LETTER TO ALLEN FROM CLARENCE
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January 27, 1959
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A oved For Release 2003/
Clarence K. Streit
The Ontario, 501
P9 0 R01't-3tR0'U0.3.0 068 015 7
January 27, 1959
Washington 9, D. C. DOCUMENT
Dear Allen: AUTH: HR 70 STAT
DATE: REVIEWER:I_
The attached 1-page memo which I've sent Premier Debre -
an old friend - outlines quickly why I think the Berlin
danger makes it urgent the Convention to explore
Atlantic Union be called this year. I hope you find it
worth your crowded time. I also attach my editorial on
Debre in our forthcoming February magazine - and a
reprint of my January one.
I have known Premier Debre since 19+6 when he came to -
call on me here, saying he had read Union Now during the
war and strongly favored Atlantic Union. He has
confirmed his belief in it - which results from much
individual thought - every time I've seen him since, the
latest being last July.
I may be going to Paris soon to see him and others. I
would esteem it a high privilege to have a talk with you
beforehand. Much has happened since the last one.
Senator Humphrey has told us that he is going to
reintroduce the Atlantic Convention resolution - and
fight hard for it.
4
a'efi~sdab ~ Gu J ._..
I shall ive our office a ri in the hope you may find
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MIFF FS eUR T OPEAR?S ~SR EXPLORING 7ATLA UNT01P7-2
1. Berlin and German problems , . their urgency . . the great risks in opening and
maintaining a land corridor . . worse risk in abandoning Berlin, or seeming weak.
2. Present relative weakness of Atlantic community - in noth conventional and latest
arms - in will-power in Britain, which is likely to grow still, weaker until coming e-
lection, and may worsen thereafter - in leadership in Washington, which lagged in bold
imagination even before last election - in over-dependence on aging Adenauer in Bonn
(with which Mr. K told Lippmann he felt he could eventually make another Stalin-Hitler
deal) - the time needed to change such weaknesses into great strength.
3. The need to turn the tide quickly - but without increasing inflationary danger . .
the fact that only realistic hope of achieving this is to supplement all present answ-
ers with a powerful new politico-moral move.
k. Calling proposed conference to explore Atlantic Union gives
quickly,
,plus immensely greater material power later, without inflationary danger . . Kremlin
makes fetish of unity, fears this most in West but believes capitalistic nations in-
capable of real union, banks on our divisions to give it world rule, hence nothing
could impress it more than decision to try to form Atlantic Union - this would also
disconcert Moscow as disproving basic Marxist assumption that capitalistic nations
must inevitably cut each other's throats in struggle for markets and profits.
5. Atlantic community's greatest untapped resource is union's proverbial strength
Moscow knows it cannot compete once we harness this resource for it has already ex-
tracted all the strength it can from unity, whereas we have hardly begun to,, and can
gain far more since the free have vaster resources in men, knowhow & materials to unite,
6. Essential to take Kremlin by surprise if we are to gain enough strength quickly to
turn tide (and not merely another corner) . . surprise gives much added force . .
calling proposed conference would surprise everyone - world now assumes Atlantic Union
is as remote as it assumed Sputnik was until it soared into orbit . . to see us begin
to explore Atlantic Union this year would astonish world more than to see Moscow begin
exploring space with manned rocket.
7. Only a move that astonishes the West itself as this would can surprise the Kremlin
enough to turn the tide . . we not only throw them off balance but strengthen our-
selves by proving we can do far more than most of us now assume we dare even to attempt,
8. Atlantic Union move, unlike others, is no mere stopgap, provides new framework for
Berlin, German, other problems in which we can tackle them much more hopefully - opens
for West such now unthoughtof vistas that Moscow would be forced to reconsider all its
policies - could not continue tough line without thereby directly speeding Atlantic
Union and thus defeating its own major end-
9. Result: Moscow would most probably switch back to conciliatory policy in hope of
gaining time and removing incentive for us to unite (as when it withdrew from Austria
after NATO grew stronger by uniting with Bonn) - first fruit might well be cessation
of its present Berlin-Germany pressure, as it ceased Berlin blockade in 19+8 once this
led the West to move toward unity by alliance..
The Ontario, Washington 9 D.C.
