LETTER TO DR. H. PAUL GUHSE FROM ALLEN W. DULLES
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Publication Date:
November 21, 1960
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Dr, H. Paul Guhse
Vice-President for New York.
Foundation for Religious Action
in the Social and Civil Order
ii West 42nd Street
New York 36, New York
ER 60-8863/A
Thank you for your letter oy 16 Nc'rember
nviting me to participate in the Fifth National
Conference of FRASCO on 9 January 1961.
It was thoughtful of you to ask me to attend,
but, unfortunately. I shall not be able to join you
on this particular occasion.
f have noted your program with interest and
wish you the best of success not only at the Conference
but n your daily endeavors.
-C '7t,-,
O/DCI: vgd (21Nov60)
Rewritten: O DCI bec(29Nov60)
Distribution:
Orig - Adse
1-DCI
1 - DDCI (Mr.
1 - Col. Groga
1- C/IO
.1- ER w/basic
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MEMORANDUM FOR: Mr. Dulles
Stan Grogan advises that this is an all-
denominational, reputable organization that merit
your acceptance. However, Mrs. Dulles has
already accepted a dinner invitation from the John
Irwins for 9 January. Would you therefore wish
to decline Mr. Paul Guhse's invitation to speak
at the Fifth National Conference of FRASCO on
that date ?
For your information, J. Edgar Hoover is
scheduled to talk before this group on 10 January.
Please also note the list of speakers that have
been , vited for the succeeding days of the
conference. JSE (22 Nov 60)
(DAE)
FORM ~ I NO *
54 101 WHICH RELACES FORM
USED.
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od
X10 in every Nation and in the family of Nations."
FOUNDATION FOR liiiI6Iaiis ACTION
CHARLES WESLEY LOWRY, PH.D. (OXON.), D.D.
PRESIDENT
DONALD ARMSTRONG, BRIG. GEN., USA (RET.)
CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD
H. PAUL GUHSE. LITT.D.
VICE PRESIDENT FOR NEW YORK
STANDING POLICY COMMITTEE Mr o Allen i. Dulles, Director,
HON. WILLIAM R. CASTLE
*MAX CHOPNICK
ROBERT F. CORRIGAN
REV. JOHN F. CRONIN, B.S.
THEODORE A. DISTLER
RABBI NORMAN GERSTENFELD
*ROBERT L. JOHNSON
8E. TOWNSEND LOOK
HON. GEORGE C. MCGHEE
RAYMOND W. MILLER
*D. HAYES MURPHY
REV. NORMAN VINCENT PEALE
MILFORD F. SCHWARTZ
HON. JOHN L. SULLIVAN
*GEN. ALBERT C. WEDEMEYER
RICHARD S. ZEISLER
Nov I?RECD,
NATIONAL ADVISORY COUNCIL Which 'will indicate the plane which we would like to have you consider
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS
RT. REV. ATHENAGORAS
GOETZ A. BRIEFS
LEE BRISTOL, JR.
R. V. CARLETON
GEORGE L. CROSS
N. R. DANIELIAN
WILLIAM YANDELL ELLIOTT
REV. LOUIS H. EVANS
HON. HOMER FERGUSON
FRANCIS PENDLETON GAINES
REV. BRUCE F. GANNAWAY
MUSCOE GARNETT
KENNETH S. GINIGER
J. PETER GRACE
REV. BILLY GRAHAM
GORDON GRAY
REV. FRED. BROWN HARRIS
REV. WINFIELD S. HAYCOCK
ALBERT J. HAYES
REV. T. M. HESBURGH, C.S.C.
BISHOP IVAN LEE HOLT
HON. HERBERT HOOVER
REBERT WOOD JOHNSON
JOSEPH KAPLAN
JEROME G. KERWIN
PHILIP M. KLUTZNICK
FRANK C. LAUBACH
HENRY R. LUCE
FREDERICK C. MCKEE
RABBI EDGAR F. MAGNIN
THOMAS H. MAHONY
JOHN MARSHALL
BENJAMIN E. MAYS
GEORGE MEANY
THOMAS E. MURRAY
WINFRED OVERHOLSER, M.D.
