceptable, and in
which all peoples are equally interested irrespective of
whether they live in socialist or capitalist countries. In
the solution of such questions our co-operation can be
crowned with success.
The most obvious and convincing example of this is per-
haps the mutual relations between the Soviet Union and
India. The social and state systems in the Soviet Union and
in India differ one from the other. We and the leaders of
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India have different points of view on a number of ques-
tions. Neither we nor our friends, the leaders of the Indian
state, try to hide this.
However, this does not hinder us and our Indian friends
from keeping to the Five Principles of peaceful co-existence
on which we base our relations with other countries, or from
maintaining and developing friendly relations between the
Soviet Union and India. The cordial and friendly relations
between our countries are progressing and developing.
It is in the same direction that our relations with the
Union of Burma and Afghanistan are developing. Afghan-
istan{'has long been our friend and good neighbour. I
As a result of our visit to India, Burma and `Afghani-
stan mutually profitable economic agreements have been
concluded between the Soviet Union and those countries,
which will serve the interests of the Soviet Union, India,
Burma and Afghanistan.
In states like the Republic of India, the Union of Burma
and Afghanistan we see equal partners in the fight for uni-
versal peace. Between us and the leaders of the countries,
which we visited there is no difference of opinion on ques-
tions of the fight for peace. And these questions are the main
ones. Their solution deeply concerns all humanity.
Our visit to India, Burma and Afghanistan and the
results of the Soviet-Indian, Soviet-Burmese and Soviet-
Afghan talks have produced a favourable impression on all
friends of peace.
In some countries, however, our visit called forth
unfriendliness on the part of certain individuals, including
official personalities, and even outspoken hostility and
attacks on us.
This was to be observed mainly in Britain and the United
States of America. Some echoes or rather undertones were
to be heard in other countries too. For example, in Canada,
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where the Foreign Minister, Mr. Pearson, made a short-
sighted declaration.
What was the reason for this?
They censured us, lectured us and reacted in various
other ways towards us because from their point of view
we were wrong in attacking colonialists, because we sharply
criticized that form of oppression and plundering of the peoples
of colonial and dependent countries by the imperialists.
Well, what was new in what we said about the colonialists
and colonial regimes? Why did our utterances call forth
such a furious reaction among the colonialists and their ad-
vocates? The facts we quoted are known to all and are indis-
putable.
Take the fact, for example, that the British colonialists,
not the people but the colonialists, lorded it over India for
nearly two centuries and that for a long time they oppressed
the peoples of Burma and Afghanistan.
What did that lead to?
I allow myself a reference to an authoritative expert
in this question, the Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal
Nehru, who enjoys universal respect.
In his book The Discovery of India he points out that "the
most obvious fact is the sterility of British rule in India
and the thwarting of Indian life by it. Alien rule is inevitably
cut off from the creative energies of the people it dominates.
When this alien rule has its own economic and cultural
centre far from the subject country and is further backed by
racialism, this divorce is complete, and leads to spiritual
and cultural starvation of the subject peoples."
Describing the effects of British rule in India, Mr. Nehru
recalls the terrible famine which spread over the country
during the Second World War. He writes:
"This famine unveiled the picture of India as it was below
the thin veneer of the prosperity of a small number of people
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at the top-a picture of poverty and ugliness and human decay
after all these generations of British rule. That was the
culmination and fulfilment of British rule in India. It was
no calamity of nature or play of the elements that brought
this famine, nor was it caused by actual war operations and
enemy blockade. Every competent observer is agreed that
it was a man-made famine which could have been foreseen
and avoided."
To this we can add that according to figures given by the
Indian economist B. Singh, author of the book Population and
Food Planning in India, in the last quarter of the nineteenth
century alone India suffered famine eighteen times; at that
time 26 million persons died of hunger. In the twentieth
century the scale of famine grew. In 1943 alone about three
and a half million persons died of hunger in India.
These are facts. Facts which do not speak in favour of
the colonialists.
The fate of the Burmese people, who was also under the
domination of the 'British colonialists, was just as tragic.
As early as 1824, Britain started an armed conflict to seize
Burma, which ended in 1885 by the complete occupation of
the country. Burma was ruled by a governor-general with
unlimited powers, appointed by Britain.
During the Second World War Burma was occupied by
the Japanese. After Japan capitulated in 1945 the British
colonialists returned to Burma and tried to restore their mas-
tery. However, the patriotic forces of Burma, which had
grown in the fight against Japanese occupation, offered
determined resistance. In January 1948 the British impe-
rialists were forced to grant Burma independence.
The peoples of India, as also of Burma and Afghanistan,
did not invite the colonialists to plunder their countries.
The colonialists asserted their mastery in those countries as
the outcome of wars of conquest and plunder. The territo-
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rtes of India and Burma were not barren lands when the
colonialists invaded them; they were inhabited by peoples
who had a high culture of their own. It is known for example
that the culture of the peoples of India was not inferior in
level to the cultures of European countries, including
Britain. But India was weak from the military point of view,
she was not so well armed. That was the only reason why
she fell a prey to the colonialists.
Some apologists of the colonial regime now say:
"Did we not volunteer to give India her freedom?"
That is, to put it mildly, a rather conventional way of
expressing how and why the colonialists left India and
agreed to the existence of an independent Republic of
India.
They were forced to agree because it was their only way
out. Had they tried to remain in India they would have sus-
tained enormous losses and would have been driven out in
the end by the Indian people just as the colonialists of all
colours and shades and Chiang Kai-shek's corrupt band
with them were driven out of China by the Chinese people.
(Stormy applause.)
The colonialists sometimes like to say that they have a great
historical role, that of spreading civilization. Such legends
are intended for simpletons and overcredulous people who do
not know history.
Perhaps the British colonialists did raise the culture
of the popular masses in the countries they conquered,
helped those countries to create their industry, to develop
science and to raise the welre of the people?
No, they were plunderers in the fullest sense of the word.
They plundered those countries and greatly delayed their
development. I remember how on a visit to a milk farm in
Bombay the Chief Minister of the State of Bombay,
Mr. Desai, said bitterly:
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"Everything vas reduced to nothing in the years of
British rule. During those 200 years we nearly returned to
barbarism."
The peoples of India, Burma and other countries where
the colonialists ruled will need great efforts to liquidate the
dire consequences of the mastery of the colonialists.
Is it not a fact that until recently more than 80 per cent of
the population of India and 63 per cent of the population of
Burma were illiterate?
It is also a fact that the standard of living of the popula-
tion of India, the exploitation of which was a gold mine for
British capitalists, is considerably lower than the living
standard of the population of Britain. The same can be said
of Burma and the other countries where the colonialists ruled
for a long time.
"But," the defenders of the colonial system will say,
"these countries were members of the British Empire and
were on an almost equal footing with Britain."
Where is the equality they talk about?
We did not see any trace of it. We saw that as long as the
mastery of the British colonialists lasted they built for them-
selves wonderful palaces in India and in Burma.
They created conditions for a handful of feudal lords,
who went over to their side, and supported them. But the ,
millions of the Indian people were deprived of all rights
and most cruelly exploited.
The Indians could naturally not put up with such a sit-
uation. The Indian people and all its fighters against the
power of the colonialists in India, under the leadership of
prominent men like Gandhi, Nehru and other leaders, played
a great role in the conquest of India's political independence.
We naturally sympathized with them in their fight, re-
joiced in their successes, and give them their due for the
courage they showed. (Prolonged applause.)
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We are now told that by opposing the colonialists and un-
masking their plunderous policy we showed a certain un-
friendliness towards Britain and other countries, although
we did not name any other countries and did not name
Britain very often either. (Animation.) But we do not want
to play hide and seek. We know just as the whole world
does who were the colonialists in India, Burma and Afgha-
nistan.
Indeed, when we spoke of the ignoble role of the colo-
nialists we meant the British colonialists also. But the colo-
nialists are not Britain and her people. The British colo-
nialists will never have the right to identify themselves
with the people of Britain.
There was nothing in our speeches that was at all insult-
ing for Britain or the British people. We have a deep
respect for the talented and hard-working British
people and we desire friendship with them. (Prolonged
applause.)
We said nothing insulting or offensive for the British
Government either. We condemned and still do condemn the
colonial system, considering that the sooner it ends the better
it will be, for it is extremely unjust and inhuman. The sooner
the peoples of the colonial countries are freed from it the
better it will be. We are the sincerest friends of those who
fight against colonial slavery and colonial dependence.
(Applause.) We shall rejoice in and acclaim the liquidation
of colonial regimes. I think the majority of the British
people will do the same. (Applause.)
The time when the colonialists could boss it over the colo-
nial and dependent countries with impunity is receding into
the past. But the colonialists themselves will not, of
course, wish to part of their own free will with a system
which enables them to plunder whole peoples. That is not
a thing to count on.
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In our speeches and acts we wish to express our sympathy
with the, peoples who have pot yet freed themselves from
the yoke of colonialism and their fight for national lib,-
eration. (Prolonged applause.)
We understand that if the colonialists feel insulted it is
not because in our speeches we condemn the past activity of
the colonialists in India and Burma.
In their efforts to justify by some means the activity of
their predecessors in the oppression of the peoples of the colo-
nial and dependent countries they try to maintain the pres-
ent positions of the colonialists, which are still powerful
enough. For even now they have a lot of colonies.
Let 'us just take Africa. It is divided entirely between
European and non-European countries. There are various
forms and various methods of pursuing colonialist policy,
but that does not make the chains of colonial slavery any
the lighter. Those chains strangle the peoples of colonial and
dependent countries and make them hate the colonialists.
The peoples of these countries rise with greater and great-
er determination to fight against the colonial regimes, And
we sympathize with their struggle and wish them every
success. (Stormy, applause.)
One must simply wonder at certain short-sighted poli-
ticians accusing,us of hostility towards Britain' or America
and saying that we want to raise quarrels between those coun-
tries and India, Burma and other countries. They themselves
commit hostile acts towards those countries.
What, for example, can be the attitude in India to the
statement made by Mr. Dulles and the Foreign Minister
of Portugal, Mr. Cunha, concerning Goa?
Just think of what Dulles said: he took the liberty of
openly declaring that the Indian territory of Goa must be-
long to Portugal just because the Portuguese conquerors
seized it 400 years ago.
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In this respect the Indian press justly reminded Mr.
Dulles that 250 years ago what is now the United States
of America was a British colony, and that if we followed
his logic then he, Dulles, should consider himself even
as a subject of Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain.
(Laughter. Applause.)
To agree with Mr. Dulles' statement would be not only
blessing but even perpetuating the system of colonial
oppression.
We, of course, cannot agree with it. We are of the opinion
that it is an incorrect statement arising from an incorrect
attitude to the interests of peoples. And the Indian people,
as well as the leading politicians in India, estimated the
Dulles-Cunha joint statement about Goa at its just worth,
for this statement is a disgrace for civilized states.
Allow me, in the same connection, to say a few words
about another question over which the Indian people are
rightly worried, the so-called Kashmir question. During
our visit to Kashmir Nikolai Alexandrovich Bulganin and
I said clearly and definitely what Soviet people think on
this question, which rose not in the people but was artificially
conjured up by certain states who wish to sow enmity be-
tween peoples.
In Kashmir we were convinced that its people regard
its territory as an inalienable part of the Republic of India.
This question has been irrevocably decided by the people
of Kashmir and it is our profound conviction that the Kash-
mir people will succeed in finally arranging its affairs with-
out any interference from outside, whether or not that
pleases those who desire to create in Kashmir a new centre
of unrest and international dispute. (Applause.)
The solicitude of the Indian people and their Government
for the consolidation of their state and for the satisfaction
of the legitimate desires of all the peoples inhabiting the
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Republic of India has the understanding and sympathy of
the Soviet people, as have also the desires of all peoples
fighting for their national independence.
In our speeches in India and 13urma we said that our
country is European and Asian at the same time, and that
a large part of its territory lies on the Asian continent. At the
same time we stressed that all the peoples of the Soviet
Union, irrespective of whether they live in the European or
the Asian part of the country and of the colour of their skin
and their religious beliefs, make up a single brotherly fam-
ily, strong in its indestructible friendship. All the peoples
of our country are united by the great aim of building com-
munism. (Stormy applause.)
The Soviet Union is a great multi-national state composed
of sixteen equal voluntarily united Union Republics. All
power in our country belongs to the working class, the la-
bouring peasantry and the intellectuals-the workers of
Soviet society.
We have always been opposed to national oppression, to
the exploitation of man by man whatever its form, and
more so to the mastery of the colonialists who have brought so
much suffering to humanity. We declared this once more
quite frankly and straightforwardly in our speeches in
India and Burma, underlining that the colonial system is
anti-popular and profoundly unjust.
Why are the colonialists so worried?
Because our words stirred enormous sympathy in the
popular masses. And not only where we spoke, but where
people heard of our speeches and where they will still hear
more of the unshakable position of the Soviet Union, condemn-
ing the colonial system of oppression and enslavement.
(Stormy applause.) I
These are words of truth, and the imperialists will not
succeed in keeping them out by any iron curtain.
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It must be noted that the enemies of colonialism are not
the only ones to censure Dulles' position; it is censured too
by men who are not opponents of the colonial regime. As an
instance we may quote the speech by American Senator
Kefauver.
"We in the United States," the Senator said, "must com-
pletelydisassociate ourselves from the old colonialism in Asia."
Note the fact that Mr. Kefauver does not call for a renun-
ciation of colonialism in general, but of the "old" colonialism.
(Laughter and animation.)
He would like the colonialists to look for new forms in order
to consolidate their colonial mastery and advises "new-
fashioned" colonialism.
That is why he gives the challenge: "We must not allow
our aid to be used to prop up bad governments."
That is a most valuable acknowledgement.
The colonialists see how determinedly the peoples are
rising against colonial slavery. They see that the peoples are
prepared for self-sacrifice and courageous feats and a self-
less fight for the freedom and national independence of
their countries. The colonial ists have already been driven out
of a large number of countries.
An inspiring example for all the peoples in the colonial
and dependent countries has been set by the great Chinese
people, who have thrown off the yoke of foreign oppression,
taken their destiny in their own hands and created a powerful
Chinese People's Republic, under the leadership of the glo-
rious Communist Party, and are now scoring successes in the
building of socialism. (Stormy, prolonged applause.)
The colonialists have now decided to change the forms
of their colonial domination. They more and more seldom use
harsh forms of violence such as sending troops to colonial
countries and other acts of gross interference in the affairs
of enslaved countries.
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Now they do it more delicately; they bribe people and th e
powers that be, they implant "good governments" and create
aggressive blocs like the Baghdad pact.
. They release funds for what they call "economic aid,"
give "free" arms to certain countries. But in payment for
these arms the states which receive them must supply the
colonialists with cannon fodder and raise great armies, thus
exhausting their own people.
The colonialists give one dollar in the form of "aid" in order
later to receive ten dollars.in exchange by the exploitation
of.the peoples who have accepted that "aid." When they
succeed in this they enslave the peoples politically too.
These are the "new" forms of colonial rule.
This does not apply to the countries of Asia alone, or to
Africa or the other so-called underdeveloped countries.
The U.S. monopolists, are vigorously introducing these
forms of "aid" in the countries of 'Europe. There is a
strong flavour of this about NATO too.
How can we explain such "magnanimity" on the part of
the United States, which induces it to supply free arms to
European countries, including Western Germany which her-
self is a highly developed country? The aim they pursue is the
same. To fetter to themselves with chains of gold the under-
developed countries and the highly developed ones as well.
Exposing this policy, we say that. NATO and other similar
blocs are organizations. which pursue far-reaching political
and economic aims.
They say that. NATO was organized because the Soviet
Union displays aggressiveness and therefore some super-
mighty united army of the states incorporated in NATO
must be created to oppose the Soviet Union and all the coun-
tries of the socialist camp.
. It. is not difficult to understand for whom and for what
such lies are needed. They are resorted to in order to divert
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the attention of the popular masses from the changes now
taking place in countries which are becoming more and
more dependent on the U.S. monopolists.
But the mirage thus artificially created is already begin-
ning to fade, and people now come to realize where truth
is and where untruth.
People are beginning to reason as follows: if the Soviet
Union indeed intended to lay the road to the new social
organization in other countries by means of war it would
have done so long ago.
Who in fact does not know that it was the Soviet Land
which had the strongest army at the end of the war? Nothing
hindered the Soviet Union then from pushing forward its
armies and occupying the whole of Europe. Yet that did not
happen, and it-could not happen.
There is a well-known principle of Marxism-Leninism
that revolutions are not exported but are achieved by the
peoples themselves fighting for their emancipation. The
Soviet people always followed and will follow the path of
peaceful co-existence shown by the great Lenin, which
provides for non-interference in the internal affairs of
other states. (Prolonged applause.)
Why, then, since the end of the war have some imperialist
circles been fanning war hysteria in their attempts to scare
peoples with an imaginary "Soviet menace"?
Just for their own selfish profits.
Their aim is clear: war hysteria is necessary for the
imperialists in order to plunder the people with impunity, to
develop war industry at the cost of great taxation in the
interests of the monopoly bosses who are working for war.
Thereby they accumulate enormous capital. It is suffi-
cient to remember that the big U.S. monopolies now draw two
and a half times more profits from production of war mate-
rial than they did during the war.
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. In 1955 the profits of American corporations according
to incomplete data were 43,000 million dollars. The monop-
olists have therefore enough funds to give what they call
"aid" to those countries which the United States draws into
its sphere of influence. In reality this is not aid but throwing
crumbs from the master's table on terms equal to slavery.
The Soviet Union condemns such a policy. It bases its
relations with other countries on equality and mutual ad-
vantage and on non-interference in the internal affairs of
those countries.
When we give economic or technical help to this or that
country we do it as friends, not imposing our own conditions.
We have no superfluous capital. Our economy is run ac-
cording to a plan. We are not interested in exporting capital
or in exporting goods which we produce in the quantity re-
quired for our country and for our allies and to guarantee
trade with foreign countries. For the time being some articles
are produced in our country in lesser quantities than we need
for the satisfaction of the growing requirements of the
country.
In spite of this, however, we consider it our duty to share
with our friends and to help them as brothers. Such help, ren-
dered on conditions of mutual advantage, is profitable to
both sides. Our friends see that they get disinterested help
from us out of funds assigned from our domestic resources.
And our friends cannot but appreciate this, for it shows our
honourable intentions.
In these conditions the monopolists are obliged to change
their methods to a certain extent. Some of the more reasonabl
bourgeois figures now say that economic help to the un-
derdeveloped countries from the capitalist countries must be
intensified. That is not bad. Let the capitalist countries
give such help. It is much better than involving those coun-
tries in war blocs and alliances.
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This aid which the capitalist states intend to render
the countries which recently won their independence can-
not but be regarded as a form of Soviet assistance to
these countries. For if the Soviet Union did not exist, would
monopolist circles and imperialist states render help to
underdeveloped countries? Of course they would not. That
never happened before. (Animation. Applause.)
But I have said that the so-called "free" aid can in real-
ity lead to the enslaving of those to whom it is offered if
those countries are not discriminate in their attitude
towards it.
Recently reviewing the successes achieved by the Conserv-
ative Government the then British Minister of Foreign
Affairs, Mr. Macmillan, said among other things that that
government had achieved success in the settlement of
affairs with Iran, with the result that Abadan petrol began
to flow to Britain in a broad stream.
But this is wealth belonging to Iran that is flowing
away. It is gold going from Iran into the vaults of
British, American, Dutch and French banks. And this at a
time when the peoples of Iran are in great need. By their
"aid" to Iran they are picking up Iran petrol dirt-cheap and
growing rich on it and on the hunger and poverty of the
Iranian people.
We do not say to the peoples of Asia: do not take aid offered
to you by the American and British monopolists. But we
honestly warn them that they must be careful with such
"aid," because the monopolists do not give anything free.
Capitalists do nothing without getting paid for it. Cap-
ital cannot exist without profits.
Comrade Deputies,
I already said that we have kept the best memories of
our sojourn in India, of our meetings with the leaders of the
Republic of India, with the leaders of the states, with the
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workers, peasants and intellectuals of India, with all we
came in contact with.
We highly appreciate friendship with India, with her
great and hard-working people, friendship with Mr. Nehru
and other prominent Indian politicians with whom we estab-
lished contact, and we wish to maintain and develop our
friendly relations.
We and our Indian friends should like to develop and
strengthen these friendly relations without prejudice to our
relations, or to those of India, with other states. -
Our friendship, as we understand it, should not be con-
fined to friendly contacts with one, two or several states. We
want friendship with all states.
That is why we areglad of the friendly relations which our
friends are developing with other states, including some
with which we, for one reason or another, perhaps have
somewhat strained or cool relations. Through the friend that
we consider India to be we hope to improve our relations
with those states.
We have always sincerely strived for friendship with all
countries, including the capitalist countries. In particular
we want friendship with the most powerful of the capital-
ist countries, the U.S.A., Britain'and France.
When we have achieved this, and it depends mainly not
on us but on the Governments and the peoples of the U.S.A.,
Britain and France, we shall have created the conditions
for real peaceful co-existence and competition between the
two systems.
Unfortunately, we have not yet achieved this, but we do
not give up hope and shall spare no efforts to attain it.
(Applause.)
The standpoint of the leaders of India, who have declared
that India occupies a neutral` position between us and' other
states, 'meets with full understanding and support from us.
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India indeed is a neutral state and deserves trust and
respect from us as well as from other states.
Our relations with the great Chinese People's Republic
are most brotherly. The peoples of our two countries are
brothers.
Friendly relations have been established and are being
strengthened between us and the Republic of India. Wher-
ever we went in India we heard, coming from the hearts
of the people, the words: "Hindi Rusi bha'i bha'i/"
- "Indians and Russians are brothers!" (Stormy
applause.)
The Soviet Union, the Chinese People's Republic and the
Republic of India make up one half of mankind and are
a powerful force in the struggle for the maintenance and
strengthening of world peace. (Stormy applause.)
Comrade Deputies,
Discussing the results of our visit to India, Burma
and Afghanistan, analyzing our speeches in those countries,
some foreign politicians and some of the more indiscriminate
bourgeois journalists accuse the Soviet Union of renouncing
the spirit of Geneva. That is untrue.
We are active partakers in the important contribution
to the easing of international tension that took place as a
result of the meeting of the Heads of Government of the
Four Powers in Geneva.
We fought for that easing at the Conference of the Heads
of Government and at the Conference of Foreign Ministers
who were charged with considering such most important
problems as the guarantee of security in Europe and the
German problem, which is connected with it, the question
of disarmament and the development of contacts between
East and West.
It is not our fault that we have not yet achieved the re-
sults for which the peace-loving peoples are fighting in
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their effort to ensure further relaxation of world tension
and strengthen peace.
The Geneva Conference of the Heads of Government of
the Four Powers and the Conference of Foreign Ministers,
particularly the former, were warmly acclaimed by all peo-
ples in the world. The peoples' desire for relaxation of inter-
national tension and the strengthgning -of peace obliged the
participants of these conferences to model their speeches
and proposals accordingly.
Unfortunately, it must be acknowledged that the repre-
sentatives of the Western Powers at the Conference of the
Heads of Government went no further than fine words in
support of a relaxation of international tension. This applies
especially to their Foreign Ministers, who displayed no
desire to work effectively and try to achieve the aims set
before them by the Conference of the Heads of Govern-
meat.
This shows that the Governments of the Western Powers,
in sending their top representatives to the Conference of
the Heads of Government of the Four Powers, were not
animated by the desire for a concrete solution of the questions
on the agenda of the conference. In going to that conference
they were making a concession to public opinion. which
exerted pressure on them.
The very fact of the convocation of the Conference of the
Heads of Government of the Four Powers, the declarations
made at it and the programme of action outlined by the
Heads of Government for their Foreign Ministers-all this
naturally contributed to the relaxation of international
tension and gave rise to hopes for some more concrete steps
to avert military conflicts and end the "cold war." Thus the
spirit of Geneva was born.
The peoples hailed this because they want peace, they want
cuts in, taxation, a decrease in expenditures on armaments,
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they want these huge sums to be expended for raising the
living standard of the population. That is the concrete de-
sire of the peoples.
But what pleases the peoples, what the peoples dream of,
does not please the capitalists, who are producing atomic and
hydrogen bombs and other weapons. The prospects of
a cut in armaments and still more of disarmament are consid-
ered by the monopolists as a prospect of a cut in profits,
and that they can by no means agree to.
That is why, immediately after the Conference of the Heads
of Government of the Four Powers, those who produce means
of destruction and those who carry out their will and occupy
leading posts in the capitalist states, not only did not try
to broaden and deepen the spirit of Geneva, but, on the
contrary, they endeavoured to nip it in the bud.
As for the Soviet Union, during the Conference of the
Heads of Government and at the Conference of Foreign
Ministers of the Four Powers, its representatives did all they
could to achieve positive results.
Unfortunately, we met no reciprocity in our endeavour,
and the questions about which all mankind is so deeply
concerned were not settled.
We shall spare no efforts to settle these questions at last.
But for that our efforts alone are not sufficient. The efforts
of our partners are also needed.
Finally, an enormous role falls to the social forces, the
forces of millions of people who are for the guarantee of
security, for disarmament, for the relaxation of international
tension and for the cessation of the "cold war."
The most acute question today is that of European secu-
rity. On the solution of this question depends the settlement
of other international problems. You know, however, that
our partners in the negotiations, the U.S.A., Britain and
France, opposed to this question the German problem.
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Their position is that the German Democratic Republic
must be united to Western Germany, liquidating the social
gains of the workers in the G.D.R., and that that united
German state must be armed to the teeth and at the same
time included in NATO. On these conditions they are not
unwilling to sign a treaty on European security, although
in fact it would not lead to a guarantee of security in
Europe but would, on the contrary, greatly increase the dan-
ger of a new war in Europewith all the terrible consequences
for the peoples.
The supporters of this position do not hide the fact that
such a "military combination is designed for only one aim:
to strengthen the camp of the NATO countries and to
create for it a preponderance which would force the Soviet
Union and the-People's Democracies to capitulate to them
and accept their conditions.
Fine securityl .
Every man of common sense will understand that such
plans are not fated to be realized. And if there is a real
desire to solve the problem of European security, the problem
must be approached seriously, and the real situation taken
into account.
This real situation Is characterized first of all by the fact
that on German territory at present there have been estab-
1 ished two states with different political and social systems,
one of them, the German Democratic Republic, following
the path of struggle for the strengthening of peace and de-
mocracy, while the leaders of the other state, the German
Federal Republic, aresupporters of the policy "from strength"
with the German Federal Republic a member of the ag-
gressive North-Atlantic bloc.
What does this mean? It means that in the present condi-
tions there `is no real possibility for the unification of these
two so different German states: But does that mean that it
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Is now impossible to guarantee collective security in Europe
and thereby to contribute to the guarantee of world peace?
No, by no means.
The ensuring of security in Europe and the provision of
conditions for strengthening peace are in the interests of
Britain and the U.S.S.R., France and Poland, Czechoslo-
vakia and Belgium, all European states and the U.S.A. too.
If we really proceed from this principle and remember
that both German states,which are now members of contending
groups of states, could successfully be members of a general
European system of security which could replace both these
groups, the question can be solved in the way the interests
of the peoples demand.
We see no other solution. Nobody will force us to strength-
en with our own hands a military bloc directed against
the Soviet Union and the other peace-loving states. (Ap-
plause.)
But that is just the aim of those who propose that we should
agree to such a unification of Germany as would involve
a unified Germany's membership in an aggressive anti-
Soviet bloc.
First of all we should like the Germans themselves, espe-
cially in Western Germany, to understand us correctly on
this question. The peoples of the U.S.S.R., Germany and
the European countries of People's Democracy have twice
been involved in the bloodshed of world wars, and the
peoples of our country and of Germany had to bear the heav-
iest sacrifices of all in those wars. It is high time to think
of this and to find the correct solution which will prevent
the reoccurrence of such events in the future.
As for our relations with Western Germany, we have more
than once declared that in the interests of the Soviet Union
as well as of the German Federal Republic it is expedient
that good friendly relations should be established between
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our countries. All conditions are to hand for the establish-
ment of such relations.
I shall remark in passing that our efforts for the guarantee
of general European security and for an appropriate solution
of the German question are in no degree opposed to the inter-
ests of Britain and France. On the contrary, if it is supposed
for an instant that the completely unrealistic dream of
militant personalities in the U.S.A. for the inclusion of a
unified Germany in the aggressive bloc were realized, it
would hardly be possible for the British and French to live
in tranquillity. The German revanchists would have their
hands untied. They would take what action they think fit,
and naturally France would be the most tempting morsel
for them.
We are not talking of this because we want it to be so.
No, we shall do everything for it not to be so. But the expe-
rience of history teaches us that this danger exists all the
more as France-and even Britain-is weaker than the So-
viet Union and the People's Democracies.
That is why it is our sincere desire to be correctly under-
stood in France and Britain too. Is it not better for us to co-
ordinate our activities and find the right solution for the ques-
tion of European security rather than waste our efforts on prep-
arations to fight against one another? (Prolonged applause.)
In this connection I wish to recall that the proposals
made at Geneva by the French Prime Minister, M. Edgar
Faure, and the British Prime Minister, Sir Anthony Eden,
provide a basis for negotiations on European security.
Agreement on this question would also ease the solution
of other most important problems, including that of dis-
armament.
We are all well aware that at the Geneva conferences,
just as in UNO, the Soviet Union put forward a number of
concrete proposals for a cut in arms, the prohibition of atomic
8 1246 233
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and hydrogen weapons and the establishment of interna-
tional control. Agreement on these questions was hindered
by the change in the position of the U.S.A., which suddenly
went back on its former proposals when we agreed to take
them as a basis.
Now the U.S.A., laying aside, in fact, the question of a cut
in armaments, brings to the fore the only proposal made by
President Eisenhower at Geneva, that of exchange of mili-
tary information and of unhindered air photography.
We have already pointed out that the air photography
suggestion does not solve the problem. As long as a cut in
armaments is not actually foreseen, but an increase of
armaments is contemplated, the flying over territories and
taking of air photographs can only help to fan military pas-
sions and war hysteria. Thus we do not get control or any-
thing like control. It is in actual fact a means for better
reconnoitring the forces of the other country. Is it not clear
that the information thus obtained can be used in order to
pick out the appropriate time for a sudden attack on it.
The question is: what is the difference between this and what
is called military reconnaissance? There is no substantial
difference.
It is quite another matter to show a realistic approach to
the problem of disarmament: to agree on levels of armament,
on the prohibition of atomic anc! hydrogen weapons, to es-
tablish a reasonable system of international control, practi-
cable in present conditions, on railway junctions, naval
bases, aerodromes and so forth, which would make it possible
to prevent sudden attack on one country by another. Such
measures could be quite well realized and all peoples would
welcome them.
Some opponents of disarmament proceed from the false
supposition that they are superior in power and it is there-
fore disadvantageous for them to disarm. We have warned
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and still warn, these. champions of the infamous policy
"from strength" that they may make serious miscalculations
in their hazardous game. (Stormy and prolonged applause.)
We do nc t want to scare anybody. Still less do we want
to boast about our military and technical achievements.
But in order to cool the ardour of. the most violent champions
of .the armament race we must remind them of the results
of the experiments recently carried out on the latest Soviet
hydrogen bomb.
The power of this weapon, as was already stated, is equal
to that of millions of tons of ordinary explosive and it can
be considerably increased.. We are still in favour of the pro-
hibition of the production, testing and use of all kinds of
atomic and hydrogen weapons. But those who are opposed
to this would do well not to forget the results of the experi-
ments referred to. (Stormy applause.)
The question of the development of contacts between
East and West, which was discussed at Geneva, is, also
of great importance. The Soviet Union does in fact promote
the development. of such contacts. In our desire to relax in-
ternatioual .tension. and establish business contacts with
various foreign personalities, we, for example, have not
refused and do not refuse visas to .foreigners who express
thedesire to come to.the Soviet Union and learn about its life.
This year many American senators, and congressmen were
in our country; we willingly received them and had con-
versations with them..
Many correspondents of reactionary American newspapers
who specialize in inventing the most absurd anti-Soviet
articles travelled freely over the Soviet Union. We knew
about this and allowed them to come to the Soviet Union,
although it was.. common knowledge that such journalists
come to us. only in order to.carry on writing in the spirit of
the "cold war.
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But the American authorities have so far allowed the
travel to America of only a small agricultural delegation,
a delegation of builders and a single group of Soviet jour-
nalists, who, by the way, had to wait for their visas for
.nine months. Children were even born to some of them during
that time. (Laughter. Applause.)
We want an intensification of the contacts of Soviet
people with the widest circles of the U.S.A. and other coun-
tries. We want the strengthening of mutual friendship but
not interference of other countries in the internal affairs
of the Soviet Union, as someone suggested in Geneva. Nat-
urally, we will never allow that.
We cannot refrain from noting in passing that some
statesmen in the West have recently manifested an under-
standing of the spirit of Geneva which, to say the least,
is a strange one. They want the Soviet Union unilaterally
to disarm and to disarm morally, spiritually and ideologi-
cally too.
Talk on this subject is not new, this is not the first year
it has been going on, although life has already given severe
lessons to those who wanted to impose such conditions on
the Soviet Union.
I shall not be revealing any secret if I say that this unreal-
istic policy towards the Soviet Union is being pursued most
persistently in the United States of America, the ignoble
role of its singular theoretician having been taken on by
the present U.S. State Secretary, Mr. Dulles.
