ADDRESS BY W. AVERELL HARRIMAN, DIRECTOR FOR MUTUAL SECURITY, BEFORE THE PHILADEPHIA BULLETIN FORM IN PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80R01731R001400040013-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 14, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 1, 2003
• Sequence Number: 13
• Publication Date: March 4, 1952
• Content Type: MISC

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EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
OFFICE OF THE DIRECTOR FOR MUTUAL SECURITY
March 4, 1952 No. 5
FOR DELIVERY AT 10:30 PM EST, TUESDAY, MARCH 4
FOR RELEASE TO MORNING PAPERS OF WEDNESDAY, MARCH 5, 1952. NOT TO BE
PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED OR QUOTED FROM.
ADDRESS BY W. AVERELL HARRIMAN, DIRECTOR FOR MUTUAL SECURITY, BEFORE THE
PHILADELPHIA BULLETIN FORUM IN PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA.
LISBON AND THE SECURITY OF THE FREE WORLD
We are met at an extraordinary moment in history. Tremendous changes are
taking place in the world. New institutions are being invented, new attitudes
shaped as the free world labors to unite and organize its strength to deter Soviet
aggression. The pace of history is now so swift that a man is hard pressed to
keep up with it. Pre-occupied as we are with the things which touch us immediately,
we sometimes fail to comprehend the magnitude of events, and, seeing them separately,
miss the pattern into which they fall.
Perhaps it is because I have just come back from the meeting of the North
Atlantic Council in Lisbon that I feel so keenly the sweep of history and our role
in steering it. Our leadership is inspiring confidence that through unity of
purpose and action a world war can be prevented and the foundations laid for peace.
At Lisbon new long strides were taken towards the security of the free world.
Two profoundly significant factors affected the work of the conference:
The first was the determination of the governments of those ancient antagon-
ists, France and Germany, to join with their neighbors in merging military forces
in a single defense establishment. With a Franco-German understanding it becomes
possible to bring Western Germany into the European Defense Community and to
conclude the contractual agreement ending the occupation. Thus the full political,
economic and military potential of Western Europe can be utilized.
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procedures whereby the nations of the North Atlantic Community now sit down
together, analyze their several capabilities and decide among themselves on a
combined plan of action for common defense.
Thus when the Ministers met at Lisbon, they were able to go forward and to
adopt a detailed plan of action for strengthening the security of the West. This
plan called upon each of the participating nations to put forth further efforts
and to ask for continued sacrifices by its people. This our partners are willing
to undertake because they see clearly what can be accomplished and that this is
worth the effort in creating a real deterrent to aggression. There was a new
confidence, a new determination among the Ministers at Lisbon, a new conviction
that by working together we can expand our economies year by year to meet the
increasing defense effort, and in time improve the conditions of the people.
The conference at Lisbon has a very real importance for the citizens of
Philadelphia and for everyone in the United States. We can feel more secure
because our allies in Europe are going forward with us to build strong military
forces to protect the Western World. This could not have been undertaken but for
our inspiration and tangible help. If that inspiration flags and if that help is
withdrawn, the whole defense structure and the faith on which it rests can be
undermined. The great hope of peace would fade and only the Kremlin would profit.
It is the Kremlin's objective to frustrate the plans that have been set afoot
by disrupting the great coalition of the North Atlantic. By every device in their
power they are seeking to separate the nations who have come together for common
defense. This is no time for us to falter. This is the moment to move forward and
to consolidate the gains made over the past five years.
Two wars, in quick succession, are bitter proof that the only way to discourage
aggression and to defend ourselves against attack is in company with others. No
single country is big enough, or strong enough, or rich enough to guarantee its own
security. The other nations of the free world have learned that same lesson. So,
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when a new version of the old tyranny arose to menace the world, there was a notable
drawing together of the nations who cherished their freedom. When it became clear
with Korea that the Communists would not shrink from outright aggression, this
movement toward unity was greatly accelerated.
Who would have thought even a short time ago that we would see the Parliaments
of France and Germany voting to accept the principle of merging their military
forces into the European Defense Community? For centuries, the rivalry of those
two countries has soaked the soil of Europe in blood. Yet in a split second of
history we are seeing these ancient enemies being brought together by the common
need for security from a greater danger.