THOMAS W. PANGBORN
LT. GEN. WIILARD S. PAUL
RABBI DAVID DE SOLA POOL
RT. REV. NOBLE C. POWELL
JUDGE J. M. PROSKAUER
REAR ADM. W. F. RABORN
REV. FRANK A. ROSE
GEORGE SHUSTER
REV. JOSEPH R. SIZOO
SPYROS K. SKOURAS
R. E. "BOB" SMITH
GUY E. SNAVELY
REV. RALPH W. SOCKMAN
ROBERT W. SOCKMAN
ROBERT G. STOREY
S LEWIS L. STRAUSS
D. ELTON TRUEBLOOD
JAMES F. TWOHY
KENNETH D. WELLS
WILLIAM R. WHITE
CHARLES E. WILSON
CHARLES WILL WRIGHT
Vice President for New York,
Director of Conference
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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY,
2430 E Street, N.W.,
Washington, D.C.
IN THE SOCIAL AND CIVIL ORDER
1346 CONNECTICUT AVENUE, N.W.
WASHINGTON 6, D. C. DU. 7-1377'`
November 16, 1960, SUITE 1258-9 `a 1
11. WEST 42ND ST. 1~C
N. Y. 36, N. Y,
TEL= WI 7-5980
The burden of this letter is an invitation for your
participation in the forth-coming Fifth National Conference of F tA.SCO.
This is increasingly building up to the promise o a no e, s or o
occasion, I enclose a tentative draft of the Program in the m ,
as one of our leaders.
You may not be familiar with our Organization; hence I
enclose some valuable information. Our Program is being welcomed on
all sides because it offers an answer to the most pressing challenge of
our times and because, without any special effort whatever, it is auto-
nmatioally drawing together the leadership, as well as laity, of all nma or
Faiths. Volumes are being said and written concerning Comnunismn, but you
agree that relatively little is being projected as a Positive
Counter-movement to this evermore threatening enemy. boldly a bid
or wor conquest. F+NASCO is offering a realistic, approach in that we
are launching a positive Program of Awakeni ;America. We hold that the
most vulnerable weakness of our country is her .. n{credible complaoeny
and headlong 1 e into a deadl materialism wMT-Wee no account
whatever of the major claim o our Na on, - "In God We Trust," as stamped
on our money, and "Une Nation Under God," as a a . y salute to our flag
in all areas of our a on. We-, ere ore, are projecting this National
Conference to most the dire need and unmistakable challenge of our Nationte
destiny -- seeking to Re-discover the Moral and Spiritual Foundations of
America. We are aertarn MV a mass Ned a of oom>mnun
be oarrying this historic event into every nook and corner of .IAmerica.
With every hope that your calendar may allow of your
participation, and that you will desire to join forces with the other
notable persons whom we have invited, as per enclosed Program, and thamnk-
ing you for your earnest consideration of this matter,
Faithfully yours,
1
H. PAUL GUHSE,
HPG/dh
NOV. 16, 1960.
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THE BLESSINGS ElF LIBERTY'
Published by
Foundation for Religious Action in the Social and Civil Order
Volume V, Number 4
October, 1960 Washington, D. C.
WHAT FREE MEN MUST DO!
From the European Renaissance, beginning in Italy
shortly before A. D. 1400, until the end of World
War I and the defeat and eclipse of Woodrow Wilson,
2"7 "the last great prophet of the age of reason," the
aspirations of Western man centered on Freedom.
Liberty was the desire of men and nations. History
increasingly became a movement of emancipation, in
learning, science, economic life, religion, education,
and government. The American Revolution was both
a great climax in the drama of widening freedom and
the institutor by example and influence of a new era
in world politics.
This era, in a real sense, is continuing even today.
The new nations of Asia and Africa, and those lately
reborn to travail and sorrow in Europe, are children
of the first great political Revolution, proclaimed and
inaugurated in 1776. Unfortunately man is an unruly
being, and seldom continues long in one stay. Social
reality, moreover, is inherently complex and difficult;
and the rulers of states are rarely to be envied. Prob-
lems of a social and civil sort that are unsolved accu-
mulate, and sooner or later exact a heavy toll.
