WORLD COMMUNISM TODAY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-01446R000100030004-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 23
• Document Creation Date: November 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 16, 1998
• Sequence Number: 4
• Publication Date: November 13, 1958
• Content Type: REPORT

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13 November 1958
WORLD COMMUNISM TODAY
Before undertaking to consider the present position of the
Communist Movement we may usefully recall its origins and develop-
ment. It is now 110 years since Karl Marx published the Communist
Manifesto, certainly one of the most portentous documents in world
history. Since that time the development of the movement may be regarded
as falling into three stages: (1) the period before the Russian Revolution
of 1917; (2) from 1917 until 1945; and (3) from 1945 to the present.
During the second half of the 19th century, Marxist thought found
considerable acceptance among working class and intellectual circles in
Western Europe. In an age of expanding capitalist enterprise and the
growth of industrial proletariats, Marxts analysis of historical trends
and economic phenomena seemed tothese peap to be valid, and it was
adopted by many social reformers, politicians, economists, and trade
unionists. A number of the socialist parties which developed in the last
decades of the century drew their doctrine from Marx and his collaborator
and interpreter, Engels.
Marxian socialism conceived itself to be an international movement.
It held that the class interests of the workers were stronger than national
ties to capitalistic societies, which were by definition conspiracies of
exploitation. To further the cause and to express their _SA mon class
IN CLASS,
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interests, the socialist parties founded an international organization
in 1884. This was called the Second International since a previous
one had. dissolved after the overthrow of the Paris Commune in 1871.
The Second International ended amid the thunder of the First Woxld War.
To the disapppintment of the doctrinaire Marxists, few members of the
European working classes failed to respond to patriotic appeals in 1914.
The second phase of Communist development begins with the
Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. We are all familiar with the story of
how a comparatively small party of revolutionary socialists, led by Lenin,
seized power in the disorganized and war-weary country of the Czars
and after three years of bloody civil strife established its rule. One
effect of the Russian revolution and the triumph of the Bolsheviks was
to split the socialist parties throughout the world. A majority of social-
ists and their trade union allies rejected the brutal dictatorial methods
of the Bolsheviks and determined to seek their objectives through demo-
cratic processes. Minority groups, however, advocated revolutionary
methods and, calling themselves Communist parties, endorsed the
Bolshevik model in Russia. With the Russian Communist Party they
formed the Third International, the Comintern. Its headquarters were
established in Moscow, The Bolsheviks considered this international
organization of great importance, because, in keeping with Marxist
doctrine, the permanence of the Soviet regime in Russia depended on
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Communist revolutions in some of the more advanced industrial
countries. Without such developments, a Communist Russia would
succumb to capitalist encirclement and counter-revolution. Communist
revolutions were promoted in Hungary and Germany, but they were
eventually suppressed. Likewise, civil disorders instigated in Italy
were quelled. By the end of 1921 it was clear that the Communist
revolution was not going to sweep west across Europe.
The Comintern fell increasingly under Russian domination.
Moscow became the source of doctrinal and financial support for the
generally weak Communist parties outside of Russia and the haven for
leaders exiled from their native lands. Soviet control of International
Communism was tightened after Stalin triumphed over his Kremlin rivals
and embarked on the policy of "building socialism" in one country. The
protection of the Communist base became the first priority for all parties,
and the Comintern developed into an agency of Soviet policy, a world-wide
apparatus for subversion and espionage.
Stalin dissolved the Comintern in 1943. It was a handicap in his
relations with the Western powers, upon whom Soviet Russia was heavily
dependent at the time. Moreover, Stalin perhaps foresaw that the
Comintern would be an encumbrance to Soviet maneuver in the post-war
world.
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This world since 1945 has, indeed, been a vastly different
theater of action for International Communism. Besides preserving
the USSR as the base of the world movement and giving that country
the prestige of a victorious power, the war resulted in several gains
for Communism. In the first place, it gave .the Soviet Union control of
Eastern Europe where, under the protection of the Red Army, Commu-
nist regimes were placed in power. Secondly, it ended the political
isolation or active repression of many of the Communist parties. In
most Western countries they achieved a temporary respectability, and
in Italy and France they emerged as well organized mass parties. In
the third place, the war weakened the Nationalist government of China
to the extent that it succumbed on the mainland to the Communist armies
of Mao Tse-tung.
