LETTER TO THE HONORABLE ALLEN W. DULLES FROM D.E.

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01676R004200150025-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 14, 2005
• Sequence Number: 25
• Publication Date: November 5, 1957
• Content Type: LETTER

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November 5, 1957
As a result of my recent conversations with the British Prime Minister
we agreed, in our concluding talk, on certain procedural measures to
achieve the maximum political coordination of the policies of our two
Governments in the political, economic, defense, scientific and psycho-
logical warfare fields.
Mr. Macmillan and I nominated our respective Secretaries of State for
Foreign Affairs to consult together and to agree on particular areas of
policy or on specific problems of a character which cannot be easily
dealt with through normal channels. In such cases they were directed
to establish working groups of American and British officials with the
composition varied according to subject and including representation
from all interested Departments and Agencies of the two Governments.
The main objective of these working groups will be to facilitate the
processing of problems where the main responsibilities are Anglo-
American in character or where prior concert of Anglo-American
policy would contribute to the more effective functioning of the multi-
lateral organizations to which they both belong. Similarly, there will
be occasions when it would be desirable, after preliminary Anglo-
American discussions, to make an approach to particular friendly
governments with a view to concerting action with them also.
The North Atlantic Council meeting in December, which is to be
attended by heads of government, will offer the first opportunity for
us to address ourselves to the implementation of the broader objectives
enunciated in the communique issued at the end of Mr. Macmillan's
visit. Preparations for United States participation in this meeting and
the formulation of programs and policies to be discussed with our
allies there will be the responsibility of the Secretary of State who
will coordinate the views of all Government agencies. I am asking General Robert Cutler of my staff to assist Secretary Dulles in this
effort.
NSC review(s) completed.
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Tn informing you of these policy decisions and in requesting your full
cooperation with the Secretary of State, I would add my personal
interest in insuring that all who may participate in the working groups
to be established by the Secretary of State carry out their tasks in the
spirit as well as the letter of the Anglo-American Declaration of
Common Purpose issued by Prime Minister Macmillan and myself
at the end of our conference. I am attaching a copy of this Declaration
Which I hope %( -,,it will keep close at hand in Tonne>ction ,Hitt. uhateve-r
responsibilities your Department may have for United States activities
abroad. Finally I would ask you to observe the confidential nature of
the Anglo-American procedural arrangements described above and, to
the extent possible, the existence of any Anglo-American working
groups which may be established as a result.
Sincerely,
The Honorable Allen W. Dulles
Director of Central Intelligence
Washington, D. C.
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IlviMEDIAT$ RELEASE October 25, 1957
James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to the President
C. Peter Hope, Head, News Departirent, Foreign Office
THE WHITE HOUSE
Declaration of Common Purpose
The President of the United States and the Prime Minister
of the United Kingdom, at the end of three days of meetings at which
they were assisted by the Secretary of State and the Foreign
Secretary and other advisers, issued the following statement:
We have met together as trusted friends of many years
who have come to head the governments of our respective countries.
These two countries have close and historic ties, just as each
has intimate and unbreakable ties with other free countries.
Recognizing that only in the establishment of a just peace
can the deepest aspiraions of free peoples be realized, the guiding
purpose of our deliberations has been the determination of how best
to utilize the moral, intellectual and material strength of our two
nations in the performance of our full share of those tasks that will
more surely and promptly bring about conditions in which peace
can prosper. One of these tasks is to provide adequate security for
the free world.
The free nations possess vast assets, both material and
moral. These in the aggregate are far greater than those of
the Communist world. We do not ignore the fact that the Soviet rulers
can achieve formidable material accomplishments by concentrating
upon selected developments and scientific applications, and by
yoking their people to this effort. Despotisms have often been able
to produce spectacular monuments. But the price has been heavy.
For all peoples yearn for intellectual and economic freedom,
the more-.-so if from their bondage they see others manifest the
glory of freedom. Even despots are forced to permit freedom to grow by
an evolutIczary _ : process, or in time there will be violent revolution.
This principle is inexorable in its operation. Already it has begun to
be noticeable even within the Soviet orbit. If the free nations are
steadfast, and if they utilize their resources in harmonious coopera-
tion the totalitarian menace that now confronts them will in good
time recede.
In order, however, that freedom may be secure and show its
good fruits, it is necessary first that the collective military strength
of the free nations should be adequate to meet the threat against them.
At the same time, the aggregate of the free world's military expenditure
must be kept within limits compatible with individual freedom.
Otherwise we risk losing the very liberties which we seek to defend.
These ideas have been the central theme of our conversations
which, in part, were participated in by Mr. Spaak, the Secretary-
General of NATO.