It is he who for a long period has been actively agitating
for the infamous idea of "hurling back," "massive retal-
iation" and other absurd things.
Not wishing, obviously, to reckon with reality, certain cir-
cles in the U.S.A. still try under present conditions after
the Geneva Conference of the H eads of Government of the Four
Powers to speak the language of the already long bankrupt
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policy "from strength." This is the source of all the talk
that "pressure must continue to be exerted on the Soviet
Union," "to force the Reds to retreat."
Special mention must be made in this connection of the
stand taken at present by some prominent U. S. statesmen,
including President Eisenhower, who, as we know, spoke a
lot at Geneva about the necessity for relaxation of interna-
tional tension.
I refer in particular to the so-called Christmas Messages
of President Eisenhower, State Secretary Dulles and other
responsible personages in America to the populations of
the People's Democracies, messages which in no way reflect
the spirit of Geneva and are nothing else but gross interfer.
ence in the internal affairs of free and sovereign states,
which are also members of the United Nations.
In their Christmas Messages these American leaders stated
that they "pray" for a change in the existing order in
those countries and openly promise the "support".-of the
United States of America in this respect. /
Does this show a desire for reconciliation, alyf endeavour
to strengthen and extend the spirit of Geneva.
No, it tends in exactly the opposite dirttioni, it leads to
the fanning of passions and, consequently; to anew armament
race, to the aggravation of the threat of war.
I really did not want to talk about all this and especially
of Mr. Eisenhower, for whom I have particular respect. It
may be said that Khrushchov, when he talks about these
questions, wants to do away with the spirit of Geneva. But
really it i*hot I who put forward all these questions; I am
just answering those who violate the spirit of Geneva, by
openly' interfering in the internal affairs of our allies
and friends, the countries of People's Democracy.
As I have come to talk of the Christmas Messages which
have such an outspoken political character, we can under-
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stand their authors for they belong to pretty solid firms.
Let us take as an example an eminent representative of that
group, Mr. Harriman. It is common knowledge that he is
a multi-millionaire. Others too have more or less solid capi-
tal; God knows how much, we have not counted it; but if
they have fewer millions than Harriman, they certainly want
to have more than he has. (Animation.)
They are therefore bothered not so much about human souls
as about their own fortunes. (Laughter. Applause.)
When the authors of the Christmas Messages advise a
change of order in the countries of People's Democracy,
they are backing Bat'a, Radziwill, Potocki, Bratianu and
other big capitalists and landed magnates who were pitched
out of the countries of People's Democracy by the workers
of those countries. (Prolonged applause.) But the peoples of
those countries must not be identified with the Bat'as, the
Radsiwills, the Potockis, the Bratianus and others.
The American authors of the by no means religious Christ-
mas Messages are closely connected with the capitalists who
were drivers away or fled from the countries of People's
Democracy. In their desire to change the new way of life
in the countries-of People's Democracy these American poli-
ticians want the restoration in those countries of the capi-
talist order, the restoration of capitalist works and factories,
the return of the land to the big estate-owners.
But Mr. Harriman does not want the capitalists alone
to return to those countries, he himself apparently wants
to boss t,in Hungary's economy as he did befdre People's
Democty was established there.
But there is no return to the old. No Christmas Messages
will help either the landlords or the capitalists, the bankers
or the big tradesmen, or any other exploiters whom the work-
ers have driven out of the countries of People's_Democracy.
(Stormy, prolonged applause.)
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Here we can recall our ows experience: When the peoples
of our country overthrew the capitalist order and created
the first state of workers and peasants in the world there
were no few champions of the old capitalist order within
the country as well as abroad, who prayed hard.for the res-
toration in, Russia of the old capitalist order.
Abroad they were praying with all theii hearts for the
Milyukovs, the Tereshchenkos, the Hugheses, the Ryabu-
shinskys and other representatives of big capital, for the
restoration of the power of the capitalists and landowners.
But what came of it?
All the attempts of international imperialism to rehabili-
tate the capitalist order in our country fell through. The
Soviet people, led by its experienced leader, the Communist
Party, shattered all who tried by force of arms or by va-
rious other methods to restore the capitalist order in Russia.
The peoples of our country set out assuredly and firmly
on the path of socialist development and were the first in
the. world to build a socialist society, thus turning into a
reality the age-old dream of labouring mankind. They creat-
ed a powerful socialist industry, the level of whose develop-
ment can be, characterized by the following figures: in 1955
the gross production of all industry in the U.S.S.R. exceeded
the 1913 level 27 times, while the production of means of
production robe sixtyfold, the production of electric power
86 times and engineering production more than 160 times.
(Stormy, prolonged applause.)
Agriculture in our country is growing and developing.
Whereas before the revolution 76 per cent of the popula-
tion of Russia was illiterate, illiteracy in our country had
disappeared in the main by the Second World, War.
This year there are nearly 35 million pupils in the schools
and technical schools in our country. In the higher educa-
tional establishments there are now more than 1,,865,000 stu-
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dents. Considerably more specialists are turned out in the
Soviet Union than in Britain, France, Italy and other West
European capitalist countries taken together. (Applause.)
It was not without reason that that active opponent of
communism, Mr. Churchill, who not only prayed for the
restoration of the capitalist order in our country, but want-
ed to restore that order in Russia by force, is now compelled
to admit that in the preparation of specialists the Soviet
Union has by far outstripped the capitalist countries. That
grieves Mr. Churchill but it gladdens us all. (Stormy
applause.)
The remarkable results in the development of our country
are an inspiring example for the workers in the countries
of People's Democracy and the peoples of other countries.
The peoples of the whole world, including those of the
colonial and dependent states, are opposing with growing
determination the exploitation of man by man, the oppres-
sion of some countries by others.
In that we cannot fail to see an expression of the great
force of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism which are
penetrating into the conscience of millions of people on all
continents. The future belongs to these teachings. (Stormy,
prolonged applause.)
The workers in the countries of People's Democracy,
who have been convinced by their own experience that only
the overthrow of the power of the capitalists, the passing
of power into the hands of the people, leads to real freedom,
will answer the intrigues of their ill-wishers by rallying
still more closely round their Communist Parties, Workers'
Parties and Parties of Labour.
No matter how the capitalists rage they will not succeed
in disorganizing the socialist camp. We shall continue to
march along the path shown to us by the great Lenin; we
shall go on together firmly hand in hand, sweeping from our
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way in our countries all that hinders progress in the building
of communist society. (Stormy, prolonged applause.)
Certain more far-sighted and sober politicians in Britain,
the United States of America and France realize that the
stand taken of late by certain circles in the Western Powers
is contrary to the spirit of Geneva.
I may quote the recent speech by Lord Chorley who admit-
ted that the Western Powers were largely responsible for
the failure of the Geneva Conference of Foreign Ministers.
"I must say," said Lord Chorley, "that I think the theory
that the Western Powers have the monopoly of reasonable-
ness will not stand up to examination...." I shall point out,
by the way, that we quite agree with this. (Animation.)
"They have in fact pursued what seems to me to be quite ob-
viously the policy of old-fashioned 'power politics.' On the
other hand, the U.S.S.R. has, I think, made quite substan-
tial concessions and pursued a policy which is much more
flexible and as a result of that has obtained advantage."
One cannot fail to agree with this appraisal.
Trying to throw the blame on others and to accuse us of
violating the spirit of Geneva, some bourgeois journalists
refer to my speeches and to speeches of other Soviet statesmen
and politicians. They complain that in our speeches we say
that the teachings of Marxism-Leninism will triumph. Is
that violating' the spirit of Geneva?
We did say and we still say that in peaceful competition
between the two economic systems the socialist system. will
win, being the most progressive and most advanced system
which relies on the only correct Marxist-Leninist theory.
(Stormy applause.)
We are not surprised and we do not protest when the ideol-
ogists of the capitalist world, that is, of the opposite system,
affirm that capitalism will win. We consider such an argu-
ment natural. Only history will decide it.
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If some politicians consider our assurance that socialism,
the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, will win as a violation
of the spirit of Geneva, they evidently misunderstand the
spirit of Geneva. They should remember that we have never
renounced and never will renounce our ideas or the fight for
the victory of communism. They will never see ideological
disarmament in our country. (Stormy, prolonged ap-
plause.)
Our conviction in the final victory of communism is not
to the liking of the supporters of capitalism, and that neither
surprises nor embarrasses us. But we say: in this competition,
in this contest we shall never start an aggressive war; we
shall tirelessly oppose all armament races and support disar-
mament, the strengthening of peace and peaceful co-exist-
ence.
Thus facts convincingly show that it is not the Soviet
Union but our Geneva Conference partners who are violating
the spirit of Geneva.
Let us take the following examples. The ink on the joint
communique on the results of the Geneva Conference was
still wet, when certain of our partners at that conference
started to enlist new countries into the aggressive Baghdad
pact; they have drawn Iran into it and are drawing other
states into it.
At the first sitting of the present session of the Supreme
Soviet we listened with attention to a speech by the head of
the parliamentary delegation of Iran, Mohammed Sayed,
who said that the people of Iran want peace and friendship
with the Soviet Union.
We greet this statement, but we cannot refrain from
saying that in spite of all the efforts of the Soviet Union to
guarantee friendly relations with Iran the Government of
that country has entered the Baghdad military bloc and
therefore put the territory of Iran at the disposal of aggres-
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sive forces who are hatching plans of violence against the
Soviet Union.
This applies not only to Iran, it applies to Turkey too.
It will be recalled that when Turkey was led by Kemal
Atatiirk and Ismet Inonu we had very good relations with
her which were subsequently darkened. -We cannosay that it
was only Turkey's fault, on our side, too, inappropriate dec-
larations were made which cast a shadow over our relations.
But subsequently measures were taken on our part to
change the situation and restore friendly, relations with that
country. On the Turkish statesmen's part, however., there
was unfortunately no reciprocity.
American generals and admirals travel through Turkey
making bellicose speeches, demonstrating their power by
visits of naval detachments.
It is hardly reasonable of the Governments of Iran and
Turkey to link their fate with the aggressive Baghdad pact
and to refuse to establish good-neighbourly, friendly rela-
tions with the Soviet Union.
The position of Pakistan towards her. neighbours is a simi-
lar one; she is also a member of the Baghdad pact. Is it not
a fact that Pakistan's relations with India, with Afghanistan
and with the Soviet Union leave much to be desired?
In particular we cannot fail to notice that quite recently
the American Admiral Radford visited Pakistan and then
Iran. He travelled through these countries obviously not
in order to strengthen economic and cultural ties, but for
quite different aims.
This visit by an American admiral confirms the fears
expressed previously that contrary to their national interests
Pakistan and Iran are being more and more involved in
adventurous machinations by the organizers of aggressive
blocs. There is no doubt that if Pakistan had adopted the
same independent attitude as, for example, India, quite
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different conditions would have been provided for the estab-
lishment of friendly relations between Pakistan and neigh-
bouring countries.
We are sure that it will be understood in Pakistan in what
an unenviable position the country has fallen and that the
necessary conclusions will be drawn. We on our side are
ready to meet attempts to'establish friendly relations with
Pakistan.
In connection with the Baghdad pact a few words must
be said about the situation in the Middle East countries.
As is known, the organizers of the Baghdad pact are doing
all they can to draw the Arab countries into that pact. How-
ever, they are meeting growing opposition from the peoples
of those countries.
The Soviet public has followed and still follows with
sympathy the courageous struggle of the people of Jordan
against attempts to include the country in the Baghdad
pact against its will.
We understand the strivings of the peoples of the Arab
countries who are fighting for their full liberation from
foreign dependence. At the same time the activity of the
state of Israel, which ever since it came into existence has
been threatening its neighbours and pursuing a hostile
policy towards them, must be condemned.
It is clear that such a policy does not correspond to the
national interests of the state of Israel and that behind
those who are pursuing it are imperialist states which are
known to all. They are trying to make use of Israel as a
weapon against the Arab peoples with a view to plunder-
ing the natural wealth of that area.
While the Western Powers continue the policy of armament
race and build up aggressive blocs, the Soviet Union is con-
sistently and firmly pursuing its peace-loving foreign poli-
cy, strengthening friendship with all peoples who desire
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L L
it in the interests of the consolidation of peace and
security.
This year alone the Soviet Union cut down its armed forces
by 640,000 men, gave up its military base in Finland-
Porkkala Udd-and withdrew its troops from Port Arthur
before the appointed time. The Soviet Union signed, the
State Treaty with Austria, which has now set out on the
path of permanent neutrality, and withdrew its troops from
her territory; it established diplomatic relations with the
German Federal Republic and undertook a number of other
just as effective measures for the strengthening of peace.
The Soviet, Union re-established friendly relations with
Yugoslavia, with whom for a long time we had had abnormal,
tense relations. We will continue to develop our :good-
neighbourly, friendly relations with Yugoslavia, to extend
economic and cultural ties between the Soviet Union and
Yugoslavia. (Prolonged applause.)
Our visit to India, Burma and Afghanistan holds a
prominent place in this series of measures, as also do the
agreements achieved between the Soviet Union and these
countries.
During the discussion on the State Budget for 1956 at the
present session of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. we
all voted unanimously for a decrease in expenditure on de-
fence needs by almost 10,000 million rubles in comparison
with last year.
On the other hand, the Defence Minister of the U.S.A.,
Mr. Wilson, declared recently that expenditures for the
maintenance of the U.S. armed forces will be increased
in the new budget year by 1,000 million dollars and will
amount to the enormous sum of 35,500 million dollars. Wil-
son did not say that over and above this the budget foresees
quite a considerable sum for other military expenditures as,
for example, for the production of atomic arms, the accu-
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mulation of supplies of strategic material and military
"aid" to foreign states.
This, whereas on our side there are concrete steps to ease
international tension, on the other side, on the side of
the Western Pcwers, we unfortunately see nothing of the
kind. On the contrary, in the United States of America
allocations for armament-, are being increased. Leading
politicians in that country are extending aggressive pacts,
and some of them come forward with warlike declarations
which are by no means directed towards the strengthening
of the spirit of Geneva.
Who therefore is strengthening the spirit of Geneva and
who is undermining it?
In cpnclusion I should like to dwell on the question of the
further existence of the Information Bureau of Communist and
Workers' Parties, which in the West is called the Cominform.
Strictly speaking, there are no grounds for such a question
to arise. But foreign journalists in India often asked us:
"Why do you not dissolve the Cominform? Can the activity
of the Communist Parties in other countries not be stopped?"
Other people asked us the same question in their conversa-
tions.
We in turn said to those people: "But why do you not sug-
gest the dissolution of the Socialist International? Why do
you not suggest to do away with the various international
unions of capitalists?"
Our interlocutors could give no answer.
Naturally, the Cominform is not to the liking of the op-
ponents of communism. But scientific communism as a
doctrine existed almost a hundred years before the Inform-
bureau of the Communist and Workers' Parties was founded.
Collaboration within the framework of the Cominform is a
domestic matter for the Communist and Workers' Parties
which stand on the platform of Marxism-Leninism and prop-
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agate a definite order of social organization. The Commu-
nist Parties represent the working class, they express and
defend its interests, the vital interests of the popular masses.
It is not only the Cominform that the enemies of commu-
nism do not like. Still less to their liking is the irrefutable
fact that the all-triumphant doctrine of communism is
every year winning to its banner more and more people in all
countries. (Prolonged applause.)
The Soviet people will remember how at one time the
S.-R.'s, Mensheviks and other enemies of the working class
said that they were for Soviet power but without the Bolshe-
viks. By such slogans those parties wished to deceive the
people, to tear them away from their leader, the Communist
Party, founded by the great Lenin. They knew that power could
be changed, but that it was impossible to change the Commu-
nist Party. It is impossible to force it to retreat from the de-
fence of the interests of the working class, theinterests of the
people, for the Communist Party is the genuine leader of the
working class and the labouring peasantry, the leader of the
people.and the mouthpiece of their vital interests. (Stormy
applause.)
The Communist Parties in all countries, following the
example. of the Communist Party, of the Soviet Union,
link all their activity indissolubly with the interests of the.
people, the interests of the working class. This is not to the
liking of those who wish to oppress the people for ever.
No more to their liking is the international solidarity of the
working class; they naturally wish that the Cominform should
cease to exist. But that does not depend on them! (Stormy
applause.)
These are perhaps all the questions which it was necessary
in my opinion to dwell upon in detail.
To conclude my speech I should like to express the assur.
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ante that the Supreme Soviet will approve the results
of our visit to India, Burma and Afghanistan, for it pro-
motes the strengthening of friendship and co-operation of
the peoples of the Soviet Union with the peoples of India,
Burma and Afghanistan. And in the friendship of the peoples
of the world lies the mighty source of the power of the peoples
who are barring the way to the outbreak of a new war.
(Stormy, prolonged applause.)
Allow me, Comrade Deputies, from this rostrum to express.
once more our heartfelt gratitude to the great Indian people,
to the Government of the Republic of India and to the Prime
Minister, Mr. Nehru, personally (stormy applause); to the
friendly people of the Union of Burma, her Government and
the Prime Minister of Burma, U Nu, personally (stormy
applause); to the friendly people of Afghanistan, her Govern-
ment and to the Prime Minister, Mohammed Daoud, per-
sonally. (Stormy applause.)
We are grateful from the bottom of our hearts for the hospi-
tality, solicitude and affection the millions of people in
those countries showed towards the Soviet Union and to
our great people during our visit to India, Burma and
Afghanistan. (Stormy applause.) From the bottom of our
hearts we thank the statesmen and public figures whom we
met, the leaders of the states and provinces which we visited
and in which we were everywhere given the most cordial
welcome. (Stormy applause.)
Long live the great friendship of all the peoples of the
world! (Stormy, prolonged applause.)
Long live the Soviet people, the powerful and fearless
fighter for the cause of peace! (Stormy, prolonged applause.)
Long live the great Communist Party of the Soviet Union,
the inspirer and organizer of all the victories of the Soviet
Union! (Stormy and prolonged applause and cheers. All
rise.)
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APPENDIX
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JOINT DECLARATION OF N. A. BULGANIN,
CHAIRMAN OF THE U.S.S.R. COUNCIL
OF MINISTERS,
N. S. HHRUSHCHOV, MEMBER
OF THE PRESIDIUM
OF THE U.S.S.R. SUPREME SOVIET,
AND JAWAHARLAL NEHRU,
PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA
At the invitation of the Government of the Soviet Union
the Prime Minister of India visited the Soviet Union in
June 1955. He was given a warm welcome and his trip
strengthened friendship and mutual understanding between
the peoples of both countries. A Joint Statement by
the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R.
and the Prime Minister of India was published towards the
end of the visit, on June 22, 1955.
At the invitation of the Indian Government N. A. Bul-
ganin, Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers,
N. S. Khrushchov, Member of the Presidium of the U.S.S.R.
Supreme Soviet, and other official representatives of the
Soviet Union accompanying them visited India in November-
December 1955. The population of India enthusiastically
welcomed them wherever they went. Their visit strength-
ened the bonds of friendship linking the two countries and
their peoples. N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov visit-
ed different agricultural, industrial and hydro-technical
developments, and regions where agricultural reconstruc-
tion is being carried out, state-owned farms and other cen-
tres of Indian economic development.
The visit to India of N. A. Bulganin, Chairman of the
U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers, and N. S. Khrushchov,
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Member of the Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet,
and the visit to the Soviet Union of the Prime Minister of
India, Jawaharlal Nehru, provided them with the opportu-
nity of making personal acquaintance with the peoples of
these countries and their way of life, with the problems,
achievements, and aspirations of each country, and led to
mutual understanding between them and the peoples of
their respective states, based on mutual respect, good will
and tolerance.
The above-mentioned Joint Statement published on
June 22, 1955, expressed their firm adherence to the Five
Principles also known as Panch Shila.
These Principles proclaim that countries differing from
one another politically, socially and economically can and
must co-operate on the basis of mutual respect, and non-
interference in one another's home affairs, and must abide
by the policy of active and peaceful co-existence in the
common desire to attain the ideals of peace and the improve-
ment of living conditions.
Since these Five Principles were proclaimed a number
of countries have adhered to, or expressed their agreement
with, them. The countries represented at the Bandung
Conference unanimously adopted a Declaration confirming
these Principles, which have now won general recognition
as a solid basis for co-operation between countries.
During the present visit of N. A. Bulganin and N. S.
Khrushchov to India a free and frank exchange of opinion
on problems of the international situation took place between
them and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. This
exchange of opinion bore out their firm conviction that in-
ternational relations must be based on the Five Principles
and that everything must be done to ease international
tension and promote the consolidation of peace and inter-
national co-operation.
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The Four Heads of Government Conference in Geneva in
July 1955 resulted in the recognition by the Great Powers
represented there of the senselessness of war, which owing
to the development of atomic and hydrogen weapons can
bring only calamities to mankind. This fundamental admis-
sion that war must be ruled out as a method of settling in-
ternational disputes was received with deep satisfaction by
the peoples of the world and resulted in a substantial relax.
ation of international tension. Although basic problems
of Europe and Asia still remain unsolved, the natural con-
sequence of excluding war as a method of settling'' out.
standing questions was a change. in the approach to them
and the striving to solve them through negotiations. Dip.
lomatic relations were established between the; Soviet
Union and the German Federal Republic. Ne~tiations
were started and are still continuing on an ambassadorial
level between the United States of America afthe Chinese
People's Republic. The conference on tle uses of atomic
energy for peaceful purposes successfully concluded its
work this August, and the U.N. General Assembly passed
a resolution on the setting up of an International Atomic
Energy Agency.
In order to continue the settlement of outstanding ques-
tions through negotiations, the Four Heads of Govern-
ment Conference held in Geneva last July pointed to the
necessity of convening a Conference of Foreign Ministers
of the respective countries. This conference was recently
held in Geneva. It did not reach any agreement on the
problems discussed, therefore the great hopes which had
appeared as a result of the Four Heads of Government
Conference have so far not materialized. The conference,
however,- contributed to a clearer understanding of the prob-
lems facing the world, and it- is an indisputable fact that all
these problems can be solved only by peaceful methods and
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through peaceful negotiations if war is to be excluded as
it should be according to the general opinion. Therefore,
disappointment over the results of the Geneva Foreign
Ministers' Conference can be only temporary and it is
necessary to continue to exert every effort to ease inter-
national tension, considering negotiations to be the sole
method of settling outstanding issues. The statesmen
of both countries express their hope that the negotiations
on an ambassadorial level between the United States of
America and the Chinese People's Republic will lead not
only to the solution of the questions under discussion,
but also to greater mutu'l understanding through confer-
ences at a higher level. They are convinced that durable
peace fn Asia is unthinkable without according the Chinese
People's Republic its legitimate place in the United Nations.
They express deep regret at the delay in recognizing this
indisputable fact. They sincerely hope that other Far East-
ern and Asian Iproblems will be speedily solved through
agreement, namely: the legitimate rights of the Chinese
People's Republic to the offshore islands and Taiwan must
be satisfied and the Korean question solved on the basis
of recognition of the national rights of the Korean people
and in conformity with the interests of peace in the Far
East.
The statesmen of the U.S.S.R. and the Prime Minister
of India expressed satisfaction with the Geneva Conference
on Indo-China held last year. That conference put an end
to the destructive war in Indo-China and outlined the pro-
cedure for settling the problems of the Indo-China states.
They note with regret that obstacles are being raised to
the implementation of the Geneva agreements for Viet-
Nam and that there are also difficulties in implementing
the Geneva agreements on Laos. Violation of these agree-
ments will have exceedingly grave consequences both for
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Indo-China and the whole world. Therefore, the statesmen of
both countries wish to appeal to all the signatories of,
and the parties concerned in, the agreements to eliminate
the obstacles now standing in the way of an effective im-
plementation of the Geneva agreements and to co-operate fully
in the execution of these agreements both in letter and spirit.
It is their firm conviction that the principle of universal-
ity must be applied in respect of United Nations member-
ship. Until this principle is observed the United Nations
will not be representative of all the countries of the world.
Therefore they welcome the recommendation of the United
Nations General Assembly on the simultaneous admission
of 18 countries to the United Nations and sincerely hope
that this recommendation will soon be adopted by the Se-
curity Council and carried into effect.
There is no other way of establishing peace throughout
the world and eliminating the conditions leading to an-
other devastating world war than disarmament. The increase
or even the maintenance of the existing level of armaments
is a constant threat of war, a source of fear and the cause
of the race in the production of latest types of weapons of
mass destruction. A pressing need of disarmament rises in
direct proportion to the invention and accumulation of
weapons of ever-growing destructive potential. The wide-
spread desire to see war eliminated demands positive, con-
structive and swift steps towards disarmament. Agreement,
has already been achieved to a great extent on this ques-
tion, and obviously there is no reason why the remaining
obstacles should not be quickly overcome if the estab-
lishment of lasting peace is the set goal. In particular,. the
statesmen of both countries wish once again to express
their firm conviction that the manufacture, use and testing
of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons must be uncondition-
ally prohibited.. Besides this, there must be a substantial
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reduction of conventional armaments and an effective in-
ternational control to ensure the strict implementation of
such prohibition and disarmament. Until this is achieved the
whole world will be darkened and depressed by the fear of
war and the peoples will doubt the sincerity of the desire for
peace.
The statesmen of the U.S.S.R. and the Prime Minister
of India have agreed that the forming of military alliances
or regional military blocs is not a means of safeguarding
peace and security. Such alliances have extended the bounds
of the "cold war" and have introduced the element of in-
stability in the areas in question, have increased fear and
tension and raised additional obstacles to the peaceful de-
velopment of the countries concerned. Peace and genuine
security of the peoples can be assured only by the collective
efforts of states.
One of the most effective means of reducing fear and
international tension is to eliminate barriers to mutual
co-operation and understanding. For this purpose cultural
and economic relations between countries should be encour-
aged. The statesmen of both countries noted with satis-
faction the ever-increasing opportunities for the peoples
of both countries to get to know each other better through
the regular exchange of visits by scientists, technical ex-
perts, economists, members of parliament, writers and
other cultural workers of both countries. They hope that
there will be a steady extension of such opportunities for
mutual contacts on a basis facilitating understanding of,
and respect for, the different ways of life in the two coun-
tries.
The Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers,
the Member of the Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme So-
viet and the Prime Minister of India, therefore, welcome the
development of co-operation between the two countries
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in building the BhilaiIron and Steel Works in India and
in carrying . out other projects on which negotiations are
already being conducted. India's second five-year plan,
which devotes main attention to the development of heavy
industry, can offer further possibilities for such co-operation.
They consider it desirable that upon completion of the nec-
essary preliminary work competent representatives of
both countries meet to examine mutually advantageous
forms of economic and technical co-operation and to reach
agreeihent on concrete matters in cases when this is deemed
necessary.
The visit of N. A. Bulganin and N. S. Khrushchov to
India is an exceedingly important event not only because
it has brought the two countries closer together, but also
because it promotes the cause of universal peace. The
Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers, N. A. Bul-
ganin, Member of the Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme
Soviet, N. S. Khrushchov, and the Prime Minister of India,
Jawaharlal Nehru, again proclaim their faith in the future
and their firm resolve to devote their efforts to the consoli-
dation of peace for the good of the peoples of their countries
and of the whole world.
N. A. BULGANIN, JAWAHARLAI4 NEHRU,
Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Prime Minister of India
Council of Ministers
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JOINT SOVIET-INDIAN COMMUNIQUE
ON ECONOMIC RELATIONS
BETWEEN INDIA AND THE U.S.S.R.
The Joint Declaration of N. A. Bulganin, Chairman of
the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers, N. S. Khrushchov,
Member of the Presidium of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet,
and Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India, notes the
desire of both countries to develop economic co-operation
and to extend trade relations. In connection with this, rep-
resentatives of the Government of the U.S.S.R. and the
Government of India held preliminary negotiations and ar-
rived at the understanding that it would be to the mutual
advantage of both countries to increase the volume of trade
to the maximum. As a first step in this direction the follow-
ing agreement has also been reached:
1. A) The U.S.S.R. will deliver and India will buy
over a period of three years beginning with 1956 one mil-
lion tons of rolled ferrous metals, including 300,000 tons
in the first year and 350,000 tons annually during the two
following years. The time-limits and terms of these deliveries
are to be agreed upon during subsequent negotiations.
B) Over a period of three years the U.S.S.R. will sell
and India will buy such equipment for oil extraction, for
the mining industry and other equipment, and also such other
goods as may be agreed upon by the parties. The delivery
dates and the terms of sale and purchase of these goods
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and equipment will be agreed upon during subsequent
negotiations.
C) The U.S.S.R. will considerably increase its pur-
chases both of raw materials and manufactured goods in
India on terms and at dates which will be agreed upon by
negotiation between the buyers and sellers. The hope is
expressed that the total value of such purchases, including
the sums which may be required for the maintenance of
Soviet official organizations in India, will be equal to the
total value of the goods purchased by India in the U.S.S.R.
D) As provided for in the Soviet-Indian trade agreement,
both Governments will afford maximum facilities as regards
the imports and exports of the aforesaid goods, permitted
by their respective laws, rules and regulations, and will
co-operate in every possible way towards that end,
2. Taking into account the planned increase in the volume
of trade and with a view to ensuring the proper conditions
for shipment of these goods, both Governments consider it
necessary to establish regular shipping lines between the
ports of the U.S.S.R. and India, using Soviet and Indian
vessels.
3. The representatives of both Governments have also
agreed to send delegations from the U.S.S.R. to India or
from India to the U.S.S.R. within the shortest possible
delay to discuss terms and to conclude agreements for'the
implementation of the arrangements set above.
New Delhi, December 13, 1955
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RESOLUTION
OF THE U.S.S.R. SUPREME SOVIET
ON THE RESULTS OF THE VISIT OF N. A. BUL4 ANIN,
CHAIRMAN OF THE U.S.S.R. COUNCIL OF MINISTERS,
AND N. S. KHRUSHCHOV, MEMBER OF THE PRE-
SIDIUM OF THE U.S.S.R. SUPREME SOVIET,
TO INDIA, BURMA AND AFGHANISTAN
Having heard and discussed the reports of Comrade N. A.
Bulganin, Chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers,
and Comrade N. S. Khrushchov, Member of the Presidium
of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet, on their visit to the Repub-
lic of India, the Union of Burma and Afghanistan, the Su-
preme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. expresses its full satisfaction
with the results of the visit.
The Supreme Soviet notes that the friendly visit of the
Soviet government leaders to these countries was a major
political event and contributed to the promotion of peace
in Asia and the Far East and to further relaxation of inter-
national tension.
The enthusiasm and cordiality with which the Soviet
statesmen were greeted in India, Burma and Afghanistan
is regarded by the Supreme Soviet as a manifestation of
the deep respect and friendship cherished by the peoples
of these countries for the peoples of the Soviet Union. The
warm reception accorded to the representatives of the Soviet
people shows that the efforts of our people for peace, and our
country's achievements, are understood and appreciated by
the peoples of India, Burma and Afghanistan.
The Supreme Soviet notes that the visit of Comrades
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Bulganin and Khrushchov was another important step in
strengthening the friendship and co-operation of the U.S.S.R.
with the great country of India, with Burma and Afghanistan
in working for peace, ending the "cold war" and securing fur-
ther relaxation of international tension. The identity of
the aims and aspirations of these countries in relation to
the fundamental problem of international life-the preser-
vation and consolidation of peace-has been reaffirmed.
This identity of views of the U.S.S.R., India, Burma and
Afghanistan is explained not by transitory causes, it is the
result of their common fundamental interests as countries
which desire international peace and security.
The talks revealed an identity of views on major aspects
of the relations between these countries, also on such cardi-
nal international problems as disarmament and uncondition-
al prohibition of atomic and hydrogen weapons, satisfying
the lawful rights of the Chinese People's Republic in rela-
tion to the coastal islands and to Taiwan, granting the Chi-
nese People's Republic its rightful place in the United Na-
tions and settling other outstanding Asian and Far Eastern
problems in accordance with the legitimate rights of the
nations.
Of great importance is their unanimous agreement that
peace can be safeguarded only by collective efforts of the
states.
The relations between the Soviet Union and India, Burma
and Afghanistan are based on the principles of mutual respect
for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty, non-
aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs,
equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful co-existence irre-
spective of their social systems.
The Supreme Soviet notes with satisfaction that these
principles are gaining ever wider international recognition.
They have been made the basis of the relations of the Chinese
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People's Republic with other countries, and they are sup-
ported by the countries which took part in the Bandung
Conference and by a number of other countries in Europe
and Asia. Adoption of these principles as the basis of the
relations between all countries would be of enormous impor-
tance for establishing the necessary confidence among na-
tions and removing the threat of a new war.
Another important result of the visit of Comrades Bulganin
and Khrushchov to these Asian countries is the agreements
reached with them for expanding trade, economic, cultural
and other relations, based on the principle of equality and
mutual benefit, and without imposing any obligations of
a political or military nature.
The Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. Is confident that the
contacts and co-operation between the Soviet Union, India,
Burma and Afghanistan in various spheres of state, economic,
social and cultural activity will effectively develop, and that
measures will be taken to facilitate wider acquaintance of
their peoples with each other's life, achievements and cul-
ture, and broader interchange of experience.