These gains did not satisfy the Kremlin, and the post-war period
has been characterized by continual aggressive action which has kept
the non:-Communist world on the defensive. The Communists have
pursued their objectives by a variety of methods. They have instigated
and supported armed insurrection in such places as Greece and Malaya.
In Korea, they launched a satellite state on what they hoped would be a
quick military conquest. Economic measures have varied from the
strangulation tactics tried on Berlin to the attractive offers of trade
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and aid held out to any takers. Meantime, a vigorous psychological
warfare campaign has been waged. In keeping with the zigzag char-
acter of Communist tactics it has. changed back and forth from dire
threats to calls for peace and cooperation.
Two other aspects of the post-war period need to be noted.
One is the rapid and substantial growth of the Soviet Union as an
industrial power. Great advances have been registered in nearly all
basic industries, and it is probable that the goals of the new Seven-
Year Plan, which. is soon to. be presented at a party congress, will be
substantially achieved. The Soviet consumer has not received a large
share of this economic development, but his lot has slowly improved.
The second point to observe is the consolidation of Communist rule in
China. There we have been witnessing the transformation of an ancient
society of more than. 600 million people into a regimented order which
will certainly be an increasing factor in. the power configurations of the
world.
To summarize this brief survey of the development of the Com-
munist movement, we see relatively small party elites in control of a
vast area stretching across Eurasia from the Elbe and Danube to the
Pacific. These regimes consider themselves to be in a perpetual state
of conflict with the rest of the world. They conduct this struggle, first,
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through the agencies. and with the resources of the states they rule,
and secondly, through the world-wide apparatus of International
Communism.
Let us turn now, to a consideration of the present status of the
Communist Movement. We may start by surveying its composition,
then its direction and coordination, and finally its strengths and weak-
nesses for accomplishing the objective of converting the world to
Communism.
Beyond the borders of the.. Bloc, the Movement consists of two
principal elements: the Communist parties and an almost myriad number
of organizations which we collectively term Communist fronts. There
are approximately eighty Communist parties in, the Free World. They
exist in all countries except a few, such as Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia,
where no organized political groups have developed. In addition, there
are parties in a number of British and French colonial territories.
Almost half these parties are illegal organizations, being outlawed either
by law or administrative decree.
The Communist parties in the Free World vary greatly in size
and influence. Accurate membership figures for even the legal parties
are difficult to obtain, but the Italian party with probably about 1, 500, 000
members is regarded as the largest. Other large parties and their
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estimated size are the Indonesian, 1, 000, 000; the French, 300, 000;
the Indian, 200, 000; the Japanese, 80, 000; the Argentine, 80, 000; and
the Brazilian, 50, 000. Most of the other parties are small, some
having only a few hundred members.
Some of these parties have achieved a voting strength far exceed-
ing their membership figures. The Italian party since the war has
regularly polled more than 20 percent of the total votes cast in national
elections. Until 1956, the PCI had an alliance with the Socialist Party
of Italy which gave the two parties control of between 35 and 40 percent
of the seats in the Chamber of Deputies. Separately or in combination they
have controlled a. considerable proportion of the local governments in
Italy. The Communist Party of France has attracted about one-quarter
of the electorate since 1945. In the last general election of the Fourth
Republic it received 5.5 million votes and won 149 seats in the National
Assembly. The 80 percent affirmative vote for the DeGaulle constitution,
which the PCF opposed, represented the first crackii i this voting Bloc,
and it will be interesting to see if the coming general election confirms
this decline in the Party's electoral strength. It seems probable that it
will, both because of popular enthusiasm for the new regime and because
the revised voting system, abandoning proportional representation, is less
favorable to the Communists. In a number of other European countries,
Communist voters have far outnumbered party members, although the
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totals of both are small in comparison to the whole electorate and.
the size of the major parties. In the Netherlands, for example, the
Communist party received 275, 000 votes in the last national election
in 1956, but the estimated membership of the Party is only 15, 000.
