ON DUTY, 'DIRTY TRICKS' AND DEMOCRACY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-01601R000800010001-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 30
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 29, 2000
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: December 10, 1972
• Content Type: NSPR

STATINT
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A profile of Maj. Gen. EdwIr"i'Lansdale , the original "Ug 'yAmerican'
I rs'ar'37%
Lai Li LA \
1/4.) I !A I UM I L
FE:: LA Oa TO 07
z
By Stanley Karnow
As he walks his poodle along
the shaded street near his split-
level Alexandria home, Maj. Gen.
Edward Geary Lansdale resembles
any number of retired officers
pasturing in the Washington sub-
urbs. He is still lean and erect de-
spite his 64 years, and, like so
many military, pensioners, he
finds life somewhat tame after his
adventurous career.
But in contrast to the superan-
nuated colonels who reconstruct
battles at the dinner table, Lans-
dale's experiences were of a high
order. For he \ vas in times past a
dynamic, influential and often
controversial figure who single-
handedly managed foreign gov-
ernments and Whose behind-
the-scenes counsel helped to
shape U.S. policy and practice at
critical junctures in recent his-
tory.
In the Philippines during the
early 1950s, for example, Lansdale
Virtually directed the campaign
against the Communist-led Huks
in his capacity as special adviser
to Ramon Magsaysay, then that
country's defense secretary. In
Saigon not long after, he effec-
tively kept South Vietnamese
President Ngo Dinh Diem in of-
fice by conspiring to crush his do-
mestic foes while . persuading
Washington to support him.
Later, as the Vietnam war esca-
lated,Lansdale was instrumental in
Convincing President Eisenhower
and Kennedy that the United
States and its Vietnamese clients
could defeat the Vietcong by rely-
ing on counterinsurgency techni-
ques. Some of these techniques,
as disclosed in the secret Penta-
gon Papers, have revealed him to
be considerably less savory than
the public image of him as an ide-
alist.
Little of the exotic drama that
characterized Lansdale's career is
apparent in hiORPERVO rFeAFIR
iS a' gray, unass'uming man whose
subdued style borders on self-
effacement. Some of his friends
suggest that he has lost, much of
his verve since his wife's death
last spring, and he himself con-
cedes that her passing has left
him lonely and dispirited. Except
for occasional evenings with old
cronies, many of them Asia veter-
ans like himself, he leads a rather
secluded existence.
Other friends point out that he
is weary after years of baffling
bureaucrats who oppose his un-
conventional ideas, and Lansdale
himself substantiates that view
with bitter humor when he says
that "the knives going in don't
seem to hurt anymore." Yet, as he
Speaks, it is clear that he still
burns with a hard flame that is
nearly religious in fervor. His reli-
gion, he explains, is not formal. It
is his faith that the United States
could have successfully played
world policeman by propagating
its political philosophy.
At the core of Lansdale's doc-
trine is the conviction that Com-
munist guerrillas can be defeated
in brushfire wars by "winning the
hearts and minds" of people. In
Vietnam, according to this thesis,
the United States should have
exported American democratic
principles along with guns, mon-
ey, machinery and food. "We
couldn't afford to be just against
the Communists," Lansdale has
written. "We had to be for some-
thing."
Lansdale's proposals often pro-
voked the fury of Establishment
strategists, some powerful
enough to block his advance-
ment. He has also been derided
as a dreamer whose perception of
reality was, at best, blurred. At
the same time, though, he in-
spired a coterie of disciples who
regarded him as nearly infallible.
The debate over him polarized
I /)f0t0I4 :trig-1.
trialOnPM tiiat, whatever the
validity of their arguments, at
least endowed him with a meas-
ure of literary immortality. Wil-
liam J. Lederer and Eugene Bur-
dick portrayed him in The Ugly
American as Col. Edwin Barnum
Hil.lendale, whose sweet harmon-
ica purportedly stimulated rural
Filipinos to oppose Communism.
Graham Greene, on the other
hand, depicted him in The Quiet
American as-Alden Pyle, the naive
U.S. official who believed that he
could mobilize Vietnamese peas-
ants to resist the Communists by
instilling them with the precepts
of Town Hall democracy.
Although the old soldier has
faded away, the debate lingers
on. Just as Lederer and Burdick
approvingly quote their hero as
saying that "if you use the right
key, you can maneuver any per-
son or nation any way you want,"
so Lansdale's disciples still con-
tend that the United States could
have attained its objectives in Vi-
etnam by developing psychologi-
cal warfare methods more effica-
cious than those employed by the
Communists. This view, which
became popular during the Ken-
nedy Administration, is best artic-
ulated in the articles of Lansdale's
close friend, Robert Shaplen, the
New Yorker correspondent in Sai-
gon, who has long asserted that
the United States and its South Vi-
etnamese proteges could have
beat the Communists by
preempting the revolution. And
just as Graham Greene indirectly
reproved Lansdale by declaring
that Vietnamese "don't want our
white skins around telling them
what they want," so his present-
day critics claim that he never ac-
Stanley Kamow is the former
Washington Post Asian corre-
spondent and the author of Mao
and China: From Revolution to
Revolution.
P80-01601R000800010gps.fluoa
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Available
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Approved For Release 20011163/041A-RDP80-
8 NOV 1972
The Washington Merry-Go-litound
Coiunatists
By Jack Andcrson
The Greek dictatorship has
sponsored a luxury tour for
some of America's best-read
conservative columnists. In
some cases, their wives also
made the trip.
Not surprisingly, the red-
carpet trip produced a gush of
pro-junta columns in the na-
tion's press. Readers, however,
didn't know that the tour was
financed, at $2,000 a head, by
t h e government-controlled
Hellenic Industrial Develop-
ment Bank, whose urbane gov-
ernor, P a ti I Totomis, once
rounded up thousands of inno-
cent Greeks in concentration
camps.
Totomis was the Junta's
Minister of Public Order for
six months after the 1967
coup. This charming Athenian
man-about-town put up the
columnists at the plush King
George Hotel, arranged for
their first class travel and
picked up their bills for fine
wines and Greek foods.
The suave Totomis and his
bosses would have gotten their
money's worth out of the jun-
ket if the only man on it had
been Ralph de Toledano, who
distributes his conservative
views to 100 papers. "For the
first time in its 150 years -of in-
dependence," wrote de
Toledano, "Greece is prosper-
ing and the people satisfied."
But de Toledano had another
gift for the Greeks. When To-
tomis' bank sponsored a pavil-
_lion at the Greek-American
.Ar
STATINTL
ore Gifts to Greeks
AHEPA conference in Atlanta,
deToledano wrote Vice Presi-
dent Spiro Agnew on Totomis'
behalf. The Vice President did
not know Totomis, but took
de Toledano's word for the
Greek's good works.
In a personal letter, Agnew
? without ever seeing ' the
bank's pavillion ? lauded To-
tomis' contribution to Greek-
American amity. The letter
has been proudly publicized
by Totomis.
The dictatorship reaped fur-
ther benefits from columnist
James J. Kilpatrick, who
and Oscar Naumann, Journal
of Commerce economic writer.
While most of the copy writ-
ten by the subsidized tourists
is favorable to the junta,
Cromley and Naumann did
take a few honest bites at the
dictatorship. Cromley wrote
candidly: "The fact is that the
present government is a form
of dictatorship which exer-
cises sporadic censorship of
the press and exists without
periodic consent of the gov-!
ernment." Naumann criticized
the Greek steel industry.
When we questioned the col-
umnists about their week of
praised the way things are
junketing, the reaction was
going under the military re- mixed. De Toiedano said: "I'll
gime. The capable. sometimes
stick by my i.riendsh?Q with
caustic Kilpatrick iailed to tell
Paul. Totomis. I think he's
his millions of readers that
doing a helluva job there."
the bank had picked up his
tab when he singled out the
The facile de Toledano said he
I
'had even helped out Totomis
bank for praise. with a little unpaid public re-
"The more the present goy- f lations work
eminent succeeds in promot- Kilpatrick called it a "rou-
ing industrial growth around tine industrial tour," and said.
the country, the more secure he had been led to believe the
that government becomes.1Greek government had not
Through . . . such energetic picked up the tab. Baskin,
Cromley and Naumann also
spoke frankly with us.
Only Harrigan, who finds
that," wrote Kilpatrick. even President Nixon's poli-
Other kind words were writ-itics too far left for him from
ten by junketeering column- time to time, refused to dis-
ists Anthony Harrigan, who cuss the junket.
doubles as executive vice pres-
ident of the Southern States
Industrial Council; former Na-
outfits as the Hellenic In-
dustrial Development Bank,
the government is doing just
We reached Totomis by
overseas telephone at his bank
in Athens. For 45 minutes he
Ilona' Press Club President vigorously defended himself.
Allan Cromley; Daily Oklaho- There was nothing wrong with
man bureau chief in Washing- the tour, he said. As for his
ton; Robert Baskin, Dallas roundup of Greeks in 1967, he
Morning News political writer, said there had been no corn-
plaints from the detainees. In
any case, he said he was
merely carrying out orders
from higher up. "I have lived
my entire life in honor," he
said.
Footnote: Among other jun-
keteers were travel writer
Theo McCormick and U.S.
Steel public relations man
Tom Geoghegan. One of those
invited by Totomis, AP eco-
nomic writer Sterling Green,
turned down the junket be-
cause free trips are against
AP policy.
Intelligence Reports
Anti-CIA Campaign ? The
Soviets, apparently, have
Isunched. a world-wid. cam-
paign to discredit the Central
Intelligence Agency. Particu-
larly dn Asia, Soviet propa-
ganda blames the CIA for
everything from conspiring
against President Ferdinand
Marcos in the Philippines to
stirring up ill will between
India and Bangladesh.
Mao's Successor ? intelli-
gence reports say Chiria's
Chairman Mao Tse-tung and
Premier Chou En-lai have dis-
cussed how to prepare the
Chinese public for the inevita-
ble demise of the revered
Mao. The attempt to build up
Lin Paio as a successor led
to an abortive coup when he
got in too big a hurry to take
over. Mao is said to recognize,
however, that he cannot Jive
much longer and that a suc-
cessor must be groomed who
can hold China together.
? 1972, United Feature syndicate
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r714PIT11:11 tCIEI;CE M011ITOR
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Kremlin exploits anti-CIA charges
ii id ii?
0
OVR3 Stir
By Charlotte Sal kowski
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor
? Washington
For weeks now the Russians have been
,shrilly playing up India:'s charges that the
VCentral Intelligence Agency (CIA) is med-
dling in its internal affairs.
Sensitive about their own relationship with
New Delhi, the Soviets appear to be trying to
drive an even deeper wedge between India
and the United States and to prevent the two
from moving toward any healing dialogue.
If the Kremlin's vociferous anti-CIA cam-
paign points up anything, say U.S. officials, it
Is that the detente between the Soviet Union
and the United States does not put an end to
the political or ideological rivalry of the two
powers. Moscow continues to pursue its own
national interests and in the given case that
interest lies in expanding its own influence in
southern Asia and removing that of the
Americans.
The Russians also are trying to discredit
U.S. relations with the Philippines. On Oct. 25
Moscow Radio, in an English broadcast to
Asia, said that Washington is irritated by the
ent developments in Manila and sug-
eering ".1"-'financing actions against the Firm base in que
engin stion
sionary groups
defense regions.
the CIA, working through such philanthropic
organizations as ? Asia Fund, was inciting
separatist sentiments in Nagaland and trying
to sour relations between India and Bangla-
desh as well as between India and the Soviet
Union. It described these alleged activities in
minute detail.
As U.S. officials assess it, the Soviet
campaign must be viewed against the back-
drop of Moscow's own position in India. That,
despite the treaty of friendship, has never
been as firm as the Russians would like and
they apparently want to shore it up.
Economic relations with New Delhi, for
instance, have been complicated over the
past few years. The Indians, for one, have not
been willing to give the Soviets the desired
credits.
A coolish Kremlin view of the Indian
economy is reflected in a recent commentary
in the Soviet monthly Peoples of Asia and
Africa on the 25th anniversary of India's
independence. The article points out that
India is on the capitalist road of development
and that the socialist program of the Con-
gress Party is not socialist by Soviet stall-
STATINTL
ageord
were located in strategic
gested that the CIA had been involved in dards.
Marcos government. The Russian reader is thus left with the
Indian allegations against the CIA were impression that Soviet relations with India
first leveled by the head of the Congress are not based on ideological affinity and
Party late in September. They were then therefore are not firmly based.
picked up by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi The Kremlin's concern is understandable.
and, although they have never been substan- Some segments of Indian opinion are critical
tiated, they have stirred a storm in Indian of the Russian influence on the subcontinent
politics, and generally the Indians are thought to
Some Indian media have in effect blamed place too high a value on their independence
the American intelligence organization for to fall under the Soviet thumb.
Hence the Soviet leadership may not be too
confident about the stability of its relations
with New Delhi and the anti-CIA campaign
can be interpreted as an effort to make sure
The Russians moved in quickly to exploit
the situation and Soviet news media have that there are continuing problems between
the United States and India and that the
kept up a steady drumfire of accusation,
often citing elaborate particulars that do not current alienation is not Patched up.
even appear in the Indian Press. U.S. officials express dismay at the present
.
. In sum, they charge the CIA is engaged in a coolness in Indian-American relations ?
oncerted program of subversion aimed at engendered in part by Washington's policies
t
"Undermining India's political and economic during the Indo-Pakistani crisis, the CIA
allegations, and New Delhi's pro-Hanoi posi-
independence" and "whitewashing the impe-
tion on the Vietnam war ? and would
rialist aggressive policy of the United States
welcome moves toward a dialogue. But this is
in Asia." The Soviets say the CIA is using
scholars, scientists, and teachers in this seen to be a difficult process given Mrs.
Gandhi's present mood.
effort. - . Meanwhile, the Russians are having a field
Varied ruses charged t7, day.
Broadcasting in English to Asia on Oct. 20,
to cite an example, the Moscow-sponsored
Radio Peace and Progress said that the CIA
had planted irif
Acpireatu. treiigi
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missionaries aM''
India's domestic troubles.
