COMMENTS FOR ADMIRAL GEORGE W. ANDERSON CONCERNING THE NATURE OF HILAIRE DU BERRIER'S FOREIGN AFFAIRS NEWSLETTER, H DU B REPORTS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80R01731R001900020033-8
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 19, 2003
• Sequence Number: 33
• Publication Date: November 29, 1974
• Content Type: MF

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WASHINGTON
PRESIDENT'S FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE ADVISORY BOARD
The attached report was given to me by someone who had received
it on a TWA airplane from a fellow traveler.
I wonder if you have any knowledge of the people who prepare and
promulgate the report, and what is their orientation. Also, I
think it would be interesting to separate the wheat from the chaff
on the content. Obviously, there is a lot of good information and,
I suspect, a great deal of distortion.
Your comment would be appreciated.
Sincerely,
n
George ender son, Jr.
Adr iral, USN (Ret.)
Chairman
Major General Vernon A. Walters, USA
Deputy Director of Central Intelligence
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington, D. C. 20505
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du B R T"Al F 01 R, T S
ortug : THE IS STER
Before dawn on April 25,'1974, military columns were
moving toward Lisbon. By 4:20 A.M. rebel units had
occupied Lisbon Airport, Radio Cl.ube Portugal and
Portugese Television. Another column surrounded army
headquarters. and the "Movement of the Armed Forces"
broadcast its first orders warning the police, the
Republican National Guard, the Portuguese Legion and
the Fiscal Guard not to move.
By 1:30 P.M. it was all over. General Antonio de
Spinola introduced the new junta over Portuguese
Television and excited mobs poured through Lisbon's
streets.
Mario Soares, the sc ialist leader, began packing his
luggage in the. Paris flat were he had been living since
1970. But he was not going directly home. His first
sto,. .would be Lv. ndv^ .i, for talks -with , illal VllJ 1 ld :';11'7VJ1+
stop ia O
Labor Party and the Socialist International.
While the world spotlight was on the monocled general
who was to be Portugal's Kerensky, and the socialist
exile from Paris who had worked for years to clear the way for Portugal's Lenin, Alvar
Cunhal, the veteran communist who had spent twelve years in Moscow and Prague was
preparing to come home and gather the fruits. Delegates from the International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) in Brussels converged on Lisbon, headed by
'their own revolution-sower through labor action, Irving Brown.
In Mozambique long-haired students threw caution to the winds and gave the clenched
fist salute. In Madeira banners decrying capitalism and eulogizing Che Guevara were
paraded outside San Lourenrgo Palace, where ex-President Tomaz and ex-Premier Caetano
were in custody.
Under a May 6 dateline the New York Times expressed surprise that "the Communist Party
has emerged from underground, from prison and from exile to become the strongest and
best organized political force in the new Portugal." The London Daily Telegraph of
May 17-declared that-by-Portugal's swift coalescence into trade unions-and political -
--parties of every hue "civic responsibility has been shown that more mature Western
democracies could well envy ..... No mean accomplishment this, for a country deprived of
political training, short of cadres and obsessed with colonial problems and the wars
it finally realized %jere. unwinnable." What did the Daily Telegraph mean: "deprived
of politic:l training, short of cadres!" For years the world's toughest revolut.ionar:ieo
had bee?rr burrowing at Portugal's undeer.pinnings with we,-;tern labor leaders, intcelii;ynce
aservi.c-e.,, edltor:~ tl,d orgairizaLions racing to see who could provide money, agit..itica
and t: r. r:1n.:J cadres the fastest to topple the government in Li ;;bon and throw Portugal's
open for a blood bath. As ior. warn tItc! country "finally rural a zed
~d 1 r4-~it~ i 0~t /g? :cc 'ti'R 891 Qi OQi~9~~Q~~Q13. i$~ lr a ur::c.
were ullvel,1111,qbleApprqy
PARIS \ da
VOLUME XVII LETTER 3 - JUNE, 1974
 the government was not supporting their efforts to win.the war and they were not going
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After the high-sounding speeches about democracy came the`inevitable: Monuments along
the Avenida de Liberdade were daubed with hammers and sickles and leftist slogans.