It is high tribute to the farsighted vision of French statesmanship that the
initiative for this step and the other revolutionary concept of the Schuman Plan
came from France. It is remarkable, too, in the light of the long tradition of
German militarism, that a majority of the Bundestag do not want an independent
German army, and have accepted the principle of combining their forces with those
of their neighbors, for their own security as well as everyone else's.
It is true that there remain certain reservations by each side, but in the
light of the fundamental agreement, these difficulties should be resolved.
The draft treaty setting forth the plan is virtually completed. This plan is
for six nations, France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Luxembourg and The Netherlands to
join in a European Defense Community with a supranational authority. There are
plans for an assembly made up from members of the individual national assemblies.
There will be a council of ministers with a defense commission to carry out the
executive responsibilities of a defense department. There will also be a court to
adjudicate differences and interpret the agreements.
The European Defense Community will be associated with the still larger but
less tightly knit collective body, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, now
streamlined and strengthened as the result of Lisbon. In fact the European Defense
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Community could not have been contemplated except within the context of the North
Atlantic Community. The six-nation European Army will be a part of the total NATO
force--the Eisenhower Army, as they call it in Europe. It is important not to get
the two confused. The United Kingdom which is at the center of the British Common-
wealth is not joining the European Defense Community but is making her contribution,
just as we do, to the larger NATO forces under General Eisenhower, by stationing
troops on the Continent.
Another thing to remember is the speed with which NATO has been developing.
After all, it was only two and a half years ago that the North Atlantic Treaty was
ratified by the member countries. After the surprise attack in Korea it became
evident that defense preparations must be speeded. It was only a year ago that
Eisenhower took over the command of the embryonic forces then being developed by
each member country. Last September the Council at Ottawa recognized that it was
necessary to reconcile an acceptable defense position for Western Europe with the
capabilities of the member countries. A Temporary Committee of the Council was
established to undertake this task. Each country was represented on this Committee.
I was the United States member and acted as its Chairman.
We set about our task by taking stock first of what military forces existed
and then what resources of men, equipment and finance could be made available for
immediate build up. This was the first time in history that free nations in peace-
time had joined together in submitting all the necessary information to analyze
what the military program of each country was, whether it was effective, and whether
each was doing its fair share.
An international military staff under General McNarney analyzed the military
programs for the Committee. He.pointed out the weaknesses that existed in the
individual programs, and through open discussion, obtained agreement on far-reaching
improvements in the plans of each participating country, including our own.
Things began to move without waiting for the completion of the report. Two
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countries undertook to extend their universal military service from 12 to 18 months,
Other countries increased the number of their regular forces and extended the
period of service for specialists,,.all with the objective of developing combat-
ready forces as quickly as possible. Recommendations were made for priorities for
equipment to be available to those units which would be trained and ready. An
economic staff analyzed the military budgets and the economic capabilities and
problems of each country, and pointed out in some cases that greater efforts were
possible.
Working together, the Committee as a whole 'riVommended individual and collec-
tive action in the economic field. Plans were made to promote the expansion of
production and a generally expanding economy in Western Europe in order to carry
the increased defense program and to overcome the economic difficulties confronting
Europe. It became clear that Western Europe, just as this country, can substanti-
ally increase production if enough raw materials are available. All countries can
work together to mutual advantage to increase the output of those essential
materials.
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The European countries agreed to increase their military effort as their pro-
duction expands. Where a larger financial contribution was feasible, additional
efforts were agreed to.
Thus the Temporary Committee developed a plan of action in the military field
and in the financial and economic area through which we could build up the maximum
balanced collective force as rapidly as possible. This means that each country
will concentrate on the most important tasks which it is best qualified to undertake
for the collective strength, We thus will obtain a maximum economy and elimination
of the duplication which results from the simple combination of separate and inde-
pendent forces developed on a nationalistic basis.
The Temporary Committeels plan of action was adopted by the Lisbon Conference.
The member nations agreed to provide by the end of 1952 approximately 50 divisions--
about half combat ready and the rest capable of rapid mobilization--and L,000 opera-
tional aircraft in Western Europe, as well as strong naval forces,
Steps were decided upon to lay the foundation for further build*up in 1953 and
beyond. It was agreed to give more responsibility to General Eisenhower and the
other NATO military authorities, and the civilian organization was greatly strength-
ened. It was agreed that the permanent organization should carry on continuously
the type of review undertaken by the Temporary Committee, in order to set each year
firm goals for the next year and the years ahead in light of changing conditions.
With Lisbon NATO has moved from the stage of general planning to that of con-
crete action.