Soviets exploit situation
911'51 FAR LAS.L.LRII EC on-a.aC REVIEW
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Ion Nol's dilemma
By Edith Lenart
Paris: President Richard Nixon wrote a
personal letter to his Cambodian coun-
terpart, Lon Nol, shortly after last
month's National Assembly elections,
asking the Marshal to nominate a vice- eveni more so. Born in what is now
president and to include Opposition South Vietnam, he is remembered for
?members in the new government. What his anti-French and pro-Japanese posi- war from an armchair in Phnom Penh.
had already disturbed the White House tion; his anti-monarchy stand; his co- But since he has no political or .clan
was the fact that Lon Nol had not operation with the Vietminh; his long backing, he would have to fall in with
bothered to take a running mate: the exile in Saigon; and his connections one of the other contenders for political
Cambodian Constitution invests much with the CIA. Although he is currently power. Au Clildoe has little to recorn-.
power in the president, and Lon Nol is a Prime Minister, it is not clear whether mend him; an adviser to Lon Nol, he
very sick man. The Americans were dis- he is working for the Lon Nol-Lon Non served Sihanouk in several cabinets.
turbed further when Sink Matak and In combination or simply using it for his Should he be chosen as vice-president,
Tam ? leaders of the Republican and own ends. Apparently he has the back- the post would be deprived of every ves-
Democratic parties respectively ? decicl- ing of a group of Phnom Penh republi- tige of power.
ed to boycott the poll because they con- cans and intellectuals who would rather
sidered the electoral law unconstitu- have an accommodation with the Khmer SOUTH VIETNAM
tional. Rouge than see Norodom Sihanouk
If President Nixon's demand for a back in Cambodia; this group has been
multi-party government upset the Lon encouraged by Soviet promises that, in
Nol-Lon Non duo's plan to consolidate the event of a settlement, Moscow will
their position, his request for a vice-pre- see to it that North Vietnamese and Saigon: "We are ready for a ceasefire
sident doubtless gave them splitting NLF forces withdraw and that Sihanouk [but] to secure against the communists
headaches. Apart from Nixon's need to does not return to the country. . taking advantage of such a ceasefire,.
see a more efficient and representative Sink Matak's position is much clear- there must be conditions and the most
government in Phnom Penh, his demand er. Considered an agile politician and a important is the setting up of an inter-
ior a vice-presidential nominee may in- capable administrator in Cambodian national control committee." On the
dicate a desire to prepare Cambodia for terms, he has the backing of business in- day President Nguyen Van Thieu made
the possibility of a negotiated settle- terests and some sectors of the military this remark in a speech to government
meal to the Indochina War, as well as that of the Americans, the officials, professors and students at Sai-
. The choice of a vice-president and ina- Japanese and the French. Because he is gon University's Faculty of Medicine
portant Cabinet figures involves per- a member of the Sisowath branch of the last week, the last members of the In-
sonal, clan and party interests: who can royal family, the republicans suspect dian delegation to the existing Interna-
be useful, who can be trusted and who him of royalist leanings ? if not for tional Control Commission were leaving
can be manipulated. There would ap- Sihanouk, then for himself. Saigon for their new headquarters
pear to he four candidates for the vice- This leaves In Tam and Au Chldoe. In Hanoi.
'presidency: Son Ngoc Thanh, Sink Tam, a former general, has considerable Friction between the Indian Mega-
Matak, In Tam and Au Chhloe. popular support ? especially in the tion and the South Vietnamese Govern-
If the political scene in fundamental- countryside ? because he is a simple ment came to a head in January when
ly apolitical Cambodia is highly comph- and honest man who fought side-by-side New Delhi raised its diplomatic mission
eated, Son Ngoc Thanh's positiou_seem.s.. with the apeo_r)le instead of directinohe in Hanoi to embassy level, while declin-
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Sink Matak; In Tam; ailing Lon Nol:
Letter from Washington.
Strangling the ICC
By Benjamin Cherry
Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RD
STATINT
TACOMA, WASH.
NEWS?TRI BUN E
E ? 100 an 8 1972
yRIBUNE & LEDGER
S ? 97,838
ev. Karnes trg s
?Effort to Free
,H110 Newsmen
By WIN ANDERSON
e: ? A concerted effort by the
=journalists of the free world
urging Philippines President
.:Ferdinand Marcos to release
imprisoned newsmen was
;called for last week by the
--,:t7e.Rev. Eddie Karnes on his re-
turn from that embattled na-
e:tion. ?
Karnes, director of the Ta-
Te-coma Servicemen's Center,
'Stopped off in Manila en
troute to Vietnam early in
: September and personally
witnessed evidence of terror-
:1st bombings that led to
counter-charges between the
: Marcos government and his
Communist opposition regard-
...
. mg who was to blame.
? CRUSADE
Karnes again visited Ma-
nila to complete arrange-
? ments for a religious crusade
? on his way back to the
? United States when President
: Marcos declared martial law,
impoSed a curfew, jailed
O' more than b0 per;oes in-
?
? eluding most of Marcos'
: most vociferous journalistic
a critics, and actually taped
: shut the doors of newspapers
and wire services to impose
t a news blacKout.
4, Karnes sail leaving his ho-
;lel room to find there were
e no newspapers was one of
the most stunning things he
? ever experienced.
: Only the day before there
? was every indication that all
judicial pr./C:"SSeS were tune-
tioning noemally. Theee was
? nothing to forewarn the im-
k pending crisis.
? The next night. Saturday,
: Sept. 23, Marcs appeared on
television to announce mar-
tial law, incied'ne, the death
"penalty for any civilian
caught carrying a gun? even
? if it were registered.
? ONLY PAPER
A
? T h e following day the
Daily Express, a pro-govern-
ment paper believed owned
by Marcos, appeared as the
only newspaper , published. It
listed the name; of persons
arrested, and anneenced re-
f or ms Marcos planned to
bring about.
At this time more than 200
persons :lave been arrested
and "the country is in a ter-
rible turmoil, on the verge of
out and out general insur-
rection. Tins is a country of
youth, one out of three per-
sons is under 17. Marcos has
alienated many of them by
bypassing the Constitution,"
said Karnes.
"Ironically," Karnes said,
"Manila is to,lay one of the
safest of Asan cities to visit.
Crime is down to zero, prices
are low, strikei that threat-
ened before have been elimi-
nated."
Longhairs are forced to get
haircuts. And with a mid-
night curfew, "people are
getting more sleep and the
cabarets are going out of
business," said Karnes, add-
ing, "I want to present a
balanced picture. Not every-
thing is bad."
APPALLED
But he said he is appalled
at the elimination of civil lib-
erties?parlicelarly freedom
of the press, by Marcos.
He described his two most
fearsome realizations in Ma-
nila as finding there were no
newspapers one morning and
hearing a rumbling sound on
a subsequent night and look-
ing out to see tanks, followed
by a thousand men, rolling
through the streets.
Karnes says the problems
of the Philippines are deep
but basically stein from the
monopoly of power and
wealth held by the Catholic
Church and a tiny minority
of private citizens and the
economic interests of the
United States.
, America is still loved by
'the people, much as nearly
30 years ago when Karnes
was among the late Gen.
McArthur's returning forces,
he says.
RIPE FOR REVOLT
"The Philippines nonethe-
less remain the ripest coun-
try in the world for Com-
munist revolution, with mas-
ses of poor and many unem-
ployed," says Karnes.
He says to prevent a revo-
lution, Marcos must impose
immediate and far-reaching
reforms and to restore civil
liberties.
"Once the students of the
Philippines realize Marcos
has in fact instituted a mili-
tary takeover, they will rise
up by the thousands. In the
midst of the revolution Red
China may be tempted to in-
tervene to protect the inter-
ests of Philippine Chinese
who hold the reins to much
economic power.
CIA CHARGES
"There are charges that
the CIA is involved (in Mar-
cos' actions). If so, there is
no question in toy mind but
that the CIA led us into the
Vietnam situation," said Kar-
nes, a regular visitor to
southeast Asia as part of his
religious activities.
"More than ever, I appre-
ciate the free press we have
in this country. The morning
no papers arrived in Manila,
it struck fear into the heart
of the country and resulted
in great anxiety.
Karnes, a one-time Re-
publican candidate for Con-
gress, said he has written to
President Nixon and other
leaders and plans to write
Marcos, ureing the release of
the newsmen.
"I urge you and the others
concerned newsmen to do the
same," he concluded.
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5 OCT 1972
The stoly below, though written prior to
the declaration of martial law by President
Marcos of the Philippines, adds a reveal-
ing dimension to Marcos' cct. His aim is to
dear the path of mounting opposition
based on the rnony economic and social
problems in the Philippines, and to swing
the country to the right. The "statehood"
movement, reported on here, serves the
same purpose.
Utilizing the time-worn cry of "the fled
'menace," Moircos, as of this writing, has
'ailed 96 persons of note, including Con-
gressmen, ccvernors and journalists. The
list is topped by Senator Benign() S. Aquino,
Jr., leader of the opposition Liberal Party,
who was to have cpposed Marcos for the
presidency next year. Marcos has also
dosed down six newspapers.
Although he ha: promised steps to-
ward nationalization and land reform, he
has also assured U.S. investors there would
be no change in "relations established by
previous contrccts."
By William J. Pomeroy
LONDON
Amonstrous con game, promoted
with U.S. backing, has been built
up for the past year or more in the Philip-
pines. A fraudulent scheme proclaimed
as a campaign to win U.S. statehood for
the Philippines. it is aimed at stifling
Filipino nationalism and anti-imperial-
ism and at creating a firmer nco-coloniai
base for big U.S. corporations in Asia.
Calling itself "Philippine Statehood,
USA,- the campaign was launched in mid-
1971 with expensive full-page advertise-
ments in the Manila newspapers. By
June 1972 its organizers announced that it
had enrolled 5,700.000 member-supporters
out of the Philippine population of 38 mil-
lion.
7 Investigation of the campaign has
revealed that it was initially set up with a
U.S. CIA agent named West as the chief
adviser. Its national chairman is an ex-
Congressman. real-estate tycoon and im-
porter of Japanese Suzuki motorcycles,
Rufino D. Antonio. who had been close to
Ramon Magsaysav. the puppet president
that the CIA boasts of having put into of-
fice in the early. 1950s. Its secretary-pen-
eral. Bartolome Cabanghang. is a reserve
colonel in the Philippine Armed Forces.
which are under close direction by the
, Pentagon.
Vice-chairman for Luzon island is
Antonio Roxas-Chua. a Kuomintang Chi-
nese millionaire and sugar comprador
r11
iLiULJ,
0
STAT] NTL
exporting to the U.S. market, who in 1971
was the biggest single financial contribu-
tor to. the World Anti-Communist League
Conference held in Manila.
The movement has brought a large
number of ranking military men into its
leadership, giving a suspiciously mili-
tary, cast to its organization. Among these
are Col. Jose Maristela, a vice-chairman
for Luzon; Cots. Concepcion Cardenas,
Enrique Perez and Jose Elasigui, direc-
tors-general for military affairs; Col.
Flaviano Ramirez and Lt. Fidencio Mon-
tero, directors-general for intelligence
and security,: and Cols. Francisco Offe-
maria and Justiniano Mendoza, directors-
general for veterans' organizations. The
presence of these elements in a set-up
with such military overtones has been
pointed to by Filipino progressives as
laying the basis for a Rightist coup.
In its propaganda, Philippine State-
hood, USA, plays up the United States as
a land of milk and honey in which Fili-
pinos would have all their burdens of
unemployment, poverty, corruption and
general underd eV elopment magically
removed. Unemployment affects nearly
20'-c of the Philippine labor force today,
and serious partial employment anotIcer
20ci-. Nine out of ten Filipinos, by govern-
ment figures, are desperately poor, a con-
dition that Antonio. Cabangbang and their
crew fail to mention is directly due to
U.S. neo-colonial domination.
Nevertheless. Antonio claims that as
the 51st U.S. state the Philippines would
. 0 fl 0
Li Li Li
La r 1
ti
soar to prosperity as the base for huge
distribution of U.S. commodities in Asia,
With "billions of dollars" of U.S. capital
flowing in to create an industrial Philip-
pine paradise. Since 1946 the Philippines
has been precisely such a base, with U.S.
corporations enjoying equal rights with
Filipinos in a shameless neo-colonial ar-
rangement. According to the statehood
schemers, if Filipinos change their inde-
pendence to become Americans they will
automatically become rich under the
same arrangement that has made them
poor.
Asked by an interviewer how brown
Filipinos could expect equality when
Black Americans in the United States
suffer racial discrimination, Antonio re-
plied: "The Negros should be forever
thankful to the Americans. Never in their
dreams did they think that they would
be enjoying the same rights and privi-
leges enjoyed by their white American
m.nsters." ;
The huge membership claims made
by Philippine Statehood, USA, are de-
rived from trips to the rural areas by
slick organizers. Here, where literacy is
slight, impoverished peasants are asked
to sign papers written in English that few
can read and are made to think that they
are petitioning for jobs and government
handouts at U.S. income levels.
What is most suspicious and unsavory
about this campaign is the fact that, al-
though it is loudly publicized and has be-
come a major issue in the Philippines,
Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-01601R000800010001-5
"continued.
STATI NTL
Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-01601
DAILY WORLD
3 OCT 1972
17 0 0
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By WILLIAM J. POMEROY ?
LONDON i By airmail I The proclamation of martial law in the Philippines Sept. 23 by
President Ferdinand Marcos is mainly a ?product of bitter rivalry among Filipino ruling
group. all of which are committed in one degree or another to neo-colonial arrangements
with U.S.. Japanese and other foreign investment interests.
Marcos drastic step will not be could not have said otherwise At least one wing of American
applauded unreservedly how- without courting some of the interests has been promoting a
ever, by these interests, especial- many forms of intervention that "reform" alternative to Marcos,
ly by U.S. interests, the powerful American interests because of the grave neo-colonial
U.S. relations with the Philip- may have used to block such a .economic situation of poverty,
pines have been approaching a move. unemployment, high prices and
critical period. The central eco- For some time Marcos has low production which cause mass
nomic agreement, the trade act been trying to find a way around a discontent and a growth of revo-
of 1996 that embodies the notor- Constitutional provision limiting lutionary movements.