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01?g1 1MftM r9edom & Union
-- Not for Release Now
PREMIFR MICHEL DEBRE
Michel Debre' seems almost as misjudged now in the American and British press as General de
Gaulle was when he came to power last year. The new French Premier has been presented as
the General's Man Friday, and as a narrow nationalist, if not chauvinist. Certainly he is
completely loyal to his chief. And certainly as long as the U.S. and Britain play their
hands according to the rules of national sovereignty, he will fight fire with fire. Having
known him personally since 1946 I have some basis, however, for testifying that he is no
mere yes-man nor is he at heart a nationalist.
Premier Debre is a brilliant, far-sighted statesman in his own right. He has studied world
affairs long and penetratingly. His range is broad - much wider than one might think from
his decisive, determined manner. He is one of those rare lawyers who, like Justice Owen J.
Roberts, are more drawn to Law's basic, constitutional than operational side. To his
theoretical knowledge of federation - which he began exploring during the war as the way to
peace ---her- has-recent adde& -invalutab-le- exper1enee-ga4med- in wa -ki- g--euut =e proem -e --
union in the widely dispersed and varied "French Community," as chief drafter of its new
Constitution.
Premier Debra gained his name as a nationalist because of his intransigent opposition to
European Union and the European Defense Community. But this opposition resulted from the
fact that he is Atlantic-minded rather than nationalistic. Long before EDC was dreamed of,
or European Union was a practical issue, he had worked out his reasons for believing that
the continental basis for international organization endangers peace and that the ocean
offers a far better framework -.particularly the North Atlantic ocean. To him the North
Atlantic has long been "the modern Mediterranean" - the core of western civilization around
which the new Rome of Liberty must be organized, and not on either continental shore alone.
Before he entered the de Gaulle Cabinet last year as Minister of Justice, Michel Debre as a
Senator was vice president of the French Movement for Atlantic Union. He was one of the
original signers of the Declaration of Atlantic Unity in 1954 (see October 1954 Freedom &
Union for text and list of signers). He is the first member of the Atlantic Union Movement
to attain his high office, though others have favored its objectives. He must, of course,
deal with the practical political realities he faces, and one can be sure he will follow
President de Gaulle's policy loyally in regard to Atlantic Union. One must wait to see what
this will be. Meanwhile, it is worth noting that in a message to Freedom & Union on its
fifth anniversary in 1951 Michel Debre wrote:
"A new force whose material power, political determination, and social attraction no one has
a right to underestimate threatens liberty. The people of the U.S., Great Britain and
France and other free peoples are staking their destiny in the coming years, and while some
in?the New World may still hesitate, those who live in the Old World can entertain a doubt
only by remaining deaf and blind. However, there is no question that if they know how to
unite their thoughts and political actions in all the important fields, the Western
countries may not only live on but also restore to liberal civilization the appeal it has
lost. The task is urgent and every delay makes war more probable and more imminent."
All the delay since these words were written eight years ago has served to confirm their
wisdom, and make the task of uniting the Atlantic Community only the more urgent. And now
their author is in a key position to assure to his beloved country and chief the honor of
leading in this great undertaking - and to his own creative mind a further personal satis-
faction. Now he himself can be a Founder of the new and far freer Rome around "the modern
Mediterranean" he dreamed of through the dark years when he fought to liberate France from
the Nazi nightmh@pr0\L dH, 2?Q; /23 : CIA-RDP80R01731R000300080157-2
MO?OMF OF E OEE C
D e TUC WORLD
COMMUNISM IS BEATING
OUR UNBEATABLE HAND -
BECAUSE WE DON'T BET ON IT
By JOHN L. BROWN P. 20
C OOOg, OAQEHO OG?O~
3 50-$4 A
A pr=oved fa Relea a 2003/ -RDP80R01731 R000300080157-2
Iwo 1,1n 1 v MCCVIIib; up
With Rapidly Cba g World?
PAUL-NfHRl SPAAK;., P. 14
Cultural Exchange- 'a Way
to International Understanding
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Freedom 6nme, Union
"For the Great Republic, for the Principle it Lives by and Keeps Alive, for Man's Vast Future."-LINCOLN.
Vol. 14, No. 1
POLICY
To think, write and act always in terms
of all the democratic world, and not of
any one country in it.