In Norway, a Communist party with an estimated membership of 6, 000
polled ten times that number of votes in the general election of 1957.
The Cireek Communists, outlawed since 1947 but controlling a party
called the United Democratic Left, won 22 percent of the vote in a
national election earlier this year, although they are believed to number
only about 20, 000 entolled members. In India, 11 million. votes were
cast in 1957 for Communist candidates at a time when the Party had an
estimated membership of 125, 000.
Explanations for the voting strength of Communist parties must
be soughti-m the. political and social conditions of each country. Studies
of the political situation in France and Italy have revealed that relatively
few of the voters who cast ballots for Communist candidates believe in
the doctrine of Communism or consider the Soviet Union an earthly paradise.
The great majority are protesting against economic and social conditions,
as well as relieving many real and fancied grievances, and the Communist
party appeals to them as the most effective agent to voice their complaints.
Not burdened with the responsibilities of office, the Communists. make liberal
promises to all dissatisfied elements of the population.
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It is this last aspect of Communist tactics that probably
accounts for the movement's growth in South and Southeast Asia.
Over the past decade, the parties in most Western countries have
been relatively stable, more often showing declines in membership
and voting appeal than increases. In countries such as India and Indo-
nesia, however, a rapid growth has occurred. There we have densely
populated countries with low living standards which are attempting to
carry out ambitious development programs. Progress in the face of
shortages of capital and skilled manpower is slow, and the inevitable
difficulties and mistakes of inexperienced leaders are open to exploita-
tion among people who expected independence to bring a rapid change
in social and economic conditions. The Communist Party of India is
estimated to have doubled its membership in the past two years. While
still much smaller than the Congress Party, it forms the official opposi-
tion in the national parliament, and it controls one of the fourteen state
governments, Kerala. The Indonesian party has recovered so quickly
from the defeat it suffered a decade ago in an armed insurrection that it
has threatened to become the country?s leading political organization.
Faced with this prospect, the government, acting under the prompting
of the A.rmy, has postponed the national elections scheduled for next year.
It is the hope of the non-Communist leaders of the government that the
other parties will utilize this postponement to compose some of their
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To date Communism has gained only minor strength in Africa,
but the situation is. not one about which the Free World can feel compla-
cent. In South Africa a bitter racial struggle is developing which appears
almost made-to-order for Communist exploitation. To the north, several
former colonial territories are embarking on the road of self-government,
and their leaders face formidable problems in creating stable political
systems and viable economies. Among the small educated classes in
these countries there are high expectations of rapid material progress.
They may be seduced by the promises of Communism if advancement in
cooperation with the countries of Western Europe and the Americas fails
to satisfy their hopes. Except for a small organization in. Tunisia, there
are no legal Communist parties in Africa. The Kremlin, however, will
almost certainly extend its organizational efforts to Africa as the Commu-
nist Bloc countries establish diplomatic relations with the governments of
that continent and as trade and economic aid are promoted.
Whether large or small, the Communist parties throughout the
world are organized on the model of the CPSU. Local cells of individual
members form the base of a pyramid capped by a central committee and
an inner politburo. The larger parties have professional administrative
staffs organized under a secretary of the central committee, and besides
managing the party's affairs, these staffs publish newspapers and journals
and often engage in a variety of business activities.
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The leadership of the party is in many cases composed of
individuals of ability and vigor. They have been trained in a rigorous
school. Advancement in an. organization notorious for feuds, and
conspiracies requires a ruthlessness and. cunning not usually demanded
of other political leaders. In addition, the stamina to survive official
repression is often needed by the Communist leader. He has the benefit
of an indoctrination that has elevated revolutionary activity to a science..
It is taught in party schools at home and in the Bloc countries, and, it
produces, along with the practical experience of party life, the tough,
unprincipled but dedicated leader we see in a Thorez, a Togliatti, iw
mow, or a Bagdash. Wielding the strict disciplinary powers char-
acteristic of all Communist parties, these leaders are faithful agents
of the cause.