? ? ious . "parity" provision giving a President to two terms in office. The Maoists, encouraged by
American businessmen equal Ile is now in his second term, with anti-Marcos forces to commit
rights with Filipinos in the sup- an election coming up in 1973. One adventurist acts to make the ad-
posedly independent country. is possibility has been to get a. Con- ?
ministration look unstable, have
*due to expire in 1974. stitutional Convention, meeting
been seized upon by Marcos him-
? Military li'ea ties under which since June, 1971, to prepare a new -
self to turn the tables against his
extensive - U.S. bases and U.S. national charter, to remove the enemies. Although the Maoists
direction of the Philippine army limitation. Recently he achieved
are only a small group, mainly of
have been enabled are also up for this, but-reportedly only by whole-
radical students, with a minute
revision, sale bribery of delegates.
To the U.S. it is important who Strategy by U.S. interests capacity for carrying out wild
calls to revolution. Marcos has
is in power when the terms affect- There are many signs that
ing its huge stake in the Philip- American interests have prefer- deliberately given them a propa-
pines 1$1.200 million in direct red a transfer of leadership in ganda build-up as a major threat..
Provocations
private investment alone) are re- 1973 to the opposition Liberal
For the past year a series of
negotiated. Party. Alternations of political
bombings, phony
Shaken by court ruling power have always been a handy suspicious
"raids" on towns and arms land-
In August, for example. a tre- mechanism for imperialism to
mor went through the American maneuver and play one politician ing hoaxes, allegedly activities of
a half-phantom Maoist
'business community in Manila off against another. Marcos' re- New Pco-
when the Philippine Supreme election in 1969 upset this pattern, ple's Army", have been played uP
Court, in a ruling reflecting na- and his continuation in power by the Marcos administration as
tionalist sentiment, decreed that would upset it further. dangerous subversion necessitat-
AmericAn landholdings and other American propaganda and press ing martial law.
properties acquired under "par- coverage have favored Sen. Reti On Sept. 15 Marcos accused
Liberal Party leaders of meeting
ity" must be transferred to Filipino igno Aquino, head of the Liberal
hands by July 3. 1974. American ' Party, the chief prospective op- in Manila's plush Forbes Park dis-
interests had been pressing for a ponent of Marcos, and Raul trict with Jose Sison. the Maoist
retention of such holdings beyond Manglaptis' reformist-sounding chief. to "organize a plan of action
1 the expiration of the "parity" Christian Social Movement, both in propaganda. in logistics, and
measure. . stridently anti-Marcos. in armed struggle" to overthrow
-
Another Supreme Court ruling Maoists used . hi ? regime.
that came as a shock forbids for- The old CIA team in the Phil- Vhen martial law was pro-
that
companies to employ foreign ippines was so anti-Marcos that aimed Sept. 23. Senator Aquino
and a large number of other anti-
managerial staffs. , administration protests compelled
President Marcos hastily said its change, but the new CIA team. Marcos politicians in both the
that he favored full compensation headed by a man named Calaris. Liberal and Nacionalista parties.
s well as newspape.r publishers
to American investors rather than has proven to be equally anti- a
others, were arrested and
confiscation of their holdings in Marcos. One of its specialties has and '
. ubversion and with
1974, as some nationalist spokes- been to infiltrate and encourage charged with S
men have urged, but with his mar- the Filipino Maoist group to make
tial law move in the making he trouble for Marcos. .
Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-01601R000800010001-5
continued
STATIN
Approved For Release 2001
9 SEP 1972
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f-e;# ? '?,-.`fi
By WILLIAM J. POMEROY
Is LONDON (By main?A Philippine Supreme Court
ruling on Aug. 20. asserting that American land owner-
ship rights in that country are to. terminate on July 3.
1974. is being bemoaned as a blow to "rights- long en:-
joyed by imperialist interests in the former American
Colony.
"Philippine Holdings of Ameri-
cans Imperiled" was a recent
headline in the Wall Street Jour-
nal.? . .
Special privileges for American
investments in the Philippines con-
stitute one Of the worst example
of neo-colonialism. ?
When the Philippines obtained
its independence on July 4, 1916,
it was a war-ruined country, on
which the U.S. imposed an array
of treaties that placed its econo-
my. armed forces, foreign affairs
and other aspects of life under
the domination of U.S. interests
and aggressive policies. .
One of the agreements was the
"parity- privilege, The 1935 Phi-
lippine Constitution. which pro-
vided for all corporations in the
country to become 60 percent
Filipino-owned at independence,
was forcibly amended under the
meanest sort of pressure (the
U.S. refused to pay war damages
for devastation largely caused by
U.S,. bombing unless it was agreed
to), exempting American citizens
from the Constitutional provision
.and granting them equal rights
with Filipinos in the exploitation
of natural resources, including
land: .
Extended in 1956
In 196 the bootlicking Ramon
Magsaysay, placed in the Philip-
/pine Presidency by one of the
I/ -CIA's prize operations, master-
minded by Col. (now General)
Edward Lansdale extended Ame-
rican "parity" rights to all sec-
tors of the economy.
The "parity" arrangement was
linked to "a ? neo-colonial trade
agreement that was to last for
28 years and to terminate in 1974.
For the past decade and a half,
American investment.interests in
the Philippines have been maneu-
vering to retain their "parity
rights" after 1974. Amounting to
less than $250 million at the time
of independence, those investments
now total around $1.2 billion (ex-
cluding loans and portfolio hold-
ings). ?
Test case
One of the maneuvers, begun
over a decade ago, is the case
just ruled upon by the Philippine
Supreme Court. An American
businessmen, William Quasha, ini-
tiated a test case, claiming the
right to continue owning a plot
of land after "parity" ends. This
claim for "vested rights" in per- .
petuity for property acquired by
Americans under "parity" was
backed by the entire American
business community in the Phi-
lippines. If they won it, well and
good, but it was not the only egg
in the neo-colonial basket. '
A Philippine Constitutional Con-
vention has been sitting since June,
1971, and will probably last until'.
the end of this year. A central
theme has been that of "special
rights" for American interests.
A policy-making committee-of the
convention has already adopted a
proposal permitting Americans to
own land after 1974.
In this convention, dominated by
delegates closely associated with
American investment interests, the
pet proposal of these interests is
for Constitutional guarantees of
"national treatment" for U.S. in-
vestmentS. This would merely be
"pa'rity" in another, form, grant-
ing American interests the same'
treatment that Filipinos enjoy.
Furthermore, in 1969 the pre-
sent Philippine government pass-
ed an Investment Incentives Law
which permits Americans to have
100 percent ownership of busi-
nesses in fields in which there
is allegedly insufficient Filipino
capital. Under this law, Ford,
General Motors, Caltex and other
U.S. monopolies moved recently
into the Philippines with huge in- .
vestments and with an air of con- .
fidence in retaining their hold-
ings beyond 1974,
/ The old colonialism
? In actuality, the wholly-owned
American business in the Philip-
pine is a rather outmoded form
of operation. The 100 percent
owned 'firm was typical of that
developed . by resident business-
men in the old pre-war colonial
period in the Philippines (Quasha
is one of them). The multi-nation-
al corporation with a joint-ven-
ture character, i.e., American-
based monopolies with branches -
in the Philippines. that draw in
and make .use of Filipino capital,
is the new form of operation.
By holding 40 percent or even
less of a share, the American
multi-nationals can control any
company in the Philippines.
. One way is to scatter the Phi-
lippine.shareholding among many
Filipino minority *interests, the
40 percent American share re-
-maining an effective majority. To
?further this method, stock ex-
changes have been proliferating
in Manila and other Philippine
cities.
One scheme put forward is for
American banking institutions to
lend the Philippines the amount
needed to purchase the Oa per-
cent share. This could be in the'
neighborhood of $700 million. The
interest realizable on such a
scheme would be an extra profit
for the imperialist interests.
Rains and floods in July and
August seriously damaged the
Philippine economy and will like-
ly necessitate new foreign bor-
rowltigs that will limit further
the country's ability to eliminate
the "parity"- scourge. ?
. The Partido Kominista ng Pill-
pinas and other progressive and
nationalist forces have long de-
manded .the complete abrogation
of all neo-colonial treaties with
the U.S. and the nationalization
of the banks. and key industries
in American hands. There will,
undoubtedly be strong resistance
from Filipinas to any refurbish-
Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-6igaili001080s0101i01601-5
wALT,
1
,r.. roved, ForReleas
:Manila Mystery ?
An Abandoned Boat Is
The Key to a. Puzzle
Without Any Solution
STREET JOURNAL ?
W019623/04 : CIA-RDP80- 1601
- Theo precise movements of the aragatan
between June 3 and July 4 remain an enigma.
The crew evidently didn't keep a formal log for
this period. A "movement log," with some
bearings and distances, was later recovered,
' however, and indicates that the Karagatan
passed up the west coast of Luzon in the direc-
tion not of palawan but of Palanan.
? Isabela Province, of which Palanan District
Is a part, Is the main base area of the New
People's Army. The NPA, .as it's called, is the
military arm of the Communist Party of the
Philippines Marxist-Leninist (that's the party's
formal title). The party is? the most militant
and Maoist-oriented of three Communist par--
ties currently operating?illegally?in the Phil-
tppines. The .NPA insurgents, many of them
students who head from Manila universities
Into the hills, are said to number anywhere
. from a few hundred to 1,000. The isolated
I mountains and jungles of Isabela prOvide them
with a secure redoubt, and it ?is here that they
are said to be organizing and training?and
arming.
Found.: A Vessel:- Lost: A Crew
This spring there were several scattered re-
ports of small boats landing supplies, mostly
? foodstuffs but also some weapons, along the
Palanan coast. The reports apparently weren't
taken very seriously at the time.
Philippines Decides Vessel
Took Arm S to Communists;
Consider Theories A. to E.
? ' ?
`Mother Lode of Filipiniana'
By PETER .R. KANN
Staff Reporter of THE.NVALL STEEET JOURNAL,
? PALANAN DISTRICT, Philippines ? The
? M/B Karagatan I rests, slightly tilted to star-
board, on a Shallow shoal in blue Digoyo Bay,
go Yards or .so offshore from a deserted white
' sand beach.
. The beach is dotted with palm trees. Behind
? are the densely. jungled foothills of the Sierra .
,./. Madre range. Gentle waves lap the Karaga- , On July 3 military officials received "infor-
tan's steel-gray- hull. A giant sea turtle floats, mation" regarding an "unidentified vessel!' in
, nearby. It is not a sinister scene. Digoyo Bay "allegedly engaged in suspicious
- activities." A. military police patrol Was dis-
?- But this abandoned fishing vessel, grounded'. patched to Digoyo, but by the time it arrived,
off the isolated northeast Oast of Luzon Island, by boat, .on July 5, it found the Karagatan
is at.the heart of .a mystery story that?depend-. abandoned, its crew vanished: ,
ing on how it is resolved?could have a serious While trying to take the Karagatan under
- .impact on this nation's future. This being the. tow- the pOlice patrol came under hostile fire
Philippine, the mystery story may. not end ! from the shortline. The battle of Palanan was
quite so seriously, or it may well never be re- joined. To what extent the battle escalated in
solved at all. But, as it unravels, the tale tells a
good deal about this always-confusing and of-
ten,amusing country in which nothing can
? safely dismiss'ed as improbable.
' ? The tale will begin with a synopsis of the
-? plot?though not a very brief one: the "what"
and "where" and "when" as set out by the
Philippine government in a white paper enti:
tled "The Palanan Incident" and as related by
military leaders In various announcements and
interviews. Later the plot will thicken:. the
"who" and "how" and "why" remain far from
resolved.
Beginning of a Fishy Tale
? The WM Karagatan, a modest fishing vessel
. of 91 gross tons and fewer than 90 feet from
how to-stern, turned up in Manila anchorage
last May 15. The newly acquired property of a
newly formed company called Karagatan Fish-
ing Corp., it was purchased from a Japanese
ship broker for $45,000. Karagatan Fishing
Cop. was incorporated last spring by five
young Filipinos at a paper value of 199,000
pesos (about $30,0.00). The five young men
aren't believed to have any substantial per-
sonal income, or assets. Their registered ad-
dresses were found to be fictitious. All five
.-have disappeared without a trace.
? 'While-in Manila anchorage, the original
crew of he Karagatan was dismissed,- and a
new crew, largely comprising young men with-
out formal marine training, took over the boat.
The Karagatan was duly registered as a Philip-
pine fishing vessel and Vas granted a clear-
? ance to fish in waters off Palawan on the south:
ern -coast of Limon. On June 3 the Karagatan
Chugged out of Manila Bay.
the following few days and to what extent sto-
ries of the battle have escalated in the- folrow-
ing weeks arc subject to .some dispute. The
Philippine armed forces speak of a major en-
gagement "with a large armed group with
seemingly unlimited supplies of ammunition."
Naval vessels were summoned to Digoyo Bay
to shell the coastline, and air . strikes were
called in on "enemy" positions.
Some sources remain a hit Skeptical of the.
combat reports. Was there really a lot of fight-
ing? A Western military attache is asked.
"Well, I hear there was a.lot of shooting," he
replies. What were the naval and air barrages
aimed at? "The forest," he answers. Casualty
figures for the battle of Palanan are four dead
Filipino soldiers and no dead NPA. The atmy
has stoutly denied newspaper reports that the
four soldiers drowned while wading in a
stream.
? Enter thc? Dpinagats. ;
? - In any :case, the army says' the battle con- !
tinned for much of a week and was finally bro-
ken off when "coordiratecl air and naval
bombardment" resulted in the "demoralization
of the NPA and, more important, the scamper;
ing away of their cargadores (porters), 'espe-
cially the Dumagats."
(The DumagaM a primitive aboriginal tribe
Inhabiting the Palanan Coast, are relevant to
the Story because the army claims to have
picked up important' bits of information from
? Dtimagat debriefings. Dumagats, however, are
Somewhat unprepossessing intelligence agents.
For one thing, those few Dumagats who can
count at all are -believed to equate the number
STATI NTL
continued
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DAILY WORLD
Approved For ReleaU JtIbiza3104:CIA-RDF$80-
0
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1,, ,f.
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,j Li
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nr?
rn r (71
-
L
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? By WILLIAM J. POMEROY .
LONDON-7-Sections of the American left are currently being flooded with. pro-
paganda of an anti-Communist, anti-Soviet nature that emanates from 'the Philippines
Ostensibly it comes from a group that calls itself-the "Communist Pa:tv..of the Phi-
lippines, Mao Tse-tung-Thought," but its origins are far more murky anci sister.