Identity of the interests of the U.S.S.R., the Republic
of India, the Union of Burma, Afghanistan and of all other
peace-loving states in the matter of ensuring peace and
national independence of the peoples creates the necessary
conditions for the development of firm and enduring friend-
ship between these countries, and for growth of co-opera-
tion between them, for the benefit of their peoples and in
the interests of universal peace.
The visit of Comrades Bulganin and Khrushchov to India,
Burma and Afghanistan evoked the whole-hearted approval
of the peoples of many countries, especially colonial and de-
pendent countries, and was hailed by all who are sincerely
interested in eliminating the danger of war and in firm and
enduring peace.
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The Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics considers that the visit of Comrades N. A. Bul-
ganin, Chairman. of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers,
and N. S. Khrushchov, Member of the Presidium of the
U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet, has demonstrated the great
importance of personal contact between statesmen for fur-
thering mutual understanding, establishing confidence be-
tween states, and developing international co-operation.
This visit will have the effect of weakening the forces of
war and of strengthening peace throughout the world.
The Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics resolves:
To approve the activity of Comrade N. A. Bulganin,
.Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R., and
Comrade N. S. Khrushchov, Member of the Presidium of the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R., during their visit to the
Republic of India, the Union of Burma and Afghanistan,
as being in full accord with the peace-loving foreign policy
of the Soviet Union and as contributing to international
peace, friendship and co-operation.
The Kremlin, Moscow
December 29, 1955
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Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
STAT
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IIPEBMBAHHE
H. A. BYAFAHHHA H H. C. XPYWEBA
B HHAHH
STAT
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A. Y. VYSHINSKY
THE SOVIET
ELECTORAL LAW
QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
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THE SOVIET
ELECTORAL LAW
QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
FOREIGN LANGUAGES PUBLISHING HOUSE
Moscow 1955
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Page
Chapter
I. Electoral System . . . . . . . . . . .
5
Chapter
II. Lists of Voters . . . . . . . . . . . .
19
Chapter
III. Soviet of the Union and Soviet of Nationalities
Election Districts . . . . . . . . . . .
25
Chapter
IV. Election Wards . . . . . . . . . . . .
26
Chapter
V. Election Commissions . . . . . . . . .
29
Chapter
VI. Procedure for Nominating Candidates to the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. . . . . . .
33
Chapter
VII. Voting Procedure . . . . . . . . . . .
38
Chapter VIII. Counting the Votes . . . . . . . . . . 41
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Chapter I
ELECTORAL SYSTEM
Question 1. What are the "Regulations Governing
Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R."?
Answer. The "Regulations Governing Elections to the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R." constitute the Soviet
electoral law; they establish the procedure of organizing
and conducting elections to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R. on the basis of universal, equal and direct suf-
frage by secret ballot.
Hence, the Regulations are a practical guide in hold-
ing elections to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
Without the Regulations, it would be impossible prop-
erly to carry out the complex work of elections for the
supreme organ of state power in such a vast country as
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
That is why the Regulations are of such great impor-
tance and why every citizen of the U.S.S.R. should be
well acquainted with them.
The original "Regulations Governing Elections to the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R." were approved by the
Central Executive Committee of the U.S.S.R. at its Fourth
Session held on July 9, 1937; they governed the first elec-
tions to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. held in the
same year.
The second elections to the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet,
held on February 10, 1946, were conducted in conformity
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with the "Regulations Governing Elections to the Su-
preme Soviet of the U.S.S.R." approved by a decree of the
Presidium of the Supreme Soviet dated October 11, 1945.
The 1950 elections to the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet were
held on the basis of the electoral law of January 9, 1950,
which also governed the fourth elections to the Supreme
Soviet in 1954.
Question 2. What is set forth in the "Regulations Gov-
erning Elections to the Supreme Soviet
of the U.S.S.R."?
Answer. The Soviet electoral law is based on the Con-
stitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics the
distinguishing feature of which is its genuine socialist
democratism. The Regulations lay down the principles of
the electoral system as established by the Constitution
and which govern the elections to the Supreme Soviet.
The Regulations tell how the lists of voters are compiled,
how election districts and wards are formed, how and
by whom the election commissions are set up and explain
their rights and duties; they also prescribe the procedure
for nominating candidates to the Supreme Soviet, the
voting and the method of establishing the results.
Question 3. In what way does Soviet electoral law
differ from electoral laws in capitalist
countries?
Answer. There is a radical difference between the So-
viet electoral law as laid down in the "Regulations Gov-
erning Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R."
and the electoral laws in the capitalist countries.
The difference is no less striking than that between
the Soviet Constitution and bourgeois constitutions. In
substance, bourgeois constitutions give legal embodiment
to the rule of the capitalist class, to a social and state
system based on private ownership of the instruments
and means of production, on the exploitation of man by
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man, and on the subjection of vast masses of workers
and peasants to a propertied minority. The constitutions
in bourgeois democracies safeguard the class interests
of this minority, not the interests of the working people.
Nor can it be otherwise, for bourgeois democracy, "al-
though a great historical advance compared with me-
dievalism, always remains, and under capitalism cannot
but remain, restricted, truncated, false and hypocritical,
a paradise for the rich and a snare and a deception for
the exploited, for the poor."
In his historic report to the Extraordinary Eighth All-
Union Congress of Soviets, J. V. Stalin pointed out that
the constitutions of bourgeois countries rest on the pillars
of capitalism. Bourgeois constitutions reflect these pillars
and embody them in law.
Bourgeois constitutions proceed from the premise that
guidance of society by the state (the dictatorship) must
be in the hands of the bourgeoisie, that the constitution
must give legal embodiment to a social order that suits
and benefits the propertied classes, and that nations
and races cannot have equal rights. Bourgeois consti-
tutions merely proclaim the rights of citizens, they do
not give them the real opportunity to exercise these
rights.
The 1936 Constitution of the U.S.S.R. is the constitu-
tion of victorious socialism and rests on the great gains
of socialism. These gains consist of the fact that in the
land of Soviets the capitalist system with its exploitation
of man by man, unemployment and suffering for
the masses of the people has been abolished, and of the
victory of the workers and peasants who have established
their own rule and built a new, socialist society.
At bedrock of the new Constitution, J. V. Stalin said,
are the principles of socialism, its main pillars, already
* V. I. Lenin, The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade
Kautsky, Moscow 1952, pp. 31-32.
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won and established. The Constitution of the U.S.S.R.
reflects and embodies these principles in law.
The Constitution of the U.S.S.R. proceeds from the
proposition that "guidance of society by the state (the
dictatorship) is in the hands of the working class, the
most advanced class in society; that a constitution is need-
ed for the purpose of consolidating the social order
desired by and beneficial to the working people."*
The Soviet Constitution affirms complete equality of
rights for nations and races and ensures to citizens the
real exercise of the rights that are theirs.
Nothing like this exists, or can exist, in countries of
the West.
The constitutions and electoral laws of capitalist
countries contain all kinds of reservations, "specifica-
tions," "supplements" and "notes" which detract from,
and reduce to nought, the rights and liberties formally
proclaimed therein. This is what Marx said of bourgeois
constitutions:
"... each paragraph of the Constitution contains its
own antithesis, its own Upper and Lower House, namely,
liberty in the general phrase, abrogation of liberty in the
marginal note."**
The main defect of all bourgeois constitutions is their
inherently contradictory, false, and hypocritical nature.
J. V. Stalin pointed out that bourgeois constitutions
often contain reservations and restrictions that mutilate
democratic rights and liberties. As a rule the electoral
laws in bourgeois countries best of all fulfil this function
of "mutilating" constitutions.
Very often bourgeois electoral laws alter or re-edit
constitutions and, by way of "explaining" the various
provisions of the latter virtually nullify them.
* .1. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow 1954, p. 690-91.
?* K. Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. Mos-
cow 1954, p. 37.
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As for the Soviet Constitution and Soviet electoral
law, they both convey the same principles and ideas. The
electoral law of the U.S.S.R. does not truncate, limit, or
"correct" the Constitution, as is the case with bourgeois
electoral laws, but ensures the fullest and most consistent
application of the electoral system established by the
Soviet Constitution.
Question 4. Why does the Supreme Soviet, the high-
est organ of state power in the U.S.S.R.,
consist of two Chambers?
Answer. This is explained by the special nature of the
Soviet Union which is made up of sixteen Union Repub-
lics that include within their boundaries several Autono-
mous Republics, Autonomous Regions, and National
Areas. There are many nations and small peoples in the
Soviet state. It is obvious that their specific interests and
needs must be reflected in a definite manner in the su-
preme organ of state power in the country.
"We have a supreme body," as J. V. Stalin pointed
out, "in which are represented the common interests of
all the working people of the U.S.S.R. irrespective of na-
tionality. This is the Soviet of the Union. But in addition
to common interests, the nationalities of the U.S.S.R. have
their particular, specific interests, connected with their
specific national characteristics. Can these specific inter-
ests be ignored? No, they cannot. Do we need a special
supreme body to reflect precisely these specific interests?
Unquestionably, we do. There can be no doubt that with-
out such a body it would be impossible to administer a
multi-national state like the U.S.S.R. Such a body is the
second Chamber, the Soviet of Nationalities of the
U.S.S.R."
The two-chamber system enables all the Soviet peo-
ples, even the smallest, to have their specific national
? J. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, Moscow 1954, p. 707.
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needs and interests represented by their own deputies in
the supreme organ of state power of the U.S.S.R.
In establishing the two-chamber system the Constitu-
tion of the U.S.S.R. proceeds from the fact that, in the
Soviet Union, all the nations and races without exception
have equal rights in all spheres of the economic, social,
political, and cultural life of society.
The two chambers of the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R., the Soviet of the Union ,and the Soviet of Nation-
alities, have equal rights.
The equality of the two Chambers is ensured by the
fact that both are equally entitled to initiate legislation,
and a law is considered adopted provided it is passed by
both Chambers; the Chambers are elected for an equal
term and appoint similar standing commissions; their
sessions begin and terminate simultaneously. In the event
of disagreement between the Chambers, the issue is re-
ferred for settlement to a conciliation commission formed
on a parity basis, and if the conciliation commission fails
to reach agreement, or if its decision fails to satisfy ei-
ther of the Chambers, the issue is once more considered
by both Chambers. Failing agreement, the Presidium of
the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. dissolves the Supreme
Soviet and decrees new elections.
Question 5. What is meant by universal suffrage?
Answer. Universal suffrage means that all Soviet cit-
izens who have reached the age of 18 participate in elec-
tions, with the exception of the insane and persons sen-
tenced by court of law to penalties involving forfeiture
of electoral rights.
Article 123 of the Constitution of the U.S.S.R. guaran-
tees equal rights to all citizens of the U.S.S.R. irrespec-
tive of nationality or race. Any restriction of rights or the
establishment of any direct or indirect privileges for some
citizens as against others on account of race, and any
advocacy of racial or national exclusiveness or hatred
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and contempt are punishable with all the severity
of law.
In accordance with Article 135 of the Constitution of
the U.S.S.R. all Soviet citizens who have reached the age
of 18, irrespective of race or nationality, sex, religious
creed, standard of education, domicile, social origin, prop-
erty status or past activity, have the right to participate
in the election of deputies to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R. This signifies real exercise of universal suffrage.
Citizens who have reached the age of 23 are eligible
for election to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
In the conditions of the Soviet system and victorious
socialism, universal suffrage is one of the most powerful
means of drawing the masses of the people into state
administration, ensuring free expression of the people's
will, and increasing public control over all work of the
various state bodies.
"Universal, equal, and direct suffrage with secret bal-
lot in the U.S.S.R. will be a whip in the hands of the pop-
ulation against those organs of government which work
badly. In my opinion, our new Soviet Constitution will
be the most democratic constitution in the world."*
Question 6. Are foreign citizens residing in the Soviet
Union entitled to vote in the election of
deputies to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R.?
Answer. No, they are not. The Regulations establish
that persons residing on the Soviet territory who are not
citizens of the U.S.S.R. but are citizens or subjects of for-
eign states, are not entitled to elect or be elected to the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
Question 7. Is universal suffrage actually exercised in
bourgeois countries? a
J. V. Stalin, Interview with Roy Howard, Russ. ed., Moscow
1936, p. 23.
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Answer. Universal suffrage is formally proclaimed in
many bourgeois countries. As a matter of fact, however,
there is not a single bourgeois country in which genuinely
universal suffrage is ensured and in which electoral
rights are not curtailed in one way or another. Residen-
tial, property, educational and other qualifications bar
numerous categories of the population from participation
in elections, with the result that suffrage is virtually de-
prived of its universal character. In many countries
(Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Switzerland and elsewhere) women
are denied electoral rights. In most countries men serving
in the armed forces are disfranchised; in those cases
where they formally possess electoral rights they are, in
practice, unable to exercise them. In 1942, at the height
of the Second World War, the U.S. Senate granted serv-
icemen the right to participate in the Congressional elec-
tions, but only those quartered on American territory.
Participation of the working people in elections is se-
riously handicapped by the property qualification which
exists in many countries.
Another wide-spread restriction on the suffrage is the
requirement of prolonged residence in a specific locality
prior to the compilation of lists of voters. in a number of
states in the U.S.A., for instance, this qualification re-
quires that a person shall have resided in the same local-
ity for two years, and in Belgium for six months. In
capitalist countries, hundreds of thousands of seasonal
workers and unemployed are affected by this qualification.
National minorities in bourgeois countries are, as a
rule, restricted in their electoral rights or deprived of them
altogether. Millions of people are debarred from partici-
pation in elections on account of race or nationality. In
the Union of South Africa, most Negroes and Indians,
who constitute over 85 per cent of the population, are dis-
franchised. Countries turned into colonies or dominions
have been placed at a disadvantage compared with the
metropolitan countries. In the French colonies, for
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example, the entire native population, some 60 million
people, are completely disfranchised. The vast population
of the British colonies is in a similar position. In a num-
ber of states in the U.S.A., Negroes cannot participate in
elections because of an educational qualification; to ac-
quire the right to vote, people there must be able to read,
write and speak English. In other states of the Union
electoral laws forbid assistance to illiterates in filling
ballot papers, with the result that "illiterate" Negroes
are virtually excluded from participation in elections.
A big section of the youth in many bourgeois coun-
tries is barred from participation in elections because of
the high age qualification. In Britain, the U.S.A. and
France electoral rights are not granted before the age of
21, in Turkey 22, in Sweden 23, in Holland 25, and in
Afghanistan 28.
This being the case, all talk about universal suffrage
is so much deceit and hypocrisy.
Question 8. What does equal suffrage mean?
Answer. Equal suffrage means that at elections every
voter is entitled to one vote equal to that of any other vot-
er, that all citizens participate in elections on an equal
footing and that, hence, no voter has special privileges.
Under Article 122 of the Constitution of the U.S.S.R.
women have equal rights with men in all spheres of eco-
nomic, state, cultural and socio-political activity. In ac-
cordance with Article 136 of the Constitution elections of
deputies are equal, which means that each citizen has
one vote and all citizens participate in the elections on
an equal footing. Article 137 of the Constitution specifies
that women possess the right to elect and be elected on
equal terms with men.
Under Article 138 citizens serving in the Armed
Forces of the U.S.S.R. have the right to elect and be elect-
ed to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. on equal terms
with all other citizens.
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Equal suffrage is proclaimed by some bourgeois con-
stitutions too, but in actual practice it does not exist in
capitalist countries.
In recent years, knowing that elections even on mild-
ly democratic lines would spell defeat for them, the ruling
circles in a number of capitalist countries have rushed
reactionary electoral laws through the parliaments of
their respective countries. In France, for instance, a new
electoral law passed in 1951 provides that blocs of any
parties contesting the elections shall occupy all the seats
in Parliament from this or that department provided they
get a simple majority, while the other parties get no
seats, no matter how many votes they polled. If the dem-
ocratic principle of proportional representation were
applied, the other parties would have a corresponding
number of seats. Small wonder then that, under this elec-
toral "law" which has nothing in common with a genu-
inely democratic electoral system, the French Right-wing
Socialists secured as many seats as the Communist Party
of France, although they polled only half the vote record-
ed by the Communists.
The 1953 elections to the legislature in Italy were
held under a new law, which the people aptly dubbed the
"big swindle." This law established a so-called "prize
for the majority," i.e., a rule providing that the party or
bloc of parties polling, even by one vote, more than 50 per
cent of the votes, would get 380 of the 590 seats, or 65 per
cent of the total. Had Italian reaction succeeded in achiev-
ing its aim, about four million voters would, in effect,
have been deprived of the right to send representatives to
Parliament. The high level of political consciousness and
activity of the masses prevented Italian reaction from carry-
ing its plans into effect; it suffered :a heavy defeat. Later,
in 1954, as a result of mass pressure the law was repealed.
In the elections held in Western Germany in Septem-
ber 1953 a fraudulent electoral system operated whereby
the parties polling less than five per cent of the vote and
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not in any bloc were completely deprived of representa-
tion in the Bundestag. As a result of this machination the
German Communist Party was denied representation in
the Bundestag, although it polled more than 600,000 votes
which entitled it to at least 12 seats. On the other hand,
the reactionary catholic "Centre Party" which was in a
bloc with Adenauer's party, polled only one-third of the
Communist Party vote and yet was allocated four seats.
It is worth taking a look at the candidates of the Ade-
nauer bloc in these elections. Along with tycoons of West
German capitalism and banking like the "cement" king
Dyckerhoff, Schacht, Henle, Pferdmenges, and others,
there were airforce general Stumpf, a war criminal, Hit-
ler generals and admirals Manteuffel, Heye, and Field
Marshal Kesselring. Side by side with them on candi-
dates' lists were such out-and-out Hitlerites as von Dern-
berg, former departmental head in Ribbentrop's ministry,
Schmidt, Hitler's personal interpreter, and Meinberg, so-
called "Fiihrer of the Reich Peasants."
Such electoral laws are obviously unjust; they are
aimed against the working masses and serve the inter-
ests of the ruling reactionary classes in the capitalist
countries.
Genuine equality of electoral rights for citizens is
fully ensured in the Soviet socialist state.
This equality also finds expression in the procedure
for forming the Supreme Soviet election districts.
Election districts or constituencies have been formed
for the Soviet of the Union, each district comprising
300,000 people. Under the Soviet electoral law all the So-
viet of the Union election districts are equal, each elect-
ing only one deputy.
Equal suffrage in electing deputies to the Soviet of
Nationalities is guaranteed by the fact that the Union
Republics elect 25 deputies each, the Autonomous Re-
publics 11, the Autonomous Regions 5, and the National
Areas one deputy each.
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In conformity with this the territory of each Union
Republic is divided into twenty-five districts equal in pop-
ulation; the territory of each Autonomous Republic, into
eleven districts, also equal in population, and the territory
of each Autonomous Region, into five equal districts;
each National Area constitutes one election district re-
gardless of population. The Soviet of Nationalities elec-
tion districts, too, elect one deputy each.
The system of elections to the Soviet of Nationalities
established by the Constitution and the Election Regu-
lations is fully in keeping with the great principles of the
Lenin-Stalin national policy which has ensured power-
ful economic, political, and cultural progress for all
the numerous nationalities of the U.S.S.R., united in a
single multi-national socialist state of workers and
peasants.
In some capitalist countries unequal election districts
are formed, with the result that in political terms the spe-
cific weight of the voter in one constituency often turns
out to be less than that of a voter in another constituency.
In Britain the inequality of constituencies was also
retained at the 1950 elections. The electorate in the
Sutherland constituency, for instance, nt mbered 25.887,
while the Leyton and Dartmouth constituencies num-
bered 78,491 and 79,085 respectively. This system gives
preponderance to backward rural districts at the expense
of the more progressive industrial centres.
In capitalist countries the democratic principle of
equal suffrage is grossly violated by the requirement that
a deposit be advanced for each candidate, which is ex-
tremely embarrassing to the needy voters. Such an elec-
toral system is clearly incompatible with the interests of
the vast democratic sections of the population.
As for the Soviet electoral system, it guarantees vot-
ers real equality and genuinely equal suffrage.
In the U.S.S.R. the voters enjoy equal rights irrespec-
tive of social origin, property status or occupation. Work-
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ers, peasants and intellectuals participate in elections on
an equal footing.
The equal suffrage effected in the Soviet Union is
proof of the consistent development of Soviet democracy.
Question 9. What does direct suffrage signify?
Answer. The Soviet Constitution (Article 139) has es-
tablished direct suffrage, that is, an electoral procedure
according to which deputies to all organs of state power,
including the Supreme Soviet, are elected by all citizens
directly.
Prior to the adoption of the 1936 Constitution, only
town and village Soviets were elected by direct vote.
The higher organs of Soviet power were elected at the
appropriate congresses of Soviets. The working people
elected delegates to the district congresses of Soviets.
These congresses elected delegates to the regional, terri-
torial and republican (in republics where there was no
regional division) congresses, which in their turn elected
delegates to the congresses of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. In
the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and in
the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic delegates to re-
publican congresses were elected at the regional (terri-
torial) congresses of Soviets. The Central Executive
Committee of the U.S.S.R. and the Central Executive
Committees of the Union Republics were elected at the
Congress of Soviets of the U.S.S.R. and at the Republican
congresses of Soviets respectively. As a result, the Dis-
trict Executive Committees were elected by a two-stage
system, the Territorial and Regional Executive Commit-
tees as well as the leading organs of the Autonomous Re-
publics and the Central Executive Committees of the
Union Republics in which there were regions, by a three-
stage system, and the Central Executive Committee of the
U.S.S.R. by a four-stage system.
In the past this system was necessary and it complete-
ly justified itself. It was conditioned by the state of the
Soviet economy at the time, the nature of the bonds be-
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tween town and country, the cultural level of the popula-
tion and the degree of activity of the masses. It is well
known that during the Civil War and for a number of
years afterwards the economic, cultural and socio-politi-
cal situation in the country made it difficult to replace
indirect elections by direct elections.
Speaking about the advantages of introducing direct
elections, Comrade Molotov said:
"Direct elections will further enhance the prestige of
the organs of Soviet power and reinforce the ties between
these organs and the broad masses of the working people.
The workers and peasants will have a better knowledge
of their representatives not only in the districts and re-
gions, but in the central organs of the Soviet state; they
will be linked more directly with them, and, !as ia result,
the entire work of the leading organs of Soviet power will
be further improved."*
Question 10. What is implied by the secret ballot?
Answer. The secret ballot, established by Article 140
of the Constitution, is a procedure in which balloting is
not done, for instance, by show of hands in the presence
of other voters, as is the case with the open ballot, but by
filling ballot papers in a booth where the presence of oth-
ers, including members of the ward election commission,
is forbidden. This procedure guarantees the electorate
complete freedom of expression of will. In these condi-
tions the voter feels perfectly independent, since no one
knows, or can know, for whom he casts his vote.
On the other hand, the secret ballot, being a power-
ful means of control on the part of the electorate, makes
the deputy have more respect for public opinion, work
better, and attend still more conscientiously to his busi-
ness, to his duties in relation to the state.
V. M. Molotov, Changes in the Soviet Constitution, Russ. ed.,
Moscow 1935, p. 28.
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In the countries of bourgeois parliamentary democra-
cy there is no genuinely secret ballot, although nominally
it has been instituted there. The system of bribery, open
trading in votes and downright terror against the electo-
rate grossly violate the secrecy of balloting. The very
method of holding elections contributes to this. In many
countries the holding of elections is entrusted to officials.
of the Ministry of the Interior and the police. The Ade-
nauer government, for instance, mobilized 100,000 police-
men during the elections held in September 1953, ac-
cording to press reports, for the purpose of ensuring the
success of the elections, to say nothing of the numerous
terrorist fascist gangs hired for the same purpose.
The replacement of the open ballot by the secret bal-
lot vividly illustrated, as V. M. Molotov pointed out, the
desire of the Soviet authorities to place the work of their
organs under increased supervision by the workers and
peasants.
The Election Regulations set forth rules the observ-
ance of which guarantees complete secrecy of balloting.
Chapter II
Question 11. What is meant by voters' lists referred
to in Chapter II of the Election Regula-
tions?
Answer. The voters' list (register) is a most important
electoral document authorizing the issue of ballot papers
to the electorate. Receipt of the ballot paper enables the
elector to participate in voting. But before he receives it he
must be entered in the list of voters in his election ward.
Articles 15 and 17 of the Election Regulations provide
that the voters' register shall be drawn up in each elec-
tion ward in the form established by the Presidium of the
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Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. In towns the registers are
compiled by the Executive Committees of urban Soviets
of Working People's Deputies, in cities divided into dis-
tricts, by the Executive Committees of the district Soviets,
in smaller towns, by the Executive Committees of the
town Soviets, and in rural localities, by the Executive
Committees of rural (stanitsa, village, hamlet, kishlak,
aul) Soviets of Working People's Deputies.
Question 12. Who are entered in the voters' register?
Answer. Since elections to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R. are held on the basis of universal suffrage, the
voters' lists include all citizens who have reached the age
of 18 by election day, who enjoy electoral rights and re-
side (permanently or temporarily) in the territory of the
given Soviet at the time of compilation of the lists.
With regard to electors who have reached the age of
18 by election day, it is required that the year, month and
date of birth be registered in the list of voters. If the So-
viet of Working People's Deputies lacks exact informa-
tion concerning the month and date of birth of such an
elector, it is assumed that he was born on January 1 of
the year in question.
Persons deprived of electoral rights by court of law
are not entered in the lists of voters for the period of depri-
vation of electoral rights specified in the sentence; nor
shall the voters' lists include persons certified insane in
the manner prescribed by law.
Question 13. What identification papers are required
for the citizens to be included in the vot-
ers' register by the Executive Commit-
tees of Soviets?
Answer. The Executive Committees of Soviets may
not demand from citizens any papers for the purpose of
putting their names on the voters' register. It is the duty
of the Executive Committee,; themselves to compile these
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registers. In towns, for instance, lists of voters are com-
piled in conformity with the records in house-registers,
and in rural localities, in conformity with farmstead reg-
isters, or with the lists of temporary residents.
Question 14. What guides the Executive Committees
of Soviets of Working People's Depu-
ties in deciding that persons deprived
of electoral rights, or certified insane,
shall not be entered in the lists of
voters?
Answer. Regarding persons deprived of electoral
rights by court of law, the Executive Committees of So-
viets shall be guided by absolutely reliable and carefully
checked evidence, such as copy of the sentence or an of-
ficial announcement by organs of the Procurator's Office
or courts of law. Statements in this respect by private in-
dividuals are not sufficient in themselves.
In regard to insane persons the Executive Committees
shall be guided either by the certificate issued by court of
law on the basis of an pact by judicial and psychiatric
experts, or by official notifications of medical establish-
ments (asylums, special medical commissions), acting on
special powers vested in them by the law.
Question 15. Should citizens sentenced by court of
law to a penalty that does not involve
either imprisonment or deprivation of
electoral rights be included in lists of
voters?
Answer. Such citizens are included in lists of voters.
The lists should not include citizens convicted by court
without deprivation of electoral rights, if they are under
arrest, since in such circumstances they are unable to
participate in elections.
Besides, voters' lists do not include persons under
judicial examination and therefore held under arrest.
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Question 16. How and where are nomads (e.g., Gip-
sies) included in voters' lists?
Answer. They are included in voters' lists on an equal
footing with all other citizens by the Executive Committees
of the Soviets of Working People's Deputies in whose ter-
ritory they are camped at the time of compilation of the
lists.
Question 17. Can a citizen be entered in more than
one voters' register?
Answer. No. The Election Regulations (Article 13)
establish that no voter can be entered in more than one
list of voters, otherwise the principle of equal suffrage
would be violated.
Question 18. How are voters' lists compiled in mili-
tary units or military formations? In
what voters' lists are all the other per-
sons on military service included?
Answer. Lists of voters in military units and military
formations are drawn up by the command and signed by
the commander.
All other persons on military service are entered in
voters' lists according to place of residence by the Exec-
utive Committees of the appropriate local Soviets, and
they vote, too, according to place of residence.
Question 19. Do persons serving in military units and
military formations of the Soviet Army
and Navy beyond the Soviet frontiers
participate in elections to the Supreme
Soviet of the tl.S.S.R.?
Attsz;.cer. Yes, they do. By a decree dated October 14,
1945, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
settled this matter guided by Article 138 of the Constitu-
tion which establishes that citizens serving in the Soviet
Army have the right to elect and be elected on equal terms
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with all other Soviet citizens. They vote in special election
districts. The rate of representation for the troops is one
deputy in each of the two Chambers of the Supreme So-
viet of the U.S.S.R., the Soviet of the Union and the So-
viet of Nationalities, for each special district.
Question 20. What facilities are at the disposal of
electors for inspecting voters' reg-
isters?
Answer. The Regulations bind the Executive Com-
mittees of Soviets of Working People's Deputies to exhib-
it voters' lists for public inspection thirty days prior to
elections or to enable electors to acquaint themselves
with the lists on the premises either of the Soviet or the
election ward.
Question 21. What is the significance of providing
citizens with facilities for prior inspec-
tion of the voters' lists?
Answer. Prior examination of voters' lists is of great
importance since it makes it possible timely detection and
correction of errors (non-inclusion in the list of citizens
possessing electoral rights, inclusion of persons deprived
of electoral rights, distortion of surname, given name or
patronymic, etc.).
Question 22. What is the procedure for correcting
voters' lists?
Answer. To have any inaccuracy in the lists correct-
ed-inaccuracies such as non-inclusion or exclusion from
the lists, distortion of surname, given name or patronym-
ic, incorrect inclusion of persons deprived of electoral
rights, etc., the citizen must submit an appropriate appli-
cation to the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Work-
ing People's Deputies which published the list. It is the
duty of that body to consider the matter within three
days.
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Any citizen may submit such a claim to the Executive
Committee of a Soviet either directly or through the ward
election commission.
Question 23. Is it permissible to appeal against a de-
cision taken by the Executive Committee
of the Soviet concerning corrections in
voters' lists?
Answer. Yes, appeal can be made. To do this the citi-
zen must submit his complaint to a People's Court. The
court is obliged to examine the complaint in open session
within three days in the presence of the claimant and a
representative of the Executive Committee of the Soviet
in question and immediately announce its decision both
to the Executive Committee of the Soviet and to the claim-
ant.
The decision of a People's Court is final and is not
subject to appeal.
The foregoing shows that the procedure of compiling
voters' lists in the Soviet Union is simple and democrat-
ic in the highest degree and fully guarantees the cor-
rection of possible mistakes.
Question 24. How do voters who have changed their
place of residence after publication of
voters' lists participate in elections?
Answer. A voter who has changed his place of
residence in the interval between the date of publication
of voters' lists and election day, can be included in the
register at his new place of residence.
For this he must obtain from the Executive Committee
of the appropriate Soviet of Working People's Deputies
the "Voting Right Certificate" established by the Presid-
ium of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. He then
submits this certificate, together with his identification
papers, to the Executive Committee of the Soviet at his
new place of residence-permanent or temporary-
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whereupon he is entered in the voters' list and so partic-
ipates in tl e elections in the ordinary way.
Question 25. What is the voting procedure for elec-
tors who arrive at a new place of resi-
dence on polling day?
Answer. An elector who arrives at a new place of
residence on polling day may go to any election ward
where, upon presentation of the "Voting Right Certifi-
cate" and identification papers, he will be entered in the
voters' list, receive ballot papers and vote on equal foot-
ing with the other electors.
Chapter III
SOVIET OF THE UNION AND SOVIET
OF NATIONALITIES
ELECTION DISTRICTS
Question 26. On what principle are the election
districts for the Soviet of the Union
formed?
Answer. The election districts for the Soviet of the
Union are formed on the following principle: the entire
territory of the U.S.S.R. is divided into election districts
of 300,000 inhabitants per district.
Hence, there are as many election districts in the
U.S.S.R. as obtain from division of the total population
by 300,000. For the 1954 elections to the Soviet of the
Union there were 700 election districts.
Question 27. How are the election districts for the
Soviet of Nationalities formed?
Answer. Twenty-five election districts have been
formed in each Union Republic. Since there are sixteen
Union Republics in the U.S.S.R., 400 districts were formed
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for the 1954 elections. There are 11 districts in each
Autonomous Republic-'a total of 176 for the 16 Auton-
omous Republics. The nine Autonomous Regions have
five election districts each or 45 altogether. The ten Na-
tional Areas have one election district each. The total
number of the Soviet of Nationalities election districts
in 1954 was 631.
In all, 1,331 election districts were formed for the 1954
elections to the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet, not counting
the special election districts formed in military units and
military formations of the Soviet Army and Navy beyond
Soviet territory.
Question 28. How many deputies are elected to the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.?
Answer. Since each election district elects but one
deputy, the total number of the Supreme Soviet deputies
is 1,331, besides, a certain number is elected by voters
serving in military units and military formations of the
Soviet Army and Navy beyond the Soviet Union's
frontiers.
Chapter IV
Question 29. What is the election ward and for what
purpose is it set up?
Answer. The election ward is formed for the purpose
of polling ballots and counting the votes. To this end
every city and district forming part of an election dis-
trict or constituency is divided into wards common for
elections to the Soviet of the Union and the Soviet of
Nationalities.
The break-down of election districts into election
wards comprising a small number of inhabitants, and
situated as close as possible to the voter's place of rest
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deuce, makes the holding of elections in the district much
easier.
If the voters of a whole district had to vote in one
place, both polling and the counting of votes would be
exceedingly difficult and would require much more time,
whereas, according to the Regulations, elections to the
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. must be held in the course
of one day.