This happened to European civilization in the first
half of this century with inflictions so severe that the
trend of half a millennium was called in question and
the gravest doubts raised as to the goals of Liberty and
Democracy. The great counterrevolution erupted in
Russia in the midst of the First World War. It came
in October (old calendar), 1917 and as a revolution
within a revolution. With the Bolshevist coup d'etat
was associated a bold, radical, new idea-the first
solid breach in the ideology inherited from and ever
broadening down from Israel, Greece, and Rome.
The new idea was Communism proclaimed in a
world historical setting as absolute truth. It was what
all Communists call Marxism-Leninism. Communism
is simpleminded as a world-view, but very complex as
a total scheme of interlocking theory and practice.
The actual result of Lenin's work was the institution
of the first and most thorough total state in the tech-
nological era. Fascism and National Socialism were
later in time and were essentially imitations of Com-
munism, adapted to national situations and psychol-
ogies. They proved to be fragile and unstable by com-
parison with the Communist totalitarian prototype.
Today the stage is the world and the giant antag-
onists locked in mortal combat are Communist Totali-
tarianism and Constitutional Democracy. The secret
of Communism is burning faith, elemental vitality,
and the ability to keep on the offensive. The problem
of Democracy is selfishness, lack of enthusiasm, and
the difficulty of making hard decisions in a situation
that is neither war nor peace in conventional terms
but that is understood by the Communists as a "pro-
tracted conflict" for the possession of the world and
the development of a new, Soviet humanity.
What will the next ten or twenty years bring forth?
Will Communism continue its sweep-will Freedom
remain on the defensive-will total tyranny robed as
the angel of economic development and social progress
succeed in seducing the peoples of Asia, Africa, and
Latin America?
It is not pessimism but simple fact to note that
Communist total statism, after forty-three years, com-
mands one-third of mankind, owns one-fourth of the
world's real estate, and is able at will to agitate and
trouble the entire globe.
What is to be done? What must free men do, facing
a situation of such menace and danger and at the
same time having in their hands assets and weapons
incomparably stronger than those possessed by the new
tyrants?
To consider these questions, to advance understand-
ing of the world we live in and the adversary we face,
to develop a keener self-knowledge, to help one another
not to "cease from mental fight," and to devise pro-
grams of action that are vital, intelligent, prudent,
and adequate in magnitude to the challenge we face-
such are the aims of FRASCO's Fifth National Con-
ference, to be held in New York City at the Waldorf
Astoria on January 9-11, 1961.
What must free men do? They must out-think,
out-will, out-fight, and out-last the dehumanized ones
who, in the name of a totally new society, have de-
clared war on God, human spirituality, liberty, con-
science, charity, and the brotherhood of all men.
The struggle will not be an easy one. The sun in
the heavens is past the meridian, and the shadows are
beginning to lengthen. Much precious time has been
lost or partly wasted. But it is not too late to rally
and to win the day. At stake is a fresh dawn, a new
age, a better world or darkness over all the earth for
an indefinite period.
tWe the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility,
provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure THE BLESSINGS OF LIBERTY to ourselves and
our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.
Preamble, Constitution of the United States
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AN OPEN L R TO THE TORONTO GLOBE AND MAIL
In reading through your editorial of August 13,
entitled "Faith or Fear" and widely reprinted in this
country, what strikes me as a student of history and
world affairs is the mild and relatively complacent
view you take of Communism. It varies, you urge,
geographically; it is not international; it is a typically
t uman and therefore ever changing idea; it is essen-
ually an impoverished thing that should alarm no one;
in Russia it is no more than an empty profession since
"'she is in actuality highly capitalistic."
I only wish I could agree with this evaluation and
Vould regard the Soviet Union simply as "an authori-
?aria.n State--a despotism-a dictatorship". Unfor-
tmately the hard and stubborn facts necessitate a
much firmer and more complex theory. It is however
worthwhile to stay with an idea and try to understand
~t when in scarcely more than a century it has stood
history on its head and when today it threatens to
overrun the earth.
1)r. Raymond W. Miller, who is well known in
Canada, has written in his stimulating book Can
Capitalism Compete?: "Seldom has the world en-
countered a more terrific shock from an idea. Today,
cwproximately one-third of the human race is under
the domination of a country or countries whose ex-
pressed objective is the subjugation of the people of
the earth to the Marxist program."