The Maoist group in,the. Phi- -newspaper columnist in their. of 1.11 Jesuits and of the La
dippines, .which came into orga- employ has been identifed as a Salle Brother S: Both of these are
? nized existence in .1(3.53, is student- ."c'ollector" in the Mnaila busi- .American-controlled in the Phi-
based, its meMbers being mostly -ness coreenunity who has turned lippines. The -La Salle Brothers,
the off-spring of well-to-do fami- over 23),C33 pesos ($30,000) at a .especially, have been an Ameri-
lies. It was founded by a youth, time to the Maoists. ?can instrument for making use
Jose Sison, who was expelled The catAe of all this support of the Maoists, for .anti-Conunu:
from the genuine, mass-based -and attention for an ultra-left nist purposes. ?
Partido Komunistang Pilipinas group from reactionary Philip- In 1f(11. a cadet at the
Philip-
(PKP) 1957 for factional in- . pine circles has been, of coni-se, pine Military Academy in Ilaenio.
(ague. the vicious anti-Communist line Victor Corpus, defected and
coin-
Sison, who formed his "party" of Sison and his "activists." The
after visiting China and confer- whole weight of Maoist propa-
?ring with Mao Tse-tubg person- ganda, turned out by the ton and
ally,' is a faithful parecter of.-finding its way easily and daily
Maoist doctrine, down to the last into the Philippine press and
:comma. with scant regard for American news services, has
'Philippine conditions, been directed to attaen.s on the
;F
' a:raily lieh e,
s to rray PKP, which has been sereared
From the outset a surprising as "revisionist," "renegeciist.,"
?e
?
Cd the Maoists' ?New Po
pie
Army." Shortly after,.Commaa-ler,
Dante, a peasant close to Sena-
tor Aquino, who initially had
been much publicized as the
NPA guerrilla here, vanished,
presumed liquidated, and Victor
Corpus became the NPA leader.
Corpus has a La Salle baelnground
number of the leading Filipino 't:o-inierialist," "fascist"land
and has been strongly under the
Maoists, partiCularly those head- NV:1% even more filthy terihs. As -influence-of the La Salle Bro-
-ing their student organization; a result the once-promising na- thers. ? ? ? .
.Kabataan0.1akabayan, have been ..tionel-democratic movement that The student organ in La Salle.
Ole sons of army officers and emerged in recent years in the University in Manila regularly.
Pnilip'pine intelligence. Philippines has been split asunder- reprints in full the 'Contents of
officials. As revealed publicly, a and fragmented. the Maoist ."theoretical" periodi-
.
Aug Rayari, and it is
ecl that 'Aug Ilayan itself, is now
published on Hie p?remises of La
Salle University. A Maoist "unit-
ed front" body in Manila, the
Movement for a Democratic Phi-
lippines, is mainly an alliance of
the Kabataang Makabayan with
Catholic organ iza Li ore.
U.S. influence seen
This development needs to be
seen in the light of one of the
key American.imperialist schemes
in the Philippines: the use of a
Catholic Church-based Movement
to promote a pseudo-social de-
mocracy to counter the growth
of Filipino revolutionary forces
led by the .PKP, A, Jesuit-led
Christian Social Movement, head-
ed by Raul Manglapus, is the
mass-organizatiorial phase of this,
:making use of vague revolution-
ary-sounding slogans.
? American left-warned
'The main, trend of this -'Mao
The' La Salle-Jesuit alliance
Tse-tung Thought" group has been - with the Maoists is the more
toward links with the anti-Com- vicious phase of the American-
munist ,Catholic organizations, directed operation: to. ? divide.
. .
App roved ForMgb fOdf/CVSYilifYt iAaRDP8Ouei4011R20008000 000Atinu e d
t ?
..Maoist armed force, The so-called Fingered Conummists
"New People's Army," was set Reaction-backed Maoism has
up with the aid of a ,big land- not ??sloppeil at this. Early this
-lord-politician, Senator Benigro Year Sison's group Printed .a
Aquino, secretary-general of the Poster listing alleged members
?Liberal Party, one of the two of the 'underground PKP and
dominant bourgeois parties in-the plastered it all over the walls
Philippines. and buildings of Mhnila. In both
Two of the lending Filipino Manila and the ?.iiroyinces PKP
business-newspaper tycoon forne members '-have been murdered
armed Maoists and death
lie ie the I.opezes the P.oceses, by
'publishers of the Manila Chroni_ threats have been sent to others.
de and the Manila Times, have Su:cc the Maoist -party was.
lent propaganda and material as- set eP however, significant -chan-
sistance to the Maoists, and a ges have occurred in its compo-
- ? - sition and leadership. Some of its
leading adherents who were
sincere and who Opposed gutter-
type attacks on the PKP have
been removed from the scene:
one, Nilo Tayag, was lured 'to
:arrest under mysterious circum-
stances and is in prison,.. and
another, Carlos del Rosario,
was kidnapped-and murdered.
STAtINTL .
ST.ATINTL
Approved For Release2001/QM16 : CIA. RbP80-01
? 4.1 2 I JUL 1972
r?;v1 oro 0
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i
,
? By WILLIAM J. POMEROY
LONDON?Sections of the American left are currently being floode.d with pro-
paganda of an anti-Communist, ?anti-Soviet nature that. emanates from the Philippines.
. Ostensibly it comes from a group that calls itself the "Communist Party of the Phi-
lippines, Mao Tse-tung Thought," but its origins are far more murky and sinister.
The Maoist group in the Phi- into the Philippine - press and been much publicized as the
? lippines, which came into Olga- American news services, has l'IDA guerrilla here, vanished,
nized existence in, 1968, is student- been directed to attacks on the presumed liquidated, and Victor
based, its members being mostly PKP, Nvhich has been smeared Corpus became the NPA leader.
the off-spring of well-to-do fami- as "revlsionist," "renegadist," Corpus has a La Salle background
lies. It was founded by a youth,
"pro-imperialist," "-fascist" and an has been strongly under the
, Jose Sison, who was expelled
with even more filthy terms. As ?influence of the La Salle Bro-
from the genuine, mass-based thers.
a result the once-promising na-
Partido Komunistang Pilipinas
(PKP) in 1967 for factional in-
tional-democratic movement that The student organ in La Salle
-
trigue. ? emerged in recent years in the University in Manila regularly
Sison, who formed his "party" Philippines has been split asunder reprints in full the contents of
after visiting China and confer-
and fragmented. the Maoist "theoretical" periodi-
ring with Mao Tse-tung person- e Fingered Communists cal, Ang Bayan, and it is behev-
?ally, is a faithful parroter of Reaction-backed Maoism has ed that Ang Bayan itself is now
Maoist doctrine, down to the laSt not stopped at this. Early this published on the premises of La
comma with scant regard for year Sison's group printed a Salle University. A Maoist "unit-
Philippine conditions. poster listing alleged members ed front" body in Manila, the
of the tmderground PKP and. Movement for a Democratic Phi-
?
Family links to army
plastered it all over the walls lippines, is mainly an alliance of
From the outset a surprising
number of the leading Filipino and buildings of Manila. In both the Kabataang Makabayan with
Manila and the provinces PKP Cathblic organizations.
Maoists, particularly those- head-
members have been murdered U.S. influence seen ?
ing their student organization,
by armed Maoists and death This development needs to be
Kabitaang Makabayan, have been
threats have been sent to others, seen in the light of one of the
the sons of army officers and ?
Since the Maoist "party" was key American imperialist schemes
. top-level Philippine intelligence
set up, however, significant chan- in the Philippines the use of a
'officials. As revealed publicly, a
ges have occurred in its compo- Catholic Church-based movement
Maoist armed force, the so-called.
sition and leadership. Sonic of its to promote a pseudo-social de-
"New People's Army," was set
up with the aid Of a big land- leading adherents who were mocracy to counter the growth
lord-politician, Senator Benign? sincere and who opposed gutter- of Filipino revolutionary forces
type attacks on the PM' have led by the PKP, . A Jesuit-led
Aquino, secretary-general of the
Liberal Party, one of the two ? been removed from the scene: Christian Social Movement, head-
dominant bourgeois parties in the one, Nilo Tayag, was lured to ed by Raul Mapglapus, is the
Philippines. arrest under mysterious circum- mass-organizatioital phase of this,
stances and is in prison, and making use of vague revolution-
' of the leading Filipino
business-newspaper tycoon fami- another, Cal-los del Rosario, ary?sounding slogans.
was kidnapped and murdered. American left warned
lies, the Lopezes and the Roceses,
publishers of the Manila Chroni- The main trend of this -1\3a? The La Salle-Jesuit alliance
de and the Manila Times, have Tse-tung Thought" group has been with the Maoists is the more
toward links with the anti-Corn- vicious phase of the American-
lent propaganda and material as-
munist Catholic organizations, directed operation: to divide,
sistance .to the Maoists, and a
particularly in the universities smear and discredit the left, or
newspaper columnist in their
of the Jesuits and of the La even to murder its responsible
employ has been identifed as a
Salle Brothers. Both of these are members: The infiltration of the
"collector" in the Manila busi-
American-controlle.d in the Phi- Maoists by these elements, with
ness community who has turned
the CIA figuring [imminently in
over 20000 pesos ($30,090) at a lippines. The La Salle Brothers,
time to the Maoists. especially, have been an Amen- the picture, has gone so far that
can instrument for making use- "Mao Tse-tung Thought" in the
The cause of all this support
and attention for an ultra-left of the Maoists, for anti-Commu- Philippines is today a brainchild
nist purposes. of the CIA.
group from reactionary Philip-.
pine circles has been, of eourse, ' In 1971, a cadet at the Philip- This is the wrecking career of
the vicious anti-Communist line pine Military Academy in Baguio, the Maoist group in the Philip-
of Sison and his "activists:: The Victor Corpus, defected a:r.t join- pines, which is now exporting
whole weight of Maoist prop-its way easily and da .ed the Maoists' "New People's its propaganda abroad to mis-
ganda, turned oApptlaVed aft, eliV1,2
t eena-
ypidecIAAIRE*180-01601R-00080 0 0 1 0 001m5 ed
,
finding ily D ,eW o
? ? tor Aquino, who initially had
Approved For Releasep?di,E1M0111WARDP80-016
April 1972
Maoist Disruption in the Philippines*
The Communist Party of the Philippines (Partido Komunista ng
Pilipinas, or PKP), conducting a difficult struggle under harsh con-
ditions of illegality against the neo-colonial domination of American
imperialism, has been compelled for some time to contend with an
equally vicious assault upon itself from the ultra-Left. This comes
from an unscrupulous Maoist splinter group that is openly backed
and encouraged in its anti-Party excesses by the Peking leadership,
the attitude of which makes it difficult not to conclude that its aim
is to destroy the PIG', the tested vanguard of the Philippine working
class, as part of a policy of establishing control over the liberation
movements of Asia, as the cornerstone of a similar world drive.
Besides being nurtured and supported by Peking, the Maoist phen-
omenon in the Philippines has been given the maximum leeway and
encouragement by American imperialism. The CIA and its Philippine
counterparts and neo-colonialist groupings have in a variety of ways
fostered and made use of the adventurist, splittist activities of the
Maoists, who are significantly well-financed to a degree never experi-
enced, now or in the past, by the PKP and the movements it has led.
This convergence of Peking and American imperialist intrigues is one
of the most marked features of the Philippine situation.
A Considerable amount of confusion and misunderstanding has been
created abroad about events and Movements in the Philippines be-
cause of the Maoists' arbitrary and shameless usurpation of the name
' of the Communist Party and because their activities are widely and
deliberately publicized by the imperialist press as if they were those
of the genuine Communist Party of the Philippines, reports that have
been readily picked up and enlarged upon in the radical and ultra-
Left press in the United States and elsewhere.
Imperialist Splitting Tactics
One of the chief tactical aims of American imperialism in trying to
cope with the Philippine revolutionary movement has been to attempt
to split its vanguard party and the organized masses under the party's
influence. American imperialism has had to contend with the fact that,
from its foundation in 1930 and through the armed struggle of the
Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan (HNIB) or Army of the National
Liberation in the 1950s, the Communist Party of the Philippines
(PKP) was the undisputed ideological leader of the Filipino left. No
Social-Democratic, Trotskyite, anarchist or other deviationist groups
had existed up to that time in the Philippines revolutionary move-
ment. The PKP had unrivalled prestige especially among the peasant-
ry and urban working class in which it had sunk deep roots during
decades of dedicated and uncompromising struggle.
The first serious splitting effort by American imperialism occurred
in the latter stage of the Huk armed struggle, and emanated from
the" intelligence agencies connected with the Philippine Depai Unent
.of National Defense, then headed by the CIA stooge, Ramon Mag-
saysay, and directed by the Joint U.S. Military Advisory Group sta-
tioned in the Philippines. It was an operation to play upon the
grievances and to obtain the surrender of Luis Taruc, then with the
HMB guerrilla forces as the Organizational Secretary of the PKP.
Taruc, who had careerist ambitions within the PKP but due to per-
sonal and ideological deficiencies had been unable to reali7e these,
responded to _contacts made. with him. In 1953 he was expelled from
*This is the first half of a two-part article. The second half will appear
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ApprovectfincReplease a2ACt1/031041: felARRIaR8ORO$601?ROTO0800010001 -5
Affairs, December 1967.) Following the CIA-managed election lof
Ramon Magsaysay to the Philippine presidency, Taruc surrendered
to him in 1954. The surrender was negotiated by Benig-no Aquino, a
young Filipino landlord with eyes on a political career, who was
acting for the masterminders, the CIA.
As soon as Taruc surrendered, Magsaysay and his mentors broached
to him the idea of organizing a Socialist Party to try to split the PKP-
led masses. This scheme sought to capitalize on the fact that Taruc
had been a member of the old Socialist Party founded by Pedro Abad
Santos in Pampanga province in the early 1930s; it had merged com-
pletely with the Communist Party in 1938. The CIA scheme had
several flaws. For one thing, the Socialist Party had borne no relation
to social-democracy and its anti-Communist manifestations as known
in Europe or the United States, and whatever organizational or ideo-
logical shortcomings it had had were overcome when it had merged
with PKP. For another thing, Taruc was wholly discredited because
of his surrender and renegadism and could carry virtually no cadres
from the PKP with him. The Socialist Party idea subsided.