Plainly it is much more convenient and rational to
poll ballots and count the votes according to small wards
rather than in one large election district.
Question 30. Who is empowered by law to set up
election wards?
Answer. In cities divided into districts the duty of
setting up election wards is assigned to the Executive
Committees of the district Soviets of Working People's
Deputies, and in towns with no such division, to the
Executive Committees of the town Soviets; in rural local-
ities the task falls to the Executive Committees of the
district or uyezd Soviets of Working People's Deputies.
Question 31. On what principle are the election
wards formed?
Answer. In towns, industrial centres, villages and
rural localities with more than 2,000 inhabitants, election
wards are formed so that each ward comprises from
1,500 to 3,000 inhabitants.
As a rule, the territory of a rural Soviet with not
more than 2,000 inhabitants constitutes a single election
ward; each stanitsa, village, kishlak, and aul with 500
or more inhabitants, but not in excess of 2,000, consti-
tutes a separate election ward.
In villages or groups of villages with about 500 in-
habitants, but not less than 300, separate election wards
may be set up, if the distance from these villages to the
election ward centre exceeds ten kilometres.
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In remote northern and eastern regions, where small
communities prevail, it is permissible to form election
wards of not less than 100 inhabitants.
As for the National Areas in the North as well as in
mountainous and nomadic regions, the Election Regula-
tions permit the forming of election wards there, even
if the population is below 100, provided, however, that
it is not below 50.
Military units and military formations constitute
separate election wards of not less than 50 and not more
than 3,000 voters.
Question 32. What facilities are there for voters in
hospitals, maternity homes, sanatoria
and invalid homes to participate in
elections?
Answer. In all medical establishments and invalid
homes too, with not less than 50 electors, separate elec-
tion wards are formed. In hospitals of several buildings
election wards may be set up in each building, provided
it houses not less than 50 voters.
As regards voters who, while not in hospitals, are
unable to reach the election ward because of illness, it
is the duty of the members of the ward commission or of
specially authorized persons to visit the voter's home
upon request where the ballot paper is filled in and
placed in a miniature ballot box.
Question 33. How do voters on board ship on election
day participate in elections?
Answer. Vessels under sail on election day, and with
not less than 25 voters on board, may constitute separate
election wards, to be included in the election district of
the port of registry.
Question 34. What about citizens travelling in long-
distance trains on election day, how do
they participate in elections?
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Answer. In long-distance trains that are under way
on election day, wards are arranged so that voters hold-
ing "Voting Right Certificates" can poli their ballot
papers. Train election wards are registered either in the
districts where the respective trains were marshalled, or
in the districts whose territory they cross on election day.
In the light of the foregoing it is clear that the Soviet
principle of forming election wards ensures maximum
attendance by voters, and, by removing every hindrance
and difficulty in the way the elector exercises his rights,
makes the voting for the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
genuinely universal. Every point in the Election Regula-
tions reflects the broad popular democratism of the
Soviet electoral system. Small wonder, therefore, that as
a rule the overwhelming majority of the electorate goes
to the polls in the Soviet Union.
Chapter V
ELECTION COMMISSIONS
Question 35. What election commissions function for
elections to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R.?
Answer. The following election commissions are set
up for the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet elections:
1) The Central Election Commission for the elections
to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.; 2) Soviet of
Nationalities Election Commissions for the Union Repub-
lics, Autonomous Republics, Autonomous Regions and
National Areas; 3) District Soviet of the Union Election
Commissions; 4) District Soviet of Nationalities Elec-
tion Commissions; 5) Ward Election Commissions.
Question 36. How are the election commissions
formed?
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Answer. The election commissions consist of repre-
sentatives from trade-union organizations of workers
other employees, co-operative bodies, Communist
and
Party and youth organizations, cultural, technical and
scientific societies, and other legally registered public
organizations and societies of the working people, as
well as representatives elected at meetings of workers
and other employees in enterprises and servicemen in
army and naval units, and at meetings of peasants on
collective farms, in villages and volosts, and of workers
and other employees on state farms.
Question 37. What is the composition of the Central
Election Commission and what are its
functions?
Answer. The Central Election Commission is com-
posed of a chairman, vice-chairman, secretary and 24
members. It is endorsed by the Presidium of the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. not later than fifty days prior to
the date fixed for the elections.
The Central Election Commission:
a) Sees that the "Regulations Governing Elections to
the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R." are strictly observed
throughout the Soviet Union;
b) Deals with complaints concerning irregularities
on the part of election commissions and takes final deci-
sions on the complaints;
c) Establishes the models of ballot boxes, the form
and colour of ballot papers, the form of the official records
of registration of candidates by the district election
commissions, the form of the official records of the count,
the form of the certificates of election, and the design of
seals for the election commissions;
d) Registers the deputies elected to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R.;
e) Turns over the election files and records to the
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Credentials Commissions of the Soviet of the Union and
of the Soviet of Nationalities.
Question 38. What is the composition of the Soviet
of Nationalities election commissions
and what are their functions?
Answer. The Soviet of Nationalities election commis-
sions of the Union Republics, Autonomous Republics,
Autonomous Regions and National Areas consist of a
chairman, vice-chairman, secretary and from ten to six-
teen members and are confirmed by the Presidium of the
Supreme Soviet of the Union and Autonomous Republics
or by the Executive Committees of the Soviets of Work-
ing People's Deputies of Autonomous Regions and
National Areas not later than fifty days prior to election
day. These election commissions see that the "Regula-
tions Governing Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R." are strictly adhered to in the course of the
elections; they also deal with complaints of irregularities
on the part of Soviet of Nationalities election commis-
sions.
Question 39. What is the composition of district
Soviet of the Union election commis-
sions and of district Soviet of National-
ities election commissions?
Answer. District Soviet of the Union and district
Soviet of Nationalities election commissions are com-
posed of a chairman, vice-chairman, secretary and eight
members, and are endorsed in accordance with Articles
45 and 49 of the Election Regulations not later than
fifty days prior to the polling day.
Question 40. What are the functions of the district
election commissions?
Answer. District Soviet of the Union and district
.Soviet of Nationalities election commissions:
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a) See that the "Regulations Governing Elections
to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R." are strictly
adhered to in the territory of their respective election
districts;
b) Deal with complaints of irregularities on the part
of ward election commissions and take appropriate deci-
sions;
c) See that the Executive Committees of the Soviets
of Working People's Deputies form the election wards in
good time;
d) See that voters' lists are compiled and made pub-
lic in proper time;
e) Register candidates nominated in accordance with
the provisions of the Constitution and the "Regulations
Governing Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R.";
f) Furnish the ward election commissions with bal-
lot papers in the prescribed form;
g) Count the votes cast and establish the returns;
h) Issue certificates of election to the elected
deputies;
i) Turn over the election files and records to the
Central Election Commission and the Soviet of Nationali-
ties election commissions of the Union and Autonomous
Republics, Autonomous Regions and National Areas.
Question 41. What is the composition of ward elec-
tion commissions?
Answer. The Election Regulations provide that ward
election commissions shall consist of a chairman, vice-
chairman, secretary and from four to eight members, and
in election wards with less than 300 inhabitants, of a
chairman, secretary and from one to three members.
Ward election commissions are endorsed by the Executive
Committees of the appropriate town, district or uyezd
Soviets of Working People's Deputies not later than
forty days prior to the date fixed for the elections.
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Question 42. What are the functions of the ward
election commissions?
Answer. The ward election commissions:
a) Receive claims concerning inaccuracies in lists of
voters and submit them for consideration to the Execu-
tive Committees of the Soviets which published the lists;
b) Receive the ballots in the election wards;
c) Count the votes cast for each candidate;
d) Turn over election files and records to the district
Soviet of the Union election commissions or the district
Soviet of Nationalities election commissions respectively.
Question 43. How do the election commissions work?
Answer. The Election Regulations establish that the
meetings of all election commissions ale deemed valid
if attended by more than one-half of their total member-
ship and that all questions are decided by a simple
majority vote; in the event of an equal division, the
chairman has the casting vote.
Chapter VI
PROCEDURE FOR NOMINATING CANDIDATES
TO THE SUPREME SOVIET
OF THE U.S.S.R.
Question 44. How are candidates to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. nominated?
Answer. In accordance with Article 141 of the Consti-
tution of the U.S.S.R. the Election Regulations establish
that the right to nominate candidates to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. is ensured to public organizations
and societies of the working people, namely, Communist
Party organizations, trade unions, co-operatives, youth
organizations, and cultural societies.
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The right to nominate candidates is exercised by the
central bodies of public organizations and societies of the
working people and by their republican, territorial,
regional, uyezd and district bodies, as well as by general
meetings of workers and other employees in enterprises,
and of servicemen in army and naval units, and also by
general meetings of peasants on collective farms, and of
state farm workers and other employees on state farms.
In conformity with Article 126 of the Constitution, all
citizens of the U.S.S.R. may, regardless of occupation,
unite in various public organizations: trade unions, co-
operative associations, youth and sports organizations,
cultural, technical and scientific societies; and the most
active and politically-conscious citizens in the ranks of
the working class and other sections of the working
people may unite in the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union, which is the vanguard of the working people in
their struggle for building communist society, and the
leading core of all organizations of the working people,
both public and state.
It is clear that this procedure, which provides Soviet
citizens with the greatest opportunity of participating in
the nomination of candidates to the Supreme Soviet of
the U.S.S.R. is genuinely democratic.
Question 45. Who may be nominated as candidate to
the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.?
Answer. Under the Soviet electoral law any citizen
who has reached the age of twenty-three and enjoys
electoral rights is eligible for election to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
This law does not make any special claims on candi-
dates to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
The situation is quite different in bourgeois countries.
In Britain, for example, each candidate must deposit
150 pounds, in Canada 300 dollars, and in Japan 2,000
yen. Moreover, in the event of the candidate not polling
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a definite minimum of votes, this deposit is confiscated
for the benefit of the state. In some countries candidates
meet the expenditure in acquiring ballot papers.
Nothing like this exists in the Soviet Union where
there are no "election deposits" or payment of election
expenditure by candidates.
According to Article 11 of the Election Regulations
all the expenditure incurred in elections to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. is borne by the state.
Candidates to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
are nominated by the people themselves, who proceed
solely from the personal ability of the citizens concerned,
from the quality of their work, and from their devo-
tion to the people and country.
Question 46. How are the candidates to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. nominated and
registered?
Answer. According to the Election Regulations public
organizations or societies of the working people nominat-
ing candidates for the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.
must submit to the district election commissions the
following documents indicated in Article 61 of the Elec-
tion Regulations: first, the minutes of the meeting at
which the candidate was nominated; second, a declara-
tion by the candidate of his consent to stand for election
in the given election district on behalf of the organiza-
tion which nominated him.
The minutes must state the surname, given name and
patronymic of the candidate, his age, address, party
affiliation and occupation. Besides, they must state the
time and place of the meeting and the number of persons
present:
The minutes must be signed by the members of the
presidium of the meeting, and stating their addresses
and the name of the organization nominating the candi-
date.
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Not later than thirty days prior to the (late of elec-
tions the candidates must by registered by the district
election commission for the Soviet of the Union or by
the district election commission for the Soviet of Nation-
alities, depending on which body the candidate in ques-
tion is nominated for.
Not later than twenty-five days prior to the date of
elections, the respective district election commission
publishes after registration the surname, given name,
patronymic, age, occupation and party affiliation of the
given candidate and the name of the public organiza-
tion nominating him. Thereafter the registered candi-
dates.are entered in the ballot paper.
If it is established at the time of registration that
some requirement or other put forward to a candidate
by the Regulations has not been complied with, the
district election commission is entitled to refuse regis-
tration of the candidate. In that case the candidate is
not included in the ballot paper.
Question 47. Is it permissible to appeal against the
refusal of a district election commission
to register a candidate?
Answer. Yes, it is. The Election Regulations point out
that the refusal of a district Soviet of the Union election
commission or a district Soviet of Nationalities election
commission to register a candidate may be appealed
against within a period of two days.
Question 48. With what body is the refusal of a
district election commission to register
a candidate for the U.S.S.R. Supreme
Soviet appealed against?
Answer. Appeal against refusal of a district Soviet
of the Union election commission to register a candidate
is lodged with the Central Election Commission.
Appeal against refusal of a district Soviet of Nation-
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alities election commission to register a candidate is
lodged with the respective election commission of the
Union or Autonomous Republic, Autonomous Region or
National Area, and appeal against the decision of this
body is lodged with the Central Election Commission.
The decision of the Central Election Commission is
final and is not subject to appeal.
Question 49. Is it permissible to nominate one can-
didate in several districts?
Answer. Yes, this can be done. No matter where a
candidate lives and regardless of whether he has already
been nominated in one district, he may be nominated by
electors in any other district. But the Election Regula-
tions provide that a candidate for the Supreme Soviet
of the U.S.S.R. may stand for election only in one dis-
trict. The candidate must declare his consent to stand
for election in the given district on behalf of the organi-
zation nominating him.
Only those candidates are balloted who have been
nominated, according to Article 141 of the Constitution
of the U.S.S.R., by public organizations and societies of
the working people and registered with the district elec-
tion commissions in proper time.
Question 50. What is the ballot paper?
Answer. The ballot paper is a sheet printed in the
form prescribed by the Central Election Commission. It
indicates the name and number of the election district,
the surname, given name and patronymic of candidates
for the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R., as well as an
enumeration of the organizations nominating the candi-
dates.
The ballot papers must be printed in the language of
the inhabitants of the election district in question. If in
that district there are groups of inhabitants speaking
different languages, the ballot papers must be printed
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in the respective languages and in quantities sufficient
to supply all the voters with ballot papers in their
native languages.
Question 51. When and where do electors receive
the ballot papers?
Answer. The ballot papers must be printed by the
district Soviet of the Union election commissions and
the district Soviet of Nationalities election commissions
not later than fifteen days prior to the date of the elections
and then distributed to all the ward election commissions
which issue them to the voters on polling day.
Chapter VII
VOTING PROCEDURE
Question 52. Are elections to the Supreme Soviet of
the U.S.S.R. held on one day or are
they spread over a number of days?
Answer. The Election Regulations provide that elec-
tions to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. shall be
held in the course of one day, which shall be the same
throughout the U.S.S.R. The elections are held on a
Sunday, otherwise part of the electorate would be unable
to participate in voting.
In some bourgeois countries, on the contrary, elec-
tions are held on week days, with a view to preventing
working people from participating in elections.
Question 53. Where does polling take place?
Answer. Polling takes place on premises specially
set aside for the purpose. Every day, for a period of
twenty days prior to the elections, the ward election
commissions publish, or otherwise make generally known
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to the electors, the place of voting as well as the date of
the elections.
Question 54. What are the polling hours?
Answer. Polling takes place from 6 a.m. until
midnight local time. At 6 a.m. on election day the chair-
man of each ward election commission examines the
ballot boxes in the presence of the members of the com-
mission and ascertains that there is a list of voters com-
piled in the prescribed form, whereupon he seals the
boxes with the seal of the commission and invites the
electors to vote.
At midnight on election day, the chairman of the
ward election commission declares polling terminated,
and the commission proceeds to open the ballot boxes
and count the votes.
Question 55. How does polling take place?
Answer. Every elector votes personally at the polling
station. There he presents to the secretary or any other
authorized member of the ward election commission his
passport, or collective-farm or trade-union membership
card, or some other evidence of identity. After his name
is checked in the voters' list and an entry made in the
list, recording the issue of ballot papers, he is given
ballot papers of the prescribed form.
He then proceeds to a special room, a booth, to fill in
the ballots. There, in the absence of members of the ward
election commission or any other persons, he leaves the
name of the candidate he votes for and crosses out the
names of the others. Thence he proceeds to the room
where the ward election commission is located and drops
his ballot papers into the ballot box.
Question 56. Can a number of electors be simul-
taneously admitted to the room set
aside for filling in the ballot papers?
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Answer. Yes. In this case, to ensure the secrecy of
balloting, the law requires that the room set aside for
filling ballot papers be fitted with partitions or screens
and divided into booths according to the number of vot-
ers admitted simultaneously, so that one elector may not
see what is done by the other.
Question 57. How do illiterates vote?
Answer. The law provides illiterates with every
opportunity to participate in voting. An illiterate voter
is entitled to invite any other voter to enter the room set
aside for filling ballot papers and help him to fill his
ballot papers.
Question 58. What is the method of voting for in-
valids or persons unable owing to phys-
ical disability to fill the ballot papers
themselves?
Answer. For this category of voters, as is the case
with illiterates, the law provides the necessary voting
conditions by permitting them to invite any other voter
into the room assigned for filling ballot papers so as to
fill their ballot papers with that person's help.
Question 59. Is electioneering work permitted during
the hours of voting?
Answer. The Election Regulations say that every
organization nominating a candidate registered with a
district election commission, in the same way as every
citizen of the U.S.S.R., is ensured the right freely to can-
vass in favour of that candidate at meetings, through
the press, and in other ways.
Electioneering is forbidden only at the polling sta-
tions on polling day. This is done so that no one shall
exercise any influence on electors at the time of
voting.
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Chapter VIII
COUNTING THE VOTES
Question 60. How does the ward election commis-
sions conduct the count?
Answer. The Election Regulations contain the follow-
ing rules: at midnight local time on election day, the
chairman of the ward election commission declares
polling terminated, and the commission proceeds to open
the ballot boxes. The right to attend the counting of
votes on the premises of the election ward is extended
to representatives of public organizations and societies
of the working people, specially authorized for the pur-
pose, and to representatives of the press. Having opened
the ballot boxes, the ward election commission checks
the number of ballots cast with the number of persons
who received them and enters the result in an official
record. When the ballot papers have been checked, the
chairman announces in the presence of all the members
of the commission the results of the vote cast by each
ballot paper. The votes cast are counted separately for
the Soviet of the Union and the Soviet of Nationalities.
When the counting of the votes cast for each candi-
date is completed, the commission draws up official
records in the prescribed form and announces the results
in the presence of all its members, i.e., informs them of
the total number of votes cast for each candidate.
These official records are signed by all the members
of the ward election commission, the signatures of the
chairman and the secretary being indispensable.
Question 61. Can a ward election commission declare
ballot papers invalid?
Answer. Yes, it can do so if the ballot papers contain
the names of more candidates than the number of depu-
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ties to he elected, and also if the papers are not printed
in the prescribed form.
Question 62. W'hy are such ballot papers declared
invalid?
Answer. If a ballot paper contains the names of
several candidates and a voter leaves the names of, say,
two of them, it will not be clear to the election commis-
sion which of the two candidates the voter wants to
elect. Such a ballot paper will be declared invalid. Every
voter must, therefore, choose one candidate from those
whose names are entered in the ballot paper, i.e., leave
only that candidate's name, striking out the other names.
Ballot papers not made out in the prescribed form
are declared invalid for the simple reason that the poll-
ing of such ballot papers may entail various abuses,
and also because the secrecy of the ballot may be vio-
lated; such papers make it possible to reveal the identity
of the voter and by the same token to establish for whom
the elector in question voted. Hence, the Central Election
Commission prescribes a definite form of ballot paper,
and the Election Regulations establish that ballot pa-
pers in any other form are null and void.
Question 63. How do the district election commis-
sions conduct the count?
Answer. The district election commissions conduct
the count on the basis of the official records submitted
by the ward election commissions and then determine the
number of votes cast in the election district for each
candidate. The official records of the vote, drawn tip by
the district election commission, are signed by all its
members, the signatures of its chairman and secretary
being indispensable.
Question 64. What does the official record of the
district election commission indicate?
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Answer. The official voting record of the district
election commission indicates:
a) The number of ward election commissions in the
district;
b) The number of ward election commissions that
have submitted official records;
c) The number of electors in the district;
d) The number of voters who received ballot pa-
pers;
e) The number of electors who have voted;
f) The number of ballot papers declared invalid;
g) The number of ballot papers in which the names
of all candidates have been struck out;
h) The number of votes cast for each candidate;
i) A brief summary of the claims and complaints
submitted to the district election commission, and the
decisions adopted by the district election commission.
Question 65. How is supervision of the work of
ward and district election commissions
ensured?
Answer. As stated above, the right to be present in
the room where the votes are counted by the ward elec-
tion commission is extended to representatives of public
organizations and societies of the working people, spe-
cially authorized for the purpose, and to representatives
of the press.
Attendance by representatives of the Soviet public
makes for better supervision by electors of how the mem-
bers of election commissions observe the rules of counting
votes and helps preclude any possibility of error and,
above all, abuses.
Representatives of public organizations, of the press,
and of societies of the working people may also attend the
counting of votes by district election commissions.
Both ward and district election commissions must
briefly set forth in their official records the claims and
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complaints submitted and the respective decisions adopt-
ed by them.
The official records of the ward election commissions
are transmitted to the respective district election commis-
sions; the official records of the district Soviet of the
Union election commissions are sent to the Central
Election Commission, while the records of the district
Soviet of Nationalities election commissions are sent to
the respective Soviet of Nationalities election commis-
sion of the Union or Autonomous Republic, Autonomous
Region or National Area. This enables the higher-level
election commissions to check the work of the ward and
district commissions.
Question 66. Which candidate for the Supreme So-
viet of the U.S.S.R. is considered
elected?
Answer. The candidate for the Supreme Soviet of
the U.S.S.R. is considered elected provided he has polled
an absolute majority of the votes, or more than half the
total number of the valid votes cast in tha district.
Question 67. Is the candidate who polls an absolute
majority of the votes regarded as being
elected in any case?
Answer. No. Should the number of votes cast in a
district be less than half the number of the electors en-
titled to vote in the given district, the election will be de-
clared void. Hence, a candidate polling an absolute
majority of the votes in such an election is not regarded
as being elected, since the number of votes cast is less
than half the number of the electors in the given election
district.
In some countries elections are deemed valid even if
only 30 per cent of the electorate goes to the poll. Accord-
ing to Soviet law this is impermissible and such prac-
tices are out of the question.
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Question 68. Does the Soviet electoral law permit
re-balloting of candidates?
Answer. Yes, it does. Re-balloting is conducted if
none of the candidates in the given election district polls
an absolute majority of votes, i.e., if each receives less
than half the number of the votes cast.
When this occurs, a re-balloting is ordered not of all
the candidates contesting the district but of the two can-
didates who received the largest number of votes.
Question 69. Who orders the re-balloting and what
is the time-limit for it?
Answer. Re-balloting is ordered by the district Soviet
of the Union election commission, or by the district
Soviet of Nationalities election commission, as the case
may be, and takes place not later than two weeks after
the date of the first ballot.
Question 70. What is to be done if the number of
votes cast is less than half the number
of the electors in the given election
district?
Answer. If in any district the number of votes cast is
less than half the number of electors entitled to vote in
that district, new elections are ordered. In this case the
district election commission makes a note to that effect
in the official record and immediately informs the Central
Election Commission and the Soviet of Nationalities
election commission of the Union or Autonomous
Republic, Autonomous Region or National Area.
The Central Election Commission orders new elec-
tions to be held not later than two weeks after the date
of the first elections.
Question 71. What is to be done when for one rea-
son or another a seat in the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. falls vacant?
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Answer. In this case the Presidium of the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. appoints a date for the election of
a new deputy for the district concerned, to be held not
later than two months after the seat in the Supreme
Soviet falls vacant.
Re-balloting or new elections are conducted on the
basis of the lists of voters drawn up for the first elections.
Question 72. In what way are electoral rights pro-
tected by law?
Answer. The Election Regulations contain two arti-
cles which stipulate that anyone who seeks to prevent
Soviet citizens from exercising their electoral rights
shall be severely punished.
Article 109 of the Election Regulations reads as
follows: "Any person who by violence, fraud, intimidation
or bribery hinders a citizen of the U.S.S.R. in the
exercise of his right to elect and he elected to the Supreme
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. shall be liable to a term of im-
prisonment of up to two years."
And Article 110 of the Election Regulations says:
"Any official of a Soviet or member of an election com-
mission guilty of falsifying election documents, or of
deliberately falsifying the count, shall be liable to a term
of imprisonment of up to three years."
Such is the content of the "Regulations Governing
Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R." which
guarantee the genuinely universal character of elections.
The Election Regulations provide all the necessary con-
ditions for holding elections to the supreme legislative
body of the U.S.S.R. strictly in keeping with the great
principles of the Constitution of the land of Soviets,
which, under the leadership of the Communist Party, is
stepping out confidently towards communism.
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Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
STAT
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STAT
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HOW TO BE
A GOOD COMMUNIST
FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS
PEKING, CHINA
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r
STAT
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HOW TO BE
A GOOD COMMUNIST
FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS
PEKING, CHINA
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CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION ................................ 1
Why Must Communist Party Members Undertake
Self-cultivation? ......................... 1
Strive to Becbme the Best Pupils of Marx, Engels,
Lenin and Stalin ......................... 13
The Aspects and Methods of Cultivation ...... 21
The Relation Between the Study of Marxist-
Leninist Theory and the Ideological Cultiva-
tion of Party Members ............ ....... 30
THE IDEOLOGICAL CULTIVATION OF PARTY
MEMBERS .................................. 35
It Is Necessary to Understand that the Cause of
Communism Is the Greatest and Most
Arduous Cause in the History of Mankind .. 37
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The Unconditional Subordination of the Personal
Interests of a Party Member to the Interests
of the Party ............................. 49
Examples of Various Kinds of Erroneous Ideo-
logies in the Party ...................... 60
The Origin of the Various Erroneous Ideologies
in the Party ............................. 80
The Attitude Towards Various Erroneous Ideo-
logies in the Party and Inner-Party Struggle 86
APPENDICES
THE CLASS CHARACTER OF MAN ............. 109
A BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE ABOUT THE AUTHOR.. 117
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The present English translation of Liu Shao-chi's
How to Be a Good Communist has been made from the
text of the Chinese edition published by the Hsin Hua
(New China) Bookstore in December, 1949.
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First Edition ................. October 1951
Second Revised Edition...... February 1952
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 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/02/23: CIA-RDP80T00246A033800700001-9
LIU SHAO-CHI
I.J
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How to Be a Good' Communist
(A series of lectures delivered by Liu Shao-chi in July
1939 at the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Yenan)
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
COMRADES ! I MUST APOLOGISE. It is quite some
time since you asked me to give you a talk but I
have had to delay coming until today. The question I am
going to talk about is the cultivation of Communist Party
members. I think that it may not be unprofitable for
us to talk about this question at a time when we are
facing the basic task of building and consolidating the
Party. I want to divide my talk into several parts, so
today I shall deal with one part only, leaving the rest
for next time. In order to enable many of the younger
comrades to understand, I shall have to give more ex-
planations and examples on certain questions. Conse-
quently, I cannot make my talk very succinct. This I
must make clear at the very beginning.
Why Must Communist Party Members
undertake Self-cultivation?
Comrades, why must Communist Party members
undertake self-cultivation?
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Ever since man came into the world, in order to be
able to live, he has had to struggle against nature to
produce the material values essential to his existence.
However,
men carry on a struggle against nature and utilise nature
for the production of material values not in isolation from
each other, not as separate individuals, but in common, in
groups, in societies. Production, therefore, is at all times
and under all conditions social production. In the produc-
tion of material values men enter into mutual relations of
one kind or another within production, into relations of
production of one kind or another. (The History of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union (B) Short Course,
English edition, 1951, pp. 188-189)
Thus, the struggle carried on by men against nature
for production is social in character. It is a struggle of
men as social beings against nature. It is in this cease-
less struggle against nature that human beings have
been continuously changing nature and simultaneously
themselves and have changed their relations with one
another. It is in the course of the long struggle of men
as social beings against nature, that men's physical forms
(hands, feet, posture, etc.), their social relations, their
forms of social organisation as well as their brains,
ideology, etc. are all continuously being changed and
improved. This is because:
The first feature of production is that it never stays at
one point for a long time and is always in a state of change
and development, and that, furthermore, changes in the mode
of production inevitably call forth changes in the whole
social system, social ideas, political views and- political
institutions. (Ibid pp. 189-190)
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Man has evolved from animals. In ancient times,
man's mode of life, social organisation and ideology, etc.
were different from what they are today. In the future,
man's mode of life, social organisation, ideology, etc. will
also be different from what they are today.
Humanity itself and human society are a kind of
process of historical evolution. They are developing and
changing and they can be, and have already been, con-
tinuously changed in the course of struggle.
When human society developed to a certain historical
stage, class society arose. Thereafter, men in a class
society exist as men of a given class. According to the
principles of Marxist philosophy, men's social being
determines their ideology. Thus, in a class society men's
ideology represents the ideology of a given social class.
In a class society there are ceaseless class struggles. Thus,
in the course of constant struggle against nature and
constant struggle of social classes, men change nature,
change society and at the same time change their own
ideology.
Marx once told the workers:
You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years
of civil wars and international conflicts, not only to change
existing conditions, but also to change yourselves and to
make yourselves capable of wielding political power.
In other words, men change themselves not only in
their struggle against nature but also in constant social
struggle. The proletariat will also have to consciously go
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through a long period of social struggle to change society
and itself.
Thus, men should regard themselves as being in
need of, and capable of, being changed. They should not
look upon themselves as something unchanging, perfect,
holy and beyond reform. It is in no way an insult but
the inevitable law of natural and social evolution; other-
wise, men cannot make progress.
We Communist Party members are the most advanced
revolutionaries in modern history and are the contempor-
ary fighting and driving force in changing society and the
world. Revolutionaries exist because counter-revolution-
aries still exist. Therefore, to conduct a ceaseless struggle
against the counter-revolutionaries constitutes an essen-
tial condition for the existence and development of the
revolutionaries. If they fail to carry on such a struggle,
they cannot be called revolutionaries and still less can
they advance and develop. It is in the course of this
ceaseless struggle against the counter-revolutionaries that
Communist Party members change society, change the
world and at the same time change themselves.
A Communist Party member changes himself through
his struggle against counter-revolution in various fields.
It means that to achieve one's own progress and to raise
one's revolutionary qualities and technique requires the
unification of the following two aspects: one's steeling in
the practical struggle and the cultivation of one's ideas.
To pass from a novice to a mature and well-experienced
revolutionary able to cope with any situation calls for a
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very long process of revolutionary steeling and cultiva-
tion, that is, a long process of reformation. A compara-
tively inexperienced revolutionary is still unable to ac-
quire a really profound understanding of the enemy, of
himself, of the laws of social development and the laws
of the revolution because lie has grown up in the old
society and naturally has brought with him remnants of
various ideologies, prejudices and habits of the old society
and because he is still inexperienced and has not yet
undergone a long period of revolutionary practice.
In order to change this situation, besides studying
revolutionary experiences from history (the practice of
our predecessors) he must himself participate in the con-
temporary revolutionary practice. In this revolutionary
practice, that is, in the struggle against various counter-
revolutionary elements, he should develop his subjective
initiative and redouble his efforts in study and cultiva-
tion. Only then will he be able to gradually learn from
his experience and to understand more profoundly the
laws of social development and the laws of the revolu-
tion; be able to understand the enemy and himself; be
able to discover the incorrectness of his own former ideas,
habits and prejudices and to correct them; be able to
raise the level of his consciousness, and his revolutionary
qualities and improve his revolutionary methods, etc.
Therefore, in order to change himself and raise the level
of his consciousness, a revolutionary should not of course
isolate himself from revolutionary practice, or abandon
his own subjective efforts to carry on self-cultivation and
to learn through practice (both his own practice and that
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of others). Without the latter it will still be impossible
for a revolutionary to improve himself.
For example, several Communist Party members go
together to take part in a certain revolutionary mass
struggle, undergo almost the same revolutionary practice
and yet in the end the influence exerted on these Party
members might be entirely different. Some may advance
very quickly and some formerly backward members may
even overtake others. Some may advance very slowly.
Others may even begin to vacillate in the course of the
struggle, and the revolutionary practice, instead of
enabling them to advance, has left them behind. What
is the cause of all this?
Again for example, many of our Communist Party
members took part in the Long March, which was a
severe test for our Party members and which exercised
an extremely progressive and positive influence among
Party members and even among the broad masses of the
people. However, in the case of a very small number
of Party members the influence was just the opposite.
Having gone through the hard struggle of the Long March
and the ten years' Civil War, they grew fearful of this
hard struggle. They attempted to retreat and run away.
Finally, they deserted the revolutionary ranks as a result
of outside inducement. Many Party members took part
in the Long March and yet the influence upon them and
the results thus obtained were vastly different. What is
the cause of all this?
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This is because these Party members possessed dif-
ferent revolutionary qualities, because they developed in
different directions in revolutionary practice and because
they differed in their subjective efforts in revolutionary
practice, and in their degree and methods of self-cultiva-
tion. Because of the different qualities possessed by
revolutionaries and the variation in their subjective efforts
and self-cultivation, it is possible that in the same revolu-
tionary practice, entirely different or even opposite
results and influences may ensue. Such cases can be
found even in your school. In the school you all receive
the same kind of education and training. However,
because of your different qualities, experiences, cultural
levels, subjective efforts and the degree and methods of
self-cultivation, you may get different or even opposite
results. Have you not noticed that a small number of
people have moved further away from the revolution after
receiving education and training in schools in Yenan?
This is due to the same cause. Hence, for a revolutionary
to change and improve himself, subjective effort, self-
cultivation and learning in the course of the revolutionary
struggle are absolutely necessary and indispensable.