The officers in power, did nothing so the next slogans said "Send the Junta to Brazil."
Students began sackiztg their teachers. In businesses and factories managers were
suspended by workers. Mobs with a single face and it of hatred paraded through the
streets. Lenin was moving up on Kerensky and no one should have been surprised. In
the days before Dr. Salazar came to power, steel-lined walls were the-fashion in
Portugal. Those who could afford it lined the fronts of their homes with metal as
protection against bomb-throwers. After almost half a century of comparative quiet,
Portugal's bomb-throwers came out of the shadows again in mid-1971, and those living
in the old houses with steel fronts reflected that the national character had not
changed, it had only been kept in hand. Now the restraints are crumbling and Portugal
is back where she was before Salazar, but with a difference: This time the terrorists
are international and the world appears to be on their side. For an understanding of
how steel walls became the mode again, one must go back to the years following World
War II.
"COLONEL EDMOND." There were many agents at work to destroy the governments of Spain
and Portugal. One of them was a Portuguese with Brazilian nationality named Appolonio
de Carvalho, who had helped lead an uprising in the Brazilian military academy in 1935.
Two years later he turned up in the International Brigade in Spain. When Franco won,
he fled into France and helped sabotage the French war effort after Stalin's pact with
Hitler.. The French threw him in prison. When Hitler invaded Russia he was released
and commanded a unit of foreign reds in the Resistance under the name of "Colonel
Edmond." Red recommendations brought him the Legion of Honor, the Croix de Guerre
and the Resistance recial.
In 1947 he disappeared, to surface in Mexico with the secret Latin-American Iberian
office of the Kominform. Colonel Furmanov, assigned to Buenos Aires as a diplomat,
headed the South American bureau plotting revolutions in Spain and Portugal. Working
with him were Mikhail Pavlerko, Russian, Luka Bellemarie, Rumanian, Colonel Alberto
Bayo, who later trained Castro's guerrillas, Garcia, the former head of the secret
police in Madrid, and Paolo Moraes, the Portuguese.
In 1949 the American campaign against Spain was at its' peak. Le Xuan, the Vietnamese
red whom Robert Knapp (now at Wesleyan University in C.,nnecticut) had hired in 1945
for OSS and passed on to CIA, was in Madrid under newspaper correspondent cover. He
was in touch with French and Vietnamese reds working to sabotage France's war efforts
in Indo-China, and revolutionaries from the Iberian Peninsula. De Carvalho, as the
most cunning and experienced agent in the Mexico City bureau, was sent on a top secret
mission to Lisbon in February 1949 followed by Paolo Moraes, to take over the Iberian
Peninsula apparatus of the Kominform.
Orders were to reorganize the lines between Spain, Portugal, Latin America and the
communists in exile in France. Moraes traveled via Marseille on a Luxembourg pass-
port which concealed the fact that he was a captain in the Soviet Army and that from
1945-to 1947 he had been- top -supervisor of the red leaders heading Iberian networks.
With him were Enricos Lister, known as General Listytsin in the NKVD, Lazarus Fakete,
the Hungarian known as "Kleber," and a military specialist whose code name was "Cordon."