To mean by "we" (except editorially)
the citizens of the coming Atlantic Union
or Federation of All the Free, not mere-
ly those of any existing democracy.
To speed its coming by helping its
people understand better the principles
of individual freedom and federal union,
and their importance to peace, produc-
tion, higher living standards and greater
spiritual growth and happiness.
To advance it also by helping the peo-
ple of this Free Atlantic Community to
see that they do form a community which
they need to govern democratically.
To provide a forum for all views in the
vast field of freedom and federation.
To bring out the facts in this field by
objective, imaginative research.
To favor calling now a federal consti-
tutional convention, representing the ex-
perienced civil liberty democracies, to
work out and submit to their people a
plan for uniting them in a Federal Union
of the Free, or United States of the At.
lantic, under a Constitution that would:
I) guarantee their Bill of Rights; 2) give
them a free government in those fields
where they agreed this would best ad-
vance individual freedom; 3) provide that
this government 'shall be elected by, be
responsible to, and operate on, the citi-
zens and be federally balanced in its rep-
resentation of them; 4) secure the right
of each nation in the Union i?o continue
to govern all its national affairs in com-
plete independence.
To seek to extend the Union's free
federal relationship to. other nations
peacefully and as rapidly as this will ad-
vance liberty and peace until eventually
it grows into a free federal world re-
public.
To assure that, pending universality,
this union shall be a loyal member of the
United Nations.
Editor ---------------------- CLARENCE K. STREIT
Associate Editor ---------------- HERBERT AGAR
Executive Editor ---------------- RAFFAEL GANZ
Managing Editor------------ PAUL K. MARTIN
European Editor ---------- JEANNE DEFRANCE
Business Manger-----------HELEN G. BERRY
Contributing Editors
OWEN J. RoBERTS, 1946-1955
LOUIS DOMERATZKY HELEN B. HAMER
AMAURY DE RIENCOURT
January, 1959
On Second Thought
How Communism is Beating
Freedom's Royal Flush
AS THE ADMINISTRATION' and the new
Congress face an increasingly grave
tangle of problems, Mr. I, Khrushchev
has obligingly clarified the basic issue,
and therefore the answer. He did this.
through the very illuminating reports
which Adlai Stevenson and Walter Lipp_
mann gave of their recent visits to the
U.S.S.R. These have had wide pub-
licity, yet the major conclusion to be
drawn from them seems to have been
lost sight of.
"Overtake America," Governor Stev-
enson reports, is Soviet Russia's current
"slogan." "You see it," he wrote in
The New York Times after his Russian
tour, "on huge red signs in factory yards,
even on posters in children's play-
grounds. This concentration on devel-
opment and production is something to
behold. By "overtaking" America they
mean matching America in per capita
production. The seven-year plan just
announced promises the Russians the
highest living standard in the world by
1970 or before."
Lippmann's Interview with K. Here
are some excerpts from Walter Lipp-
mann's report in the New York Herald-
Tribune Nov. 11 on his interview with
Mr. Khrushchev:
"What, then, makes him think that
the NATO powers might attack the So-
viet Union? His answer, if I may put
it in my own words, is that if the U. S.
finds that it is going to lose the cold
war, it is likely to resort to, a hot war."
"He said rather solemnly, 'we'-the
Communists-will cause you, the Amer-
icans, more `trouble' each year. How?
The trouble for the West will come
from the continual `multiplication of
benefits' received by the people of the
Soviet states. At present, he said, the
U. S. is the richest and most productive
country in the world. But it is living
`the last years of its greatness.' Why?
Because shortly the U.S.S.R. will sur-
pass the U. S. in productivity per capita.
He was referring, it was evident, to the
coming seven-year plan. When that plan
is achieved, the people (of the poor coun-
tries) will `be convinced by their stom-
achs.' That is your danger, he asserted,
not our hydrogen bomb.
"Here lies the answer to the question
of why he thinks we might make war
against him. It is an article of his faith,
which descends from Lenin, that if the
Soviet Union forges ahead in technology
and productivity, attracting into its orbit
the old colonial territory of the Euro-
pean empires, the West will attack.
New Russo-German Deal? On Nov.
10 Mr. Lippmann wrote:
"Americans, he [Mr. K.] began,
seemed not to realize the danger which
their present policy of rearming Ger-
many may well bring down upon them.