Besides operating as a political party where they are legally
permitted to do so, the Communists are constantly seeking to extend
their control and influence into all sectors of national life. Their pub-
lishing activities have already been referred to. In some countries these
are very prolific. Daily newspapers, weekly and monthly journals, and
books carry the partyts message. The trade unions are always an
important target. In France and Italy the Communists control the largest
confederations of unions, and in Indonesia and India they have captured
major elements of the labor movement. In many other countries of the
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high positions. Key sector s of the national economy - mining,
transportation, communications - are frequent targets of Communist
effort in the labor field. Professional associations, schools and
universities, government departments, cultural organizations, and
organs of news and entertainment are all objects of Communist penetra-
tion. Wherever the Communist gains admission, his first loyalty is to
the party, and he endeavors to exert his influence in accordance with
party directions.
In countries where the party is outlawed, it attempts to operate
as actively as the security services permit. The effectiveness of
repression varies considerably from country to country. In some
countries the police are alert and the laws against Communist activity
are sternly enforced. In other places, several Middle Eastern countries
for example, law enforcement is erratic, and the party operates with
only occasional harassment. A few years ago it was revealed in Iran
that. a Communist cell was operating in a prison and maintaining regular
communications with outside members of the party. The moral is that
governments seeking to repress Communist parties must realize tlat
they are combatting a. most skillful and wily foe and that laws are dead-
letters unless intelligently and consistently enforced.
This leads us to a consideration of the second major element
of the Communist Movement, namely, the numerous organizations which
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are promoted to enlist non-Communists in support of Communist
objectives. There are a great many of these so-called fronts which
operate on a world-wide scale, and they are supported by literally
hundreds of local and national organizations. The methods of operation
are ones which the Communists have skillfully developed. Some cause
of wide appeal is seized upon and prominent citizens are invited to help
found an organization. The Communists usually remain inconspicuous,
but they work diligently behind the scenes to bend the organization to
serve the purposes of the Movement. They utilize all the tactics at which
they are z.dept of capturing key offices, managing meetings, and proposing
innocent-sounding but "loaded" resolutions.
Currently, one of the most active of the global fronts is the
World Peace Council. A review of its activities for 1958 illustrates the
organizing effort devoted to a major front and the way the Communists
exploit a laudable purpose. The WPC began the year by declaring March
Est the "Day for Banning Nuclear Weapons. " Later that month it held a
bureau meeting in New Delhi which was attended by delegates from
twenty-nine countries. The delegates were received by Mr. Nehru,
although later the Indian government had to deny a press report that he
had addressed them in an official session. The WPC joined with the
Afro-Asian Solidarity Council , the World Federation of Democratic
Youth, and the World Federation of Trade Unions in proclaiming March 30th
as "Day of Solidarity with Algeria. " Through the International Institute
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for Peace, the name under which its Vienna headquarters operates,
the WPC opened an International Club in Brussels to entertain visitors
to the World Fair. In May it was the sponsor of the Argentine. Congress
for International Cooperation, General Disarmament and National
Sovereignty. At the end of the month the WPC held a meeting in Vienna
to publicize the forthcoming Stockholm conference. This, the World
Conference for Disarmament and International Cooperation, was the
highlight of the year's activity. The attendance of 1265 delegates was
smaller than expected, probably because the campaign to raise money
for travel expenses did not produce as much as had been hoped for.
Nevertheless, some well-known citizens - authors, scientists, professors,
and politicians - of Free World.Gountries were enlisted as sponsors or
delegates. Perhaps the tone of the speeches and resolutions is best
conveyed in a report of Kuo Mo-jo, leader of the Chinese Communist
delegation, in Peking on August 6th. He said:
In the past ten years the Peace Movement has been reluctant
to show the US Government in its true colors; out of concern
for our friends in the West, it has hesitated to post clearly
the question of opposing imperialist aggression and colonial-
ism . . . the Peace Movement has almost wandered on to the
path of unprincipled pacifism. At this Stockholm conference,
however, the US imperialist aggression was denounced in
outspoken language and the anti-colonialist movement given
firm support. We should record this as the greatest achieve-
ment of the conference.