Not every revolutionary who has undergone the
steeling of long years of revolutionary struggle can
develop into a very good and experienced revolutionary,
chiefly because his own efforts and self-cultivation are
insufficient. But all those who have succeeded in be-
coming very good and experienced revolutionaries must
certainly have gone through long years of steeling and
self-cultivation in the revolutionary struggle. Hence, our
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Party members can make themselves politically inflexible
revolutionaries of high quality only by steeling themselves,
strengthening their self-cultivation, not losing their sense
of the new and by improving their reasoning power in
the course of the revolutionary struggle of the broad
masses under all difficulties and hardships.
Confucius said:
At fifteen, I had my mind bent on learning. At thirty,
I stood firm. At forty, I had no doubts. At fifty, I knew
the decree of Heaven. At sixty, my ear was an obedient
organ for the reception of truth. At seventy, I could follow
my heart's desire, without transgressing what was right.
Here Confucius was relating the process of his steel-
ing and self-cultivation. He did not regard himself as
a born `sage'.
Mencius said:
When Heaven is about to confer a great office on any
man, it first exercises his mind with suffering, and his sinews
and bones with toil. It exposes his body to hunger, and
subjects him to extreme poverty. It confounds his under-
takings. By all these methods it stimulates his mind, hardens
his nature, and remedies his incompetencies.
What Mencius said also refers to the process of
steeling and self-cultivation that a great man must
undergo. As Communist Party members have to
shoulder the unprecedentedly `great office' of changing
the world, it is all the more necessary for them to go
through such steeling and self-cultivation.
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The cultivation of Communist Party members is a
revolutionary cultivation. We cannot carry on our cul-
tivation by divorcing ourselves from revolutionary
practice or the practical revolutionary movement of the
broad toiling masses, particularly the proletarian masses.
The aim of our cultivation is solely to serve the interests
of revolutionary practice and to direct more effectively
the practical revolutionary movement of the masses.
Herein lies the difference between our cultivation and
other idealistic, formal and abstract cultivations which
are divorced from social practice. I shall make a further
brief explanation on this point later on.
Our Party members should steel themselves and
intensify their self-cultivation not only in the course of
arduous, difficult and even unsuccessful revolutionary
practice but also in the course of favourable, successful
and victorious revolutionary practice. Some Party mem-
bers cannot keep their balance when they are heartened
by success and victory and become dizzy with victories.
Victory, success, the tribute paid them by the broad
masses of the people as well as a certain amount of
prestige which they enjoy among the masses make them
unscrupulous, arrogant, bureaucratic or even vacillating,
corrupt and degenerate, thus completely losing their
former revolutionary spirit.
These are individual cases which are frequently
found among our Communist Party members. The
existence of such phenomena within the Party should
serve as a serious warning to our Party members for it
was almost an inevitable rule that such phenomena
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existed among the revolutionaries of past generations.
But such phenomena definitely will not be tolerated in
our Party. The revolutionaries of past generations, prior
to the success and victory of the revolution and their
own success and victory, were able to represent the de-
mands of the progressive and oppressed masses and retain
their revolutionary qualities, but as soon as the revolution
and they themselves were crowned with success and
victory they would more often than not become corrupt,
bureaucratic and degenerate, thus losing their revolu-
tionary qualities and their progressive character and
becoming obstacles to the revolution and social evolution.
We know that many revolutionaries in China in the
past hundred years, or more recently in the past
fifty years, began to show signs of corruption and de-
generation the moment they had achieved a certain mea-
sure of success and risen to some responsible position.
This is due to the class basis of those revolutionaries of
past generations. Because the revolutionaries of the past
represented the exploiting classes they naturally turned
around and oppressed the exploited masses after the
victory of their revolution and thus became obstacles to
the continuous progress of the revolution and social evolu-
tion. It is an inevitable rule that the revolutionaries of
the past would become corrupt, bureaucratic and even
degenerate and lose their revolutionary qualities after the
victory and success of the revolution.
However, this cannot and will not be the case with
us Communists. As the exploited proletariat which we
represent does not'exploit anybody, it can carry on the
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revolution to the very end, completely liberate mankind
as a whole and eventually make a clean sweep of all forms
of corruption, bureaucracy and degeneracy in human
society. It can build up a party and State apparatus with
strict organisation and discipline for the purpose of
carrying on an irreconcilable struggle against all forms
of corruption, bureaucracy and degeneracy and to cease-
lessly purge the Party and the State apparatus of those
elements who are corrupt, bureaucratic and degenerate
in their work (no matter what `big-wigs' such elements
are), so that the purity of the Party and the State
apparatus can be preserved.
This outstanding feature of the revolutionary Party
of the proletariat was not, and could not be, found in any
of the revolutionary parties of the past. Therefore, our
Party members must clearly understand this outstanding
feature and see to it that even in the course of the success
and victory of the revolution and*in the course of the
infinite rise of our popularity and authority special care
is taken to intensify our self-cultivation and preserve to
the last our pure revolutionary qualities so as to avoid
going the way of the revolutionaries of the past who
became degenerate after they had been crowned with
success.
Such revolutionary steeling and cultivation are im-
portant for every one of our Party members and parti-
cularly so for those new Party members of non-prolet-
arian origin. Why are they particularly important for
new Party members of non-proletarian origin? (1)
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Precisely because such Party members are of non-prolet-
arian origin. Lenin said that Party members of worker
origin have the innate qualities of the proletariat. It
follows then that Party members of other class origin
naturally have the innate qualities of other classes. Al-
though they have now accepted the Communist ideology,
they more or less still retain remnants of non-Communist
ideology and habits. (2) Precisely because they are new
Party members and have not yet undergone much steel-
ing. Therefore, they have to steel and cultivate them-
selves in the course of the revolutionary struggle before
they can become good revolutionaries.
Steeling and cultivation are important for every
Party member, whether he be a new member of non-
proletarian origin or even a veteran member or a member
of proletarian origin. This is because our Communist
Party did not drop from the heavens but was born out of
Chinese society and because every member of our Party
came from this squalid old society of China and are still
living in this society today. Hence, our Party members
have more or less brought with them remnants of the
ideology and habits of the old society and they remain
in constant association with all the squalid things of the
old society. We are still in need of steeling and cultiva-
tion in every respect for the sake of enhancing and pre-
serving our purity as the proletarian vanguard and for
the sake of raising our social qualities and revolutionary
technique.
That is the reason why Communist Party members
must undertake self-cultivation.
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Strive to Become the Best Pupils
of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin
To become a Communist Party member one is only
required to possess the qualifications as laid down in the
Party Constitution-namely, any person may become a
member of the Party who accepts the Programme and
Constitution of the Party, pays Party membership dues
and undertakes assigned tasks in one of the Party's
organisations. These are the minimum qualifications that
every Party member must possess. Without these
qualifications one cannot become a Party member. But
every one of our Party members should not merely be a
member of minimum qualifications, should not merely
be satisfied with and should not confine himself to these
minimum qualifications but should rather seek to make
progress and ceaselessly raise his own consciousness and
understanding of Marxism-Leninism. This is also a duty
to the Party and to the revolution, which must not be
shirked by any member of the Party. This duty has also
been included in the new Party Constitution recently
adopted by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
(B). However, in order to fulfil this duty satisfactorily
our Party members must intensify their own steeling and
cultivation.
Therefore, the goal of Party members in steeling and
cultivation should not merely be the standard of minimum
qualifications but should be the standard of maximum
qualifications. At present we find it very difficult to
define these maximum qualifications. However, we have
before us the words and deeds, the achievements and
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qualities of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin throughout
their lives as our examples and as the criterion of our
cultivation. By cultivation is meant raising our own
qualities in every respect to the same level as those of
Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. Let us strive to become
their best pupils. In his speech concerning the elections
to the Supreme Soviet Comrade Stalin said:
The electors, the people, must demand that their Deputies
should remain equal to their tasks; that in their work they
should.not sink to the level of political philistines; that in
their posts they should remain political figures of the Lenin
type; that as public figures they should be as clear and
definite as Lenin was; that they should be as fearless in battle
and as merciless towards the enemies of the people as Lenin
was; that they should be free from all panic, from any
semblance of panic as Lenin was, when things begin to get
complicated and some danger or other looms on the horizon;
that they should be as wise and deliberate in deciding com-
plex problems requiring a comprehensive orientation and a
comprehensive weighing of all pros and cons as Lenin was;
that they should be as upright and honest as Lenin was; that
they should love their people as Lenin did.
This is a simple description of how to learn from
Lenin, a picture of Lenin's best pupil. The cultivation
of Communist Party members is for the purpose of learn-
ing from Lenin exactly in such a way in order to be such
a pupil of Lenin.
Some say that it is impossible to acquire the great
qualities of revolutionary geniuses like Marx, Engels,
Lenin and Stalin and that it is also impossible to raise
our own qualities to the same level as that of Marx,
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Engels, Lenin and Stalin. They regard Marx, Engels,
Lenin and Stalin as mysterious beings by birth. Is it
correct to say this? I think not.
For so long as our comrades genuinely, resolutely,
consciously and consistently take up their stand as the
vanguard fighting for the liberation of the proletariat,
have a truly Communist outlook on life and world out-
look, and never divorce themselves for a single moment
from the present-day great and profound revolutionary
movements of the proletariat and the masses of the peo-
ple, and make great efforts to learn, and to steel and
cultivate themselves, they will be perfectly able to raise
their qualities and become as `clear and definite', as 'fear-
less in battle and merciless towards the enemies of the
people', as `free from all panic and from any semblance
of panic' amidst difficulties and dangers, and as `upright
and honest' as Lenin was, and to `love the people' as
Lenin did, and they will also be perfectly.able to employ
the Marxist-Leninist method and approach in solving t,
complicated problems, in thinking over the problems from
all angles and in weighing all pros and cons notwith-
standing the fact that today our ordinary comrades are
far from having such great talents, such wide scientific
knowledge, such an environment and good stamina for
learning as had Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin and that
a great many of our comrades cannot expect to achieve
such profound erudition in the study of the theory of the
proletarian revolution as did Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin. In other words, so long as we are determined to
study hard, and cultivate and steel ourselves, do not
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divorce ourselves from the revolutionary movement of
the masses of the people, and master the method of
Marxism-Leninism, we will be perfectly able to raise
our qualities to the level of those of the statesmen of the
Lenin type, so that in our work and struggle we can
employ the style of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, that
is, to `remain political figures of the Lenin type' and not
to `sink to the level of political philistines.'
Mencius said: `Everybody can be a Yao or a Shun.'*
It means the same thing. We should not resign our-
selves to despair and hesitate to go ahead when we first
perceive the qualities of such great revolutionaries as
Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. To do so is to become
just such a `political philistine,' 'rotten wood that cannot
be carved,' and 'a mud wall.'-
But different kinds of people adopt different kinds
of attitudes towards learning from Marx, Engels, Lenin
and Stalin.
The first kind learns from Marx and Lenin without
penetrating into the essence of Marxism-Leninism but
merely acquires a smattering of Marxism-Leninism. Al-
though they read Marxist-Leninist literature over and
* Yao and Shun are legendary figures in ancient Chinese history
renowned for their benevolence and wisdom.
t Ninth Chapter of the Book of Confucian Analects: "Tsai Yu
being asleep during the daytime, Confucius said, 'Rotten wood cannot
be carved; a mud wall will not receive the trowel. This Yu!- What
is the use of my reproving him?'"
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over again and learn by heart many ready-made prin-
ciples and conclusions from Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin, yet they are unable to flexibly apply these prin-
ciples and conclusions as methods to solve existing
concrete and practical problems. They feel content with
reciting these principles and conclusions, which they jot
down and make use of mechanically. Although they work
under the banner of Marxism and consider themselves as
'genuine' Marxists, nevertheless they are not genuine
Marxists and their methods of work are exactly the
opposite of Marxism-Leninism.
? Comrade Stalin wrote in an article in commemora-
tion of the fiftieth anniversary of Lenin's birthday:
There are two groups of Marxists. Both work under the
banner of Marxism and consider themselves 'genuine'
Marxists. Nevertheless, they are by no means identical.
More, a veritable gulf divides them, for their methods of
work are diametrically opposed to each other.
The first group usually confines itself to an outward
acceptance, to a ceremonial avowal of Marxism. Being
unable or unwilling to grasp the essence of Marxism, being
unable or unwili~n-g to translate it into reality, it converts
the living and ~Tevolutionary principles of Marxism into
lifeless and meaningless formulas. It does not base its
activities on experience, on what practical work teaches, but
on quotations from Marx. It does not derive its conclusions
and directions from an analysis of actual realities, but from
analogies and historical parallels. Discrepancy between word
and deed is the chief malady of this group.
This is one kind of attitude towards learning from
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The first kind of people once constituted a not incon-
siderable number within the Communist Party of China.
The worst representatives among them were even worse
than those mentioned above. In fact, they never really
had any intention of `studying' Marxism-Leninism. They
did not concern themselves with the great proletarian
character and the supreme qualities of Marx and Lenin.
They attempted to imitate in a superficial way certain
styles of Marx and Lenin, picked up at random some
Marxist-Leninist terminology, regarded themselves as the
Marx and Lenin of China, posed as Marx and Lenin
within the Party, and had the impudence to ask our Party
members to respect them as we do Marx and Lenin, to
support them as `leaders' and to offer them loyalty and
devotion. They also made bold to appoint themselves as
`leaders,' climbed into responsible positions without wait-
ing to be nominated by others, issued orders like
patriarchs within the Party, attempted to teach our Party,
abused everything within the Party and wilfully attacked, v
punished and rode roughshod over Party members. This
kind of people had no intention of `studying' Marxism-
Leninism or fighting for the realisation of Marxism-
Leninism but rather they were opportunists within the
Party and brokers and black. sheep in the cause of Com-
munism. It is beyond doubt that this kind of people
within the Party should be opposed, exposed and buried
in oblivion by our Party members. And our Party
members have already buried them in oblivion. How-
ever, can we say with full confidence that there are no
more people of this kind within the Party? We cannot
yet say so.
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The second kind of people is just the opposite of the
first. They regard themselves first and foremost as pupils
of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin and try to master the
essence, spirit and methods which made Marx, Engels,
Lenin and Stalin what they are. They look up to the
great personal characteristics of Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin and their qualities as proletarian revolutionaries
and painstakingly carry on their own cultivation in the
course of the revolutionary struggle and examine them-
selves to see whether their way of dealing with matters
and people and the way they themselves behave are in
conformity with the spirit of Marxism-Leninism. They
likewise read over and over again the works of Marx,
Engels, Lenin and Stalin; but they lay great emphasis on
analysing the living. realities, ponder upon the special
features of all aspects of the situation facing the pro-
letariat at the time and in the country in which they live
and draw their own conclusions therefrom. They do not
content themselves with committing to memory the
principles and conclusions of Marxism-Leninism but
strive to stand firm on Marxism-Leninism and master the
methods of Marxism-Leninism and put them into practice
in order that they may energetically direct all revolution-
ary struggles, change the existing state of affairs and
at the same time change themselves. Their entire activi-
ties and the whole of their lives are guided by the
principles of Marxism-Leninism and are aimed at one
thing-the victory of the proletariat, national liberation,
the liberation of mankind, the success of Communisn*
and nothing else.
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Comrade Stalin said:
The second group, on the other hand, attaches prime
importance not to the outward acceptance of Marxism, but
to its realisation, its translation into reality. What this group
chiefly concentrates its attention on is determining the ways
and means of realising Marxism that best answer the
situation and changing these ways and means as the situa-
tion changes-to this group may be fully applied Marx's
saying that Marxists cannot rest content with interpreting
the world, but must go farther and change it. This group
is known as the Bolsheviks, the Communists.
This is another attitude towards learning from Marx,
Engels, Lenin and Stalin.
Only the second attitude is correct. Only by adopt-
ing this attitude towards studying Marxism-Leninism can
one avoid the mistake of `drawing a tiger which looks
like a dog' and improve one's own qualities so as to
become a proletarian, Communist revolutionary of the
Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin type.
Those who really carry on painstaking self-cultiva-
tion and who are faithful pupils of Marx, Engels, Lenin
and Stalin pay special attention to nothing other than
the mastery of the Marxist-Leninist standpoint and
methods and the solution of various problems facing the
proletariat in the revolution in the same manner as did
Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. Apart from this, they
don't care whether their position and prestige within the
Party are high or low simply on that account. They never
claim to be the Marx or Lenin of China and never demand
or harbour any illusion that others should respect them
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as they respect Marx and Lenin. They do not consider
themselves entitled to such a right and they know that
to think so would be betraying Marx and Lenin and
sinking to the level of political philistines. However, it is
precisely because of this and because of their courage and
unrivalled ability in the revolutionary struggle that they
win spontaneous respect and support from the rank and
file of the Party.
Comrades ! Of course it is no easy matter to take
Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin as our models in self-
cultivation and to become their most faithful and best
pupils. It calls for an iron will and firm determination in
the arduous struggle for the cause of the proletariat. It
calls for a life-long devotion to studying Marxism-Lenin-
ism and putting it into practice in the course of the
revolutionary struggles of the broad masses, and for
steeling and cultivation in every aspect.
The, Aspects and Methods of Cultivation
Comrades ! In order to become the most faithful and
best pupils of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin we need
to carry on cultivation in all aspects in the course of the
long and great revolutionary struggle of the proletariat
and the masses of the people. We need to carry on cul-
tivation in the theories of Marxism-Leninism and in
applying such theories in practice; cultivation in revolu-
tionary strategy and tactics; cultivation in studying and
dealing with various problems according to the stand-
point and methods of Marxism-Leninism; cultivation in
ideology and moral character; cultivation in Party unity,
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inner-Party struggle and discipline; cultivation in hard
work and in the style of work; cultivation in being skilful
in dealing with different kinds of people and in associat-
ing with the masses of the people and cultivation in
various kinds of scientific knowledge, etc. We are all
Communist Party members and so we have a general cul-
tivation in common. But there exists a wide discrepancy
today between our Party members. Wide discrepancy
exists among us in the level of political consciousness, in
work, in position, in cultural level, in experience of
struggle and in social origin. Therefore, in addition to
cultivation in general we also need special cultivation for
different groups and for individual comrades.
Accordingly, there should be different kinds of
methods and forms of cultivation. For example, many of
our comrades keep a diary in order to have a daily check
on their work and thoughts or they write down on small
posters their personal defects and what they hope to
achieve and paste them up where they work or live,
together with the photographs of persons they look up
to and ask comrades for criticism and supervision. In
ancient China, there were many methods of cultivation.
There was Tseng Tze* who said: `I reflect on myself
three times a day.' The Book of Odes has it that one
should cultivate oneself `as a lapidary cuts and files,
carves and polishes.' Another method was `to examine
oneself by self-reflection' and to `write down some mottoes
on the right hand side of one's desk' or `on one's girdle'
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as daily reminders of rules of personal conduct. The
Chinese scholars of the Confucian school had a number
of methods for the cultivation of their hndv and mind.
Every religion has various methods and forms of cultiva-
tion of its own. The `investigation of things, the exten-
sion of knowledge, sincerity of thought, the rectification
of the heart, the cultivation of the person, the, regulation
of the family, the ordering well of the state and the
making tranquil of the whole kingdom' as set forth in
The Great Learning* also means the same. All this
shows that in achieving one's progress one must make
serious and energetic efforts to carry on self-cultivation
and study. However, many of these methods and forms
cannot be adopted by us because most of them are
idealistic, formalistic, abstract and divorced from social
practice. These scholars and religious believers ex-
aggerate the function of subjective initiative, thinking
that so long as they keep their general `good intentions'
and are devoted to silent prayer they will be able to
change the existing state of affairs, change society and
change themselves under conditions separated from social
and revolutionary practice. This is, of course, absurd.
We cannot cultivate ourselves in this way. We are
materialists and our cultivation cannot be separated from
practice.
What is important to us is that we must not under
any circumstances isolate ourselves from the revolution-
* The Great Learning is said to be 'a Book handed down by
the Confucian school, which forms the gate by which beginners enter
into virtue.'
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ary struggles of different kinds of people and in different
forms at a given moment and that we must, moreover,
sum up historical revolutionary experience and learn
humbly from this and put it into practice. That is to say,
we must undertake self-cultivation and steel ourselves in
the course of our own practice, basing ourselves on the
experiences of past revolutionary practice, on the present
concrete situation and on new experiences. Our self-
cultivation and steeling are for no other purpose than that
of revolutionary practice. That is to say, we must
modestly try to understand the standpoint, the method
and the spirit of Marxism-Leninism, and understand how
Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin dealt with people. And
having understood these, we should immediately apply
them to our own practice, i.e., in our own lives, words,
deeds and work. Moreover, we should stick to them and
unreservedly correct and purge everything in our ideology
that runs counter to them, thereby strengthening our
own proletarian and Communist ideology and qualities.
That is to say, we must modestly listen to the opinions
and criticisms of our comrades and of the masses, care-
fully study the practical problems in our lives and in our
work and carefully sum up our experiences and the lessons
we have learnt so as to find an orientation for our own
work. In addition, on the basis of all these, we must
judge whether we have a correct understanding of
Marxism-Leninism and whether we have correctly appli-
ed the method of Marxism-Leninism, found out our own
shortcomings and mistakes and corrected them. At the
same time, we must find out in what respects specific
conclusions of Marxism-Leninism need to be supplement-
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ed, enriched and developed on the basis of well-digested
new experiences. That is to say, we must combine the
universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete
practice of the revolution.
These should be the methods of self-cultivation of us
Communist Party members. That is to say, we must
use the methods of Marxism-Leninism to cultivate our-
selves. This kind of cultivation is entirely different from
other kinds of cultivation which are idealistic and are
divorced from social practice.
In this connection, we cannot but oppose certain idle
talk and mechanicalism on the question of cultivation and
steeling.
First of all, we must oppose and resolutely eliminate
one of the biggest evils bequeathed to us by the education
and learning in the old society-the separation of theory
from practice. In the course of education and study in
the old society many people thought that it was un-
necessary or even impossible to act upon what they had
learned. Despite the fact that they read over and over
again books by ancient sages they did things the sages
would have been loath to do. Despite the fact that in
everything they wrote or said they preached righteous-
ness and morality they acted like out-and-out robbers
and harlots in everything they did. . Some `high-ranking
officials' issued orders for the reading of the Four Books
and the Five Classics* yet in their everyday adminis-
? The Four Books and Five Classics are nine ancient Chinese
classics of philosophy, history, poetry, etc. of the Confucian Canon.
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trative work they ruthlessly extorted exorbitant requisi-
tions, ran amuck with corruption and killing, and did
everything against righteousness and morality. Some
people read the Three People's Principles over and over
again and could recite the Will of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, yet
they oppressed the people, opposed the nations who
treated us on an equal footing, and went so far as to
compromise with or surrender to the national enemy.
Once a scholar of the old school told me himself that the
only maxim of Confucius that he could observe was: `To
him food can never be too dainty; minced meat can never
be too fine,' adding that all the rest of the teachings of
Confucius he could not observe and had never proposed
to observe. Then why did they still want to carry on
educational work and study the teachings of the sages?
Apart from utilising them for window-dressing purposes,
their objects were: (1) to make use of these teachings
to oppress the exploited and to make use of righteousness
and morality for the purpose of hoodwinking and sup-
pressing the culturally backward people, (2) to attempt
thereby to secure better government jobs, make money
and achieve fame and reflect credit on their parents.
Apart from these objects, their actions were not restricted
by the sages' teachings. This was the attitude and return
of the `men of letters' and `scholars' of the old society to
the sages they `worshipped.' Of course we Communist
Party members cannot adopt such an attitude in studying
Marxism-Leninism and the excellent and useful teachings
bequeathed to us by our ancient sages. We must live up
to what we say. We are honest and pure and we cannot
deceive ourselves, the people or our predecessors. This is
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an outstanding characteristic as well as a great merit of
us Communist Party members.
Comrades! Is it not possible that the evil legacy of
the old society still exerts some influence upon us? It
does influence us. Among you students there are, of
course, none who try to study Marxism for the sake of
obtaining higher government posts, making money or
oppressing the exploited. You are studying Marxism for
the sake of eliminating the system of exploitation of man
by man. However, I cannot guarantee that you have
lived up to all that you have learnt. Are there none
among you who think in the following way? That is to
say that their thoughts, words, deeds and lives need not
be guided by the principles of Marxism-Leninism and that
the principles they have learnt need not be put into prac-
tice. Again are there none among you who think that
they study Marxism-Leninism and study profound theory
in order that they may get promotion, to show themselves
oft and to make themselves celebrities? I have no
guarantee that there are absolutely none among you who
think this way. Yet this way of thinking does not con-
form to Marxism and it represents a gap between Marxist
theory and Marxist practice. We have no objection to the
study of theory and moreover we must study theory, but
what we have learnt we must put into practice. We study
for the sole purpose of putting into practice what we have
learnt. It is for the Party and for the victory of the
revolution that we study.
For example, you have very often shouted the slogan
`combine theory with practice' but have you combined
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the theory you have learnt with your own practice? Are
there not still some people among you whose practice is
entirely divorced from the principles of Marxism-Lenin-
ism? It seems that there are still people among you
who understand the combination of theory and practice
in the following way: They want comrades working
outside the school to come to report on their experiences
so as to see how others combine theory with practice.
This is of course a combination of theory and practice but
it is theirs and not yours. I think the fact that you shout
the slogan ought to mean that you should combine the
theory you study with your own practice. If you do not
understand this point in such a way, then what is the
use of your shouting the slogan? I will give another
example. You have shouted many slogans about the
need for steeling yourselves, but are there not some
people among you who have shown themselves anything
but steeled or have shown that they could not stand up
to being steeled when the hour of real test came, when
they met with a rebuff, or when they were subjected to
criticism and punishment, to the pressure of public opinion,
and to the correct or incorrect supervision of the great
majority of the people? They forgot that a Communist
Party member should have a firm will and clear stand-
point, etc. They looked dejected, not knowing what to
do. Are these not examples of empty talk about steeling
and cultivation?
As a matter of fact, the training you receive and the
study you make in school are also forms of steeling and
cultivation. We are trying to make you into useful cadres
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and Party workers through training and studying in
school, not just to get you to learn _ only some abstract
`theory' and Marxist-Leninist terminology and formulas.
Moreover, we want you to cultivate and steel yourselves
so as to become cadres who can think correctly, have a
firm will and be able to solve in a practical way all
kinds of complex problems. However, I have often heard
it said that to study in school is not the way to become
steeled and that in order to steel and cultivate oneself
one must leave school and take up practical work. Com-
rades ! Steeling and cultivation are a life-long and many-
sided task. They are needed everywhere at all times and
in relation to all problems. We cannot say that we can
undertake steeling and cultivation only at certain times,
in certain places, in connection with certain matters but
not at other times, in other places and in connection with
other matters, although we don't deny the fact that Com-
munist Party members should steel and cultivate them-
selves mainly in the course of the practical struggle of.
the masses.
That is why we are opposed to idealism, idle talk, and
mechanicalism on the problem of cultivation. That is to
say we should be able to stand up to being steeled. We
should steel ourselves in school, among the masses, and
in the struggles both inside and outside the Party. We
should study and cultivate ourselves under all circum-
stances, both of victory and defeat.
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The Relation Between the Study of Marxist-Leninist Theory
and the Ideological Cultivation of Party Members
Among our Communist Party members a compara-
tively prevalent way of thinking is the following: The
firm and pure proletarian Communist standpoint has
nothing to do with a Communist Party member's under-
standing and mastery of the theory and method of
Marxism-Leninism. They think that although their class
standpoint is not very firm and their ideology not very
pure (they still retain remnants of the ideology of other
classes, and they are still selfish and have worldly desires
and so on), they can nevertheless thoroughly understand
and master the theory and method of Marxism-Leninism
all the same. Some comrades think that it is possible to
thoroughly master the theory and method of Marxism-
Leninism merely by means of one's own intellect, ability
and study. Comrades ! This way of thinking is wrong.
Mitin, a Soviet philosopher, is quite right when he
says:
As to Marxism.... differences in profundity of under-
standing require a class explanation. For example, at the
present time, in the epoch of the decay of capitalism, no
matter how talented some ideologist of the bourgeoisie may
be, his creative ability, his ability to obtain a penetrating
understanding of the laws of development are `constrained'
by his class nature, by the conservatism of the class he
represents. The inability of the bourgeoisie to foresee the
future, determines, narrows down the limits and reduces the
depth of understanding of the phenomena of social develop-
ment by bourgeois theoreticians. Notwithstanding all their
talents, ideologists of those classes which are passing from
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the stage of history are not in a position to make really
profound scientific conclusions and discoveries. This Marxist
truth has been confirmed by the whole history of the
development of science and philosophy. (Dialectical and
Historical Materialism, Part I, p.285 of the Russian edition,
edited by M. Mitin. OGIZ. Moscow 1934)
Marxism-Leninism is the science of the proletarian
revolution. It can be thoroughly understood and master-
ed only by those who fully take the proletarian standpoint
and who adopt the ideals of the proletariat as their own.
It is impossible for anyone to thoroughly understand and
master the Marxist science of the proletariat, only by
means of his intellect and strenuous study if he lacks the
firm standpoint and pure ideals of the proletariat. This
is also an obvious truth. Therefore, in studying the
theory and method of Marxism-Leninism today it is
necessary that our , tudy proceeds simultaneously with
our ideological cultivation and steeling because without
the theory and method of Marxism-Leninism, we should
have nothing to guide our thoughts and actions and our
ideological cultivation would also be impossible. These
two are closely related to each other and are inseparable.
We have often come across some of the best Party
members of working class origin who are less developed
in the theory of Marxism-Leninism as compared with
those who are making a special study of theory. They
would certainly prove less proficient if asked to recite
Marxist-Leninist formulas or quotations from Marxist-
Leninist works. But when it comes to studying the
theory of Marxism-Leninism, quite often their interest is
keener and their understanding deeper than those Party
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members of student origin, provided it is explained to
them in words they understand. For example, the chap-
ter in Capital dealing with the theory of surplus value is
most difficult for some Party members to understand but
it is not so difficult for members of working class origin,
because workers fully understand how in the process of
production the capitalists calculate wages and working
hours, how they make profits and how they expand
reproduction, etc. Therefore, it often happens that they
are able to understand Marx's theory of surplus value
more deeply than other Party members. Especially in
observing and dealing with various practical problems,
they often prove more apt, more correct and more in
conformity with the principles of Marxism-Leninism than
others. Why is this so? It is because they have the firm,
pure proletarian and Communist standpoint and ideals,
an objective attitude towards things, and in their minds
they have no pre-conceived ideas whatever, no worries
about personal problems or about impure matters. There-
fore, they can immediately perceive the truth of things
and courageously uphold the truth without any hesitation
or difficulty.
If among us Communist Party members there are
still some whose class standpoint is not very clear-cut and
firm, whose ideology is not correct and pure, who still
retain to some degree remnants of various kinds of
ideology, habits and prejudices of other classes and of the
old society and who still have personal interests and
private ends and all kinds of worldly desires and selfish
ideas, Marxist-Leninist principles and conclusions are
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certain to clash with all such things of theirs when they
come to study the theory and method of Marxism-
Leninism. In that case, they will either try to overcome
such things of theirs or try to distort the principles-and
conclusions of Marxism-Leninism to suit their prejudices,
thus preventing them from understanding Marxism-
Leninism. They will be unable to penetrate deeply into
the essence of Marxism-Leninism, to absorb the quin-
tessence of Marxism-Leninism which has a distinct class
character and to make this quintessence a weapon of their
own because such a weapon has ncfthing in common with
their former class ideology.
Again, when they deal with various practical pro-
blems in the course of the proletarian revolution, the
solution of these problems in accordance with Marxism-
Leninism will often be incompatible with their habits and
prejudices and will be in conflict with their personal inter-
ests. Under such circumstances, they will show them-
selves to be petty-minded, irresolute, hesitant and waver-
ing. They will be unable to deal with problems- aptly,
correctly and in an objective way, or to perceive truth
without difficulty or to courageously uphold the truth.
They will go so far as to cover up or distort the truth con-
sciously or unconsciously. Comrades ! Such cases are by
no means rare and strange but are of common occurrence.
Thus we can say: If a Communist Party member
lacks the clear-cut, firm, correct and pure standpoint and
ideology of the proletariat, it will be impossible for him
to thoroughly understand and master the theory and
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method of Marxism-Leninism and to make of it a weapon
in his own revolutionary struggle.
.Therefore, first and foremost in the cultivation of
Communist Party members should be ideological cultiva-
tion which is the foundation of all other cultivations.
This I shall speak about in the following.
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THE IDEOLOGICAL CULTIVATION OF
PARTY MEMBERS
COMRADES ! IN DEALING WITH the ideological cul-
tivation of Communist Party members, I shall try to
discuss this problem on the basis of certain phenomena
as manifested in the ideology of some members of our
Party. What I am going to talk about in this connection
is only the most basic ideology of Party members.
What, after all, is meant by ideological cultivation?
I consider that it is in the main a struggle in our minds
between the ideology of the proletariat and other ideo-
logies; a struggle in our minds between the Communist
outlook on life and the Communist world outlook on the
one hand, and all other outlooks . on life and world out-
looks on the other; and a struggle between two concepts:
the personal interests and aims of Party members and
the interests and aims of the Party and of the people.