Other splitting attempts were made among the large numbers of
PKP and IIMB political prisoners who were confined in Philippine
prisons and army compounds with very long sentences from 1950
onwards. This operation was coordinated by the CIA and Philippine
intelligence agencies with Catholic Church circles, particularly the
Jesuits, who have mainly American direction in the Philippines. Cath-
olic priests worked to exploit every possible difference and weakness
among the political prisoners. The cadres could be counted on one
hand who were affected by these intrigues, which involved not the
swaying of ideological conviction so much as the making available of
an instrument (particularly to get out of prison) on which a prisoner
with petty grievances against leaders could lean (petty grievances
become greatly magnified in the narrow world of confinement). Luis
Taruc, however, readily became a Catholic and was made a leading
member of the Jesuit- and CIA-created Christian Social Movement,
set up in 1967 with reformist slogans to endeavor to channel mass
unrest away from PKP influence.
None of these splitting schemes and intrigues made any significant
headway in offsetting the vanguard leadership and prestige of the
PKP. American imperialism and its neo-colonial allies have had to
think in other terms in regard to coping with a revolutionary move-
ment that they could not physically destroy. These reactionary forces
have seen fresh and more interesting opportunities to divide the Left
arising out of the new tide of militant and revolutionary struggles
that has developed in the Philippines over the past decade.
Resurgence of Revolutionary Struggle
A period of demoralization among the masses and to some extent
in Party ranks followed the defeat of the Huk armed struggle in the
1950s. This, however, was of comparatively brief duration in Com-
munist ranks or among the peasant and worker masses that had borne
the brunt of bloody military suppression and terror. By the early
1960s a resurgence was well under way. In addition to the rapid re-
vival of mass organizations and struggles, new sections of the popula-
tion, previously not engaged in sharp battles of an anti-imperialist or
class character, have come to the fore in militant confrontation with
the neo-colonial system. It is in the non-proletarian, petty-bourgeois
sectors that have been involved, without past experience of organiza-
tion or struggle but extremely impatient for their demands to be
satisfied quickly, that imperialism and Peking have found ingredients
of trou ble-making.
Approveamrcamm WIN/A4,4 gplvgnps 9far 8/g5 MCW?n00010001 -5
?
.the worsening crisis of the neo-coloaialism that was imposed on the
App rove clpfshcpje?ARe2A/Psi404/94 ;IghlikRERRAMOilpi9M0010001 -5
that had precipitated the Hulc struggle. Neo-colonialism has confined
the Philippines to a backward, mainly agricultural producing and
exporting economy under the ever-widening domination of foreign
monopolies, and has had a disastrous effect on living conditions of the
people.
In particular the peasant masses, denied desperately-needed land
reform, have been increasingly impoverished. Between 1948 and 1965
the rate of farm tenancy rose from 38 to 52 per cent, while disposses-
sion of peasant cultivators, both owners and tenants, has forced 60
per cent of the peasantry into the status of agricultural laborers.
For urban workers, a retarding of industrialization and the growth
of American-owned industry that is capital-intensive rather than labor-
intensive, as needed, has meant rising unemployment and declining
real wages. Between 1955 and 1967 soaring prices and living costs
caused a fall of 22.4 per cent in real wages for skilled and 14.S per
scent for unskilled labor. Government figures, which seek to minimize
the phenomenon, showed 1,067,000 unemployed in 1963, or 8.7 per
cent of the labor force, but nationalist economists have contended
that true unemployment is around 2,500,000 or 19 per cent of the labor
force, while 2,200,000 in addition are idle for 23 to 51 weeks out of
the year.
Consequently, the Filipino working classes in general have been
prepared for a new stage of struggles. Strikes of increasing frequency
have occurred among broad sectors, including those not previously
affected by strike action, such as teachers and other government
employees, bus drivers, and workers on American military bases, while
in the countryside the incidence of armed struggle, which never fully
subsided as a result of suppression, has begun to appear again.
Among the most dramatic features of the new period has been the
stepping forward into sharp and bitter struggle of middle-class ele-
ments, badly hit by high prices, lack of opportunities, professional
unemployment and foreign cultural domination. Students and intellec-
tuals in particular have reacted.
It was not until after the defeat of the Huk struggle that Filip-ino
petty-bourgeois elements in significant numbers began to develop an
anti-imperialist attitude. An attempt to start a nationalist alternative
political party, the Nationalist-Citizens Party, established by Senator
Claro M. Recto in 1956, aroused nationalist sentiments among these
groups, but the Nationalist-Citizens Party was stifled by imperialist
pressures and disappeared after the death of Recto in 1960. The set-
back in this venture left a residue of frustrated anti-imperialist feeling
among intellectuals and students, and helped to cause many of them
to turn to the illegal PKP for solutions.
Student youth and those graduating into the professions have en-
countered the blind alleys of neo-colonial underdevelopment. Of the
growing army of unemployed, 25 per cent come from those who have
completed the fourth year of secondary school and beyond, half of
these being university graduates without jobs of any kind. The impact
of this may be gauged from the huge increase in university students
in the Philippines (600,000 in 1969, or nearly 20 per cent of those in
the 20-24 age group). The explosive effect of this phenomenon of the
"educated unemployed" in underdeveloped countries has been plain
in a number of such countries, as in the extreme case of the youthful
uprising against the progressive Bandaranaike government in Ceylon.
An upheaval among Filipino student youth began at the start of
the 1960s, with demonstrations of defiance against harassing investi-
gations in universities by the Congressional Committee on Un-Filipino
Activities (CUFA), a ?uppet carbon-copy of the HUAC in the United
ApprovedtEar RElififaSei? ttinialfik'reGIA-REIRSP 411126111R0 OAK 0 0 1 000f.5
did much to generate youthful militancy. By 1964 a Left-wing na-
Ap p rovedFtitniaItte !Mee (2170'417/0t/04hr 6001RDP6040eei 10001-5
Youth), was established as a rallying center t_lat drew tusanes o
peasant and worker as well as student youth into its ranks. It played
a leading role in stimulating the revival of the general mass movement.
At this time there was admirable unity and solidarity on the Philip-
pine Left, which drew its greatest inspiration from the Huk struggle
that had preceded the new movement and from the dedication of the
PKP members who had led that struggle and were still in prison.
PKP members, both old and new, gave indispensable support to the
Kabataang Makabayan and to other new mass organizations that came
into being along with it.
The Beginnings of Disruption
One of the figures who became prominent in the popular resurgence
was Jose Maria Sison, a young Filipino student who studied for a
time in Indonesia in the early 1960s, where he came in contact with
Maoist-inclined members of the Communist Party of Indonesia and
of the Chinese community in that country. On his return to the
Philippines he became a member of the underground PKP, which
guided his activities in the youth movement, particularly in the Kaba-
taang Makabayan, which he headed.
? Sison, the son of a large landowner in the Ilocos region of northern
Luzon, proved to be inordinately self-centered, with an overweening
desire to be the leader of everything on the Left. He became simul-
taneously the chief editor of Progressive Review, the head of the
Kabataang Makabayan, the general secretary of the Movement for
the Advancement of Nationalism (a broad movement with support of
intellectuals, middle-class groups and nationalist businessmen), a
vice-chairman of a small Socialist Party started in 1967 by trade union-
ists, and strove hard to win command of the PKP itself. More perti-
nently, he had been imbued with a Maoist outlook from his contacts
abroad, and the deliberation with which he worked toward swinging
the PKP to a Maoist position eventually aroused suspicion that he
had received his directives from outside the Philippines.
This effort on the part of Sison became greatly intensified in 1966,
coinciding with the outbreak of the "proletarian cultural revolution"
in China. Sison, with a small faction of student Party members in the
Kabataang Makabayan, conspired to pack a 1967 Party plenum with
delegates under his influence so as to capture the central committee
for a Maoist orientation. He made his main bid among peasant cadres
in Central Luzon, the long-standing mass base area of the movement,
.confident that he could win over peasants with the Maoist line of
'surrounding the cities from the countryside" and similar emphasis on
the role of the peasantry. Attempting also to promote a "youth versus
the old" split in the Party, he insisted that old cadres should step
aside for the young, i.e., Sison's faction in the KM. However, he suffer-
ed a profound shock when his .efforts were overwhelmingly repudiated.
His isolation would have been so complete in the plenum that he an-
nounced his resignation from the Party before it met. The Party plen-
um denounced him for careerism, factionalism and intrigue, and
expelled him from the PKP.
Sison then attempted to use his leading posts to seize control of
mass organizations. The Movement for the Advancement of National-
ism, of which he had become general secretary, swept him and his
entire faction from leadiug positions. When, rebuffed as well by the
large peasant union, Malayang Samahang Magsasaka (MASAKA.), he
attempted to set up his own "MASAKA," angry peasants drove his
henchmen out of the "founding convention" and dissolved it on the
spot with a unanimously-supported resolution.
In the case of another organization, the Bertrand Russell Peace
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Foundation (which in the Philippines is a serious anti-imperialist
Approved clroPiftleasth20041013/041-1)C$AQR11080-01601R000800010001-5
methods; he contacted a 'Filipino student friend in Belgium to cross
to London and send a telegram falsely signed with the name of Bert-
rand Russel's secretary claiming that one of Sison's henchmen was
the authorized BRPF head. This fradulept effort at forgery and de-
ception, comparable to CIA methods, was of course quickly exposed
and Sison's Maoists were ousted from the organization.
A Maoist attempt was made to gain a trade union base for itself,
particularly by contacts with leaders of the National Association of
Trade Unions, headed by Ignacio Lacsina, who is also chairman of the
small Socialist Party, Sison hoping to exploit his link with that body.
In due course, the National Association of Trade Unions and the
-Socialist Party also repudiated and denounced Sison.
In other words, the main significant mass organizations in the
Philippines, representing in particular the advanced organized peas-
ants and workers, decisively rejected the Maoist line and its advocates.
The only foothold left to Sison was in the Kabataang Makabayan,
which he had always tried to use as his personal property instead of
as the collective movement built by many hands that it was. How-
ever, the continuous statements made in the KM's name by Sison had
caused it to become identified with an irresponsible ultra-Leftist line.
Consequently', responsible youth of the Left established a new youth
movement, the Malayang Pagkakaisa ng Kabataan Pilipino, or MPKP
(Free Union of Filipino Youth). The great majority of members and
chapters of the old KM (including all those in Central Luzon, its main
base), left that organization and joined the MPKP, which had its
launching on November 30, 1967.
A number of student KM chapters remained under Sison's control,
but these, too, split in 1968, those who departed forming a new group,
the Samahang Demokratikong Kabataan, or SDK (League of Demo-
cratic Youth). Its leaders issued a statement attacking the one-man
rule of Sison, his careerism, his cowardice for running away from
demonstrations attacked by police, and his plagiarism of writings of
others, passed off as his own. In 1969 the KM and the SDK patched
up their differences to the extent of agreeing on a Maoist outlook and
on joint actions, but the SDK, distrustful of Sison, retains its own
identity.
The nature of the split engendered by Sison in the Philippine Left
is best illustrated by the contrasting composition of the MPKP and
the KM. At the second National Congress of the MPKP, held on
January 25, 1970, there were 800 delegates, 80 per cent of whom were
workers and peasants, the rest being students, professionals and un-
employed. At the third congress of the KM, December 12-13, 1970,
in contrast, there were 300 delegates, 90 per cent of whom were
students.
The Maoists, Peking, and the CIA
Following his expulsion from the PKP, Sison went to China for a
prolonged stay, during which he was received by Mao Tse-tung. On
his return, with the obvious encouragement of his erstwhile hosts, he
undertook strenuous efforts to set up his own party. At first he at-
tempted to bring together former PKP members expelled for Right
opportunism in the past, but they would not accept his demand that
they be organized under his sole leadership. Finally, he had to fall
back on his group of students, less than a dozen of whom had follow-
ed him out of the PKP, and whom he appointed as a "central corn-
t.. L
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Approvefifear Reteaseb20031A037040:nOtik1001361) 016"pliw:s A0010001-5
and reestablished" Communist Party of the Philippines, N ao se-tung
Thought, setting -himself up as its chairman under the name of
"Arnado Guerrero." The manifestos and statements of the "CPP-Mao
Thought" promptly were published and circulated by the Peking
Hsinhua News.
In March 1969 the Sison group took the further step of announcing
the formation of a "New People's Army," to serve as the military arm
of the "CPP-Mao Thought," and proclaimed the beginnings of "armed
revolution," for the seizure of power.
Both before and after setting up the "CPP-Mao Thought," Sison-
"Amado Guerrero" has carried on the most vicious campaign of slan-
der against the PKP and those he associates with it. In doing so, he
and his petty-bourgeois clique have violated in an informer-provoca-
teur manner all the principles of an underground movement, bringing
out into the open policies, activities and personalities, asserted by
the Sison group to be identified with the PKP. This has been done in
public leaflets, public statements sent to the press, articles published
in the bourgeois press, and speeches to mass meetings, all of which
have provided the imperialist intelligence agencies with a wealth of
information about the underground. Together with this has been the
publication and circulation of the foulest lies concerning the morals
and the integrity of those who refused to come under the Maoist
thumb.
In its attacks on the PKP the Sison group has resorted not to serious
polemics but to the most brazen and irresponsible use of name-calling
and of inflammatory phrases, the whole gamut of malicious invective
that the Maoists have invented in place of rational argument: "re-
visionist renegade," "imperialist tools," "black bourgeois gang," "count-
er-revolutionary lickspittle," "running dogs,' "subservient capitalist
lackey," none of which is defined, explained or linked with specific
acts. KM students use these and other derogatory epithets, Red Guard
style, in juvenile chants during demonstrations. Sison chose to focus
his- attacks on the past leaders of the PKP, Jose and Jesiis Lava, whom
the imperialists and neo-colonialists had imprisoned with life sentences
for their dedication to the cause of the Philippine revolution, and all
PKP members and supporters or sympathizers thus were branded
"Lava revisionists." (One of the main CIA-Philippine Army tactics
among political prisoners was to try to split rank-and-file members
from the Lavas.) Grossly lying accounts of the PKP's history, of its
leadership of the HMR, and of its present position have been ped-
dled, giving the most grotesque and untruthful versions of its
struggles.
The confusion created by this type of disruption, particularly
among young Filipinos without previous experience of organization
and struggle, has been much augmented by two factors: 1) the bour-
geois press has eagerly printed every statement, document or article
produced by the Maoists, who have been afforded the maximum
'means of publicizing their line and their attacks on the PKP; and
2) the PKP, seeking to promote unity of the Left and to minimize
harmful polemics, while correctly preserving proper security safe-
guards of an illegal organization, tried for as long as possible not to
be drawn into retaliatory replies.