Other activities of the WPC have included helping to organize
the Fourth Congress Against Atomic and Hydrogen Bornbs in Tokyo, the
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of Afro-Asian Writers at Tashkent. Most of the resolutions of these
meetings echo the current propaganda line from Moscow.
Two other fronts operating on a global scale are the World
Federation of Democratic Youth and the International Union of Students.
They conduct activities as numerous as the World Peace Council. They
were the sponsors of the Moscow Youth Festival in 1957 which attracted
approximately 35, 000 foreign visitors. Another Festival, to meet in
Vienna next year, is being planned. The WFDY claims a membership
of more than 85 million through 200 affiliated organizations in 97 countries.
The principal Communist labor front is the World Federation of,
Trade Unions. Its identification with the political line of the Kremlin is
well illustrated by the summarized statement of the main tasks for trade
unions given by its secretary, Louis Saillant, at an executive committee
meeting in Budapest last spring. These tasks were:
(1) Unite the workers in each country and help them to
with all sections who are actively working for peace.
(2) Join with the national Peace Committees in preparing
for the World Conference for Disarmament and Interna-
tional Cooperation, and send broad and representative
delegations.
(3)
Be at the head of the mass struggle and every decisive
action to obtain: (a) a summit meeting; (b) prohibition
of rocket bases and atomic bomb flights; (c) the ending
of thermonuclear testing, and ban on the manufacture
and use of mass destruction weapons; (d) zones cleared
of such weapons, as proposed by the Rapacki Plan;
(e) development of trade and cultural relations between
all countries.
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(4) Increase exchanges of fraternal delegations of
trade unions and workers.
These points were faithfully repeated in resolutions adopted at
conferences of international uniiis affiliated with the WFTU. The themes
of "peace" and "banning atomic bombs" were prominent.
Among Communist fronts, the friendship societies comprise
a whole galaxy. Societies for promoting friendly relations with the
Soviet Union exist in many countries, and they are supplemented by
Chinese and Satellite groups. They concentrate on the promotion of
economic and cultural connections between a country and the Bloc and
avoid the more obvious kinds of Communist propaganda activities. Thus
they attract a certain number of well-meaning people who feel that they
are contributing to peace and international understanding.
A listing of Communist fronts: would be tediously long. Besides
the national affiliates of the global fronts, such as the World Federation
of Trade Unions and the Women's International Democratic Federation,
there are usually scores of local societies. Some of them have only a
temporary existence, perhaps organized to protest a governmental action,
a court decision, or the military move of a Western government. Their
purpose is to enlist the aiupport of unwitting non-Communists, collect
money, and spread propaganda without revealing the party label. They
also serve to identify Communist sympathizers who can sometimes be
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induced to engage in other useful activity, not excluding espionage.
All this vast effort must be recognized as an important element of
International Communism. The Communist governments and the parties
outside the Bloc devote tremendous amounts of organizing effort to these
front activities, and we should not under-rate their usefulness to the
M.orement.
How is this tremendous network of Communist parties and fronts
directed and the activities of all components coordinated? That there is
central direction and coordination is clear from the unanimity and
consistency with which Communists around the world take the same
positions on international issues, praise and condemn the same things,
and repeat the same slogans.
Some of this direction and coordination is easily achieved. Indoc-
trination in Marxism-Leninism provides basic guidelines for Communists
everywhere. For current tactics, Radio Moscow, Pravda, and other
authoritative sources provide rapid guidance. If a comrade misses them,
he will soon hear the echoes from Prague, Budapest, or Peking. For
questions of a deeper, ideological nature there is the new monthly journal
published in Prague. Called Problems of Socialism and directed by a
former editor of the Soviet ideological journal Kommunist, it indicates
what is currently orthodox and what is "revisionist" in doctrinal matters.
It is printed in some fifteen languages.
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Coordinating the activities of the global front organizations
presents the Kremlin with no great problems. The headquarters and
the essential offices in each case are occupied by experienced Com-
munists who have good communications with an appropriate department
of the CPSU in Moscow.