I consider that this is a struggle of, conflicting ideas
reflecting the economic and political demands of different
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classes in a given society. The outcome of this struggle,
so far as the ideology of our Party members is concerned,
should be the conquest and even elimination of all other
ideologies by the proletarian ideology; the conquest and
even elimination of all other outlooks on life and world
outlooks by the Communist outlook on life and the
Communist world outlook: the conquest and absorption
of the idea of the Party members' personal interests and
aims by the idea of the common interests and aims of
the Party, of the revolution, and of the liberation of the
proletariat and mankind. Should the outcome prove to
be otherwise, then it would mean the conquest of the
latter by the former and the Party member would become
backward and even lose his qualifications as a Communist
Party member. To us Party members, this would indeed
be a dreadful and disastrous outcome.
It is in the course of all the ideological, political and
economic struggles both inside and outside the Party that
we Communists temper our own ideas and come to under-
stand the realities of the revolution. At the same time
we should constantly sum up and absorb the experiences
gathered from revolutionary practice and examine our
own ideas to see whether they are completely in con-
formity with Marxism-Leninism and with the interests
of the struggle for the liberation of the proletariat. To
eliminate in the course of such a study, reflection and self-
examination all our incorrect ideas and to nip in the bud
even the faintest idea which runs counter to the inter-
ests of Communism-this is what we mean by ideo-
i
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logical cultivation. It is also a form of ideological self-
steeling.
Comrades ! As you are aware, all the actions of man
are guided by his ideology. Furthermore, every man has
his outlook on life and his world outlook as a general
guide to his ideas and actions. Therefore, in carrying on
ideological cultivation we Communists must, first of all,
clearly define our outlook on life and our world outlook
because all our ideas and activities are connected with
our outlook on life and our world outlook.
It Is Necessary to Understand that the Cause of
Communism Is the Greatest and Most Arduous
Cause in the History of Mankind
The outlook on life and world outlook of uss Com-
munists should represent the system of ideology of the
proletariat. They are the Communist outlook on life and
world outlook and are also the methodology of us Com-
munists. Since this subject has been treated at great
length in Marxist-Leninist literature and especially in the
works of Marx and Lenin on philosophy and since you
have learnt a great deal about it, I am not going to talk
about this today. Here I shall speak only briefly about
how we should understand our own cause-what, after
all, is the cause of Communism and how should we Com-
munist Party members further our cause?
What is the most fundamental and common duty of
us Communist Party members? As everybody knows,
it is to establish Communism, to transform the present
world into a Communist world. Is a Communist world
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good or not? We all know that it is very good. In such a
world there will be no exploiters, oppressors, landlords,
capitalists, imperialists or fascists. There will be no
oppressed and exploited people, no darkness, ignorance,
backwardness, etc. In such a society all human beings
will become unselfish and intelligent Communists with a
high level of culture and technique. The spirit of mutual
assistance and mutual love will prevail among mankind.
There will be no such irrational things as mutual decep-
tion, mutual antagonism, mutual slaughter and war, etc.
Such a society will, of course, be the best, the most
beautiful and the most advanced society in the history
o4 mankind. Who will say that such a society is not
good? Here the question arises: Can Communist society
be brought about? Our answer is `yes.' About this
the whole theory of Marxism-Leninism offers a scientific
explanation that leaves no room for doubt. It further
explains that as the ultimate result of the class struggle
of mankind, such a society will inevitably be brought
about. The victory of Socialism in the U.S.S.R. has also
given us factual proof. Our duty is, therefore, to bring
about at an earlier date this Communist society, the
realisation of which is inevitable in the history of man-
kind.
But we should understand the other aspect, that is,
in spite of the fact that Communism can be, and will
inevitably be realised it is still confronted by powerful
enemies that must be thoroughly and finally defeated in
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every respect before Communism can be realised. Thus,
the cause of Communism is a long, bitter, arduous but
victorious process of struggle. Without such a struggle
there could be no Communism. Of course, this struggle
is not, as some people have said, an `accidental' social
phenomenon or something engineered by certain Com-
munists who are `rebellious by nature.' On the contrary,
it' is an inevitable phenomenon in the course of the
development of a class society. It is a class struggle which
is unavoidable. The birth of the Communist Party, the
participation of the Communists in the struggle, their
organisation and direction of the struggle are also inevit-
able phenomena, which are in conformity with the laws
of social development. Because imperialists, fascists,
capitalists and landlords-in short, the exploiters-have
oppressed and exploited the overwhelming majority of
mankind to such an extent that the oppressed and ex-
ploited people can hardly live, they cannot but unite to
oppose this oppression and exploitation; otherwise they
cannot live and develop. Consequently, this struggle is
an entirely natural and unavoidable phenomenon. On the
one hand, we must understand that the cause of Com-
munism is the greatest cause in the history of mankind,
because Communism will eventually abolish classes,
liberate the whole of mankind and raise human society
to heights of happiness unparalleled in the history of
mankind. On the other hand, we must also understand
that the cause of Communism is the most arduous cause
in the history of mankind because Communism must
triumph over an extremely powerful enemy-the exploit-
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ing classes, along with all their influences, traditions and
customs, etc. among the people.
By relying on the proletariat and on the broad masses
of the exploited and oppressed people and employing the
strategy and tactics of Marxism-Leninism in directing
the revolutionary struggle of the broad masses and in
advancing society towards the great goal of Communism,
the Communist Party is certain to win final victory. This
is because the historical process of the social evolution of
mankind is advancing towards Communist society, because
in the ranks of the world proletariat and the masses of
the exploited and oppressed people the greatest revolu-
tionary forces lie latent which, when mobilised, united
and organised, are capable of defeating all the reaction-
ary forces of the exploiting classes and decaying capitalism
throughout the world; and because the Communist Party
and the proletariat are forces that are arising and develop-
ing. `Only that which is arising and developing is
invincible.' (The History of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union (B) Short Course) This can be fully proved
by the entire history of the Communist Party of China
and by the entire history of the international Communist
and working class movements.
So far as the present situation is concerned, Com-
munism has already won a great victory on one-sixth of
the surface of the globe-in the Soviet Union. The
Communist movements in all countries of the world are
in the process of rapid growth and development. Militant
Communist parties, armed with, the theory of Marxism-
Leninism, have already been established in all countries,
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and the strength of the world proletariat and the
exploited, oppressed masses is being rapidly mobilised
and united in ceaseless struggles. Therefore, the cause
of Communism has become a powerful, invincible force
throughout the world. There is not the slightest doubt
that this force will continue to develop and advance and
will win final and complete victory. Despite this, how-
ever, the strength of the international reactionary forces
and of the exploiting classes are still more powerful than
ours and for the time being are still predominant in many
respects. Consequently, we shall have to go through a
long, bitter, circuitous and arduous process of struggle
before we defeat them.
As exploiting classes have ruled over mankind for
thousands of years, they have not only made themselves
extremely powerful in every respect by seizing everything
under the sun but have also exerted an extremely bad
influence upon the masses of the exploited classes and
people in society. These influences account for all kinds
of backwardness, ignorance, selfishness, mutual deception,
mutual antagonism, mutual slaughter, etc. in human
society. This phenomenon is bound to occur in class
society, especially in a society of commodity economy and
in capitalist society. This is an inevitable phenomenon
created by the exploiting classes for the sake of their class
interests and class rule, because without the backward-
ness, ignorance, dispersion and disunity of be masses
of the exploited classes and of the colonial peoples it
would be impossible for the exploiting classes to
maintain their position as exploiters. Hence, in order
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to achieve victory we must conduct a sharp struggle not
only against the exploiting classes but also against the
prolonged influences of the exploiting classes among the
masses, against the backward ideology and phenomena
among the masses so that we can raise their consciousness
and unite them to defeat the exploiting classes. Herein
lies the difficulty we face in the struggle for the cause
of Communism.
Comrades ! If the masses were all conscious, united
and free from the influences of the exploiting classes and
from backward phenomena as certain people imagine,
then what difficulties would still remain in the revolution?
Such influences of the exploiting classes not only existed
long before the revolution but will continue to exist for
a very long time after the victory of the revolution and
after the exploiters have been kicked out of their position
of political power by the exploited classes. Just pause
to think: how many complicated and difficult tasks and
struggles shall we have to undertake if we are to liberate
and change the whole of mankind, to finally defeat the
exploiting classes and their influences among the people,
to reform tens of millions of small commodity producers,
to eventually abolish classes and to raise, step by step,
mankind which for thousands of years has lived in class
society with all kinds of old customs, traditions and
backward phenomena (in such a society mankind is
divided into classes and nations who fight and kill one
another and thus create the ideas and customs of selfish-
ness, mutual deception and mutual antagonism) and to
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raise it to the height of an intelligent, unselfish, Com-
munist mankind with a high level of culture and
technique?
Lenin said:
The abolition of classes means not only driving out the
landlords and capitalists-that we have accomplished with.
comparative ease-it also means abolishing the small com-
modity producers, and they cannot be driven out, or crushed;
we must live in harmony with them; they can(and must)
be remoulded and re-educated only by very prolonged, slow,
cautious organisational work. They encircle the proletariat
on every side with a petty-bourgeois atmosphere, which
permeates and corrupts the proletariat and causes constant
relapses among the proletariat into petty-bourgeois spineless-
ness, disunity, individualism, and alternate moods of exalta-
tion and dejection. The strictest centralism and discipline
are required within the political party of the proletariat
in order to counteract this, in order that the organisational
role of the proletariat (and that is its principal role) may
be exercised correctly, successfully, victoriously .... The force
of habit of millions and tens of millions is a most terrible
force.... It is a thousand times easier to vanquish the
centralised big bourgeoisie than to 'vanquish' the millions
and millions of small owners; yet they, by their ordinary,
everyday, imperceptible, elusive, demoralising activity,
achieve the very results which the bourgeoisie need and
which tend to restore the bourgeoisie....
Lenin again said:
... the bourgeoisie, whose resistance is increased tenfold
by its overthrow (even if only in one country), and whose
power lies not only in the strength of international capital,
in the strength and durability of the international connections
of the bourgeoisie, but also in the force of habit, in the
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strength of small production. For, unfortunately, small
production is still very, very widespread in the world and
small production engenders capitalism and the bourgeoisie
continuously, daily, hourly, spontaneously, and on a mass
scale. For all these reasons the dictatorship of the proletariat
is essential, and victory over the bourgeoisie is impossible
without a long, stubborn and desperate war of life and death,
a war demanding perseverance, discipline, firmness, indo-
mitableness and unity of will.
This was written by Lenin two years after the victory
of the October Revolution in the Soviet Union. , (This
most difficult task has now already been solved in the
Soviet Union.) Hence, the proletariat still has the most
difficult task to solve even after the victory of the re-
volution, because our revolution is different from all
other revolutions in history. The bourgeois revolution,
for example, is usually accomplished by the seizure of
State power; but to the proletariat, political liberation
and victory mean only the beginning of the revolution.
Gigantic tasks still lie ahead after political victory has
been attained.
Bourgeois revolution was confronted by only one task-
to sweep away, to cast aside, to destroy all the fetters of
the preceding society. By fulfilling this task every bourgeois
revolution fulfils all that is required of it; it accelerates the
growth of capitalism.
The social revolution is in an altogether different
position. The more backward the country which, owing to
the zigzags of history, has proved to be the one to start the
socialist revolution, the more difficult is it for her to pass
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from the old capitalist relations to socialist relations. To
the tasks of destruction are added new, incredibly difficult
tasks, viz., organisational tasks.
Hence, the proletariat still has difficult tasks even
after the victory of the revolution. Hence, the cause of
Communism is comparable to a `100-year great task' as
we say, and can never be `accomplished at one stroke.'
The proletariat in different countries must go through
different stages of development and defeat different
enemies before Communist society can be finally
established. For example, China is still in the stage of
? a democratic revolution of a bourgeois character and its
enemies are imperialism which conducts aggression
against China, and the feudal forces in collusion with
imperialism. These enemies must be defeated before the
revolution of a bourgeois character can be completed. In
the present stage, the broad masses of the small producers
still constitute a very great motive force of the revolution.
Our country must undergo a prolonged period of socialist
reconstruction before it can finally pass, through gradual
transition, into Communist society.
Comrades ! To establish Communism is our most
fundamental duty. Therefore, to overcome the various
above-mentioned difficulties confronting the cause of
Communism is the bounden duty of us Communists.
Just because the cause of Communism is such a great
and difficult cause there are today still many people
(here we speak of those who have a sense of righteous-
ness and who seek truth) who doubt Communism or
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withdraw from the cause of Communism because they
have lost faith in the possibility of establishing Com-
munism. They do not believe that mankind can be
developed and transformed into an exceedingly pure
Communist mankind and that such difficulties can be
overcome. Or they have not anticipated such difficulties
so the moment they meet with difficulties they become
pessimistic, disappointed and even wavering.
We Communists must possess the greatest courage
and revolutionary determination of mankind. Every
Party member should gladly and seriously make up his
mind about shouldering this unprecedentedly great and
difficult task in human history-the realisation of
Communism. While we clearly see the difficulties con-
fronting the cause of Communism, we are not in the least
daunted by them for we also clearly understand that
these difficulties can certainly be overcome in the course
of drawing into the revolution countless millions of
people. We clearly understand that the cause of Com-
munism is a `100-year great task.' We must fulfil the
great mission which historical evolution has devolved
upon us. We have the support of the great masses. We
must accomplish a great part of the task of the cause of
Communism in our generation and leave to posterity the
final completion of the task. Comrades ! The great vision
- and courage of us Communists has never been matched
by that of any past heroes in the annals of mankind. In
this respect we have every reason to be proud of
ourselves.
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I remember a learned bourgeois biographer from
Western Europe who visited the Soviet Union and asked
Comrade Stalin what he thought about comparing Lenin
with Peter the Great of Russia. According to this bio-
grapher, Comrade Stalin replied that Lenin could be
compared to the waters of a mighty ocean while Peter
the Great was only a single drop in the ocean. Com-
rades ! Such is the comparison between a leader of the
Communist cause of the proletariat and a leader of the
cause of the feudal-bourgeois class in relation to their
place in history. From this comparison we can under-
stand that a leader who fights for the success of Com-
munism and for the cause of the liberation of mankind
appears so very great while a leader who fights for the
cause of a handful of exploiters and parasites appears so
very small.
Communist Party members have the greatest ideals,
greatest objective of struggle and the .most practical
spirit of `searching for the truth from concrete facts' and
also carry on practical work. These are the character-
istics of us Communists.
Comrades ! If you only possess great and lofty ideals
but not the spirit of `searching for the truth from con-
crete facts' and do not carry on genuinely practical work,
you are not a good Communist Party member. You can
only be a dreamer, a prattler or a pedant. If on the con-
trary, you only do practical work but do not possess the
great and lofty ideals of Communism, you are not a good
Communist, but a common careerist. A good Communist
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Party member is one who combines the great and lofty
ideals of Communism with practical work and the spirit
of searching for the truth from concrete facts.
The Communist ideal is beautiful while the existing
capitalist world is ugly. It is precisely because of its
ugliness that the overwhelming majority of the people
want to change it and cannot but change it. In changing
the world we cannot divorce ourselves from reality, or
disregard reality; nor can we escape from reality or sur-
render to the ugly reality. We must adapt ourselves to
reality, understand reality, seek to live and develop in
reality, struggle against the ugly reality and transform
reality in order to realise our ideals. Therefore, we Com-
munist Party members should begin our great Com-
munist task of changing the world by starting from the
very people in close contact with us and from the very
work that we can immediately undertake. Here I shall
have to criticize some errors frequently made by certain
young comrades-their attempts to escape from or to
disregard reality. It is very good that they have lofty
ideals. But they often complain that this place is no
good and that place is no better; that this kind of work
is no good and that kind is no good, either. All the while
they are looking for some kind of ideal place and work
so as to enable them to smoothly `change the world.'
However, such places and such work do not exist except
in their wishful thinking.
This is my understanding of the cause of Communism,
which is our life-long work. It also constitutes the most
important part of our outlook on life and our world
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outlook. Our activities throughout our whole lives are
for the sake of this and nothing else.
The Unconditional Subordination of the Personal Interests
of a Party Member to the Interests of the Party
Apart from clearly establishing his Communist out-
look on life and his Communist world outlook, a Com-
munist must also clearly define the correct relationship
between his personal interests and the interests of the
Party. The Marxist principle is that personal interests
must be subordinated to the Party's interests, partial
interests to total interests, temporary interests to long-
range interests, and the interests of one nation to the
interests of the world as a whole.
The Communist Party is the political party represent-
ing the proletariat. Apart from the interests of the
emancipation of the proletariat, the Party has no other
interests and aims of its own. The ultimate emancipation
of the proletariat, however, ' must needs be the ultimate
emancipation of mankind as a whole, because the pro-
letariat cannot emancipate itself if it fails to emancipate
all the working people and all nations, in other words,
if it fails to emancipate mankind as a whole. Hence, the
proletariat must loyally assist and lead all working peo-
ple, all oppressed nations and peoples in fighting for
their own emancipation and raising their own living
standards and their own cultural and political levels.
Therefore, the interests of the emancipation of the pro-
letariat are identical with, and inseparable from, the
interests of the emancipation of the whole of mankind
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and of all the oppressed nations. Therefore, the interests
of the Communist Party are the very interests of the
emancipation of the proletariat and mankind as a whole.
They are also the interests of Communism and social
evolution. Therefore, the subordination of a Party mem-
ber's personal interests to the Party's interests means
subordination to the interests of class and national eman-
cipation and to the interests of Communism and social
evolution.
Whether or not a Communist Party member can
absolutely and unconditionally subordinate his personal
interests to the Party's interests under all circumstances
is the criterion with which to test his loyalty to the Party,
to the revolution and to the Communist cause. Since the
realisation of Communism must depend upon the pro-
letariat and the Communist Party, Communism will never
be brought about if the interests of the proletariat and
the Communist Party are impaired.
At all times and on all questions, a Communist Party
member should take into account the interests of the
Party as a whole, and place the Party's interests above his
personal problems and interests. It is the highest prin-
ciple of our Party members that the Party's interests are
supreme. Every Party member should firmly build up
this conception in his ideology. This is what we have
often spoken of as `Party spirit,' `Party conception' or
`organisational conception.' He should have only the
Party and the Party's interests uppermost in his mind
and not considerations of a personal character. He should
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ensure that his personal interests accord with the Party's
interests or even merge with them. Thus when his
personal interests conflict with the Party's interests he
will be able to submit to the Party's interests and sacrifice
his personal interests without the slightest hesitation or
reluctance. To sacrifice one's personal interests and even-
one's life without the slightest hesitation and even with a
feeling of happiness, for the cause of the` Party, for class
and national liberation and for the emancipation of man-
kind is the highest manifestation of Communist ethics.
This is a Party member's highest manifestation of
principle. This is the manifestation of the purity of
proletarian ideology of a Party member.
In the Party our members should not have personal
aims independent of the Party's interests. The personal
aims of our Party. members can only be part of the Party's
aims. For example, our Party members want to study
Marxist-Leninist theory, enhance their ability, lead the
victorious revolutionary struggle of the broad masses and
establish various kinds of revolutionary organisations, etc.
If all these are their personal aims they are part of the
Party's aims as well since they are also in the interests of
the Party. And the Party certainly needs large numbers
of such Party members and cadres. But apart from this
our Party members should not have independent aims of
their own such as personal position, individual heroism
and so forth. If they have such aims, they may depart
from the Party's interests to such an extent as to become
opportunists in the Party.
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If a Party member has only the interests and aims
of the Party and Communism in his ideology, if he has
no personal aims and considerations independent of the
Party's interests, and if he is really unbiased and unselfish,
then he will be capable of the following:-
(1) He will be capable of possessing very good
Communist ethics. Because he has a strict standpoint he
`can both love and hate people.' He can show loyalty to
and ardent love for all his comrades, revolutionaries and
working people, help them unconditionally, treat them
with equality and never harm any one of them for the
sake of his own interests. He can deal with them in a
`faithful and forgiving' spirit and `put himself in the
position of others.' He can consider others' problems from
their points of view and be considerate to them. `He will
never do to others anything he would not like others to
do to him.' He can deal with the most vicious enemies of
mankind in a most resolute manner and conduct a
persistent struggle against the enemy for the purpose of
defending the interests of the Party, the class and the
emancipation of mankind. As the Chinese saying goes:
`He will worry long before the rest of the world begins to
worry and he will rejoice only after the rest of the world
has rejoiced.' Both in the Party and among the people
he will be the first to suffer hardship and the last to enjoy
himself. He never minds whether his conditions are
better or worse than others,' but he does mind as to
whether he has done more revolutionary work than
others or whether he has fought harder. In times of
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adversity, he will stand out courageously and unflinch-
ingly and in the face of difficulties he will demonstrate
the greatest sense of responsibility. Therefore, he is
capable of possessing the greatest firmness and moral
cqurage to resist corruption by riches or honours, to resist
tendencies to vacillate in spite of poverty and lowly status
and to refuse to yield in spite of threats or force.
(2) He will also be capable of possessing the great-
est courage. Since he is free from any selfishness
whatever and has never done `anything against his con-
science,' he can expose his mistakes and shortcomings and
boldly correct them in the same way as the sun and the
moon emerge bright and full following a brief eclipse. He
is `courageous because his is a just cause.' He is never
afraid of truth. He courageously upholds truth, expounds
truth to others and fights for truth. Even if it is tem-
porarily to his disadvantage to do so, even if he will be
subjected to various attacks for the sake of upholding
truth, even if the opposition and rebuff of the great
majority of people forces him into temporary isolation
(glorious isolation) and even if on this account his life
may be endangered he will still be able to stem the tide
and uphold truth and will never resign himself to drifting
with the tide. So far as he himself is concerned, he has
nothing to fear.
(3) He will be best capable of acquiring the theory
and method of Marxism-Leninism, viewing problems and
perceiving the real nature of the situation keenly and
aptly. Because he has a firm and clear-cut class stand-
point, he is free from personal worries and personal
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desires which may blur or distort his observation of things
and understanding of truth. He has an objective attitude.
He tests all theories, truths and falsehoods in the course
of revolutionary practice and is no respecter of persons.
(4) He will also be capable of being the most
sincere, most candid and happiest of men. Since he has
no selfish desires and since he has nothing to conceal
from the Party, `there is nothing which he is afraid of
telling others' as the Chinese saying goes. Apart from
the interests of the Party and of the revolution, he has no
personal losses or gains or other things to worry about.
He can `look after himself when he is on his own.' He
takes care not to do wrong things when he works in-
dependently and without supervision and when there is
ample opportunity for him to do all kinds of wrong things.
His work will be found in no way incompatible with the
Party's interests no matter how many years later it is
reviewed. He does not fear criticism from others and he
can courageously and sincerely criticize others. That is
why he can be sincere, candid and happy.
(5) He will be capable of possessing the highest
self-respect and self-esteem. For the interests of the
Party and of the revolution, he can also be the most
lenient, most tolerant and most ready to compromise and
he will even endure, if necessary, various forms of
humiliation and injustice without feeling hurt or bearing
grudges. As he has no personal aims or designs, he has
no need to flatter others and does not want others to
flatter him, either. He has no personal favours to ask
of others, so he has no need to humble himself in order
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to, ask help from others. For the interests of the Party
and the revolution he can also take care of himself,
protect his life and health, raise his theoretical level and
enhance his ability. But if for the sake of certain import-
ant aims of the Party and of the revolution he is
required to endure insults, shoulder heavy burdens and
do work which he is reluctant to do, he will take up the
most difficult and important work without the slightest
hesitation and will not pass the buck.
A Communist Party member should possess all the
greatest and noblest virtues of mankind. He should also
possess the strict and clear-cut standpoint of the Party
and of the proletariat (that is, Party spirit and class
character). Our ethics are great precisely because they
are the ethics of Communism and of the proletariat.
Such ethics are not built upon the backward basis of
safeguarding the interests of individuals or a small number
of exploiters. They are built, on the contrary, upon the
progressive basis of the interests of the proletariat, of the
ultimate emancipation of mankind as a whole, of saving
the world from destruction and of building a happy and
beautiful Communist world. To a Communist, it is most
unworthy and inadvisable to make sacrifices for the in-
terests of any individual or a small number of people.
But if sacrifice has to be made for the Party, for class and
national liberation, that is, for the emancipation of
mankind, for social evolution and for the interests of the
greatest majority of mankind embracing countless millions
of people, countless Communist Party members will face
death with equanimity and make any sacrifice without
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the slightest hesitation. To the majority of Communist
Party members, it will be accepted as a matter of course
`to lay down one's life for a noble cause' or `to die for
righteousness,' if necessary. This is not because they live
in fantasy or are ambitious for praise and fame but
because of their scientific understanding of social evolu-
tion
and their consciousness. This is exactly why our
ethics are the greatest and the most scientific. Apart
from this, we do not admit that there are so-called greater,
more scientific `super-class' and general ethics in a class
society. This is only deceptive nonsense. These so-
called `ethics' are, in fact, built upon the basis of safe-
guarding the interests of a small number of exploiters.
This concept of `ethics' has always been idealist in
character. It is only we Communists who build ethics
upon the scientific basis of historical materialism and it
is only we Communists too who openly build ethics upon
the material basis of the interests of the struggle for the
emancipation of the proletariat and mankind.
The Communist Party represents not only the in-
terests of individual Party members but also the long-
range interests of the entire body of workers and the
emancipation of mankind. The Party's interests are the
crystallisation of the interests not only of individual Party
members but also of the entire body of workers and the
emancipation of mankind. Apart from the interests of
the proletariat and the emancipation of mankind, the
Communist Party has no other interests and aims. There-
fore, the Communist Party must not be regarded as a
narrow, small group like a guild which seeks only the
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r personal interests of its members. Whoever holds such
a view is not a Communist.
? Of course, a Party member has his personal interests
and personal development. At certain times such personal
interests may come in conflict with, or become antagonistic
to, the Party's interests. Should this happen, a Party
member is required to sacrifice his personal interests un-
conditionally and should not sacrifice the Party's interests
to meet his personal interests (no matter under what
cloak or pretext). Since the personal interests and
development of the Party member are included in the
interests and development of the Party, the success and
victory of the Party and class also mean the success and
victory of a Party member. Therefore, only in the
struggle for the development, success and victory of the
Party can a Party member hope to develop himself. He
cannot divorce himself from the development of the Party
in order to strive for his personal development. In short,
only in the course of the struggle for the development,
success and victory of the Party can a Party member
develop himself; without this, he cannot develop himself
at all. Therefore, the personal interests of a Party
member must and- can be made completely identical with
the Party's interests and development.
A member of our Party is no longer just an ordinary
person. He is a conscious vanguard fighter of the pro-
letariat. He should not only represent his personal
interests. He should prove himself a conscious living
representative of the interests and ideology of the pro-
letariat. Since he has already become one of the general
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representatives of the proletariat, his personal interests
should never stand out as against the interests of the Party
and proletariat. As to the cadres and leaders of the Party,
it is all the more necessary for them to become the living
representatives of the general interests of the Party and
of the proletariat and to thoroughly merge their personal
interests and aims in the general interests and aims of
the Party and the proletariat. As circumstances now exist
in China, the proletariat alone can best represent the
interests of national liberation. Therefore, our Party
members have proved themselves the best representatives
of the interests of the nation as a whole.
This is one aspect of the problem to which our Party
members should pay attention. But there is another
aspect.
Although the general interests of the Party include
the personal interests of a Party member, yet the former
cannot embrace the whole of the latter. The personality
of a Party member cannot and should not be eliminated.
In any case a Party member will still have some personal
problems to solve. Furthermore, he still needs to develop
himself according to his personality and his special
ability. Therefore, the Party permits its members to
build itp their personal and family life and to develop
their personalities and special abilities so long as these
do not violate the Party's interests. Moreover, under all
possible conditions, the Party will help a Party member
to develop his personality and special ability in the
interests of the Party, provide him with appropriate work
and working conditions and even give him all possible
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encouragement. Also under all possible conditions, the
Party will look after and safeguard the personal, indis-
pensable interests of a Party member-for instance, the
Party will give him opportunities to receive education and
to study, help to solve his domestic and health problems
and, if necessary, even give up certain Party work in
order to preserve comrades, etc. However, all such
measures are taken with no other purpose than that of
safeguarding the interests of the Party as a whole because
the tasks of the Party cannot be accomplished if the Party
fails to guarantee its members the minimum conditions as
regards living, work and education in order to enable them
to work enthusiastically and without worries. In dealing
with the problems of Party members the responsible
leaders of the Party must pay attention to this point.
This is the other aspect of the problem.
To sum up, a Party member should unreservedly
submit to the interests of the Party. He should be strict
with himself and public-spirited and should have no
personal aims or considerations. He should not think only
of himself in all matters. He should not make a lot of
personal demands' on the Party or blame the Party for
not having promoted or commended him. Besides, a
Party member should endeavour, under all- circumstances,
to study and improve himself to the best of his ability,
to struggle courageously and to ceaselessly raise his
consciousness and his understanding of Marxism-Leninism
in order to render greater contributions and assistance to
the Party and the revolution. In dealing with Party
members' problems the Party and its leaders must pay
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attention to the working, living and educational conditions
of Party members in order to enable them to do better
work for the Party, to develop themselves and to raise
their consciousness to the greatest extent in the pro-
letarian revolutionary cause. Great attention should be
paid especially to those comrades who are really strict
with themselves and public-spirited. Only in this way,
that is, only by paying attention to both aspects and
co-ordinating them can the Party be most benefited.
Examples of Various Kinds of Erroneous
Ideologies in the Party
Comrades ! If we take the Communist outlook on
life and world outlook, our understanding of the cause
of Communism, and the establishment of a correct rela-
tionship between the Party's interests and those of Party
members as our criteria for evaluating our Party members
and cadres, we will find out that on the one hand, there
are many Party members and cadres who conform to
these criteria and can serve as models for other Party
members, but that on the other hand there are also some
Party members and cadres who still do not conform to
these criteria, and still retain different kinds of incorrect
ideologies to a greater or lesser degree. Here I shall
openly point them out in a general way, so that our
comrades may pay attention to them while carrying on
their self-cultivation.
What are the basically incorrect ideologies among
comrades in the Party? They can be listed roughly as
follows:
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Firstly, those who have joined our Party not only
come from different social strata, but bring with them
different aims and motives. Despite the fact that most
members have joined the Party in order to fight for the
realisation of Communism, for the great aim of emancipat-
ing the proletariat and mankind, there are, however, still
some other members who have joined the Party for other
reasons and aims. For example, some peasant comrades
regarded as `Communism' the `striking down of the local
despots and the distribution of the land' which we carried
out in the past and they did not understand genuine
Communism as meaning anything more when they joined
the Party. At the present time quite a few people have
joined the Party chiefly because of the Communists'
determined resistance to Japan and because of the anti-
Japanese national united front. Certain other people
have joined the Party as a way out because they could
not find a way out in society-they had no trade, no
job, no school to attend, or they wanted to escape from
their families, or from forced marriages, etc. Some came
because they looked up to the prestige of the Party, or
because they recognised, though only in a vague way,
that the Communist Party could save China. And finally
there were even some individuals who came because they
counted on the Communists for tax reduction, or because
they hoped to become influential in the future, or because
their relatives and friends brought them in, etc. It is
very natural that such comrades should lack a clear and
definite Communist outlook on life and world outlook,
should fail to understand the greatness and difficulties of
the Communist cause, and should be unable to take a
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firm proletarian stand. Therefore, it is also very natural
that at certain turning points, under certain conditions,
some of them should have wavered or changed. They
have brought with them all kinds and shades of ideologies
into the Party. Consequently, their education, steeling
and self-cultivation are an extremely important matter.
Otherwise, they simply will not be able to become
vanguard fighters of the proletariat.
Despite this, however, it is by no means a serious
problem. That certain people come to rely upon the
Communist Party, come to the Party to seek a way out
and give support to the Party's policies-all this, after
all, cannot be regarded as wrong. They are not mistaken
in having sought out the Party. We welcome such people
except for the opportunist elements, enemy spies and
traitors. The Party's Programme and Constitution must
be accepted and observed. As to further study and
understanding of Communism and of the Party's Pro-
gramme and Constitution, they can do this after joining
the Party, and moreover on the basis of their studies they
can further steel and cultivate themselves in the course
of the struggle, and thus it is entirely possible for them to
make themselves into very good Communists.
As a matter of fact, it is impossible to require many
people to have a profound understanding of Communism
and of the Party's Programme and Constitution before
they join the Party. It is for this reason that we only
prescribe the acceptance of the Party's Programme and
Constitution as a condition for admission into the Party,
instead of prescribing a thorough understanding of the
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Party's Programme and Constitution as a condition,
Although such persons still do not thoroughly understand
Communism they may become active fighters in the course
of the present Communist movement and the present
revolutionary movement. Moreover, in the long course
of the revolutionary struggle, they may become excellent
and conscious Communists through intensive studies and
cultivation. Besides, our Party Constitution further
stipulates that Communist Party members shall have the
freedom to withdraw from the Party (there. is no freedom
to join the Party). If any member lacks a profound belief
in Communism, cannot endure strict inner-Party life, or
for any other reason, he is free to withdraw from the
Party. So long as he does not give away Party secrets,
does not oppose Communism, does not engage in subver-
sive activities against the Party, the Party allows any
member to withdraw and will leave him be. As to
opportunists and traitors who have sneaked into the Party,
we will naturally expel them. In this way the purity of
our Party can be preserved.