In observing the freedom given to Maoist activity and propaganda
by the Philippine government and its imperialist mentors, the re-
minder must be made that the PKP and "all similar organizations"
are outlawed under the 1957 Anti-Subversion Law that provides up
to the death penalty for leading cadres. Yet the Maoist KM and SDK,
advocating the line of Sison's "party" for immediate armed struggle,
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have been allowed to have a -radio _program on a Maniln station
AP Provulvfsreg$L44?gd2Oplig3A4_iiiciAaapoofcmciptiqoacmoi 0001-5
to have control of the student paper and to use it constantly as a
Maoist platform, have their spokesmen on the editorial board of one
of the leading bourgeois magazines which regularly projects and
adulates the Maoist groups, and have been helped through reprinting
to gain the widest audience for the "CPP-Mao Thought" organ, Ang
Bayan.
American news services, following the established policy of giving
the maximum attention to "New Left" radicalism, have continually
played up the KM, the Sison "reorganized party" and its "New
People's Army" as if they constitute the only Left and revolutionary
movement in the Philippines. (On the other hand, demonstrations by
the MPKP, the MASAKA and other organizations, even when many
times larger than those called by the KM, as well as their statements,
are most often deliberately ignored or given scant attention in the
press.)
Significantly, this treatment is paralleled by the constant publicity
given the Maoist group by the New China News Agency (Minima
News). Hsinhua News hailed the creation of the "rebuilt Communist
Party of the Philippines" and its "New People's Army," continually
prints highly exaggerated reports of their activities and of the "raging
flames of armed struggle" in which "with guns in hand, the Philippine
people led by the party have brought about an excellent revolutionary
situation," a statement so far from fact as to be absurd. From China,
radio broadcasts of this type, and denunciations of the 'revisionist
renegades," are constantly beamed into the Philippines in the Philip-
-pine languages. By both the Filipino Maoists and their Peking backers
it is underscored that the Sison "party" has the support of the Mao-
Tse-tung grouping. This interference in the internal affairs of the
Philippine people and of their revolutionary movement stands in
contrast to the pious efforts of the Peking leadership to pose as the
protector of small countries against "superpowers."
In 1971 the Chinese Maoist publishing house in Hong Kong, Ta
Kung Pao, published and has sought to give distribution interna-
tionally as well as in the Philippines to a book ostensibly by "Amado
Guerrero" (Sison), Philippine Society and Revolution, which pro-
claims the author as "chairman of the central committee of the Corn-
munit Party of the Philippines," and which grossly distorts the his-
tory, the composition, and the strategy and tactics of the revolutionary
movement in the Philippines.
Philippine Society and Revolution is a crudely mechanical appli-
cation of Maoist doctrine to the Philippine situation. Proclaiming
that "political power grows out of the barrel of a gun," it advocates
immediate and protracted armed struggle based on the strategy of
surrounding the cities from the countryside, gives the main emphasis
to the peasantry as the point of concentration for the revolution, as-
serts that the petty bourgeoisie is "a reliable ally of the working
class" and that the middle peasants are "a reliable ally of the prole-
tariat," and assigns to petty-bourgeois student youth a special role
"to link the masses throughout the archipelago." It directs the most
virulent slander against the PKP which it calls "revisionist renegades"
who allegedly collaborate with imperialism and neo-colonialism and
"insist that the struggle be limited to parliamentary struggle." It
attacks the Soviet Union and other socialist countries as "social-im-
perialists" with which the Philippines should have no relations ("it is
all a lie that Soviet social-imperialism can extend support to the
nation"). It urges relations only with "fraternal parties, with revolu-
tionary movements and with socialist countries like the People's Re-
public of China and the People's Republic of Albania." t
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and enabled to circulate such ideas by such varied channels of east-
west publicity reveals some curious features. An astonishing number
of KM-SDK leaders, including chairmen and top council members,
are the sons and daughters of well-to-do families. One of them is the
son of an executive of the American oil company, Caltex. Far more
.interesting is the number with close relatives in Philippine intelli-
gence agencies. The chairman of the KM in 1970-71 has an uncle in
the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency (NICA), the Philip-
pine equivalent of the CIA that has four CIA liaison officers of its
staff; this uncle's son is also a KM member. The chairman of the
SDK is the son of the head of the Philippine Army's Judge Advocate
General's Office (JAGO) in the 1950s, who prosecuted innumerable
I-1MB and PKP members. The father of another KM leader was the
chief of the 'Military Intelligence Service (MIS) in the 1950s, the
most ruthless enemy of the Huk movement. Another top KM leader's
father is an agent of the National Bureau of Investigation, Philippine
equivalent of the FBI, and his uncle is a presidential agent of Presi-
dent Marcos. Sison's own brother is an NBI agent. (The organ of
the Free Union of Filipino Youth (the N1PKP) Struggle, Vol. III,
No. 1, January 1971, gives the names of these and other Maoists with
such family associations.)
In 1970 a woman member of the Kabataang Makabayan's national
council, appointed by Sison, revealed herself as a member of the
women's unit in the Philippine Army, assigned .to the KM as an infil-
trator; she testified in court against arrested youth militants. In mid-
1971 the second in command of the "New People's Army," a Com-
mander Melody (Benjamin Bie), one of those appointed by Sison to
be a member of the "central committee" of his "party," turned out
to be an agent of the Philippine Army intelligence. He was used as
a witness to expose the Sison?"New People's Army" link with land-
lord-politicians and other wealthy anti-Marcos figures, and to prose-
cute peasants recruited into the NPA and captured by the army. In
August 1971 President Marcos publicly boasted that the Maoist
movement had been infiltrated at all levels by government agents:
Ignacio Lacsina, president of the National 'Association of Trade
Unions, who was courted by the Maoists and then attacked by them
as a "traitor" and a "renegade" when be attended conferences of the
World Federation of Trade Unions, had this to say in a speech on
Labor Day (May 1) 1971:
When we were still in constant company with activists, we used
to be dragged about by the KM to join forces with them in their
use of violence and provocations in demonstrations. They also
would enjoin us to shout with them revolutionary slogans. But we
know that if we shout even half of what is expected by the CIA
agents that have infiltrated KM, these elements would destroy in
one day the whole NATU. When we could not be intimidated by
the KM, we suddenly became ourselves the target of their attack.
They called us a fake federation and me a fake labor leader, a
revisionist reactionary, and similar names. What the CIA would
like to do now, having been frustrated in their first plan, is to
destroy us in the eyes of the working class and .in so doing they
expect us to be deserted by our comrades and members.
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DAILY wcimp
Approved For Release 20911p/Itin CIA-RDP80-01
STATI NTL
:::::::-.1::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::!:!:7:!:?:?:?:?:.:?.:?:-:?:?:?:?:?:?:-:?:?:?:-:?:-:?:?:?:?:-:?:?:;.::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::;:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
?Vrorra a Lini!cd Pro.:.;?;int'ernctisnal in:,,t-
/,'?,(//11 I />" ' ??-? 7 /71,/45--77? , 17174'i 1/ rj,..../:. 1,..1.irchcni w:ic qui': ric CA afj:.,:..,r war:dr.:3
thcro 14 yarns. 'Ma ff.:ii to:::: 0; Clo in:cr-
. . .. . &
. ? .! - arIow was pub:is:Ice: in U.S. is?Zcws4.2: Work: .
. '
? tloport, Ca. 11, -1971.
?"garchotti sai,s7 crass whc..,.ro filo CIA rair;t fc:unc:, future-
cc;itrilk:s Sout:z t.rnorica, t.frIc.-.1, and tho ?
? ph3ces in o: _wen! is 14.47,0 pronz;:-.to CiA
ifiiroctor OFLInnirjcSQ activit:os a
- "In cediticn fo AEr Arnar::o, C7.1 hr_...s sot up bot:2 Sout:zorn
? Tranrport in L2f=rni t:ountain Air in ?: sCt3ufroi2 rarr.-er.....%'clry
operc:Icn3 ira sozgrz cir:3ncx 1:..c.:;;;h2 and rfc!:1 cv:Ir
to V.:07:e, ha ss.3t-1, icj en:-.? in P:c.,;;.7,5 cr..d ana:::or az:MT:ca."
?
?
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n 7.1
_osa
Approved For Release100,./6-syt 1
6 AUG 1971
riJJ if
r-.7 ? rn-7- C-)
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rn 7. 0
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Jr' el r7;1
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By WILLIAM J. POMEROY ?
:i ?
?
? Publication of the Pentagon Papers that has blasted
ity of a string of American administrations has set off
Philippines, where the role of the puppet ?Magsaysay
American aggression in Vietnam has been exposed.
mer cic& staff assistant to Presi-
dent Magsaysay (serving as Presi-
dential Complaints and Action
Commissioner directly .under the
President)" San Juan went on to
a political career and is how 'a
congressman-from Rizal province.
Lansdale praised the almost un-
tapped potential of Eastern Con-
struction for unconventional war-
fare "which was its original mis-
sion.". He wrote that "this cadre
can be expanded into a wide
range cf. counter-Communist acti-
vities. having sufficient stature
in the Philippines to be -able to
draw on a very large segment of
jts trained, experienced and well-
motive ted manpower pool." After
a few years, "It now furnishes
about 500 'trained, experienced
Filipino technicians to the Gov-
ernments of Vietnam and Laos,
under the auspices of MAAG
(MAP) and US0?,1 (ICA) activi-
ties."
MAAG are the iaitials for Mili-
tary Assistance Advisory Group,
and MAP for Military Assistance
Program in Vietnam; USOM
stands for United States Opera-
tion Mission, and ICA for Interna-
tional Cooperation Administration.
The Freedom-Eastern Construe-
lion outfit was also assigned- the
? task of running a- training camp
for anti-Communist Vietnamese
para-military units in a hidden
valley on the Clark Air Base re-
servation in the Philippines.
In addition the Magsaysay gov-
ernment agreed to operate. a psy-
chological warfare counter-guer-
rilla school called the Security
Training Center, located at Fort
McKinley pa the rim of Manila.
This, as the Pentagon Papers
mentions, was secretly sponsored
and financed by the CIA. This
trained "anti-subversion" person-
nel for all of Southeast Asia.
Another Filipino-linked scheme
One of the main reports in the
Papers is that by Brig. Gen. Ed-
ward G. Lansdale, in which he
discusses in detail the actions
taken by the CIA from before the
Geneva Agreement of 1954 on-
ward to promote suppressive
ounter-guerrilla warfare in Viet-
nam and Laos and to build up
Ngo Dinh Diem as the American
instrument to frustrate the Agree-
.ment. Lansdale was well-known
before that in the Philippines,
since he was the ,CIA agent who
masterminded many aspects of the
anti- Iluk suppression campaign in
ti, country and who groomed
Ramon Magsaysay for the presi-
dency- and ran his election cam-
paign. ?
In a number of the actions de-
-tailed by Lansdale in his report
F'illipinos Who were -part of the
Magsaysay -apparatus and with
whom Lansdale had worked in
the Philippines played a leading
part. Magsaysay himself as hoaor-
ary president,. backed the setting
up of an outfit initially called
the Freedom Company, "a non-
profit Philippine corporation,"
which had the assignment of re-
cruiting Filipinos who had parti-
cipated in the anti-Huk suppres-
sion for similar set-Vice in Viet:
Dam and Laos. ?
After Freedom Company was or-
ganized in November 1954, it was
apparently felt that its -name did
not sufficiently disguise its oper-
-ations, so it was changed to East-
ern Construclipn Company. (The
CIA has created a maze of such
"corporations" around the world,
:through which its espionage and
subversive activities are carried
on.)
? AS the Lansdale report states,
-3 "The head of Eastern Construc-
tion is Frisco 'Johnny' San Juan,
former National Commander, Phi-
aa?
lippines Veterans Legion, and for-
LONDON
a gaping hole in the credibil-
a secondary explosion in the
administration in aiding the
was the so-called Operation Bro-
therhood, which came about fol-
lowing a visit in W54 tosee Lans-
dale in Saigon by Oscar Arellano,
a Filipino close to Magsaysay who
was then vice president for Asia
of the International Junior Cham-
ber of Commerce (Jaycees). Arel-
lano came away from this visit
to advocate the setting up of Opea
ratioa. Brotherhood, which was
played up in the Philippines at
the time as a semi-religious al-
truistic medical mission. ?
However, as Lansdale explains
it, it was "capable of consider-
able eXpansion in socio-economic
medical operations' to support
counter-guerrilla actions," and he
says that. "Washington responded
warmly to the idea." According
to Lansdale, the Saigon Military
Mission that he then headed
would "monitor the operation
quietly in the background" and
that "it has a measure of CIA
control." ? .
Oscar Arellano,. following the
publication of the Pentagon Paprs
issued a defensive statement
claiming that "OB has always
been a presidential program since
the administration of President
Magsaysay. OB's mission is the
propagation of the conviction that
all men are brothers, created by
a Supreme 'Divinity to whom He
gave His image and likeness and
imbued with His spirit."
A third Filipino operation was
headed by Col. Napoleon Valeria-
no, who was given the job of
training - a Presidential Guard
Battalion for- Ngo Dinh. Diem,
after having done the same for
Magsaysay. Valerian? was select-
'ed, says Lansdale., for his "fine
record against the Communist
Huks." In the Philippines, Vale-
rian? had commanded the most
brutal and notorious of all anti-
Huk units, called the "Skull Unit."
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I' IC:4'%
Z
? ? ,
)Tr r----," --.0-sii\ vs
- ri--7 Tr In- ., t-i. -cirr
i A li c's-.../1,:d.,.., \i` iN i.:di,1
. ' Following - are text? . of key documents accompanying (.
he Pentagon's study of the Vietnam war, dealing with the ad- ' knc
Approved For Releaste2OVilid4qr.,,IA:RDP
'
1. JUL 1971 wAIINi
VIJc- Ii JC11-,A, .
?. 1 .2
[I: ?
. _ ? ? . _ _ _ _ .
ninistration of President John P. Kennedy up to the events that
Prought the overthrow of President Argo Dinh Diem in 1963.
t-ece,pt where eaxerpting is specified, the documents are printed
lerbatim, with only .unniistakable typographical error.s cor-
sue
id13
froi
mir
ma
mo
mg
-atic
U.S. Atabasaddr'o '60
.,. prc
in
thr
Of Threats to q-liann
:Regime
- for
in
an
Cablegram from Ethridge Durbrow, United States Ambassador in Saigon, me
o Secretary of State Christian A. Herter, Sept. 16, 1960. ? fer
. ?