Handling American intelligence in Paris at the time as head of the Research and Analysis
.branch of State Department Intelligonce was Jay Lovestone, former Secretary-General
of the Communist Party USA. (When red-directed revolts had "liberated" French,
British and Belgian colonies in Africa, Lovestone left his job as AFL-CIO mobilizer
of Polack. Afric:c.an voles in tiff to b.-coupe head of the Foreign Affairs Section of the
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THE"_CR4ldnWORit F('_{~elees~~1?~rrc~~`PeBtiRIT31RP?M 0Q-3-allied
.stand during the war was undisputed, so Portuguese subversion was conducted as part
of the campaign against Spain. De Carvalho and Moraes met their lieutenants regularly
in. Porto, under the protection of Portuguese dockers. Communications with Spanish
networks were through the frontier village of Real de San Antonio. Sometime in
1950-51 Moscow learned that Spanish and Portuguese secret police were tailing de
Carvalho and Moraes, and pulled them out. De Carvalho was sent to Brazil. Lister,
alias Listytsin, popped up in Colombia. In 1.961, the year U. S. Consul William
Gibson had his car thrown in the river in Angola for inciting the natives, Lister
was with Raoul Castro, handling military materiel furnished by Moscow and Prague.
Britain's Labor Government got into the act on March 29, 1961, by setting up a London
"Committee for Liberty in:Portugal and the Portuguese Colonies," under Sir Leslie
Palmer.
1967 found de Carvalho among the leaders of the Brazilian Revolutionary Communist
Party cooperating with Carlos Marighela, whose "Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla"
has become the handbook of revolutionary terrorists around the world, including the
Symbionese Liberation Army of California. On January 17, 1970, de Carvalho was
arrested by the Brazilians. On June 16 he was permitted to fly to Algiers with
forty-three other terrorists liberated in exchange for Ambassador von Holleben of
West Germany, whom h.s comrades had kidnapped. In Algiers, under the sponsorship of
Algerians who had begin educated in the U.S. at CIA expense, de Carva]ho set up his
new office for revolution.
THE BE CARVALHO BUREAU IN ALGIERS included Jose Sargas, of "The Spanish Front for
National Liberation.,,' and de Carvalho's staff from Lisbon. An Arab.named Hadj All
was in charge of Palestinian and Arab co-operation with t_.error.st_s in Spain,
Portugal and Latin America. Over 2,900,000 Arabs, North Africans and Palestinians
worked by Hadj Ali's inflammatory propaganda were in Latin America, and with the
Islamization of Black Africa his potential for trouble increased daily. What is
incredible is that .America, officially and unofficially, supported the aims of people
such as these, dupiang the public as they did so into thinking they were working for
democracy.
AMERICAN LABOR LEAUE'RS organized unions in industry-less Africa to spearhead revolu-
tions. On February 14, 1960, the executive council of the AFL-CIO proclaimed: "For
years American workers have insisted that their government, its democractic allies
and all other forces dedicated to liberty devote their efforts and their resources
to helping the peop]Le of Africa win their independence."
THE COUNCIL ON FORE't:N RELATIONS, which dictates and implements American policies,
was determined to hasten the bloodbath in Africa. CFR member Lawrence C. McQuade
accompanied Irving Brown, labor's traveling spreader of revolts, to Ghana in Dec.,mber
1959 and told the cruelest people on earth, "Unite! You have a continent to gain and
nothing to lose but your chains!" I-low many hundreds of thousands were murdered by
native tyrants in the years that followed was no concern of Mr. McQuade. Millio is of
dollars were wrung unit of American workmen or provided by CIA to be handed over to
African revolutionaries by Irving Brown. He was communism's angel. Victor Rie:;el
wrote of him on Nove:.-mber 13, 1962, in a coluuul headed "Labor's Often Lonely Fight,"
"Irving Brown is one of the few Americans trusted by the Algerians - and virtually
every otiaer African land's - anti-communists...... It is Brown whom all Europe considers
the free Algerians' closest 1dc=stern friend." The truth waS, Brown was
clearer. Less than a month later Algeria offered ?00,000 men for the holy war .1;;li:nst
Israel, and cols nun.ism's Algerian base for world terrorism was in the rnr.lkIng. '.laic.
moment it became clear that Algeria was "in the bag," those who had used UN, labor.
1i;1:Lta!"15, :;tlldent c rg;n 1::v=i l; _es.