Now all of this which is happening in Europe has the most direct bearing on our
situation here in the United States, Our great defense effort has two parts -- the
expansion of our on military forces, representing by far the major part of our de-
fense expenditures; and then the contribution we make to our security by enabling
other nations to strengthen themselves This is the Mutual Security Programs This
program is about 12 per cent of our total budget for defense In a very real sense,
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it is this 12 per cent which makes the rest of our effort fully effective.
The myth that this country could somehow make itself safe by arming to the
teeth and letting the rest of the world go hang has been pretty well exploded. We
are dependent on the rest of the world for the very stuff of which our armaments are
made. We couldntt arm ourselves to the teeth if raw ii terials from the rest of the
world were denied us. Thatts just the way things are, Furthermore,, if the produc-
tive resources and skills of Western Europe were to be added to those already con-
trolled by the Kremlin, then our present preponderance of industrial capacity would
be offset.
We cannot be secure while the rest of the world is insecure. We cannot be
safe while the rest of the free world is defenseless. It is obviously and urgently
to our best interest to make certain that the. free world remains free and that our
friends have the means to stand guard with us against the common danger.
Our investment in strengthening our friends and allies abroad is the best and
least costly way to add to our own security. The weapons and materials which we
send abroad make it possible for our partners to put forth a much greater and more
effective effort. If we fail to continue this, then our own forces and our own ex-
penditurea-would have to be drastically increased, and even then we could not obtain
the same measure of security. Then, too, when the NATO forces are fully equipped we
can hope for a lower level of our defense expenditures.
There are those who say we should spend our money only on our own defenses.
They talk as if our defenses were steel and concretes But our defenses are not steel
and concrete, they are men. Our planes are for men to fly. Tanks are for men to
fight in. Guns are for men to shoot4 To me it is the height of isolationism to re-
serve to the young men of our country the exclusive privilege of fighting for freedonb
We have friends and allies in the world who are ready to fight. They are only par-
tially equipped, They need equipment to make; then effective allies.
There are those who complain about taxes for the Mutual Security Program. What
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better investment for the coming generation can we make than to provide them with
well-equipped allies. But beyond this, I am convinced that if we carry on with our
whole security program fully and effectively, we can prevent another world war,
And it's the only way to prevent it.
Later this week, the President will recommend to the Congress the appropria-
tion of just under 8 billion dollars for Mutual Security. I do not see how we can
do the job for less. Besides our support of NATO, the program includes extensive
contributions to our security in the Far East, and limited amounts for the Middle
East and South America.
By far the greater part of the program is to provide finished military items
to help equip our friends and allies both in Europe and in Asia. This spells the
difference between their having effective forces and ineffective forces. It spells
the difference between discouraging further aggression or perhaps inviting its
Another part of the program is to provide funds for materials to support the
defense effort of our allies. Without this our friends could produce less equipment
and train fewer men. We would be faced with the alternative of seeing weaker de-
fenses in Europe, or sending more equipment,or men from the United States.
The third part of the Mutual Security Program is technical and economic assist-
ance to the underdeveloped countries -- the Point Four Program. I will discuss this
]a ter on.
I have used the phrase "defense support." Let me explain what it is. By
"defense support" is meant those contributions we are making to enable the Euro-
peans to buy the raw materials they need to increase their military effort, If we
provide the dollars to buy certain of the materials they lacks it makes it possible
for them to produce equipment of far greater value and to put more men into the
armed forces.
That's defense support -- Its a different concept from the Marshall Plan.
Under the Marshall Plan we gave these countries help to rebuild their economies,
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Now through defense support we are helping them expand their military programs for
our mutual security.
All of us are concerned that each country do its share. In the Temporary Com-
mittee I found that the Europeans are equally concerned. Itts hard to make a pre-
cise estimate. The situation is different in each country in terms of such things
as gross national product, per capita income, pay of the armed services, available
resources and industrial capacity. We must remember that our gross national prod-
uct on a per capita basis is over three times that of European members of the North
Atlantic Treaty and, therefore, the defense effort is harder on the average Euro-
pean. But one thing I found was that they all had pride in their country's doing
its fair share,
The French, for instance, are planning to spend more than the an ount indicated
by the Temporary Committee's analysis, The French are trying to raise forces large
enough to balance those of Germany in the European Army and at the same time carry
the heavy load of the long and costly war against Communism in Indo-China. Last
week the French Assembly, with only the Communists dissenting, voted to approve
this expanded defense program. It was on the question of who was to pay the neces-
sary tax increase that the Government of Premier Faure was overthrown,
In spite of what we hear, the French people are paying heavy taxes. French
taxes are collected in a different way from ours, much more from sales taxes than
from income taxes. But in fact the French people pay a larger percentage of the
National income in total taxes than we do.