... that if a new war is unleashed .. .
Germany might once again turn to the
East against the West. Why? Because
if Western Germany engaged in a war
against the East, the U.S.S.R. could
quickly destroy Western Germany-
with its missiles. But if the Soviet Union
encouraged Germany to turn against
the West, the Germans alone will be
much stronger than England, France
and Spain combined. . . . The point of
Mr. K's historical explanation [of Mu-
nich] was that another German-Soviet
pact was at least as possible today as in
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2 FREEDOM & UNION January, 1959
I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I O I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I O I I I I I I I I I I l l l l l I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I M I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I .IIIIIII III 1 1 1 1 1 1 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I l l l l l l l l l l l l l l I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I
1939-indeed, more probable, since a
German attack on the Soviet Union had
now become `suicidal.' "
Mr. K's Hope-and Fear. The Stev-
enson and Lippmann reports leave no
doubt that: 1) the Khrushchev policy is
aimed-and how confidently!-at sur-
passing the U. S. in production and
standard of living by 1970, if not soon-
er; 2) the only serious danger of war
lies in Mr. K's conviction ' that when
Communism does near this goal, the
U. S. will resort to war to prevent its
peaceful victory, and 3) Mr. K. is very
hopeful of winning anyway by making
a deal with West` Germany such- as
Stalin made with Hitler-intimidating
it with intermediate missiles, rather than
intimidating the U. S. directly.
Crafty Mr. K. Mr. K. is clearly and
craftily seeking to isolate the U. S. by
making the future turn on Commu-
nism's ability to surpass productively not
Freedom but only one free people, the
U. S. This puts the race in terms that
Communism can hope to win.
Obvious but Overlooked Answer.
The answer to Mr. K. is as obvious as
it is neglected: It is to federate the free
Atlantic Community. Only Atlantic
Union can make indisputably clear that
the race is not between Communism and
one free country but between Commu-
nism and Freedom. More important,
only Atlantic Union can quickly and
decisively win the race-and thereby end
the only danger of war Mr. K. sees.
-Freedom's existing power, if feder-
ated politically and economically, would
be so much greater than that of the
U. S. alone that Mr. K. could no longer
hope to surpass it by 1970 or 2000.
Moreover, in that period federation
would immensely stimulate the growth
of Freedom's power in every field-not
only in per capita production and stand-
ard of living, but on the political, mili-
tary, scientific, educational and moral
sides. These factors are so inter-related
that, when combined the Federal Union
way, their power becomes immensely
greater than by any other combination
of them. Federation raises their power
as a straight flush does that of five cards.
Freedom's Royal Flush. An ace, king,
queen, jack and 10 look strong but, if
they belong to different suits, the hand
can be beaten several ways in poker.
If, however, all five cards belong to the
same suit, this one change, which seems
so slight, makes the hand not merely
255 times stronger but an unbeatable
royal flush. Similarly, when Freedom's
power is no longer divided among dif-
ferent sovereign nations but united in
one Atlantic Federal Union, its hand
will become unbeatable. And Mr. K's
hope of defeating Freedom by defeating
only one free people will boomerang,
and the war danger he fears, will end.
U.S.A. and U.S.F. An Atlantic Union
might be called the United States of
Atlantica.- If-so, Mr; K. would then be
facing still the U.S.A.-but a U.S.A.
he could not even dream of overtaking.
For the U. S. of Atlantica would be
based on the same federal principles that
made its largest State, the U. S. of
America, so free and strong. It might
be better, however, to call this "more
perfect Union" the United States of
Freedom. That would keep the issue
clearer, the contrast sharper between
the two ways of life, the two means of
producing-and it would also prove that
the new Union's door was open to people
of every region, religion and race who
followed Freedom.
There is no geographic term in the
name of the Union which Mr. K. ex-
pects to win the adherence of Asia and
Africa by proving that Communism can
out-produce America. We often call'
it Russia, but nothing in its real name
limits it to any region or race; it em-
braces any people anywhere who em-
brace the -Red-"religion. The-initials
U.S.S.R. stand for the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics. Only when it faces
the U.S.F.-the United States of Free-
dom-will the issue be so clear that
Mr. K's strategy for gaining all the
world will fail completely.