 As far back'as June 1955, six months after the outbreak of the Algerian revolt, a
special bulletin of the American Federation of Labor, produced for distribution among
French labor uniol?prc?a~r@tiQ+@$C~l?`:1AFF$p~1$AI1U.31i~3A;imodes,
formerly head of the North African section of OSS, calling on French workmen to
sabotage their country's war effort. "The free nations must intervene in North
Africa," he wrote. "French colonial despotism threatens the western alliance in
North Africa as it did in Indo-China."
There was no despotism and, had outside trouble-makers not incited them, a young
generation of educated Algerians would have moved into industry and government and a
.Canada-Britain type relationship would have resulted: But violent revolution, not
transition, was what those preaching treason wanted. Rhodes claimed to be knifing
France for the sake of the western alliance. It was the splitting of NATO which he
was really preparing.
PRESIDENT SALAZAR'S REPORT TO GENERALISSIMO FRANCO. On June 20, 1960, Generalissimo
Franco met President Salazar at Parador de Merida to discuss the Iberian Peninsula's
relationship with NATO, and American-directed subversion in Africa. Salazar reported
that the AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA had sent Frank Montero and William Scheiman to
Angola in March 1960 to contact subversives and propose an Algeria-type revolt.
Powerful people loaned their names to the American Committee on Africa - Eleanor
Roosevelt, Senator Hubert Humphrey, Jackie Robinson, the Episcopal' Bishop of
California, John Gunther, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., to name a few. Adlai Stevenson,
the enemy of patriotism and friend of all leftist causes, was for it. A "Union of
the Angola People" organization was set up in Leopoldville to form leaders for an
underground movement. By September it was publishing a paper, VOICE OF THE ANGOLA
NATION, in four languages, and planning a, radio station to be financed by N'Krumah of
Ghana and Sekou Toure of Guinea, tyrants whose methods of killing suspected opponents
fazed Irving Brown and his ilk not at all.
On October 3, 1.960, Portuguese Foreign Minister Marcello Mathias went to Paris and
again discussed subversion and the Montero-Scheiman visit. He produced a detailed
report on State Department trouble-makers who had contacted underground cells in
Spain to estimate the chances of Franco's being toppled.
TERRORISM ERUPTS. Shortly after 7 A.M. on March 15, 1961, in Quitexe, Angola, a
colored employee in a store pushed his employer toward a rear door, exclaiming, "Go
quickly; they have come to kill you!" The massacre had been carefully planned. What
appeared to be a morning crowd of shoppers suddenly became a screaming mob, cutting
throats and slitting the stomachs of women, children and men. In neighboring villages
the scene was repeated. The Bailandu tribe signed its own death sentence by trying
to alert settlements. Crying babies betrayed the women and children hidden in Madimba.
Savages drugged and aroused to a frenzy by sorcerers wiped out the village of Navola.
Behind the primitive brutality was expert direction. Congo-trained forces armed with
automatic weapons left ?a 300 mile path of bodies and desolation through a country
where racial discrimination was non-existent. The first objective had been attained:
Hatred between blacks and whites. There was no UN outcry about the massacre of inno-
cent women.and children.
SUPPORT FOR THE TERRORISTS. From March 3 to 17, 1961, the Executive Committee of the
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) met in Brussels under Belgian
trausporls -leader., Omer Becu_ - the man who told. the Mexicans on April 15, . 1962, that
the ICFTU "serves no particular ideology or military bloc!" At the Brussels meeting
an AFL-CIO action formula was approved: "In some cases it is possible and even prefer-
able that affiliated .unions pursue their activities independently in the internationa1
field, on condition that the ICI1U be fully consulted." Read: Individual. union, will.
act for the AIL-CIO in supporting African revolts against Portugal, but the ICFTU and
AFL-CIO are not. to be mentioned.
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 That. agreed upon ] CI dv.pohl,499,00 for "international activity for the
second ttimeste ~oL m ar ZZITa 1 S$ e I Rit~OJW94R backlog."