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The British were the first in Europe to enlarge their defense program. Their
military production is now greater than that of all the other Western European
countries put together. Britain is not only contributing to General Eisenhower ts
forces in Europe but is fighting Communists in a jungle war in Malaya and maintain.
ing sizeable forces in the Mediterranean and the Middle Easts
There is a new spirit in Europe which the North Atlantic Treaty has imbued,
Denmark., which has not had a military tradition., has instituted universal military
service for the first time in her history, Her young men., now that they have modern
weapons, are beginning to feel they can defend their countryf,
For their part the Norwegians,.,. who share a common frontier with the Soviet
Union, are determined to resist any attack, I heard in Norway an expression that
if they are invaded, there will be a gun in every window,,
To the original North Atlantic Treaty area have been added Greece and Turkey
with their fighting forces on Europe's right flank, We are also sending military
equipment to Yugoslavia, They have a large number of men under arms, but badly
need modern equipments When I saw Marshal Tito last summer, he made it clear to
me that he is determined to resist any Russian or Satellite attack,
Not all of our Mutual Security Program is military., because not all of the
threat is military. The Communists have many insidious techniques with which they
seek to undermine the structure of freedom, They fish in troubled waters, and they
find opportunities in many parts of the world. Over half the people of the free
world are in slavery to hunger and disease. We are trying through the Point Four
Program to help these people free themselves from that sidvery and give them real
hope for a better life., in place of the false hopes held out by the Communists.,
There's a quotation I like from Jonathan Swift, He wrote' "Whoever could make
two ears of corn., or two blades of grass, to grow upon a spot of ground where only
one grew before, would deserve better of mankind than the whole race of politicians
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Swift had the Point Four idea two hundred years ago. Today, we Americans,,
with our scientific knowledge, are literally helping people grow two ears of corn
where one grew before. This is a new kind of international diplomacy, and will be
more effective where people are hungry than all the old kinds of diplomacy put to-
gether.
Through our new kind of diplomats, farmers and health officers, we are showing
the peoples of underdeveloped countries how to increase their food production and
how to stamp out the diseases which go with hurler and lack of modern knowledge,
We are also helping them add to their wealth by expanding the production of the
raw materials which they need and the world needs
By this means we add to our own strength by creating new sources of supply for
things which are vital to our production, We are building for our own future and
insuring our own expanding economy by stimulating an expanding world economy. By
freeing people from the slavery of hunger and disease we are creating the condi-
tions in which freedom and stability can be maintained,
The point I want to emphasize is that this entire enterprise on which we and
our friends are embarked offers the only clear hope for a peaceful world. The
goal is in sighto I am satisfied that by and large our allies are doing their parts
We must continue to do ours.
There are times when it seems that we in the United States are carrying a dis-
proportionate share of the burden. By any reckoning the load will be heavy, if
only because we are the strongest of the partners* With only one-tenth of the pop-
ulation of the free world, our gr,ss national product just about equals that of
all the rest of the free world put together, That is why we can afford to do
what we are doing.
There are those who fear that this program is too great a drain upon our
financial resources, I can only say that the money requested for the Mutual
Security Program represents less than 22% of our national output. This 22% --
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only one-seventh of what we are spending on our own defense establishment--does not
seem too much to pay for an essential part of our security.
There are many questions of detail about this program on which there may be
differing views. But the overriding fact is that this is a program through which
security can be achieved. It seems to me that we are at a critical moment in
history--a moment when the decisions we now make will mold the shape of things to
come. We stand today at one of those watersheds of history from which the future
will flow in one direction or another. It lies within our power to determine which
direction it will take.
We have had difficult decisions to make before. We have not shirked them.
For the last five years we have steadfastly pursued a course which is unprecedented
in history. We have made great strides in the right direction. It is unthinkable
that we should now turn aside.
Our program for peace is based upon strong and willing allies to stand guard
with us on the frontiers of freedom. To the very degree that we have strong allies
our ability to preserve our own freedom is reinforced.
Our future cannot be separated from the world's future. It is in our hands to
make that future one of prosperity and peace.
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