? . ,
As indicated .our 495 and 533 Diem
egime-confronted by two separate but
elated dangers. Danger from demon-
trations or coup attempt in Saigon
ould 'occur earlier; likely to be pre-
ominantly nen-Communistic in origin
ut Com monists can be expected to
adeavor infiltrate and exploit any such
ttempt Even more serious danger is
radual Viet,Cong extension of control
ver countryside which, if current Com-
innist progress continues, would mean
ns free Viet-nam ? to Communists.
'hese two dangers are related because
:ommunist successes in rural areas
mbolden them to extend their activities
3 Saigon and because non-Communist
nriptation to engage in demonstrations
r coup is partly motivated by sincere
esire prevent Communist take-over in
riet-nam.
Essentially [word illegible] sets of
teasures required to meet these two
angers. For Saigon danger essentially
olitical and psychological measures re-
uired. For countryside danger security
keasures as well as political, psycho'-
)gic.al and 'economic measures needed.
loweve.r both sets measures should be
arried out simultaneously and to some
xtent individual steps will be aimed at
otn dangers.
Security recommendations have been ?
lade in our 539 and other messages, ?
winding formation internal security
ouncil, centralized intelligence, etc.
'his message therefore deals with our
ojitical and economic recommenda-
ions. I realize some measures I am
non-unending are drastic and would be
lost [word illeg,ible] for an ambassador
D make under normal circumstances.
iut conditions here are by. no means
normal. Diem government is in quite
serious danger. Therefore, in my opinion
prompt and even drastic action is called
for. I am \yell aware that Diem has in
past demonstrated astute judgment and
has survived other serious crises. Pos-
sibly his judgment will prove superior
to ours this time, but I believe never-
theless we have no alternative but to
give him our best judgment of what we
believe is required- to preserve his gov-
ernment. While Diem obviously resented
my frank talks earlier this year and will
probably resent even more suggestions
outlined below, he has apparently acted
on some of our earlier suggestions and
might act on at least some of the
following: - ?
- ,
? are c
coon',
?
posi
num
tant
belie
? conli
est I
? be t:
corm
gove
sacri
sugg
appo
. (D
henc
1. I would propose have -frank and genc?
friendly talk with Diem and explain our dint()
serious concern about present situation ing ;
and his political position: I would tell alleg
him -that, while matters I am raising press
deal primarily with internal 'affairs, I
would like to talk to hint frankly and ?
oppo
try to be as helpful as I can be giving onstr
him -th3 considered judgment of myself ? eran
and some of his friends in Washington- agau
on appropriate measures to assist him
? in present serious situation. (Believe it . 3-
? best not indicate talking.undcr instruc- band
tions.) I would particularly stress de-
sirability of actions- to broaden and
Approved F
its s
of a
increase his [word illegible] support . u-P
prior to 1961 presidential elections re- atm
quired by constitution before end April. . redu
I would propose following actions to ? corn
. - i
.
President: ._
, - ?
, 2. Psychological shock effect ' , is re- ' 4.. Permit National Assembly wider ?
quired to take initiative from Commu- legislative initiative and area of genuine
debate and bestow on it authority to
mist -propagandists as, well as non-Com-
munist oppositionists and convince conduct, with appropriate publicity,
population government taking effective public investigations of any department
me sums to deal. with weint situation, of government with right to question
of 'hand. To achieve that effect 4follow- s ? c .
ing suggested: y
oaket
easeebasaft - 041,CiA-R4PEOW014.110165304016
pose: (A) find son-ie mechanism for dis-
_
1-5
_ _r_to-rr_01
Approved For Releasf Off MI OA. (91ARTEillgt)l-
-THE PHILIPPINES ?
?
L5)riTr rDWFE fellr2_ a,.ir?
? /
- ' ?
-11051I1 IMACEBULIN
Blackburn, an editor.of New Left Review, was dismissed
*from his teaching post ai the London School of Economics
last year for having supported the student action there. .Mr'.
Maikburn ,co-edited Student Power (Penguin).
The wave of strikes, _riots And demonstrati6ns which shook
:Iviapjla for three ?months earlier this year signals the re-
mergence of A revolutionary movement in a country
where jt has twice been cruelly robbed of victory.
? The -war in Vietnam, which has helped to inspire this
new eruption, was foreshadowed _seven decades ago in
?ihe Philippines when the United States claimed the archi-
pc)ago as_its_spoils _for haying won the Spanish-American
_
War, Py 1.898, a Filipino Revolutionary Go?ernment had
?eized control of most of the country, confining the forces
fhc Spanish colonial masters- to the walled citadel in-
Otte Manila. But when the United States had gained its
.lightning victory over the Spanish in the Atlantic and
.caribbean, the Filipino revolutionaries found themselves
facing A new enelny. At the Paris Peace Conference, Wash-
ington 'proposed that it should purchase the Philippines
for $20 million; then discovered that dollars alone were
pot enough to secure its booty. Eventually 70,000 'U.S.
troops and four years of pitiless war v.,ere needed to sub-
'due the Filipino forces. The eventual success of the Amer-
. lean occuPa.tion Was assisted by the fact that the bour-
gepis leadership of the Filipino Revolutionary GOvern-
pient, after failing' to adopt guerrilla tactics, capitulated
o the United ,State. This prologue to the fledgling im-
perialism of the United States in Asia was the occasion for
Vil011 RPdyarci Kipling composed his most odious hymn
tp racial destiny: "The White Man's Burden."
Jat 1945 the HIIIKS (Anti-,Japanese Liberation Army)
liacl liberated almost the whole of Luzon, the largest island
pf the country, and with nearly half the population, when
again the United States-Army.arrived to veto the success.
Jt was not pntit 1954 that a pro-American government
epnid claim to have established a precarious.' social
- t.
Mee. .
President Ferdinand Marcos was io doubt uneasily
.aware, of this turbulent tradition when early in 1970 he
branded the capture by deinonstrators of a slice of his.
Malacariany, Palace as an attempt by "Maoist elements"
to seize power. Troops fired on the demonstrators (there
were six'deaths and many hundreds of other casualties),
and two frigates were ordered to the palace se-a front to
rescue the President and his staff. Today a force of 5,000
pldiers is permanently stationed within the ?palace
grounds.
. ? ? -
, Despite the evident exaggeration in Marcos' de-
?criptioh of this incident, it is certainly part of a new
evolutionary attempt to smash the neo-colonial state in
the Philippines. As Marcos knows, this state is a strange,
and far from in Veci l=trc. PiifeiseeigNAO
sAnts to have been Ioneu Lo .o.a0( e t e e mos e
RELIVOWTEINON
.:generalizatithis tlpf-SociOloists and -0-61itic.al scientists.,
have made about the modern state. Max Weber, for
. example, defined the state as the body which exercises
the monopoly of legitimate force over a given area. In the
:Philippines, the state does not even seek to challenge
the multiplication of armed groups which, together, exceed
in size (and often in the quality of 016'1 equipment) that
of its, own armed forces. Every political leader, every
_large landowner, every major company has a retinue of
Armed men, quite apart from the private armies which
hire themselves out to the highest bidder.
This proliferation of armed force .has supported the
formal, .Western-style, two-party democracy that has pre-
-
?v*Ailed since "independence" was granted in 1946, and
it .has insured the continued .rule by the possessing class
And its foreign masters. But it has also insured a genuine
pluralism within the ruling groups, such that no faction
(army, sugar bloc, etc.) has been able thus far to monop-
olize effective political power. The two. parties, the ruling
Nacionalistas and the opposition Liberals, are loose coali-
tions of financial and political power. Both 'President
Marcos and his predecessor, Macapagal, adroitly switched
parties in order to gather a decisive constituency and win
-"election." At every level, this exchange of party loyalties
Occurs with change of the ruling party. In Filipino polit-
ical lingo, it is known As acting "patriotically" by "placing
the interests of the nation aboye those of party." AS in
many other neo-colonial societies, access to government,
where opportunities for financial gain are limitless, is
1he. chief source of capital accumulation, most other
sources being foreign-owned. . _ .
The official Commission on Elections (Comelec) reports
that "rampant overspending, fraud and terrorism marked
.the last clections,'' held in November 1969. .Seventy-two
"political assassinations were recorded during the cam-
paign. It added that although "terrorism was the most
brazen and scandalous method employed by -political
warlords to subvert the people's mandate, ? the -Comelec
cannot do much to prevent it because it lacks ample
power over the laW-enforcement agencies acting as .its
deputies." Indeed, it confessed that "the conduct of
Comelec personnel contributed to the disruption of .or-
derly elections." In one constituency in. southern Cebu,
the Liberals controlled one polling station, the Nacional-
istas the other. The Liberals announced that every single
one of the 9,400 voters registered in the area had chosen
their man, but their timidity was rebuked 3,i'hen the Nacio-
nalista candidate won-with a vote some 2,000 greater than
the iegiStered total.
?
This vas tame politics, compared with the goings-on
in the northern -island of Batanes, where an armed band
-known as the Suzuki Boys tOOk over the whole island for
the election period, murdering the local public prosecu-
tor, closing the airport,. occupying the radio and telegraph
'offices, as well as the ?polling stations, to make . certain
of the harmonious elevation of their elected patron, Con-
* ?.m7 AeswAvUtieens9HRPwa-
31ife'VI
ion df iAoc po HIATIFIcraW-, YeTtrd ?Mil, itlithn-
-
c c. a
STATI NTL
Approved For Release 2001/03/04 : CIA-RDP
SAN FRANCISCO, CAL.
EXAMINER
? E ? 208,023
EXAMINER & CHRONICLE
?S ? 643,231
Alm) n
_ ?
V
TI *
i1i17
1, 1,
*
?
MR. ',MIGHT:- The Yuyitang affair. is
an example of Chlang'S justice, not -
na's. The smelliest thing is Abe recurrent
rumor that our SJA?.planned the quickie
deportations of the two men from Manila
to Formosa to stand trial. Another rumor
is that our planes flew the kidnapped edi-
tors to Taipei. We are up to our necks in
this one: A. Brook.
President Marcos of the Philirpiues
also wanted. the Yuyitang brothers Si-
kneed. A year earlier he had eie of them
arrested for a critical article, but the ease
was hurriedly dropped when the respected'
editor of . a rival paper in Manila posted
the man's hall.
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TULSA, Aeproved For Release 2001/03/04.: CIA-RDP80-0
TRIBUNE
AUG 1 9 1970
E 79,425
?,_?,?a,?...--,v.oc' ?
abor Chi
V ?
ar C Ti? U.
- .
hri
ILA a II
?'? A former Tulsa labor leader
has become involved in a cloak-
and-dagger episode in the Philip-
'pines.
He is Len Yarborough, who
has been accused of being a
CIA spy in a struggle with the
Communists over the future of
.the Philippines.
Yarborough for years was ex-
ecutive vice president of the
'Oklahoma -
; AFL-CIO.
?7 He is now di-
:rector of the
!Asian - Ameri-
can Free_ Labor
Institute
(AAFLI). He
apparently has .?4
angered .South-.! -
eastern Asia
?Communist s by Le,
.stealing a.page Yarborough
. out of their book.
: Yarborough has written Okla-
STAT1NTL-
1' ?f
C15e( ,, t Partg,,,ft
.homans that his chief ? accuser
is Philippine Secretary of Labor
Bias F. Ople, described as a.
leftist and who has tried to have
Yarborough run out of the
country.
"WE HAVE given about 700
rural people some of our class-
room training and expect to de-
velop about 40 teachers out of
that group who in turn will
teach about 8,000 next year and
will increase the number the
following y c a r," Yarborough
wrote a longtime Oklahoma
friend.
"This is the reason the Com-
munists want . us out of here.
They employed the same sys-
tem of educating the masses in
Indonesia to their cause as we
are doing in the Philippines,
and they know it work against
them."
Yarborough was accused ?by'
? . . ? ? - - --effort- to consolidate tabor sup-
' :port". ? .
Trp lva
ttA
Ople of seeking to corrupt labor
department officials and cause
labor trouble' in the islands.
Ople sought to shut down the
8427,000 program operated by'
Yarborough.
THE LABOR secretary went
further by demanding that Pres-
dent Marcos declare Yarborough
persona non grata, which would
have resulted in his expulsion
from the islands:
But at least one Filipino took
a dim view of Ople and his ac-
tions against the AAFLI by
writing in the Philippine Her-
ald, a prominent newspaper,
"that the labor secretary was
not exactly telling the truth."
"The fact is," Emil Jurado
wrote, "that 0 p 1 e himself
worked on President Marcos
prior to the 190 elections to
have this fund approved and
doled out to labor unions in an
INTARCCIS-,DECTINED to take :
actie,11 against Yarborough,
holding that the status of per-
sona non grata could be applied
- only against diplomatic person- -
1 nel, and Yarborough was not
in ' the diplomatic service.
Yarborough also sent Tanner- ?
1 ous newspaper clippings as well
1 as a copy of an "affidavit" upon
I- which Ople apparently based his
so-called corruption charge. .
The "affidavit" purportedly is
i a sworn statement of a mem-
her of Ople's ?staff v,,ho said
i Yarborough offered to include
?,' him in a list of paid seminar
i. lecturers. The statement said
. : the offer was made in a restau-
rant once and another time in
a parking lot and "on both oc-
casions. I ignored Yarborough."
"THIS IS A real joke," Yar-
borough wrote, "I don't even
know where the parking lot is."
? :Yarborough said he recently
i made a trip to Honk Kong,
Bangkok and Saigon . and re-.
' ported that the "big question .
'
among the trade unions in these
places now is what will the ?
United States' final decision on
, assistance to Cambodia be."
-. Communists, he said, will seek
t
..to keep alive ? and encourage
-fears and concerns of the vari-
ous !groups involved in the U.S.
! program. .
"In viewing this whole situa-
tion one could not possibly envy .
1. President Nixon. It is one of
'Tthoise. hell-if-you-do-and-hell-if-
-you-don't circumstances a presi-
dent finds himself in," the it
' sooner wrcte.
? - Yarborough has been in South- ?