Union dues, or CIA money? Or both? Next, an additional "contribution" of three cents
per month was agreed upon for each AFL-CIO member for the next six to nine months,
with the understanding that the total "contribution" extracted should not exceed
eighteen cents per person and that saie. money should be used for the formation of a
"Union of Angola Workers" in mid-May. A.1_most a" million dollars a month for subversion
in Black Africa from which only the West's enemies would profit! Three months later,
on May 29, 1961, in Forest Park, Pennsylvania, G. Mennen ("Soapy") Williams, Assistant
Secretary of State for African Affairs told a group of anti-white African delegates
that if ever our NATO alliance's interests were to conflict with theirs, American
loyalty would be to the Africans.
THE ANTI--PORTUGAL DRIVE GAINS MOMENTUM. Ford Foundation financed a MOZAMBIQUE
INSTITUTE to extend the revolt. Edouardo Mondlane, leader of Frelimo, the Mozambique
Liberation Movement, was hired as a professor at Syracuse University and began in-
-doctrinating students. The African-American Institute opened its doors at 345 E. 46th
Street, New York City, with CFR leftist Waldemar Nielsen as president. Nielsen, a
veteran of State Department and the Ford Foundation, hired Brazilian "teachers" --
militants formed in Appolonio de Carvalho's old cells - to train selected "students"
from Angola and Mozambique. On January 6, 1962, a drive was opened for "specialists"
.for the Peace Corps. Associate Director William Moyers announced they would be drawn
from labor and that Peace Corps strength would be doubled. On January 23 a Peace Corps.
official in Washington requested that the Corps be granted TOP SECRET stamps for its
papers, "because the Corps conducts very delicate diplomatic negotiations."
'A riob of unkempt hippies appeared in the sedate Onondaga Hotel in. Syracuse, N. Y.
They were Peace Corps "volunteers," there for training by Edouardo Mondlane. Where
were the, to be sent? To Nyasaland, on the borders of 'Mn7amhinue and Rhodesia.
While Mondlane turned the Peace Corps beatniks into a propaganda force for himself,
the Newhouse newspaper chain and its Syracuse Post-Standard built up Mondlane. Step
by step, methodically, as one would lay the foundations for a building, revolution in
Portugal and her African provinces was being prepared.
Month after month news releases of the ICFTU reported transfers of funds to the
"oppressed unions of Portugal and Spain" followed by appeals to workers in the 109
countries with labor movements in the ICFTU to pressure their governments into putting
pressure on Lisbon and Madrid. Denmark, Sweden, UN, Russia, Red China (through a
Chinese African Solidarity Committee), the Liberation Committee of the Organization
of African Unity, the World Council of Churches, the Socialist International and the
ICFTU poured out contributions and propaganda for revolutions against the West. Though
Egypt and the. Arabs were running a simultaneous drive to make all Africa Moslem, for
the Holy War against Israel, the media of the western world joined the pro-Black
revolution crusade.
On September 2, 1964, the Chinese freighter Heping was unloading arms in Dar-es-Salaam
for Mondlane, while three Russian freighters bearing anti-aircraft guns and field
artillery for guerrillas trained at Dar--es-Salaam's Colito Barracks were standing by.
20,000 terrorists fresh from secret camps in Algiers, the two Congos, Tanzania and
Zambia were about to start massacring- natives who wanted Portuguese rule. Methodist
missionaries toured America, whipping up sympathy and collecting funds. Planes
carried young Africans to Moscow, Peking, Havana and Algiers for training. Despite
its formidable numbers this guerrilla movement served only for the softening lip.