Secondly, certain Party members still have an
ideology marked by relatively strong individualism and
self-interest.
This kind of individualism finds expression in the
following ways: certain persons, when solving all kinds
of concrete problems, place their personal interests above
the Party's interests; or they are always worrying about
their personal gains and losses, weighing their personal
interests; or they engage in jobbery, taking advantage of
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Party work to achieve certain personal aims; or they
attempt to pay off their personal grudges against other
comrades on the pretext of a question of principle, or of
Party interests.
When it comes to questions of salaries, amenities and
other matters concerning private life, they always want
to surpass others, and to compare and compete with the
very highest cadres and `use any means to achieve this
end,' and will brag about such things. But when it
comes to work, they want to compare with those who are
less capable. When there are hardships, they try to avoid
them; in times of danger, they attempt to run away. As
to orderlies, they always want more. As to living
quarters, they always want the best. They want to show
off and share the honours bestowed on the Party. They
try to monopolise all the good things, but will have no
part in anything that is in something of a mess.
Comrades ! There are such people in our Party.
Their heads are full of the ideology of the exploiting
classes. They even believe in such expressions as:
`Everyone for himself, and the devil take the hindmost,'
`Man is a selfish animal,' `There is no such thing in the
world as a genuinely unselfish person, or else such a
person is a simpleton or an idiot.' They make use of all
such expressions of the exploiting classes to justify their
own selfishness and individualism.
This kind of selfish individualism frequently finds
expression inside the Party in such mistakes as un-
principled disputes, factional struggles, sectarianism and
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departmentalism. It also finds expression in actions which
disregard or even undermine at will Party discipline.
Most unprincipled struggles arise from personal interests.
Factional struggles and sectarianism often place the
interests of the individual or the minority above Party
interests. Such people often consciously undermine the
organisation and discipline of the Party in the course of
unprincipled factional struggles, attack certain persons in
an unprincipled manner or deliberately, and make friends
in an unprincipled way with certain people for the
purpose of not offending each other, mutual shielding and
mutual boasting and praising.
As to departmentalism in the Party, it is different
from such individualism. Departmentalism comes about
chiefly because a comrade sees only partial interests, sees
only his part of the work, does not see the situation as a
whole and does not see the work of others. Therefore,
he commits the mistake of only looking after the interests
of his part of the work to such an extent that he obstructs
others. Politically speaking, this is a thing resembling
guildism. In the case of comrades committing the mis-
take of departmentalism their motives and their starting
points may not necessarily be very bad. This of course
cannot be compared with individualism. Nevertheless,
persons with an individualistic outlook often commit the
mistake of departmentalism.
Thirdly, self-conceit, individual heroism, showing-off
etc. still exist to a greater or les* extent in the
ideology of quite a few comrades in the Party.
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The first consideration of people with such ideas is
their position in the Party. They like to show off, and
want others to flatter them and admire them. They have
a personal ambition to become leaders. They take ad-
vantage of their abilities and like to claim credit, to show
off themselves, to keep everything in their hands and they
are intolerant. They are full of vanity, do not want to
bury their heads in hard work and are unwilling to do
technical work. They are haughty. When they have
made some small achievements they become very arrogant
and domineering as if there were no one else like them
in the world. They seek to overshadow others and cannot
treat others on equal terms, modestly and politely. They
are self-conceited and like to lecture others, to instruct
and boss others. They are always trying to climb above
others, and do not accept directions from others, do not
learn modestly from others and particularly from the
masses, nor do they accept criticisms from others. They
like to be `promoted' but cannot stand being `demoted.'
They can only work `in fair weather' but not `in foul.'
They cannot bear attacks or injustices and are unable
to adapt themselves to circumstances. They are not `great
men capable of asserting themselves when necessary or
of keeping in the background when required.' They have
not yet got rid of their deep-rooted `desire for fame' and
they try to build themselves up into `great men' and
`heroes' in the Communist cause, and even have no
scruples in employing any means for the gratification of
such desires. However, when their aims cannot be
achieved, when,Aiey receive rebuffs or cool treatment
from comrades in the Party, there is a possible danger
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of their wavering. In the history of the Party there have
been not a few members who left the Party because of
such wavering. In the minds of such persons there exist
remnants of the ideology of the exploiting classes. They
do not understand the greatness of Communism, nor do
they have the broad vision of a Communist.
Communists should not indulge in self-complacency
or haughtiness. Granted certain comrades are very
competent and have done certain work well and made
great achievements. For example, our army officers led
thousands upon thousands of men and won victories, or
our Party and mass-work leaders in various places
through their work brought about a much more favourable
situation. Theirs may probably be `great' achievements
of which they may be proud, yet compared with the cause
of Communism as a whole how great are these achieve-
ments after all? Their achievements are but 'a drop in
the ocean.' To a person with a Communist world outlook,
what is there in this that one may be really proud of?
So far as individual Party members are concerned
how can one's personal position be worth worrying about?
One's position can never be higher than that of an
emperor, nevertheless, comparing the position of an ?
emperor with that of a fighter for the cause of Communism,
how great is it after all? It is only 'a drop in the ocean,'
as Stalin has said. So what is there that is worth worry-
ing and bragging about?
Yes, in our Party, in the Communist cause, we need
countless numbers of Communist heroes and a great
4 67
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many Party and mass leaders with prestige and position.
At present, we really have far too few revolutionary
heroes and leaders with prestige. We still need to temper
and cultivate a great number of very good Communist
revolutionary heroes and leaders in all fields. This is a
very important thing in our cause which simply cannot be
neglected. Whoever shows contempt for this point simply
does not understand how to advance the Communist
cause. Therefore, we must still greatly enhance our
Party members' keenness and aspiration for progress in
the revolutionary cause. At present we are not doing
enough in this respect. This point shows itself, for
instance, in the fact that certain Party members are not
studying hard enough, and their interest in politics and
theory is not deep enough.
Therefore, we oppose individual heroism and show-
ing-off but we certainly do not oppose such aspiration
for progress among our members-this is a most precious
quality of Communist Party members. But the proletarian
and Communist aspiration for progress is entirely differ-
ent from the individualistic aspiration for progress. The
former seeks truth, upholds truth and moreover fights
most effectively for truth. It has a perspective of un-
limited development and is of a progressive nature. But
the latter, as far as the individual goes, is extremely
limited in its progressive nature and furthermore has no
perspective, because, for the sake of the individual's
personal interests, it often consciously negates, covers up
or distorts truth. Therefore, our comrades must under-
stand that real leaders and heroes in the Communist
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cause can never be individualistic and self-appointed.
Anyone who appoints himself as a leader or who in-
dividually tries to become a leader can never become a
leader in our Party. All leaders, whether national or
local, have achieved success through mass support. The
rank and file of our Party will not support as their leaders
those persons who are self-conceited, given to individual
heroism, showing-off, personal ambition for leadership
and vanity. No Party member has the right to demand
that other members and the masses support him as a
leader or to safeguard his position as a leader. Only
such Party members who have not the slightest personal
aim, who are loyal to the Party, who have a high degree
of Communist ethics and qualities, who cfh master the
theory and methods of Marxism-Leninism, who have
considerable practical ability, who can actually direct
Party work, who try unceasingly and strenuously to study
and to make progress can win the confidence and support
of the Party and the masses and thus become heroes and
leaders in the Communist cause.
Our comrades should further realise that a Party
member, a leader or hero, whoever he may be, can only
carry out a part of the work of the Communist cause
and shoulder only a part of the responsibility. The
? Communist cause is a collective task involving countless
tens of millions of persons over a long period of time,
and cannot be monopolised by any individual. Even our
great leaders, Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin fulfilled
only a part of the work of the Communist cause. Their
work still needs the continuous efforts of tens of millions
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of us. We ordinary Party members also carry out a part
of the work and shoulder a part of the responsibility in
the cause of Communism. Our part is of course much
smaller than that of Marx, Engels, Lenin or Stalin.
Nevertheless, we all have our part. Although there is a
difference between a great part and a small part, it is
a part all the same. Therefore if we can do a part of the
work well, it means that we have fulfilled our duty.
Of course, we should try our best to do a bigger part.
But if we cannot, we can still do a smaller part just as
well. So far as we individually are concerned, this is
nothing worth while worrying about. In any case, we
should at least try not to obstruct the development of the
Communist cause, and should do our part of the work,
be it big or small. That is the attitude we should adopt
towards our own work. There are certain comrades who
are not willing to do technical work, thinking that to do
so is to belittle themselves, and that it would prevent
them from becoming famous in later generations (actually
they can, like Edison and Stakhanov, etc. who all rose
from among technical workers), and prevent them from
displaying their talents. They seem to think that for
them to do such work would be a great loss to the
Communist cause. Therefore, they more or less lose the
aspiration for progress required of all Party members.
Comrades ! Such a way of thinking is incorrect !
Technical work plays an extremely important part in our
Party work. Those comrades who are doing such work
are also doing their part for the cause,of Communism in
the same way as comrades doing other kinds of work.
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A Communist should do any work that is important at the
time no matter whether the work is to his liking or not
or whether it can win popularity or not. For example,
following the victory of the Russian revolution many
cadres doing important Party and political work were
mobilised to learn the art of trade for the purpose of
carrying out the New Economic Policy, for at that time
only by carrying on trade efficiently could the Communist
Party triumph over private capitalism. Even though
none of the Party members liked to do trade yet they
all did it because it was important. It was right that they
did it, and it would have been wrong if they had
not.
Here, let me repeat, Party leaders in assigning work
to Party members should naturally take into considera-
tion the different circumstances of individual Party
members, see to it that the work assigned to them should
suit their personality and help to develop their strong
points and encourage their enthusiasm for progress.
However, the Party member to whom the work is assigned
should not refuse the assignment on such grounds.
Fourthly, there are a small number of comrades in
the Party who strongly reflect the ideology of the ex-
ploiting classes. In dealing with Party comrades and
inner-Party problems they often adopt methods used in
coping with the enemy, being utterly devoid of the great,
sincere, Communist and proletarian spirit of mutual
assistance and solidarity.
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Persons with such an ideology seek to elevate and
develop themselves in the Party, but they achieve this
purpose by holding others down and obstructing their
development. They want to jump over the heads of
others and are jealous of those who are more capable.
They feel displeased if others go ahead of them, catch
up with them or overtake them. They will not be pleased
until they have succeeded in keeping others down or
behind them. They are not willing to be under others.
They only care about their own well-being, their own
development, without any consideration for the difficulties
of others. When they see other comrades meet with
difficulties, setbacks, frustration or attacks, they are happy
over the calamity, secretly rejoice, and are entirely
devoid of sympathy. They even scheme to injure other
comrades, to `throw stones at them when they are already
down the well' and take advantage of the weak points
and difficulties of other comrades to attack them and ruin
their reputation. In the Party they also take advantage
of the weaknesses in the Party's organisation and work
to serve their ulterior purposes, to garner certain personal
benefits by means of exacerbating such weaknesses. In
the Party they are fond of spreading rumours, speaking
ill of others behind their backs, and scheming to drive a
wedge in the relations between comrades. They like to
take part in all the unprincipled disputes in the Party,
and take great interest in all `controversies.' Especially
when the Party is in difficulties, they create and
exacerbate such controversies inside the Party.
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In short, they are thoroughly vicious and not in the
least upright. Is it not a sheer joke to say that such
persons can master the theory and method of Marxism-
Leninism, and can reflect the ideology of the proletariat?
Quite evidently, theirs is absolutely the reflection of the
ideology of the declining exploiting classes because all
exploiters, in order to develop themselves, will impair
the interests of others. To increase their own wealth or
to prevent themselves from going bankrupt during a
depression, the capitalists crowd out a great many smaller
capitalists, and compel countless workers to starve. To
expand their land, the landlords exploit the peasants and
deprive many. of their landholdings. Fascist countries
like Germany, Italy and. Japan, to expand themselves,
hindered the development of other countries and con-
quered Austria, Czechoslovakia, Ethiopia, etc. and
committed aggression against China. To impair the
interests of others and to render others bankrupt are
conditions essential to the development of the exploiters
themselves, whose happiness is founded upon others'
sufferings.
Therefore, among exploiters it is impossible to find
genuing, firm unity, genuine mutual assistance and
genuine human sympathy. The exploiters must work
out treacherous schemes and underhanded measures
against others, for it profits them to undo others or to
render them bankrupt. Nevertheless, they are compelled
to tell lies and pose before the masses as pseudo-saints
and `supporters of justice'. These are the characteristics
of all exploiters in their decline. Such things, however,
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are also reflected in the ideology of some people in our
Party. To the exploiters such things may be the standard
of their `noble' ethics; but to the proletariat, they are
outright treason.
The proletariat is entirely different from what has
just been described. The proletariat does not exploit
others, but is exploited by others. There are no basic
conflicts in interests among the workers, or between the
workers and all the other oppressed and exploited toiling
masses. To develop themselves and to win their own
emancipation, the workers not only have no need to
impair the interests and development of other workers
or toiling people, but have need of uniting with other
workers and toiling people. Only then can the workers
develop themselves, raise their own position and eman-
cipate themselves. The emancipation of the proletariat
itself must be accompanied by the emancipation of all
toiling people and mankind as a whole. It is impossible
to separately emancipate an individual worker or a
section of the workers. The cause of emancipating
humanity must be carried out to the end, and it is
impossible to stop or compromise halfway. And it must
be the common, complete emancipation of humanity as
a whole.
The ideology of the awakened workers, reflecting this
objective situation of the proletariat, is entirely contrary
to the ideology of the exploiters. On the one hand, they
must of course employ the most merciless measures in
dealing with the common enemy of the people; on the
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other hand, they never employ such measures in dealing
with their own brothers and comrades, thus clearly differ-
entiating, their attitude and measures adopted against
their enemy from those directed towards their friends
and comrades. They have a great and sincere friendship,
love and sympathy for their own class brothers and for
all the toiling people who are being exploited and oppress-
ed. They display a great spirit of mutual assistance, of
firm solidarity and of genuine equality in dealing with
their own brothers. They absolutely refuse to recognise
that any one among their own brothers or among
humanity has any special privileges and they do not
cherish the idea that they themselves have any special
privileges. To them such a thing is unthinkable and an
insult. They want to develop and elevate themselves
but they know they must at the same time develop others,
raise the position of the whole labouring class, and only
thus can they elevate themselves. They are unwilling
to lag behind others as regards ideology, politics or work
and they have a lofty aspiration to strive for progress,
but they know they must respect, love and help those
persons who are better qualified in such aspects. They
strive to learn from such persons without any jealousy.
They show extreme concern for the painful and difficult
situation of their own class and of the whole of the world's
labouring people. They are concerned about the struggle
for the emancipation of labouring people everywhere and
about their victories and defeats. They realise that every
victory or defeat of the labouring people, wherever it
takes place, means their own victory or defeat, and more-
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over, they express very great sympathy and concern about
such victories and defeats.
They consider that in the struggle for the emancipa-
tion of any labouring people or of all the oppressed people
it would be criminal to adopt an attitude of indifference
or to gloat over other's misfortunes. They love their
own comrades and brothers; they openly, frankly and
sincerely point out the weaknesses and mistakes of their
comrades and brothers. (Indeed, this is a true expres-
sion of love). In matters of principle, they never appease
or compromise with their comrades or even encourage
their mistakes and weaknesses (to do so would not- be
an expression of love), but use every means to help them
overcome and correct such weaknesses and mistakes.
They do not utilise or aggravate such weaknesses and
mistakes to force their comrades into an unfortunate or
even hopeless situation.
In dealing with their own comrades and brothers,
they `return good for evil.' If only the other comrades
will correct their mistakes they will have not the slightest
desire for retaliation. They are able `to require much
from themselves and little from others.' They are strict
with themselves but rather lenient towards other com-
rades. Nevertheless, they take a firm and strict position
in matters of principle, and adopt a candid, upright and
serious attitude. They will not compromise on questions
of principle. They will not tolerate anyone who in any
way harms the interests of the Party, nor will they allow
anyone to insult them without reason. They are especial-
ly contemptuous of anyone who lavishly praises, flatters
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or adulates them in an unprincipled way. They oppose
all unprincipled struggle among their own comrades and
at the same time keep themselves from being involved in
unprincipled struggles. They are not influenced or irritat-
ed by those irresponsible and informal criticisms made
behind their backs and will not on this account lose
their own stand on matters of principle or their cool-
headed and calm attitude.
All this represents the ideology of the proletariat
and should be reflected, developed and learnt by every
one of our Party members. The entire lives of our great
leaders, Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin represent the
highest model and concrete embodiment of such ideology.
All this represents the uprightness of humanity in the pre-
sent society, and it is the Communist Party that manifests
such uprightness. We must promote and elevate such
uprightness in order to overcome all viciousness.
Fifthly, bureaucracy still exists in our Party and
in various organisations. I will speak again on this
subject later on. Among some comrades there still exist
such weaknesses as narrow-mindedness and the minding
of small matters without taking into consideration the
overall situati They do not have the great courage
or. the far-gig ness of a Communist. Blind to the
bigger issues, they are very much interested in small
matters ? under their nose. They are not very much
interested in the vital problems and the highly important
events of the Party and the revolution, but instead often
concern themselves with trifles as small as a needle or
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a piece of thread or with insignificant remarks. Over such
trifles they will seriously and endlessly argue with others
and become overwhelmed with unrestrained emotion.
They can also be easily bribed by others with small
favours or gifts. They have all the characteristics of
narrow-mindedness of the small producer in rural society.
Also there are still certain individuals who seem to
have no clear and definite standpoint. To them, this may
be all right and that may also be all right. They play
ball with both sides and try to please everybody. To
his face they can get along very well with a person whom
they hate. They can speak well of you to your face,
while speaking ill of you behind your back. They may
speak well of a certain person to one man, and speak
ill of the same person to another man. `To show himself,
when speaking, to be a respecter of persons and cir-
cumstances,' to `tack with the wind,' and to lean without
principle on the winning side-such are their characteris-
tics. Sometimes they are just fence-sitters, watching to
see which side is winning and going over to 'hat side.
Such people who are neither `fish, flesh, nor fowl' but
who are `double-dealing' creatures are not altogether
unknown in our ranks. They display the characteristics
of a broker.
In addition, there are certain persons who simply
cannot stand the temptations of the exploiting classes of
the old society. They begin to waver when they see
around them the kaleidoscopic world, glittering gold and
beautiful women. As a result, they may commit crime,
or may even betray the Party and the revolution.
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Furthermore, the impetuosity and inconsistency
which characterise the petty-bourgeoisie, and the des-
tructive character of the lumpen-proletariat and the
bankrupt peasantry are also often reflected in the ideology
of some of the comrades in the Party. We have no need
to go further with. our list.
To sum up, apart from those who represent the
Communist ideology of the great and resolute pro-
letariat, there still exist in our Party certain comrades
who, to a greater or lesser degree, reflect various kinds
of non-proletarian ideology and even the ideology of the
declining exploiting classes. Such ideology is sometimes
latent in the Party and only reveals itself in some small
individual daily, problems. Sometimes it grows and
systematically exposes itself in various problems of
principle in the Party, in important political questions
and in inner-Party struggles. Certain individual sections
or links of the Party organisation may also be controlled
or corroded by such erroneous ideology. When it develops
to the highest degree, for instance, during the time when
Chen Tu-hsiu,.Chang Kuo-tao and the like were in power
in the Party such erroneous non-proletarian ideology even
temporarily controlled the major part or the most
important part of the Party leadership. But in normal
times such ideology is overcome by correct proletarian
ideology. This is demonstrated by the inner-Party
ideological struggle.
The same is also the case with certain Party members.
Sometimes, their erroneous ideology lies dormant and
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under control. But at other times it may develop to the
point of controlling their actions. This is demonstrated
by the contradictions and struggles between the two
different ideologies possessed by the same individual.
Our ideological cultivation means that we should
consciously adopt the proletarian and Communist outlook
on life and world outlook and have a correct understand-
ing of the relationship between individual development
and the interests of the emancipation of the class, nation
and mankind in order to overcome and eliminate all kinds
of incorrect and non-proletarian ideologies.
The Origin of the Various Erroneous
Ideologies in the Party
Comrades! The Communist Party represents the
brightest and the most progressive side of contemporary
human society. It is here that the best ideology of
humanity-Marxism-Leninism-exists and develops. Ga-
thered together in the Communist Party are the world's
most conscious, progressive, and sound persons with the
highest sense of morality and righteousness. They per-
sistently fight against all evil influences and struggle for
the bright future and for the final emancipation of human
society. The Chinese Communist Party is one of the best
Communist Parties in the world. It is powerfully armed
with Marxist-Leninist theory, and, at the same time, it
has inherited the finest traditions of the many progressive
thinkers and prominent men who have made great
achievements in past generations in China's history. It
stands for the most progressive and the brightest side
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of Chinese society. In its organisation are gathered
together the most splendid Chinese men and women. It
has carried on a protracted struggle against the old, evil
influences and traditions of Chinese society and it has
accumulated rich experiences, and gone through many
trials over a long period of revolutionary struggle. All
these are matters which we Communists can be proud of.
Furthermore, we can assert, with full confidence and on
every authority, that we shall certainly athieve final
victor*and final success.
However, even so, not everything in our organisation
is perfect. Our organisation is not without defects or
mistakes. Our ranks are not without unsound elements
or even bad eggs. And it is still not impossible for such
unsound elements and bad eggs to do foul and harmful
things. That is to say in our bright Party there are
still things of darkness, there is still a seamy side. These
are the things which I have previously enumerated.
Once. a family has taken in marriage an ugly son-
in-law or daughter-in-law, it will not be possible to
keep him or her from meeting the guests. With regard
to the things of darkness, even if we try to adopt an
attitude of `not washing our dirty linen in public,' it will
be impossible. The masses of people are in constant
contact with our Party, our sympathisers will come to
visit us, and a vast number of people, young men and
women, who look up to us, desire to come here (Yenan
-Translator) to learn from us or to join our Party. When
they arrive here, apart from seeing all our progressive,
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bright, and beautiful things and family-members, they
will meet our ugly son-in-law or daughter-in-law, who
in the presence of many people, talks nonsense, or makes
a fool of himself or herself. In such cases some of our
guests and new Party members will, wonder. They will
ask such question: Isn't the Communist Party supposed
to be the most just? Aren't Communists the best men and
women? Why are there still such ugly persons and bad
things in the Communist Party? Isn't this strange?
Some young comrades, before they joined the Party,
were very bitterly dissatisfied with existing society and
felt that there was no way out and that only the Com,
munist Party offered the brightest hope. They thought
that after they joined the Party everything would be
satisfactory and hopeful. But after they joined they
began to feel that in the Party there were also certain
mistakes, defects and things of darkness. Moreover, in
fact, we cannot make them feel satisfied with everything
(because what they find to be satisfactory may be more
or less not in conformity with the interests of the Party
and the revolution). What they now actually feel does
not exactly coincide with their former ideals. Then they
began to feel doubtful and puzzled and asked: `Why are
there also such things in the Communist Party?' Before
some of them came to Yenan and entered the Anti-
Japanese University they thought that Yenan and the
Anti-Japanese University must be as good as they had
dreamed them to be, but after they had arrived and
entered the University they found that not everything was
satisfactory. Then they again became puzzled, asking:
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`Why are there still such unsatisfactory things at Yenan
and in the Anti-Japanese University?' Certain persons
even became pessimistic and disappointed because they
could not find answers ?to these questions.
With reference to these questions, in addition to
sharpening our vigilance and instructing our Party
members and cadres to pay serious attention to carefully
treating and guiding our new Party members and those
who are inclined to us, and not giving them an unfavour-
able impression, it is necessary to give an explanation to
our comrades inside and outside of our Party.
Why are there still such bad things in the splendid
organisation of our Party? The reason, I think, is very
simple. It is that our Party is not a Party that has
fallen from the heavens; it is a Party which has grown out
of the existing Chinese society. Although in general our
Party members are relatively the best Chinese men and
women, the vanguard of the Chinese proletariat, they
come, however, from every stratum of Chinese society
and are still living in this society which is replete with
the influences of the exploiters--selfishness, intrigues,
bureaucracy and every kind of filthy thing. Most of our
best Party members are unlikely to be influenced by
such things, but is it so strange that there should still
be other Party members who to a greater or lesser extent
bring into our Party, or reflect in our Party, some of the
filthy things of society? Is it anything strange that there
are muddy stains on a person who crawls out of the
mud and who constantly dabbles in the mud? It is not
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strange at all. It is a matter of course. It would be
very strange indeed if there were absolutely no such
filthy things in the Communist Party. How could it be
possible for such a filthy society to give birth to a Com-
munist Party that is perfectly immune from filth? It is
utterly inconceivable. It can be said that so long as
there are still such filthy things, so long as there are
still classes and the influences of the exploiting classes in
society, there are bound to be such filthy things in the
Communist Party to some extent.
Therefore the Communist Party is confronted with
the task of carrying on the revolution and it is
necessary for Communist Party members to carry on
self-cultivation and steeling. Because of this, in addition
to waging struggles against all dark and backward in-
fluences and things in society we must carry on inner-
Party struggle to oppose the wavering, unsteady elements
who reflect in the Party all kinds of dark and backward
things in society. This constitutes the very basis of our
inner-Party contradiction and inner-Party struggle. In
the course of the various struggles inside and outside of
the Party we seek to remould society, to gradually rid
it of the dark, backward things and at the same time to
remould our Party and Party members, to solve inner-
Party contradictions so as to develop our Party and
Party members to a sound and firm level.
... the sources of contradiction within proletarian parties
lie in two circumstances.
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Firstly, pressure by the bourgeoisie and bourgeois
ideology on the proletariat and its Party in the course of
the class struggle-pressure which the least steadfast strata
of the proletariat, and that means the least steadfast strata
of the proletarian Party, not infrequently give way to. It
cannot. be considered that the proletariat is completely
isolated from society, that it stands outside society. The
proletariat is part of society, connected with its various strata
by numerous ties. But the Party is part of the proletariat.
Therefore, the Party cannot be free of connections with, and
the influence of, the various strata of bourgeois society. The
pressure of the bourgeoisie and its ideology on the proletariat
and its Party- finds expression in the fact that bourgeois
ideas, morals, customs and moods not infrequently infiltrate
into the proletariat and its Party through certain strata of the
proletariat, connected in one way or another with bourgeois
society.
Secondly, the heterogeneity of the working class, the
presence of different strata within the working class. I
think that the proletariat, as a class, may be divided into
three strata.
One stratum is the basic mass of the proletariat, its core,
its permanent part, it is that mass of `thoroughbred' pro-
letarians, which has already long ago severed its ties with
the capitalist class. This stratum of the proletariat is the
most dependable support of Marxism.
The second stratum consists of those who only recently
came from the non-proletarian classes, from the peasants, the
middle classes, the intelligentsia. These people who come
from other classes, who only recently joined the ranks of
the proletariat, have brought with them into the working
class their customs, their habits, their hesitations, their
instability. This stratum represents the most favourable
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breeding ground for all sorts of anarchistic, semi-anarchistic.
and `ultra-leftist' groupings.
Finally, there is a third stratum: the working class
aristocracy, the elite of the working class, the best provided
for section of the proletariat, with its tendency towards a
compromise with the bourgeoisie, with its dominant tendency
to adapt itself to the powers that be, with its striving 'to
become a somebody'. This stratum represents the best
breeding ground for outspoken reformists and opportunists.
Comrades! This is the origin of various non-pro-
letarian ideologies, errors, defects and filthy things which
still exist in our splendid proletarian Party. This is the
origin of the various contradictions that still exist in the
Party.
The Attitude Towards Various Erroneous Ideologies
In the Party and Inner-Party Struggle
Because of the influence of the exploiting classes,
because of the heterogeneity of the working class and of
our Party, there arise among different Party members
differences in ideology, viewpoint, custom, habit and
mood; there arise among different Party members
differences of varying degree in their philosophy of life,
their world outlook, and their concept of ethics; and
there arise among different Party members differences
in methods of looking at things and ways of thinking
with regard to various revolutionary problems. Some
look at things in a correct objective manner, from the
angle of their development and their inter-connection;
while others look at things in an incorrect subjective
manner, taking things to be in a state of stagnation and
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isolation. Some only observe or exaggerate this aspect
of things, while others only see or exaggerate that aspect
of things; that is to say, they do not view problems as a
whole in accordance with the laws of the development
and relation of objective things, but view problems in
a one-sided and subjective way; therefore differences as
to the method of activity are brought about among Party
members and differing ideas, views and arguments arise
and in this way inner-Party struggles are aroused.
Such differences and arguments will inevitably
become all the sharper, especially at turning points of
the revolution, in conditions of ever-intensifying revolu-
tionary struggles and growing hardships and under the
influence and pressure of the exploiting class and its
ideology. Therefore, the crux of the problem is not
whether there are differences an ideology ? and opinions
in the Party-there are bound to be such differences.
The point i low to solve the contradictions within the
Party, how to get rid of these differences, how to over-
come the various erroneous non-proletarian ideologies in
the Party. Naturally, it is only through inner-Party
struggle that we can solve these contradictions, clear
away the differences, and overcome the various erroneous
ideologies. Just as Engels said: `No one can at any
time hide contradictions for long. Contradictions must
be solved by means of struggle.'
Different kinds of people, both inside and outside of
the Party, hold different kinds of views and adopt
different kinds of attitudes towards the various errors
and defects and undesirable things in the Party.
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People of one kind do not see or are unwilling to
see the defects, errors, and undesirable things in the
Party. They are blindly optimistic and take it for granted
that everything is all right in the Party; therefore they
relax their vigilance and slacken their struggle against
the defects, errors and all the undesirable things.
People of a second kind see nothing or almost nothing
but errors, defects and undesirable things; they do not
see the bright side of the Party. They consider that
nothing is good in the Party; therefore they become
pessimistic, disappointed and lose their cdnfidence in the
future of the Party. Or having seen such things, they
become alarmed and regard such things as `disastrous.'
Both of these views are incorrect and one-sided.
Our view is different from both. On the one hand, we
know that our Party is the most progressive, most
revolutionary political party of the Chine$$ proletariat.
On the other hand, we clearly realise that in our Party
there are still various kinds of errors, defects and un-
desirable things, both large and small. At the same time
we clearly understand the origin of these things, the
method of gradually correcting them and eliminating
them. Accordingly, we must strengthen our efforts and
work and carry on the necessary struggle in order to
advance our Party and the revolution.
Just as the standpoints and views of various persons
are different, so there are also different kinds of attitudes
towards the undesirable things in our Party.
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The first kind of attitude is: To enjoy seeing the
defects, errors and "undesirable things in our Party and
to gloat over them and by every means utilise and magnify
them in order to undermine our Party (sometimes the
method used is to oppose certain mistakes and to support
the Party line in such a manner as to channel the mis-
takes in another direction). This is the attitude adopted
by our enemies outside the Party and by the spies and
trotskyites lurking within the Party.
The second kind of attitude is: To sympathise with,
accept and learn from certain erroneous ideologies and
bad examples in order to gratify certain personal ambi-
tions and desires. People with this attitude consider that
the existence of certain defects and errors in the Party
is to their advantage, therefore they themselves con-
sciously or unconsciously promote the development of
such defects and errors and make use of them. This is
the attitude adopted by opportunists and Party members
of the most undesirable character.
The third kind of attitude is, To leave these errors,
defects and undesirable things undisturbed and to let
them take their own course. People with this attitude
try to take things easy and are unwilling to struggle
against these things. Or they fear inner-Party struggle
and self-criticism, and consider these as harmful and not
beneficial to the Party. Or they are apathetic and unwill-
ing to recognise these phenomena or they adopt a perfunc-
tory, conciliatory and eclectic attitude towards these
phenomena.. This is the attitude adopted by Party mem-
bers who have but a weak sense of duty towards the Party
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and who are profoundly imbued with liberalism and who
are guilty of bureaucracy.
The fourth kind of attitude is: To harbour violent
hatred towards the errors, defects and persons in the
Party whose ideology is incorrect. People with this
attitude bluntly sever. relations with such persons, attempt
to purge them and expel them from the Party at one
stroke. But if they fail in this or if they themselves meet
with rebuffs they give up and become disheartened and
melancholy. They `mind their own business,' keep
themselves aloof or stand far away from the Party. This
kind of absolute attitude also finds expression in a
mechanical understanding of inner-Party struggle and
self-criticism. They think that the more bitter the
struggle among comrades in the Party the better; they
raise every trifle to a so-called `level of principle'; they
label the tiniest fault as political opportunism, etc., and
abuse the organisational methods of the Party or even
methods used in struggles outside the Party to punish
comrades. They do not carry on the inner-Party struggle
in an appropriate and concrete manner in accordance
with the objective requirements and the laws of develop-
ment of objective things, but, on the contrary, they carry
on the `struggle' mechanically, subjectively, violently and
unscrupulously. They consider that inner-Party struggle
must be carried on under any circumstances, and the more
frequent and the more bitter the struggle the better, with
the result that they deliberately hunt for `targets for
struggle,' deliberately create inner-Party struggle, and
seek to promote the work of the Party by relying upon
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such mechanical `struggle.' This is the attitude adopted
by Party members who do not understand the origin of
the contradictions within the -Party and who lack know-
ledge of the methods of dealing with inner-Party differ-
ences and who only mechanically understand inner-Party
struggle.