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In application of these ideas, and as an example which we
believe can and should spread among the nations of'the free world,
we reached the following understanding:
1. The arrangements which the nations of the free world
have made for collective defense and mutual help are based on the
recognition that the concept of national self-sufficiency is now
out of date. The countries of the free world are interdependent
and only in genuine partnership, by combining their resources and
sharing tasks in many fields, can progress and safety be found.
For our part, we have agreed that our two countries will henceforth
act in accordance with this principle.
2. Our representatives to the North Atlantic Council will
urge an enlarged Atlantic effort in scientific research and
development in support of greater collective security and the
expansion of current activities of the Task Force working in this
field under the Council's decision of last December.
3. The President of the United States will request the
Congress to amend the Atomic Energy Act as may be neces:3ary
and desirable to permit of close and fruitful collaboration of
scientists and engineers of Great Britain, the United Statep, aid
other friendly countries.
4. The disarmament proposals made by the 1Vcstern
representatives on the Disarmament Subcommittee in Londun and
approved by all members of NATO are a sound and fair basis for
an agreement which would reduce the threat of war and the burden
of armaments. The indefinite accumulation of nuclear weapons
and the indiscriminate spreading of the capacity to produce them
should be prevented. Effective and reliable inspection must be an
integral part of initial steps in the control and reduction of
a rneament s.
5. In the absence of such diearrnarncnt as we are. seeking,
international security now depends, not merely on local defensive
shields, but upon reinforcing them with the deterrent and retaliatory
power of nuclear weapons. So long as the threat of International
Communism persists, the free nations must. be prepared to provide
for their own security. Because the free world measures are purely
defensive and for security against outside threat, the period for
which they must be maintained cannot be foreseen. It is not witldo.
the capacity of each nation acting alone to make itself fully cec.u re.
Only collective measures will suffice. These should preferably be
found by implementing the provisions d the United Nations Charter
for forces at the disposal of the Security Council. But if the
Soviet Union persists in nullifying these provisions by veto, there
must otherwise be developed a greater sense of community
security. The framework for this exists in collective defense
arrangements now participated in by nearly ra,p free nations, as
authorized by the Charter. All members of this community, and
other free nations which so desire, should possess more knowledge
of the total capabilities of security that are in being and in prospect.
There should also be provided greater opportunity to assure that
this power will in fact be available in case pf need for their common
security, and that it will not be misused by any nation for purposes
other than individual and collective self-defense, as authorized by
the Charter of the United Nations.
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For our part we regard our possession of nuclear weapons
power as a trust for the defense of the free world.
6. Our two countries plan to discuss these ideas with all
of their security partners. So far as the North Atlantic Alliance
is concerned, the December meeting of the North Atlantic Council
may, perhaps, be given a special character in this respect. This
has been discussed with the Secretary-General of NATO, Mr. Spaak.
7. In addition to the North Atlantic Treaty, the Southeast
Asia Collective Defense Treaty, the Baghdad Pact and other security
arrangements constitute a strong bulwark against aggression in the
various treaty areas. There are also vitally important relationships
of a somewhat different character. There is the Commonwealth;
and in the Western hemisphere the Organization of American States.
There are individual mutu-lLiefense agreements to which the
United States is a party.
8. We recognize that our collective security efforts must
be supported and reinforced by cooperative economic action. The
present offers a challenging opportunity for improvement of trading
conditions and the expansion of trade throughout the free world.
It is encouraging that plans are developing for a European Free
Trade Area in association with the European Common Market.
We recognize that especially in the loss developed countries
there should be a steady and significant increase in standards of
living and economic development.
9. We took note of specific factors in the ideological struggle
in which we are engaged. In particular, we were in full agreement
that:
Soviet threats directed against Turkey give solemn
significance to the obligation, under Article 5 of
the North Atlantic Treaty, to consider an armed attack
against any member of the Alliance as an attack
against all;
The reunification of Germany by free elections is
essential. At the Geneva Conference of 1955 Messrs.
Khrushchev and Bulganin agreed to this with us and
our French allies. Continued repudiation of that
agreement and continued suppression of freedom
in Eastern Europe undermine international confidence
and perpetuate an Injustice, a folly and a danger,
The President and the Prime Minister believe that the
understandings they have reached will be increasingly effective
as they become more widespread between the free nations. By
coordinating the strength of all free peoples, safety can be assured,
the danger of Communist despotism will l due course be dissipated,
and a just and lasting peace will be achieved.
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Remarks :
The Director did discuss the attached letter
from the President at the Deputies' Meeting
on Friday, the 8th of Nov., and asked me to
circulate copies to the Deputies, Mr. Kirkpatrick
and Mr. Bissell. He commented that he hopes
CIA. could come up with some dynamic ideas.
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