ALGIJFRS, 1.964. Here coordinated action for infiltration of the Portuguese army and 1t':13.h i t! it.[on ',d t.`3 pi2f11n.ed. SMliuo..l , tui ve.rsit:ies, officers Schools and t:he
ci.t rg,y were to l,t , vet o entry20 Orders were: Never express a political opiniolt
~p rid r e gase /Q~ 1 1
QI F9Q1~~A(0A3y ~8r. of g r; g 3, :1
RPL
ut~t i l c i..l s i l.s. ,.,_~., g,~.vt_ ~_he cTl u. QIs_ ~nc~3RRPiI
 tion. .Ms ouragemA r~r dsl-? i R tl'~' t r h militar reverses but by
ease 2 BKCRCR R : ~4 47 JRRgJg4.q%2Q3 , ggest
constant rrvpetition of the ,war s unwinna
that Generals Spinola and Costa Gomez knew they were being used as way-clearers for
a communist revolution, nor that Spinola knew the extent to which the dormant commu-
nist machine in Portugal. had been perfected. In September of 1970 a series of ex-
plosions in Lisbon Harbor gave notice that a new movement, the "Armed Revolutionary
Action" (ARA) organiz-tiai. was about to repeat in Portugal the tactics reds had per-
fected in France during the Indo-China and Algerian wars and in America during the war
.in Vietnam. ARA brochures began appearing all over Portugal and Spain.
IN SEPTEMBER 1973 a group of young officers headed by Major Vitor Alves and Colonel
Vitor ConGalves met with two lieutenant-commanders from the navy, and a squadron
leader and captain from the airforce, in a barn near the farming town of Evora, in
southern Portugal. They planned a coup for August 1974. Then came the stir caused
by publication of General Spinola's book, "Portugal and the Future." On March 14
Spinolae:as dismissed from his post as army chief of staff. He contacted friends in
Madrid, Brazil and Rome. Monsignor Pereira Gomez, head of the leftist Portuguese wing
in the Vatican, told him on Monday, April 15, that Portugal must seek a "political
solution" in Africa. Political solution could only mean military surrender. After
the Vatican meeting Spinola saw Spanish Prime Minister Arias Navarro,. General Diez
Alegria, and Senor Edouardo Blanco and allayed their fears. Thus the plotters were
assured of Spanish neutrality.
NATO Secretary-General Joseph Luns was sounded out, and though a putsch in Portugal
meant the possible loss of NATO's vital Cape Verde Islands base, Luns approved. A
short time before the coup, Moscow's mystery man, Victor Louis, visited Mozambique,
where he had contacts with Frelimo agents and young officers in the -rmy. On Tuesday,
March 23, Spinola and his friends used the Brazilian embassy's telex _o communicate
with. co-conspirators outside the country. On March 25 the coup unfolded as planned
and when success was assured the red machine put its own plan in motion. Twenty-four
hours after the coup, Mondlane's American widow was in London, conferring with members
of Harold Wilson's Foreign Office and Mario Soares, the Portuguese socialist. On
May 10 she was in Moscow, using the Kremlin's secret communications systems to contact
Frelimo terrorists in the field. Plans were completed for launching a Black Liberation
Brigade this summer in which American Blacks will join Africans in touching off world-
wide demonstrations. Leader of the Americans, it is, said, will be a man named
Courtland Cox.
.Irving Brown saw the government's fall as his victory also. The years of agitating
.through labor unions for just this had paid off. The New York Times was delighted.
--Its story on Portugal's impending ousting from Africa, and eventually the Cape Verde
Islands so important to NATO and America, was reprinted in the Paris Herald Tribune
of May 27, 1974, under the heading: "Change Could Help Portugal -- Losing an Empire,
Gaining Respect." -
The New York Times story and this report should be reread five years from now.
To our subscribers: Address domestic busii:ess to H. du B. REPORTS, P. 0. Box 786,
St. George, Utah 84770. Address foreign correspondence to Hilaire du Berrier, 20
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Student subscription rate $10 per year. Supporting subscribers $1.5 (or what subscriber
wishes to donate for, research and information gathering). Extra copies 30 cents each.
lil!,1 r, du Berrier, Correspondent
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