Communism is, first of all, an idea and a myth.
his aspect is the source of its extraordinary dynamic.
For those who believe it, it is a functioning religion.
I t is a view of the real which is all-embracing and
which excludes all rivals. It has itsprophet and law-
te fiver, its messiah, and its chosen people. It came at a
.articular time with all the force of a revelation and
its meaning and purpose are to bring in by violence and
revolution a new world in which evil will be eradicated
and man at last will be free and happy.
This myth of "a classless society" and of a kind of
Kingdom of God, only without a God and without a
King, was lifted by Marx unconsciously out of the
bible. It was, however, placed in a worldly, secular,
and materialistic context. Indeed Communism might
well be described as "a secular-salvation-system." It
es the Communist gospel and not, as you feel, the
=?conomic strength of the Communist states which
should be our first concern. Mayor La Pira of Flor-
once, Italy put this point succinctly when he declared:
At bottom, the drama of contemporary history is not
.,. struggle between a Capitalist Society and a Com-
of integration with massive state power in the Soviet
Union, and to a lesser extent in Communist China,
has greatly incresed the ability of Communism to
agitate, propagandize, and stir up trouble on an inter-
national scale.
As a state syste-u, Communism represents the most
absolutely conceited and successfully executed organi-
zation of power in history. The centrally controlled
Party has a total nonopoly not only on power in the
usual sense of posessing the state apparatus but on all
the instruments :.f influence. This distinction is of
crucial importanc - if we are to grasp the significance
of the Khrushch< era. Stalin concentrated on the
police and on tet ror. Khrushchev had the wit and
practicality to set that influence was as necessary as
power and moretrgent as an imperative correspond-
ing to the development of Soviet society made possible
in general by the I-iethods of Stalin. The vision of the
two men was the same and it was the vision also of
Lenin and Marx- --the vision of a Communist world
and a Communist mnankind.
Between Lenin sm, Stalinism, and Krushchevism
there are differenr es, but the continuity is much more
fundamental. In the third -dictator, because of the
Each party take. the attitude that the only ideological
danger, the only military danger, to the free nations today
comes from Communism. The Democrats say .. "We
pledge our will, energies and resources to . . resist the
further encroachment of Communism on freedom." The
Republicans use herder language . . . "We confront today
the global o$ensiv of Communism . . . To nullify the
Communist conspi,.-:zcy is our greatest task". . . .
The doctrine of "nullification" seems to us quite as
bankrupt as that of "brinkmanship". It seems to proceed
from the same em 'lions - hatred of Communism, fear
of Communism. . . Hate and fear are (not) a sound
basis (for) a foreif,yz policy. Beyond these two primitive
emotions there is-tle strange assumption of United States
leaders that Comt -unism is "international" and as im-
mutable as the lain of the Medes and Persians . . . Yet
it . . . varies geovaphically . . . A human idea, Com-
munism has and-ffzust be subject to the same mutations
as any other human idea. The Communism prac-
ticed in Russia today . Stalin himself, dead seven
years, would barel. recognize . .
Communism is s philosophy of poverty. . Why
should anything s~, impoverished alarm (the democra-
cies)? . Let 7i call things by their proper names.
Russia is . . . a =iespotism-a dictatorship. She . . .
is in actuality highly capitalistic . . . This newspaper
opposes the Soviet system ... But ... the real concern
about Russia and china is their economic strength .
-Toronto Globe and Mail
znunist Society, but between Christianity and Com- degree of success wren and tasted, faith and confidence
n unism." In a similar vein, the Catholic Bishops of flame more brightl. than ever. A world is to be won.
Cuba wrote in their momentous Pastoral Letter read And a world is in`,ight. It was after Paris, in Austria
}c&. August 7, 1960: "Catholicism and Communism last June that Khi ushchev, like a new Moses on Mt.