The German Danger. Among the
present hopes of Moscow which Atlantic
Union would end is Mr. K's scheme for
intimidating 'Western Germany into
making a deal with Moscow as Hitler
did. So long as the German Federal Re-
public remains-like all the NATO mem-
bers-a sovereign ally, Moscow is
bound to be encouraged by this hope ...
and tempted into such dangerous. games
as its present Berlin one. But once
Western Germany - which includes
West Berlin-is a State in the United
States of Freedom, this hope and the
resulting perils will be gone. Moscow
then could no more dream of detaching
Berlin and Western Germany than of
separating Texas from the United States
of America now. Instead, it would be
on the defensive, with no effective means
of countering the powerful magnetic
pull of the U. S. of Freedom on East
Berlin and East Germany-to say noth-
ing of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hun-
gary, all East Europe.
Safe German Unification. Thanks to
Stalin's machiavellic "peace-making"-
whereby much of Germany was given
to Poland-and many --Germans - were
also driven from Czechoslovakia-and
to previous German oppression of the
Poles and Czechs, these peoples are
bound to be drawn closer to Moscow
by any reunification of Germany, wheth-
er achieved by free elections or by
Mr. K's proposed confederation. There is
one exception. The one way to re-unite
Germany that would not have this effect
would be for Germany to become a
member of a Federal Union that in-
cluded France, Britain, Western Europe
and the U. S. A. Then the revival of
German power, which the Poles and
Czechs fear, whether national or in a
German-dominated European Union,
could no longer occur. Instead they
would be drawn to seek entry them-
selves in this Union of the Free.
The Poles and Czechs would be at-
tracted to the Union of the Free by
many things-apart from the superior
productive power which Mr. K. rates
so high. - Two of this Union's attrac-
tions for them are especially relevant
now: 1) Since West Germany would
enter the Union before East Germany
did, they would probably remain two
States within it. By its federal char-
acter, the U. S. F. would give the Ger-
mans all the advantages of unification-
such as North and South Carolina enjoy
in the U. S. A.-with none of the dis-
advantages which people in both West
and East Germany now foresee. 2) All
fear of war among the Poles, Czechs
and Germans over such questions as
Silesia and Sudetenland would be re-
moved when the Poles and Czechs en-
tered the U. S. F. too. Here too, only
union can solve the issue.
Would Moscow Attack? Mr. K.
reasons that the U, S. would resort to
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January, 1959 FREEDOM & UNION 3
imuumimm mnumuuuuummmm~uniimuuumwuuuumiuiiiinunnmuuumimunuumnuuumnm~uuuuuuumnnnmm~ummmuuummminuuuimummnuummuiiunmummnumwuuummm~ummwumumm~uuwnmumtunnnmmmunuuummuummummnmmunnnunununuuuummnuuuuumm~
war rather than let Communism over-
take it in productive power. By similar
logic, would there not be serious danger
that Moscow would attack if the free
by federating ended its dreams of win-
ning Asia, Africa, Germany? No.
The Communists draw their logic
from Lenin, and his authority would
favor a waiting game, lessening tension
and making concessions with a view to
breaking up the nascent Union by re-
moving incentive to unite and encour-
aging "capitalist greed for markets" and
other Marxist stand-bys to run free.
In the 20s and 30s, when Moscow
had no hope of overtaking the U. S.,
its extreme weakness -did not lead it to
resort to aggression. But what of the
possibilities of surprise attack which H-
bombs and guided missiles give it now?
These possibilities include no assurance
that it would not be destroyed in turn;
the odds are, instead, that such an at-
tack would be suicidal.
Lippmann's Conclusion. It should be
said that Union of the Free is not the
solution that Walter Lippmann recom-
mends from his talk with Mr. K. He
agrees on the wisd9m of "making sure
that we do not lose the race of arma-
ments." (Significantly, he does not talk
in terms of winning it, but merely of
not losing.) To avoid this, he does not
prescribe that we seek any of the strength
that proverbially lies in union-even
though it would effectively win the race.
He ignores the federal answer.
"For us," he writes, "the crucial
problem of armaments is . . . how to
keep the American and West European
democracies ready and willing to sup-
port armaments without their becoming
so obsessed with weapons that they have
neither the means nor the understanding
nor the will to meet the real Soviet chal-
lenge in Asia.