- TeCaf6413 however,fornea he
nearly six
t4 "
vr Oklahoma early in Sept
. 'limber. -
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gie,k.A"R150
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90! i0001-5
The statement said the
offer was made once in a '
restaurant and once in a
parking lot in Quezon City,
and "on both occasions I
ignored Yarborough by :
sneering at him and hold-
ing my peace."
'A Real Joke'
In another column, Jura- "This is a real joke,"
do said Ople move d??' Yarborough noted on the .7
-against Yarborough only margin of the statement.
? after he found he could not "I don't know where the
take over the spending of parking lot is:" ?-
i the $427,000. Yarborough'! organize-
- ? ,?? President Marcos 'de- tion also extends physical-
He lined to take action aid to Filipinos, for he '
; -against Yarborough, .hold- wrote that he had just vis-
i; Ing the status of persona ited a farmer group where
non grata -could be applied I AAFLI helped drill a well ?
, only against diplomatic and a an irrigation
?: personnel, and Yarbo r- pump.
? ouah was not hi the diplo- "Within the next month
'"The fact is," Jived?
-a.vrote, "that Ople himself
-worked on President Mar-
cos prior to the 1969 elec-
cLaticrrstignig, 0/iLtum-A--cc.c,rmrtrrl tions to have this fund ap-
e proved and doled out to la-
. ??74
bor unions in an effort to
?consolidate labor support
/Thi 7.77)
v ?
1,
nt,
71'
re,j1.101.1.,
. By Hugh Hall _ : :matic service. I he will have 15 pumps in
A former Oklahoma la-
Accuser Named ? Denial Included' . ? operetion that will give a
bor leader has been ac- His chief accuser is Phil-
Yarborough included in new lease on life to more
Clised of being a CIA
than 130 little farmers," he
spy
In what he describ'en'is a
giant struggle with the
Communists over the fu-
ture of the Philippine Is-
lands.
:lie is Len Yarborough,
'f ermer executive vice
. president of the Oklahoma
AFL-CIO headquartered in
Oklahoma City, who ap-
.
pr ently has aroused
; Southeast- Asian Commu-
nists by stealing a leaf
from their tactical booklet.
Len Yarborough
? ;Now director of
? Asian-American Free
bor Institute (AAFLI),
based in MArAIA,rA4
ough wrote tirtM's"
about the troubles
Reds are Riving him.
the
La-
and
ippine Secretary of Labor letter
10 bC
Bias F. Ople, described as distributed denial of Ople's
leftist-leaaing, w h ca has charges in .which he out-
sought to have Yarborough , lined hi 's group's cbjec-
run out of the country. tives as:
:"AAFI I a labor ed
u-
700
h ? ave given about ? ecu-
? cattonal
700 rural people some of institute spon-
our classreom training and
expect to develop about 40,
teachers eet of that group
who in tt:rn will teach
about: 8,00(1 next year and
Will increase the number
the followiag year," 'Yar-
borough wrote C. -W.
Schowerke,.. long-time -la-
wrote. "It will give them
en extra crop of rice plus'
a number of vegetables
that were not available be-
fore due to lack of water." -
Decision Awaited
soraal hy the AFIA-C10, for, Just back from a trip to :
r
the purpose of assisting Hong Kong, Bangkok and
free trade unions in the S'aigon, Yarborough re-
Asian area who seek our
ported that "the big ques-
-
cooperation in the fields of tion among the trade un-
trade Union education, Co-
ions in these places now is
operative development and
what will the U n i t e d
States' final decision on
vocational skills training
assistance to Cambodia
i be."
"They feel," he wrote,: -
de when he ordered U.S.
troops into Cambodia on a '
hor lawyer here. Request Needed
"This is the reason the "A A F LI 's established
Communists want us out of ' policy is that It does not
here. They employed the enter a host country with-
samea re_ stop-gap basis."
system of educating out first receiving ,
the masses in Indonesia to , quest for cooperation from ? ? Fears Kept Alive
their cause as we are the national trade unions Communists, he ? said,
doing in the Philippines, and obtaining the official will seek to keep alive and
and they know.it will work approval from the host encourage fears and cen-
J
? . ,
against them." government to permit cerns of the v a r 1 o u s
;
-- Charge Made AAFLI to conduct a joint groups involved in the U.S.
Ople charged Yarbor- union-to-union labor educa-
program.
ough with seeking to cor- tion and assistance pro-
"In viewing this whole
rupt labor department Mil- gram with the trade un- "situation," he summed up,
:
cials and foment labor ions of the particular coun-
"one could not possibly
. ;
trouble in the islands, and try ? envy"President Nixon. It is
." one ol those hell-i--do
;
sought to shut down the Yarborough also sent nu- . ?
h
..
$427,000 program run by merous newspaper clip-
and ell-if-you-don't cir-
:
AAFLI. pings as well as a copy of cumstances a president
finds himself in occasion- i
: The labor s e c r e t a r y an "affidavit" upon which
urged President Marcos to Ople apparently based his ally."
!
I
declare Yarborough per- "corruption" charge. Yarborough, who has
. been in Southeast Asia for '
sona non grata, which Offers Claimed
'
would have meant his ex- The "affidavit" purport-
about six years, wrote he
-pulsion from the islands. edly is the sworn state-
hoped to be in Oklahoma
At least one Filipino took ment of one Amado G. In-
City Sept. 5 and at the big Henryetta Labor Day cele::?,,
a dim view of Ople and his ciong, one of Ople's staff ,
ra:tion Septa-7.??, ..:?....?0,--air'? ,,,
ictions against AAFLI members, who said Yar- , tl:
rfonRe blase 2C10e1A03104 :betPOR0128910:rRd00800010001-5
the Philippines Hera 1 d, last- him in a list o semi-
March that "the labor see- nar lecturers, "although I
nnt have to lecture ac-
dr'
xibmit'T ,
Approved For Release 200-r _cstARDP80
30,000
By AMANDO E. DORONILA
Special to The Star
MANILA?Some 30,000 stu-
dents, peasants and workers
staged a rally in downtown Pla-
za Miranda today in defiance of
government efforts to diffuse the
rallies into small groups on cam-
puses.
I Despite an understanding be-
tween President Ferdinand E.
Marcos and students and union
leaders three nights ago that the
Plaza tliranda rally be called
off to reduce tension, the demon-
strators massed in one of the
biggest rallies ever held here.
Plaza Miranda resounded with
fiery street oratory from stu-
dent, peasant and union leaders
denouncing what they called the
"facism" and military "brutali-
ty" of the Marcos government,
the social injustices and alleged
American CIA "interference" in
domestic turmoil.
Some Ask Palace March
The rally dispersed tonight
after demonstration leaders,
avoiding another confrontation
between the students and mili-
tary troops, restrained a call
"?"': from the streets for a march to
Malacanan Palace, scene of a
bloody student protest on Jan. 30
in which five students were
killed and hundreds were in-
jured.
The rally was held despite ef-
forts by the government 'to mol-
lify student unrest by granting
them a number of concessions.
The demonstration was orga-
nized by the Movement for Dem-
ocratic Philippines, around
which is clustered militant na-
tionalist groups constituting the
Philippine student left.
efly Accord Stage Rally in
plot or existence of one. The CIA
plot story, nevertheless, has
been widely circulated here.
Today's rally went on despite
an understanding between the
leaders of the student left and
Marcos three nights ago. that the
rallies would be diffused On sev-
eral campuses. The army was
placed on alerttoday.
Marcos has already taken a
Military Denies Plot
They denounced what they
said was facism, the colonial
structure of Philippine society,
the militarism of the Marcos ad-
ministration, American colonial
Influence in the country and an
alleged coup d'etat plot by the
military; supported by the CIA.
The military establishment
yes denied any involvement in a
series of steps to placate the
students.
Among these are the relief of
a long-time friend, Brig. Gen.
Vicente Raval, from the com-
mand of the Philippine Consta-
bulary, the national police; the
disbandment of the Special
Forces, the elite of the armed
forces, which has become an ob-
ject of student wrath because of
their alleged involvement in the
PhUpphies
rigging of elections in some
provinces last November, and a
cabinet revamping which Mar-
cos said was made in "response,
to the clamor for change."
Marcos also has made public
pledges that he will not seek a
third term for president and bad
persuaded members of the ad-
ministration Nacionalist party '-
from seeking' offices in the con-
stitutional convention next year. ?
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"A.
STATI NTL
vs
? Students Say Marcos OKs Demands
MANILA (UPI) ? Militant student leaders announced
today President Ferdinand E. Marcos has agreed to 13 de-
mands, including one for a review of U.S. aid to the Philip-
pines, to avert more antigovernment demonstrations.
The leaders of nationalistic, farm and labor groups said
they were canceling a large demonstration planned against the
government for Thursday and instead would hold smaller
L.Kotpsts against the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.
,
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DAILY WORLD
. Approved For Release 2001#00VORCIA-RDP80-01
0- -.
IS. Piro t Asti paypo
By WILLIAM J. POMEROY '
,0 Daily World Correspondent. ' .? ? ?
LONDON, Jan. 14 ? As Vice-President Spiro Agnew carried his unpleasant mes-'
, sage across Asian countries that "America is not abandonin(its role as a Pacific
power," his trgil crossed that of the British Tory Party leader, Edward Heath, who
was uttering virtually identical words about Britain's role. This imperialist duet tend-
ed to drown out voices that tans, of withdrawal of foreign military forces from the
region.?-
? puppets for assurance that Nix- big naval base at Singapore will '.. i
According to the foreign Minis- on's talk of withdrawal frcim Viet- be turned over to Prime Minis-;
. . .
ter of Thailand, Agnew told him nam and of "Vietnamization" and ter Lee Kuan Yew's government,
on Jan. 5 that "there will be no Wilson's verbalizing about with-. "training" bases with a rotating i
change in American policy and drawing from "East of Suez" do. 2000-man Marine Commando bat-
no lessening of U.S. commitments not mean that these puppets will talion will be maintained in Ma-'?
to Thailand and Southeast Asia." be left by themselves to contend laysia snd Singapore, there will
' In Kuala Lumpur the Malaysian . with liberation movements. U.S. be frequent military "exercises"
Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rah- and British imperialist spokesmen with British participation, and a.
man told reporters that Agnew have had to be more open about. "naval presence" will exist in
assured him that "the American
I their schemes inorder to raise the Southeast Asian waters at least
withdrawal from Vietnam will "morale" of their neo-colonial four months out of the year.
not be overhasty," and that the allies. Airlift demonstration
U.S. is prepared "to spread some What Heath proposes is a new Later in 1970 a massive air-lift..
test the two billion dollar invest- I exercise of British troops from
British-led military bloc to pro-
Lsort of umbrella. for the security
of the region:" mcnt and trade interests of Brit- home bases to Singapore will be
held to prove how quickly British
: In the case of Malaysia, with
ish corporations in the region.. "aid" can be "re-drawn" to the ?
which the U.S. has no military As the London Times has put it, , 'area. At the same time a confer-
' treaties and which is not even a pledge
.his five-power force, consisting ' ence of the five powers concern-
Treaty Organization, this
) member of the Southeast Asia of Singapore, Malaysia, New Zea-: ?ed will discuss final "defense"
1
would amount to a greater exten-
land, Australia and British corn- .arrangements after 1971; it is
sion of U.S. intervention. eats, clearly foreshadows structureaEl this that Heath wants to turn into
' pon
integrated command,.a British treaty commitment to '
Heath's tour and agreed political commitments-keep troops in the area.
Heath, the opposition leader in.
N, As the London Times pointed
' Britain, whose Conservative' Pa rty ? a mini-NATO, in fact." Parallel business trip ;
j out Jan. 9, "all that Mr. Heath
has high hopes of ousting the La- By no coincidence, the Heath would have to do to make his
bor government this year, visited
_Malaya on the same day as Ag- son,tour precededa visit by Roy Ma- ' own promises come true would -
new during a tour that took him Board of
Td president of the British' 'be to alter the emphasis on the -
new
rd Malaysia,
to Thailand, the ? training program, so that at least.'
also to Australia, Indonesia, Sing- Philippines, and Singa- ..one battalion appeared to be'
apore and Hong Kong. He put pore, to "show Britain's trade training in the area at any one
. forward a much-publicized lineflag " moment, and so that the frequen-
that if the Tories come to office fleath, on his return to London, moment,
of naval visits was increased .
they will reverse the current' declared that "there are tremen-
Labor Government position of al- 1 dous opportunities for British to the point where a continuous i
1
, legedly pulling out of Britain's ? trade and investment, and some i' naval presence was more or less ,, ___,
"East of Suez" bases by 1971. . 'of the people in the area are al- , achieved.... ? ? ?
"The withdrawal process plan-,.
Lt. Gen. Jesus Vargas, the Fill- most desperate that we, rather
ned by Mr. Healey will certainly
pino secretary-general of SEATO than the Americans or the Japan- .
,
(who was removed from his post i ese, should seize them," indicat-
.1 enable Mr. heath to retain a mil-
as commander-in-chief of the . lug that the umbrellas that he itary presence on the mainland
of Asia if he succeeds in winning
/ Philippine army in the late 1950s and Agnew would like to raise the next election."
when chargedwith involvement over the area are not unlikely to !
i
i
in a CIA-inspired military take- be jabbed in each other's eyes.' In fact, the Labor Government's
i
over plot), had said on Dec. 23 The Tory dispute with the La- 1 timetable of May, 1971, for the
, carrying out of its plan is !
from SEATO's Bangkok headquai- bor Government over "abandon-
AFTER the next election, making I
ters that the British government's .1 ing East of Suez" bases is really ! i
any alteration easy. ? ., ? . I
plan to "withdraw" some of its ': a question of degree and not of ..,
Brunet operation ? !
. . forces had lowered morale in' basic policy. In the blueprint of '.?
:An indication of how phony the I
several Asian countries," and Harold Wilson and his defense Wilson-Healey "Withdrawal" pol- '
_that the U.S. "needed to clarify . minister, Denis Healey, British icy actually is was provided in!
Its new Asia policy." . armed forces in Southeast Asia December when the Sung al
Aim of tours now numbering 50,000 will be cut ? -----n . .--
The Agnew anikthiEntibvteistsFlyorriteMMIC C IA-RDP80-01601R000800010001-5
were thus evidently'rhade in re-
..sponse to pleas from imperiatist : - ' ontitirmeol
1/4111-ll
ithdraw?
STATINTLI