Stem from two concepts of man and the world that Nebo but without reverence and without restraint,
are totally opposed to each other and can never be looked out on tht promised land of the globe and
rc :rrnciled." confessed: "Life t: short and I want to see the Red
Communism. is, of course, far from being merely a flag fly over the w; Tole world in my lifetime."
theory or philosophy. It is applied doctrine. It is an I am sure that :hrushchev like Moses will have to
ideology of action. This takes two forms: plan for be content with the promise, and I have faith that
devolution and organization of power. But both aspects free people are go -xg to wake up and take the actions
h ew from the creed and the world-view which Lenin necessary to turn tack the Communist tide. Never-
derived from Marx and believed fanatically. theless, there are grounds for healthy fear and I trust
Communism as a diagram for civil discontent is that the good peciple of Canada realize that at stake
well illustrated at the present moment in both the is their future alor,tside that of their neighbor to the
is ae ni o and many L tin Ameri co ties T o OwRY
t pprovec for ~'efeate 0 08/21$ . -RDPddgb-i~7d W60W'1''001 b
A M E?r6qeef Vrflftf 2WJJ/J DEWe, members of the captive East European nations, turn to you, representatives of the free countries. We
turn to you from the worst kind of slavery, pleading with you to deliver us from this hell on earth. We plead
with you in the name of the Creator, who blessed you with all the beauties, wealth and liberty, leaving us the
sorrow, suffering and captivity. Sorrow and suffering are easier to bear, but it is captivity against which we rebel
and beg you to aid us in casting off our yoke.
It is far from us to blame anyone for the conditions into which we were tossed, though the strongest among
you proved to be the weakest, when we could have been delivered from evil. Compassion, pity was in abundance,
but will and strength were not evident. Yet we carry our cross with patience, even though we see your own detri-
ment, should you continue on the path you thus far have traveled. Indeed, your fate will soon be just like ours,
if not worse. For you will be further bothered by two nightmares which we do not have to suffer from. The
one is your own conscience that you could have helped yourselves-had you acted in time; the other that after
you have been subjugated, there will absolutely be no one left to help you to get out of your misery.
If things go on the way they have during the immediate past, the "salami tactics" of the communists will con-
quer every country, one by one. And if you are afraid, what do you expect of the really weak?
With determination and courage you could save the oppressed and, automatically, save yourselves. The
price of your freedom is our freedom. All free peoples should get together on this and emphatically demand in
the United Nations the setting free of all captive peoples.
11 the oppressor grants their freedom, then you, too, have become stronger and the liberated captive nations
will be the staunchest advocates of world peace and brotherhood. They have suffered so much that they have
no bitterness left, only kindness toward humanity.
On the other hand, should the jailkeeper turn down this natural desire for freedom, then there is nothing
left but to exclude the monster and its hirelings from your counsels, because he surely wishes to undermine your
unity and way of life. Then, at last, two billion free humans can live together according to their accepted cus-
toms, against whom there will be only one billion humans ruled by the slavedrivers. With today's favorable
two to one ratio, the oppressor knows your strength and that your possibilities are greater than his. Provided that
there is unity among you. This is why his chief concern is to divide you, working unceasingly to infiltrate and
undermine.
But you must not slumber any longer. The final hour has struck when world peace may be saved without
a universal conflagration. If you plan and act systematically, you help us regain our freedom and assure your
own peaceful prosperity at the same time.
Yes, we the captive nations beg you to save us, because we know from experience that you cannot save your-
selves from a similar slavery in any other manner.
-Written for Captive Nations Week, 1960 by an escapee from Hungary. (Read at the Department of the Interior Auditorium
on July 20 to an audience predominantly representing all formerly free nations.)
ESPECIALLY AND PERSONALLY TO EVERY READER
The author of the moving document printed above
is an engineer now working in Washington. He asks the
Editor of THE BLESSINGS OF LIBERTY to provide
"Church leaders of all denominations" with copies and
says: "Could you simultaneously request them to con-
duct a prayer-campaign to win over the agnostics and
for the liberation of those believers they hold cap-
tive?"
It seems to us that there could be no finer or more
meaningful way in which religious Americans could
observe the fourth anniversary of the Hungarian Free-
dom Rebellion, beginning October 23. To the extent
that we truly cherish and love liberty, we are bound to
remember the glorious actions of our Hungarian
brothers which shook the foundations of Communism
all over the world and gave new courage alike to the
oppressed and to the free.
and indelibly marked by the experience empathetically
of Hungary's agony and tragedy, accepts in the name
of FRASCO this tribute : "Allow me to express my
sincere thanks on behalf of the nameless escapees of
the Hungarian Rising, for your magnificent rendering
of our message at the recent exercises. As read by
you, our text has taken on added significance and the
whole audience shared your sentiments for the cause.