The fifth kind of attitude is the very attitude we
should adopt, an attitude which is opposite to the four
kinds previously mentioned.
1. We first of all recognise and make out which of
the various phenomena, ideologies, diverse opinions and
views are correct, beneficial to the long-range interests
of the Party and the revolution and which of them are
incorrect and detrimental to the long-range interests of
the Party and the revolution. Maybe both sides to the
dispute are wrong but a third opinion and view may be
right. After sober analysis and consideration we decide
our clear-cut attitude, and take up our stand on the cor-
rect side. We do not blindly follow or idolise anybody.
2. We study, promote, and develop all that is good
and upright and uphold all the correct views and opinions
in the Party. We do not imitate the bad examples or
allow ourselves to be influenced by incorrect ideology.
3. We do not adopt a liberal attitude but carry on
an irreconcilable struggle against various ideologies and
views which are wrong in principle and against all unde-
sirable phenomena in the Party in order to constantly
try to overcome such mistakes and phenomena. We do
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not temporise or permit the development of these mistakes
and phenomena to jeopardise the interests of the Party.
Nor do we fear this kind of inner-Party struggle.
4. We do not, however, adopt a mechanical, absolute
attitude. We combine irreconcilability and clarity in
principle with flexibility in the methods of struggle and
with the spirit of patient persuasion. In the course of
prolonged struggles, we seek to educate, criticise, steel
and reform those comrades who possess erroneous ideo-
logies but who are not incorrigible. In a concrete and
appropriate way we carry on ideological struggles in the
Party which are essential to the various questions of
principle at different stages but do not recklessly carry
on struggle in the Party in a subjective, mechanical and
fanatical manner. Nor are we addicted to struggle.
5. By means of inner-Party struggle we consolidate
the Party and `enhance its discipline and prestige, and
mete out organisational penalties to the incorrigible
elements or even expel them from the Party in order to
ensure the soundness and consolidation of our Party. This
is the attitude which all good and mature Party members
should adopt.
Of the five previously-mentioned attitudes only the
fifth is the correct Bolshevik attitude. It is obvious that
the first and second attitudes are incorrect. It is not at
all strange that our enemies should make use of all our
errors and defects in order to undermine our Party. In
addition to constantly sharpening our vigilance, we should,
on every occasion when defects and mistakes occur inside
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the Party, reduce any opportunity which could possibly
be utilised by the enemy. This is the bounden duty of
every comrade who loves our Party. If in the course of
inner-Party struggle a Party member ignores this point,
or is only concerned with victory in the immediate
struggle and his own momentary gratification, or if he
does not reject assistance from bad elements, but joins
in with them, or if he utilises certain forces and help
from outside the Party in order to attain a certain goal
in inner-Party struggle, he will commit an unforgivable
political mistake and a gross violation of Party discipline.
Our Party members should reflect the correct ideology,
learn from good examples and not from incorrect ideo-
logies and bad examples in the Party. They should fight
against such incorrect ideologies and bad examples.
There are, however, still certain comrades in the Party
who, apart from reflecting correct ideologies and follow-
ing good examples, sometimes more or less reflect certain
incorrect ideologies and follow bad examples. It seems
easy for certain comrades to learn to be bad but hard
for them to learn to be good. This deserves our serious
attention.
These comrades, in the event of certain mistakes
occurring in the Party, are apt to help to develop or
magnify such mistakes either intentionally or uninten-
tionally and in the course of inner-Party struggle they
often line up on the wrong side, or for certain reasons
they join the winning side. These comrades will scarcely
make any progress, unless seriously prodded and steeled.
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It is, I think, quite clear to you students of the
Institute of Marxism-Leninism that the comrades of the
third kind who adopt a liberal and bureaucratic attitude
towards the various errors, defects and undesirable
phenomena are of course extremely wrong and entirely
non-Bolshevik. For in Party Construction which you
have studied, there is a whole chapter devoted to the
necessity of self-criticism and ideological struggle in the
Party. Lenin and Stalin have likewise on many occa-
sions given clear and profound explanations on this point
to which you may make reference, and the fourth and
fifth chapters of the book On Political Parties, published
by the Chinese Publishing House, deal with this question
at great length, therefore I need not go into details now.
What I do want to point out, however, is that there are
still not a few comrades in the Party who adopt this kind
of attitude. They have been very inadequate in carrying
on self-criticism and particularly in self-criticism from
the lower levels upwards, and in exposing various errors,
defects, and undesirable phenomena in the Party in a
responsible, formal, and sincere manner in order to cor-
rect and eliminate them. In this respect, we still need
great improvement. But there is quite a lot of irrespon-
sible, informal and cowardly criticism and discontent,
backbiting and gossiping in the Party about this or that
person or concerning this or that matter. These are two
expressions of liberalism in the Party. This shows that
the political development and courage on the part of some
comrades in the revolutionary struggle are still inade-
quate and that the correct practice of inner-Party demo-
cracy is also still inadequate.
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Certain comrades dare not dispense with face-saving,
fear to give offence to others or to incur their animosity
or counter-criticism. They would rather leave the various
errors and defects in the Party alone and adopt a perfunc-
tory attitude of `muddling through' and `the less trouble
the better' and yet they criticize others behind their backs.
This is not beneficial but detrimental to the Party.. Such
irresponsible criticism and talk may lead to unprincipled
disputes and splits in the Party, and may offer opportuni-
ties to spies lurking in the Party and bad elements to
carry on disruptive activities in the Party. Furthermore,
the mistakes and defects in the Party will never be correct-
ed by means of such kind of irresponsible criticism.
Therefore the Party rules adopted at the Sixth Plenary
Session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party
of China prohibit such irresponsible criticism and talk
and promote inner-Party, responsible and formal self-
criticism which is beneficial to the Party.
Since various errors, defects and incorrect, non-
proletarian ideologies exist in the Party, each of these
incorrect ideologies may at some time develop into a
certain trend in the Party, give rise to differences in the
Party over certain principles and affect the Party's unity
in action. If under such conditions we do not correctly
carry on self-criticism in the Party and constantly expose
and correct the various errors and defects, overcome all
incorrect ideologies and conduct inner-Party struggle to
overcome inner-Party differences, but instead adopt an
eclectic attitude and `middle' line and try to muddle
through-then, `we shall not be able to correctly educate
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the Party, the proletariat, and the masses' (Stalin). 'We
shall not be able to advance or develop'; 'we shall no
longer be proletarian revolutionaries and we shall be
doomed to failure.' (Lenin).
Stalin said:
The 'middle' line on questions of principle is a 'line' that
muddles up one's head, a 'line' that covers up differences, a
'line' of ideological degeneration of the Party, a 'line' of
ideological death of the Party.
The policy of the 'middle' line on questions of principle
is not our policy. The policy of the 'middle' line on question
of principle is the policy of a party that is declining and
degenerating from day to day. Such a policy cannot but
lead to the transformation of such a party into an empty
bureaucratic organ, functioning fruitlessly and detached from
the working masses. This road is not for us.
Therefore, .... the overcoming of the contradictions
within the Party by means of struggle is the law of
development of our Party .... the All-Union Communist Party
(Bolsheviks) grew and gained strength by overcoming the
contradictions within the Party.
Therefore, it is incorrect to adopt a liberal and
bureaucratic attitude; self-criticism must be developed
and inner-Party struggle carried on to oppose all undesir-
able phenomena, and to overcome differences in the Party
before it can be consolidated, developed and advanced.
Liberalism is manifested in another phenomenon.
When a particular dispute has broken out in the Party
many comrades put aside their regular work and for
days and nights engage in inconsequential discussions or
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deliberately indulge in denouncing everything in the
Party, and in the course of such debates they weaken
Party unity, disintegrate the solidarity of the cadres,
weaken Party discipline, incapacitate the Party leader-
ship, destroy Party prestige and convert militant Party
organisations and the Party apparatus into debating
societies. Cases like this have taken place more than
once in the past in certain of our Party organisations.
As Stalin says: `This is not self-criticism but a scandal.'
`This is slandering the working class.' This is alien, anti-
Bolshevik `self-criticism.' It has nothing in common with
the self-criticism we advocate. The reason why we need
self-criticism is not to destroy Party prestige, undermine
Party discipline, weaken Party leadership, but to promote
Party prestige, consolidate Party discipline, and streng-
then Party leadership.
The comrades of the fourth kind who adopt an
absolute attitude are also wrong. This attitude is the
opposite of liberalism-the third attitude mentioned
above. Those who adopt this attitude do not understand
that the incorrect ideologies in the Party have a deep-
rooted social origin and cannot be eliminated at one
stroke. All comrades in the Party, at different times,
are more or less apt to reflect some incorrect ideology of
society. Only people like Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin, people so pure, so firm, and so correct, keen and
profound in observing things can be perfectly free from
the influence of these ideologies. That is why Dr. Sun
Yat-sen called Lenin `the sage of the revolution.' It is
inevitable that everyone of us will commit some mistakes
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in our work. If we do not tolerate and make allowances
but absolutely reject and even eliminate all comrades who
to some degree or other reflect non-proletarian ideologies
of society and who commit some mistakes but who are
not incorrigibly bad elements, then our Party cannot be
built up. The ultimate result of such rejection and
elimination may lead to the eventual elimination from
the Party of the very comrades who adopt this absolute
attitude, because they are not `sages of the revolution'
and they themselves cannot help committing mistakes.
For example, in the past some comrades committed mis-
takes during the campaign to suppress reactionary
elements because they adopted this absolute attitude.
Comrades who adopt this attitude do not specifically
understand that in the course of the struggle for
the cause of Communism, the greatest and most difficult
task is to transform mankind into selfless citizens of
Communist society. If they understand this point, if
they understand that even mankind with all its weakness-
es, can in the long course of struggle, be steeled, educated,
and converted into highly civilised Communists, why
can they not educate and reform Party members who
have joined the Party but who still retain to some degree
or other the remnants of the ideology of the old society?
Naturally, it needs long, patient education and steel-
ing to reform and educate these Party members. It is
a difficult task. However, if we are reluctant to under-
take this small, difficult task and shrink from it, how
can we talk about changing the world' and mankind?
Since we have made up our minds to undertake, and not
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to shrink from, the unprecedentedly arduous task of
changing the world and mankind what other arduous tasks
in the world today can daunt us? Party members who
believe in the Communist philosophy of life and world
outlook are dauntless and unafraid of any difficulties and
hardships, and at the same time understand that the
course of progress of world events is a tortuous one. The
comrades who adopt an absolute attitude do not yet
understand the arduous and tortuous nature of the cai tse
of Communism. If they fear hardships, desire to travel
a straight road, to eliminate at one stroke all the undesir-
able things, and immediately to leap into their ideal
world, they will certainly run their heads against the
wall. After they have run their heads against the wall
they will become pessimistic and disheartened, lose their
confidence in the future of the cause of Communism, thus
exposing the very substance of their non-proletarian ideo-
logy. What a pity it is that there are still not a few
comrades in our Party who more or less adopt such an
attitude!
Zhe reason why inner-Party struggle is necessary
is that differences over principles inside the Party are
brought about in the course of the development of the
Party and the struggle of the proletariat; at such times,
differences can be overcome and contradictions solved
,only by a fight for one or the other principle, for one or
the other goal of the struggle, for one or the other method
in the struggle leading to that goal.' No compromise will
be of any avail. Inner-Party struggle is necessary not
because we like to struggle or to argue. That is to say,
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when questions have developed to the level of principle
and cannot be solved by any means but struggle, we
should unflinchingly carry on inner-Party struggle to
solve them. It does not mean that we have to conduct
inner-Party struggle in a fussy and uncompromising way
and with a long face, against all dissenting views con-
cerning current policies and purely practical matters.
Comrade Stalin said:
We can and must reach all kinds of agreements with
dissenters within the Party on questions of current policy, on
questions of a purely practical character.
When opportunist ideology manifests itself and
differences in principle take place in our Party, we must
carry on struggle to oppose these erroneous principles
and opportunism and overcome them; it does not mean
that when there is no difference in principle, no oppor-
tunism in the Party-we subjectively and deliberately try
to magnify some difference in opinion among the com-
rades concerning certain purely practical matters and
take it for `difference in principle,' and deliberately
`hunt' for certain comrades as `opportunists,' regarding
them as `targets' in inner-Party struggle. It does not
mean that we think that the work of the Party, the
development of the Party and the victory of the prole-
tarian revolutionary struggle will be miraculously ex-
panded simply by relying upon intensifying the fire
against such `targets.' Of course, this is not conducting
inner-Party struggle seriously but is simply making a
mockery of the Party, and making child's play of inner-
Party struggle, which is of an extremely serious nature.
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It is necessary to prod, publicly criticize or even
mete out organisational penalties to certain comrades in
the Party who, having committed mistakes in principle
and displayed opportunist ideology, turn a deaf ear to
persuasion, ignore Party criticism, and furthermore
persist in their errors and become so headstrong and
obstinate as to struggle against the policy of the Party
or adopt a double-faced attitude. But we should not
attack or punish comrades who have committed mistakes
if they do not persist in their mistakes and after dis-
cussion and persuasion, are willing to correct their mis-
takes and give up their former points of view, or when
they are calmly thinking over their mistakes or are dispas-
sionately discussing them with other comrades.. In carry-
ing on self-criticism and inner-Party struggle we do not
mean that the grimmer the face the better nor do we mean
that the more comrades we punish the better. The
highest aim of self-criticism and inner-Party struggle is
to effectively educate the Party, to educate the comrades
who have committed mistakes, to correct errors and to.
consolidate the Party. If this aim can be attained by
means of peaceful discussion, persuasion and criticism
instead of pulling a long face, engaging in heated discus-
sion, punishing or attacking comrades-if this is possible,
then of course, it is all the better. However, during
certain periods in the past, we hardly ever heard in the
Party openly expressed views to the effect that such inner-
Party peace and solidarity resulting from the absence of
differences over principle were both desirable and essen-
tial. According to some seemingly crazy people, inner-
Party peace is bad even if it results from unity in prin-
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ciple and line, and only by deliberately creating inner-
Party struggle out of nothing can we be called 'Bolshe-
viks.' Of course people of this kind are not `Bolsheviks'
at all but are almost incorrigible people and careerists
usurping the name of `Bolshevik.'
This is the reason why the four previously-mentioned
attitudes are wrong. This is the answer to the question
as to what attitude we. should adopt in dealing with the
errors, defects and undesirable phenomena in the Party.
As a matter of fact, it is through the struggle against the
things of darkness inside and outside the Party that we
seek to change the world and mankind, as well as our
Party and "ourselves. Inner-Party struggle is the reflec-
tion of the class struggle outside the Party. In the course
of the class struggle outside the Party-the revolutionary
mass struggle-the Party steels, develops and consoli-
dates itself and at the same time, in the course of the
inner-Party struggle achieves solidarity and unity so as
to be able to lead the revolutionary mass struggle
systematically, correctly and effectively.
Therefore, it is entirely wrong and favourable to the
enemy to adopt a liberal attitude towards the various
mistakes, defects and undesirable phenomena in the
Party, to try to deny differences over principle in the
Party, to evade inner-Party struggle, to cover up inner-
Party contradictions and `muddle through,' because it is
against the laws of development of the class struggle
and against our fundamental standpoint of changing the
world and mankind through struggle.
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Therefore, it is also wrong to separate inner-Party
struggle from the class struggle outside the Party-the
revolutionary struggle of the broad masses-and to turn
it into empty talk because the Party cannot steel, develop
and consolidate itself if it divorces itself from the re-
volutionary struggle of the broad masses.
However, it is not right, either, to carry the matter
to another extreme-to adopt an absolute attitude to-
wards' the comrades who have defects and mistakes but
are not entirely incorrigible, and to mechanically carry
on, or even subjectively create, inner-Party struggle,
because this will undermine the Party, afford opportuni-
ties to the enemy to attack our Party and is against the
laws of development of the Party. We should not break
with the honest comrades in the Party the moment they
have committed some mistakes but should seek to per-
suade, educate, and steel them in a considerate and
sympathetic manner. We should not publicly attack
them or expel them from the Party unless it is absolutely
necessary.
In spite of certain errors and defects, certain indivi-
dual, isolated, bad phenomena that still exist in our Party
we are fully confident that in the development of the
working class movement and in the great revolutionary
struggle of the masses, we can and shall certainly elimin-
ate these things. The history of the past more than ten
years' struggle of the Chinese Communist Party, its great
progress in all respects, and the history of the development
of the working class movement in the various. countries
of the world have thoroughly convinced us on this point.
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Inner-Party struggle is an indispensable and essen-
tial component part of the revolutionary struggle of the
Party. Therefore our comrades should not only be steeled
and cultivated in the course of the struggle outside the
Party, but also be steeled and cultivated in the course of
inner-Party struggle on two fronts. However, not a few
of our comrades still do not thoroughly realise this point
and lack self-cultivation and steeling in this respect.
This is manifested in many unprincipled struggles in the
Party, and in the following examples: some of our com-
rades, especially those who have worked for a relatively
long time in the army, never vacillated, complained or
felt disheartened in the course of the struggle against
the counter-revolution, no matter how cruel and hard
the struggle was or how many attacks, wrongs, or in-
justices they suffered. But during inner-Party struggle
they could hardly bear any criticism, attacks and in-
justices, not even a single word. Or they were suspi-
cious and thought that what other people said alluded
to them and on this account they would complain and
become extremely disheartened. Comrades, we cannot
but pay attention to such phenomena.
We ought to say that they are in general very good
comrades because they resolutely fought against the
counter-revolution and regarded the Party as their affec-
tionate mother. After having undergone many hard
battles against the counter-revolution and returned to
the arms of their own great mother they expect to meet
with encouragement, consolation and affection and not
more attacks, criticism and injustices. It is only natural
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that they should have such expectations. However, what
they have not taken into account or into full account is
that since there are still various errors and defects in the
Party it is necessary to conduct inner-Party struggle in
which every comrade must take part. It is inevitable
in the course of inner-Party struggle for everybody to
meet with correct or incorrect criticisms, attacks or even
injustice and humiliation. This must be undergone by
every comrade. It is not because our Party is merciless,
but because this is an inevitable phenomenon of the Party
in the course of the class struggle. However, these com-
rades fail to take this point into account, therefore the
moment they come across such phenomena they are sur-
prised and feel exceptionally miserable and disheartened.
In this respect, I think that our comrades should on
the one hand, take care to unite with other comrades,
treat them in a sincere and candid manner and should
not hurt their feelings by casual malicious remarks, or
throw sharp sarcastic remarks at them, and especially
should not irresponsibly criticize comrades behind their
backs. With the exception of those who are most ob-
stinate and who persist in their mistakes and do every
kind of wrong thing in the Party, we should, in general,
clearly and sincerely admonish and criticize, in their
presence, and in a considerate and helpful manner,
comrades who have committed mistakes. This is what
we, and especially our comparatively responsible com-
rades, should pay attention to. We should bear in mind
an old Chinese maxim: `If the body is cut with a sharp
knife, the wound will heal, but ill-feeling roused by
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sarcasm will never be forgiven.' On the other hand, our
comrades on their part should always be prepared for
inner-Party struggle and should have the courage to bear
criticism, attacks or misunderstandings and injustices and
especially should not be aroused to anger by other's irres-
ponsible and even incorrect criticism and rumours.
Besides formal and mutual criticism made among the
comrades in Party organisations, so long as our ideology
and behaviour are correct, we may, if necessary, make
some explanations in answer to the irresponsible criticism
and misunderstanding by others, and if such explanations
are of no avail we had better let others say what they
like. We should also bear in mind two other old Chinese
maxims: `Who is not gossiped about by others behind
his back, and who does not gossip about others?T 'When
the storm rises, sit calmly in the fishing boat.' There is
not a single person in the world who is not misunderstood
in some way by others. On the one hand, we should be
able to bear any misunderstanding and not involve our-
selves in unprincipled struggles; on the other hand, we
should always keep ourselves on the alert and examine
our own ideology and behaviour.
That is to say, we should riot casually hurt other
comrades' feelings by our remarks but we should be able
to bear any remarks others may cast at us.
We are radically opposed to unprincipled disputes
in the Party. Since they are `unprincipled' they are
harmful and unprofitable to the Party. Since they are
`unprincipled' there is nothing right or wrong, good or
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bad about them. We should not try to find out who is
right and who is wrong, or who is good and who is bad
in unprincipled , struggles, because these matters cannot
be straightened out. We are radically opposed to this
kind of unprincipled struggle and ask comrades who are
engaged in it to stop it unconditionally and return to
questions of principle. This is the policy we should adopt
in unprincipled disputes. What shall we do, if in spite
of prohibition by the Party and opposition by us, un-
principled disputes in the Party still take place or many
unprincipled questions are involved in certain struggles
over principle? What shall we do if unprincipled ques-
tions are thrust upon us and we become involved in them?
In cases like this, we must concentrate our attention on
the questions of principle and not on the unprincipled
ones and must seriously deal with unprincipled disputes
in accordance with the above-mentioned policies, firmly
maintaining our standpoint to the end without becoming
entangled in unprincipled disputes. We should not re-
turn `wrong' for `wrong.' We should consistently, stand
upon the `right' side to oppose the 'wrongs' of others.
This is not very easy for some of our comrades to do.
Therefore we must carry on steeling and cultivation.
In a word, the aim of our ideological cultivation is
fundamentally to steel us as loyal, pure, progressive,
model Party members and cadres. We should do the
following:
1. Build up our Communist philosophy of life, world
outlook and firm Party and class standpoint through the
study of Marxism-Leninism and revolutionary practice.
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2. Examine our own ideology, behaviour, correct all
erroneous ideas and at the same time look at questions
and other comrades on the basis of the Communist philo-
sophy of life, world outlook and firm Party standpoint.
3. Constantly adopt an appropriate attitude and
method in the struggle against various erroneous ideo-
logies in the Party, especially those that affect the re-
volutionary struggle of the time.
4. Strictly control ourselves in ideology, speech and
behaviour. We should particularly control those political
ideologies, speeches and activities which concern the
revolutionary struggle at the time by taking a firm stand-
point and by sticking to principle. In addition it would
be best to pay attention even to many 'trifles' (private
life, behaviour, etc.). But as regards other comrades,
except on questions of principle and important political
questions, our restrictions imposed upon them should not
be too severe. We should not try to find fault over
'trivialities.'
Comrades! This is, in my opinion, what is meant by
the fundamental ideological cultivation of Communist
Party members.
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APPENDICES
THE CLASS CHARACTER OF MAN
(Written in June, 1941)
IN A CLASS SOCIETY, man's class character forms the
very nature and substance of man.
In a class society all human beings exist as human
beings of a particular class. Therefore, the social charac-
ter of man is determined by his class status. As the class
status of one person is different from that of another, so
is his social character. In the past, Mencius, Kautze,
Hsuntze* and others had argued `whether human nature
was good or evil' without ever achieving any result. This
was because they did not understand or deliberately
wanted to cover up the class differences in the social
character of man. In a class society men's ideas of good
and evil are different. What is regarded as good by the
? All the three were leading Confucian scholars of the latter part
of Chou Dynasty (1122-255 B.C.). They held different views with regard
to human nature. Mencius was of the opinion that human nature
was primarily good. lisuntze regarded it as evil while Kautze thought
that it was likely to change.
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exploiters is regarded as evil by the exploited, and vice
versa. Naturally, to discuss the question as to whether
human nature is good or evil without taking into con-
sideration the relationship of classes will get nowhere.
Likewise, if we do not adopt the proletarian standpoint
we cannot judge how good or how bad certain people
are, still less can we judge the party spirit of these people.
The class character of man is determined by his class
status. That is to say, if a given group of people have
for a long time held the status of a given class, i.e., a
given position in social production, and have for a long
time produced, lived and struggled in a given manner
they will create their particular mode of life, and their
particular interests, demands, psychologies, ideas, cus-
toms, viewpoints, manners and relations with other
groups of people and things, etc. All these are different
from, or contrary to, those created by other groups of
people. In this manner the particular characteristics of
men, their particular class character, are formed.
As men of different classes in society have different
interests, demands, ideas and customs, so they have differ-
ent ways of looking at, and different policies in dealing
with, everything in society and history-such as politics,
economics, culture, etc. The ruling classes enact laws
and systems in accordance with their interests, demands
and viewpoints. As a result, all political, economic and
cultural systems in society become tools of the ruling
classes and all are permeated with a class character.
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In a' class society all ideas, utterances, behaviour,
social systems and doctrines of men are permeated with
a class character, representing the particular interests
and demands of certain classes. From the different de-
mands, doctrines, ideas, utterances and behaviour of men,
we can find out their different class character.
For example, natural agricultural economy and the
method of handicraft production are the basis of feudal
society. In such production the feudal lords are in a
position to exploit. the surplus labour of the peasants.
They do not work' but rely upon land rent and corvee
as a means of living. Therefore they want to get hold
of more land and to possess it permanently. They de-
mand that the peasants pay more land rent and contribute
more unpaid services, and recognise as justified their
right of trampling on and exploiting the peasants, thus
giving rise to their feudal sectionalism, swallowing-up
of others, extravagance, laziness, cruelty and social rank.
Such are the characteristics of the feudal class.
The method of machine production in modern indus-
try is the basis of capitalist society. In such production
the bourgeoisie own the means of production and all the
products with which to exploit the surplus labour of the
proletariat. Their livelihood is dependent upon the sur-
plus value created by the workers. Such being the case,
they want free buying and selling of commodities and
of labour power, and free competition. They use econo-
mic means to destroy their competitors and to create for
themselves an economic and political monopoly. They
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claim the inviolability of their private property and
demand that the workers give their surplus labour in
greater quantity (longer working hours and speed-up)
and in better quality (better and more experienced skill)
for less pay. They also want the workers to recognise
as justified their right to become rich and to monopolise
the wealth of society, thus giving rise to their competition,
monopoly, extravagance and the centralised and mechani-
cal character of their organisation. Such are the charac-
teristics of the bourgeoisie.
Take the case of the peasants. The peasants have
for a long time been tied to the land and have been
engaged in production in a form that is scattered, inde-
pendent, simple, self-sufficing and with little mutual co-
operation. Their way of life is simple and individualistic
and they bear the burden of land rent and unpaid services,
etc. Thus, the ground is prepared for their lax ways,
conservatism, narrow-mindedness, backwardness, outlook
as of private owners, revolt against the feudal lords and
their demand for political equality, etc. Such are the
characteristics of the peasantry.
The proletariat are concentrated in big industries,
carrying on production with a minute division of labour;
all their actions are governed by machines and mutual-
dependence; they are wage-labourers who sell their labour
power and who do not possess any means of production;
they rely on wages as a means of livelihood and their
basic interests do not conflict with those of other toilers.
Hence the ground is prepared for their great solidarity,
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mutual co-operation, sense of organisation and discipline,
progressive outlook and demand for public ownership of
property, revolt against all exploiters, militancy, tenacity,
etc. Such are the characteristics of the proletariat.
All exploiting classes deceive and oppress the exploit-
ed and fight among themselves. for the surplus products
or surplus value of the, exploited, thus giving rise to their
deceitfulness, oppression of man and mutual plundering.
Many wars in history were caused by the exploiting class-
es fighting among themselves over the seizure and division
of the-surplus products and surplus value produced by
the exploited.
A feature common to all exploiters is that they build
their happiness upon the sufferings of other people.
Sacrificing the happiness of all mankind, or the great
majority of the people, subjecting them to hunger, cold
and humiliation in order to provide special privileges
and special enjoyment for an individual or for a small
number of people-such is the foundation of the `noble
character,' 'greatness' and `respectability' and moral basis
of all exploiters.
The reverse is the case with the proletariat and the
Communists. They want to build their happiness upon
the basis of sharing their happiness with all others. In
the struggle for the emancipation of the broad masses
of the working people and of all mankind, they seek
to emancipate themselves and eliminate the special pri-
vileges of the small number of people. Such is th foun-
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dation of the noble character, greatness, respectability of
the Communists and the foundation,of Communist ethics.
Such are the various class characteristics of men in
a class society. These class characteristics are gradually
formed as a result of the specific position of men who
engage for a long time in production, their specific rela-
tions of production and specific way of life. They become
a kind of nature of men. This nature is social in
character.
Party spirit is the highest crystallisation of such
class characteristics of men. Therefore men possess party
spirit of various kinds: The party spirit of the feudal
class, the bourgeoisie, the proletariat, etc.
The Party spirit of a Communist is the highest cry-
stallisation of the class character, the substance and the
interests of the proletariat. The steeling and cultivation
of a Communist in the Party spirit is the remoulding of
his substance.
The Communist Party should develop the many great
and progressive characteristics of the proletariat to the
highest level. Every Communist should remould himself
in accordance with these characteristics and equip him-
self with these excellent characteristics. This is the re-
moulding of substance. All Party members who do not
come from the ranks of the industrial workers possess
non-proletarian characteristics, and therefore need all the
more to be remoulded.
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Nor are the characteristics of the proletariat un-
changeable. It was in the course of the birth and growth
of the proletariat that the characteristics of the proletariat
took shape, grew and finally gave rise to Marxism-
Leninism. During the period of socialist transformation
in the future and the period when socialism is passing
into Communism, the proletariat will continuously
change society and the substance of mankind, and, at the
same time, its own substance and characteristics. In
Communist society class distinctions between men Will
die out and so will the class characteristics of men. Then
the common character of mankind, 'namely common
human nature, will be formed. This represents the entire
process of the remoulding of the substance of mankind.
However, in the history of the world only the Com-
munists and Marxists acknowledge their own Party spirit
and class character as well as those of all other people
and of all historical and social matters. This is also due
to the fact that the special class status of the proletariat
enables the Communists to openly recognise and declare
this truth. The declaration of this truth does no harm
to the proletariat but deals a serious blow to the exploit-
ing classes for their treachery is exposed and they will
be placed in a more difficult position to uphold the in-
terests of a small number of people. None of the other
parties or classes admit their party spirit and class
character and they try to describe themselves as if they
were `super-party' or `super-class.' As a matter of fact,
behind this nonsense about `super-party,' and `super-class,'
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are hidden as many vested interests as there are exploit-
ing classes. Before the exploited they dare not admit
their party spirit and class character. Because of their
illusions and ignorance the petty-bourgeoisie accept this
fallacy of `super-party,' `super-class.'
The petty-bourgeoisie is characterised by its indul-
gence in illusions and by its fear of serious practice and
struggle.
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A BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE ABOUT
THE AUTHOR
Vu SHAO-CHI, Vice-Chairman of the Central People's
Government of the People's Republic of China and a
member of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of China, is one of the leaders of
the contemporary revolutionary movement and the trade
union movement in China.
Liu Shao-chi was born in 1898 in Ninghsiang county,
Hunan Province. In 1920, he joined the Socialist Youth
League of China (the predecessor of the Communist
Party of China), which was founded in the same year.
In 1921, the Communist Party of China was established
and Liu Shao-chi joined the Party in the-same year. In
the spring of 1922, he was appointed to the Secretariat
of the China Labour Organisation, the forerunner of the
All-China Federation of Labour.
From that time on to the defeat of the revolution
In 1927 Liu Shao-chi led the revolutionary trade union
movement in China.
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After the defeat of the revolution in 1927 Liu Shao-
chi went underground and continued to direct the trade
union movement. In the autumn of 1932, he went to
the revolutionary base in Kiangsi and took charge of the
workers' movement in the Red Areas.
From 1936 to 1942, Liu Shao-chi served successively
as secretary of the North Bureau, Central Plains Bureau
and Central China Bureau of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of China.
Since 1932, Liu Shao-chi has been a member of the
Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Com-
munist Party of China. From 1943 onwards, he has bees
a member of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of China and Vice-Chairman of the
Chinese People's Revolutionary Military Council.
When the People's Republic of China was inaugurated
on October 1, 1949, Liu Shao-chi became Vice-Chairman
of the Central People's Government.
In addition to How to Be a Good Communist, other
books by Liu Shao-chi include On Inner-Party Struggle,
On the Party, Internationalism and Nationalism and
other important writings.
-40
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PUBLICATIONS ON CHINA
IN ENGLISH
pp.
On People's Democratic Dictatorship. . Maw Tse-tung 45
On Inner-Party Struggle ..............Liu Shao-chi 90
On the Party ......... ...............Liu Shao-chi 190
Internationalism and Nationalism ..... Liu Shao-chi 54
Thirty Years of the Communist Party
of China ........................ Hu Chiao-mu 1 OQ
China's Revolutionary Wars ...................... 47
The Communist Party: Leader of the Chinese
Revolution ................................. 41
China's Youth March Forward .................... 70
The Common Programme and Other Documents of
the First Plenary Session of the Chinese People's
Political Consultative Conference ............ 44
The Sino-Soviet Treaty and Agreements .......... 25
The Trade Union Law .......................... 38
The Marriage Law ............................. 41
The Agrarian Reform Law ...................... 104
How the Tillers Win Back Their Land.. Hsiao Ch'ien 148
(An eyewitness story of the land reform)
IN PREPARATION
On the Battlefronts in the Liberated Areas ..... Chu Teh
Mao Tse-tung's Theory of the Chinese Revolution
Chen Po.ta
FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS
26, Kuo Hui Chieh, Peking, China
Cable Address: "FOLAPRESS" Peking
OBTAINABLE AT ALL PROGRESSIVE BOOKSTORES
W,
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STAT
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STAT
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