Counsel of Perfection. To solve this
dilemma, Mr. Lippmann says: "We
must learn to keep ourselves armed
without working ourselves up into a
frenzy of threats and of fear. This is
not easy for a democracy to do, but it
is necessary and, once the reason for it
is understood by the leaders of Amer-
ican opinion, it can he done."
No democracy, of course, has ever
succeeded in following this counsel of
perfection. By its nature, democracy is
almost certain to continue to put its
trust in generals who are better at deal-
ing with politicians in peacetime than
with enemies in war, and to find itself
appallingly unprepared when war be-
gins, despite heavy expenditure.
The only realistic safety for democ-
racy lies in gaining enormous superiority
in power by means that are only partly
military-that are mainly moral, po-
litical, scientific, economic, industrial.
By these means Federal Union gave the
U. S. its great power-and can give the
Atlantic Community in the same way
immensely superior strength-without
frenzy, and with plenty of means to
spare to meet the Communist challenge
in Asia, and with the creative will need-
ed to meet it. If Federal Union, which
democracies have already achieved and
which all Americans agree is practical
for Western Europe, is not practical for
the Atlantic community, what hope can
there be of "not losing the race" by the
Lippmann counsel of perfection?
Mr. K's Crucial Race. For Mr. K. the
race that is "crucial" is riot the one in
armaments but the one in per capita
production, by Mr. Lippmann's own
report. Yet he offers no plan for not
losing this race. He does not oppose the
Federal Union horse. He must know
that the present high productive power
of the' U. S. results primarily from the
fact that federation permits a free move-
ment of men, goods and money through-
out the 48 States, and that per capita
production would be further increased
if this common market, currency and
citizenship also included Canada, Britain,
Western Europe. Mr. Lippmann, how-
ever, concerns himself instead only with
meeting the challenge in Asia-though
Mr. K. expects to win by winning the
production race.
"The Communists are expanding in
Asia," Mr. Lippmann writes, "because
they are demonstrating a, way, at pres-
ent the only effective way, of raising
quickly the power and the standard of
living of a backward people. The only
convincing answer to that must be a
demonstration by the non-Communist
nations that there is another and more
humane way of overcoming the imme-
morial poverty and weakness of the
Asian peoples.
"This demonstration can best be made
in India, and there is little doubt in my
mind that if we and our (,Western part-
ners could underwrite and assure the
success of Indian development, it would
make a world of difference.
To Help India Enough. We have no
quarrel with this, and would agree that
India is the "key country" for such a
demonstration. Federation of the At-
lantic community is no obstacle to Mr.
Lippmann's dream; it is, instead, the
only realistic way to assure both the
means and the will to underwrite India
in a huge enough way to achieve the
desired result. Help for India can not
be given on the necessary scale without
the saving on arms and the stimulus to
production that federation of the free
brings. Economic improvement on a.
lesser scale will be drowned by the in-
crease in population resulting both from
this and from the decrease in the death.
rate through humane Western methods.
Our humanitarians forget that the Rus-?
sians and Chinese Communists made:
their per capita advance partly by de-.
capitation-by measures that savagely
increased the death rate. They forget,
too, that India is in a more ardent cli-
mate-and that it is even harder to
convert 400,000,000 Indians to birth
control than to convert 400,000,000
Atlanticans to Federal Union.
Mr. Lippmann may say that it is
unrealistic to call for the federation of
the Atlantic Community which would
make possible the realization of his own
dream. What, then, will History say
of his own proposal? Walter Lippmann
is so great a champion of freedom, and
so much of a realist, that one can hope
that he will go much further in time.
The Big Dulles "If." Before leaving
for the NA'ro Ministerial Council in
Paris, Secretary Dulles stated:
"We'are convinced that IF [too bad
the capitals aren't his] the free nations
stay united . . . then hostile threats will
be frustrated."
The fact is that the free nations will
not stay united until they federate. Only
thus can the big Dulles IF be removed.
When will he-or the new Congress--
begin the process of removing it by call-
ing for the proposed convention to ex-
plore Atlantic Union? The only way
that Mr. K. can hope to beat Freedom's
royal flush is by our not betting on it
in time.-CLARENCE STREIT
ApproveldordF eAeomM 3LA5Mva(dNNhRE)POOR(YI.7ff14R30N%0157-2
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