The Lord Almighty will surely reward you for this
work which you so unselfishly perform for the down-
trodden and oppressed everywhere." Such words
may strengthen and ennoble us all, undeserving
though we are.
Full information on FRASCO's Fifth National Con-
ference-see Editorial, page one-may be obtained
by writing FRASCO, Suite 1258-9, New York 36,
Your Editor, whose soul was stirred to its depths N. Y.
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MORE STOP! LOOK! LISTEN! SIGNS
We must realize that we cannot coexist eternally,
t,r for a long time. One of us must go to his grave.
W. do not want to go to the grave. They do not
'rant to go to their grave either. So what can be
done? We must push them to their grave.
---Nikita Khrushchev, April, 1955
(Testimony of a defected Polish
Communist: U. S. Senate In-
ternal Security Subcommittee,
June 8, 1956)
The most fundamental and common duty of Com-
munist party members is to establish Communism
rind transform the world into a Communist world.
-Liu Shao-chi
(Second ranking Chinese
Communist)
Soviet spokesmen, headed by N. S. Khrushchev,
uuld not become a party to a sham conference when
series of events, culminating in the U-2 incitement,
xposed the planned determination of the Eisenhower-
ldenauer-De Gaulle trio to refuse to yield on any of
the issues that stood in the way of furthering world
sace.
---Clarence Hathaway
(A Communist writing in
Political Affairs, June 1960)
The Chinese-Soviet relationship is in many ways
;loser than the traditional alliance: both regimes are
footed in a movement viewed as part of an historical
process whose course they understand, and whose out-
come they can predict; ... they are striving to recon-
struct societies on basically similar lines.
--Professor Zbigniew Brzezinski
(Columbia University)
The history of the Communist movement constitutes
the longest and, in many respects, the most frightening
hapter in the development and growth of modern
totalitarianism. Whenever Communism has come to
power it has demanded total control over the actions
"Wd Minds of all whom it rules. Communist leaders,
i'mike traditional dictators, have not been content to
achieve political rr volution or to gain political power;
they have sought to impose from above a cultural
revolution which rives the leaders of the movement
final power over eZ ery phase of the cultural life of the
nation.
--Evron M. Kirkpatrick
(Executive Director, American
Political Science Association)
Either the peop:''--s must accept and the party lead-
ers must face more unpopularity ... or they risk being
forced to decide be ween mass suicide and capitulation
to the enemy.
---Professor Hugh Seton-Watson
(Author of Neither War Nor
Peace)
Much of our national rhetoric still suggests that
Communism is on > of history's temporary, more un-
pleasant abe rrati ,,ts, and that it is bound to dis-
appear. This illus!on is the basis of many of our worst
troubles.
-Editorial: Worldview,
September, 1960
The issue is n(,, President Chiang or Chairman
Mao. Man serves for better or for worse but a fleeting
moment in the unfolding of time. The real issue never
to be lost sight of is freedom or slavery. And it is
unmistakably clear that the world, as small today as
the United States was a century ago, cannot go on
living indeftnitely4alf-free and half-slave.
-Rev. Luigi d'Apollonia, S.J.
(Foreign and Religious Editor,
Relations: leading review of
French Canada)
I don't believe this republic is in its decline and fall.
I believe that witi growing strength and determina-
tion we can influence the expansion of freedom in the
world.
- -Former President Herbert Hoover
(On his 86th Birthday. Mr.
Hoover is a member of
FRASCO's National Advisory
Council.)
ON NOVEMBER 18, 1960 FRASCO WILL BE SEVEN YEARS OLI)
FRASCO's leaders feel, in the light of the present world situation, that the inspiration which led to its founding
was prophetic. They are determined to go forward. They welcome your inquiries, comments, suggestions.
The Blessings of Liberty is published uar-
terly. Subscription price is $2.00 a year. 12.00
of each annua i membership in FRASCO is
for a year's subscription.
Second class postage paid at Washington,
D. C.
Address all communications to
Charles W. Lowry, Editor
1.112 DuPont Circle Bldg.
Washington 6, D. C.
Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R004100010021-5