For the longer range and more complex aspects of Communist
planning there exists the close liaison between the parties. In this
the Soviet, the Chinese Communist, and the European Satellite diplomatic
missions play a part. Their regular liaison with the national parties
outside the Bloc is supplemented by numerous bilateral and multilateral
meetings of party leaders. More than sixty party delegations gathered
in Moscow last November for the celebration of the Fortieth Anniversary
of the Bolshevik Revolution, and for several days there were business
meetings as well as social events. Scarcely a week passes without some
Communist leader traveling to Moscow. Fraternal delegations are
exchanged for party congresses and national celebrations. All these
occasions provide opportunities for serious discussions of party problems
and the securing of the Kremlin's counsel. Moscow's advice is very
persuasive. For any leader who questions it, the whole apparatus can
be mobilized to insure a rapid purging. Tito is the dnly Communist who
has successfully withstood the wrath of the Kremlin.
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One of the basic facts of our world is the existence of
this powerful, expansive movement which, despite talk of peaceful
coexistence, is in conflict with all nations and institutions that it
does not dominate. No country, no people can stand aside and declare
that the struggle is of no concern to it or them. The Communists will
not accept a really neutral attitude. Given this situation, what can we
say of the present state of the battle?
In general, we would have to admit, I believe, that the outcome
is still in the balance. Two years ago, in 1956, the Communist world
experienced a considerable crisis. Khrushchevts secret speech confessing
to the mistakes and crimes of Stalin shook all the Communist parties and
front organizations. It was followed by troubles in Poland and the bloody
revolt in Hungary. For a few months Communism stood revealed as the
tyranny it is. Some optimists in the West began to talk of its early
collapse. They reckoned, however, without an understanding of the
strong recuperative powers which the Movement possesses.
Faced with revolts in the Satellites, rumblings of discontent
in the USSR and China, and defections in. the parties outside the Bloc,
the leaders of Communism set about stabilizing the Movement. By
vigorous measures they have largely succeeded in reestablishing
discipline and control. Casualties there were, but the wounds are
proving to be far from mortal.
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Contributing to this stabilization process have been the
impressive economic and scientific achievements of the Soviet Union
and the growth in power of Communist China. They have diverted
attention from the despotic features of life under Communism and
given the impression that progress can be achieved. more rapidly by
Communist mbthods.
The picture which the Communist Bloc presents of its real and
anticipated achievements is especially attractive in many areas of Asia
and: Africa. Here people are seeking the same goals - industrialization,
education, and rising living standards. The methods advocated by the
Western world seem pedestrian and tainted by connections with a
colonial past. The Communists are making a strong bid in the great
belt: across Africa and southern. Asia. By political action and military
aid they are posing as the friend and protector of newly independent states.
Loans and trade. agreements are readily arranged. The front organiza-
tions work assiduously to cultivate these people and convince them of
an identity of interest between themselves and the Communist world.
In all these efforts the Communists are registering successes. The
Communist parties of India and Indonesia have been growing. While the
Arab states are hostile to local Communists, they regard the Bloc
countries as benevolent powers. Communism as the protagonist of
nationalism and material progress has made a strong impression among
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the young states, of Asia and Africa.
One weakness to which the Communists admit - or at least
they devote much time and effort to combatting it - is revisionism.
This is a term of no precise content. In general, it means any tendency
to question an article of faith in Marxism-Leninism. A revisionist may
be one who questions the priority of heavy industry in a communist state,
the party's monopoly of political power, socialist realism as. the highest
form of artistic expression, or the relevance of all Soviet experience
in building socialism. Communist Yugoslavia is being denounced daily
as the source and inspiration of present-day revisionism. Since some
aspects of Yugoslav communism are practiced within the Bloc - peasant
proprietorship in Poland, for example. - one concludes that a refusal to be
an undeviating disciple of the Kremlin, euphemistically known as proletarian
internationalism, constitutes the essence of Titots sin.
While schisms are damaging to an ideological movement that
pretends to be based on immutable principles, non-Communists should
not exaggerate the problems these deviations create for the Bloc, both
internally and in its expansion abroad. They provide opportunities for
campaigns of indoctrination and stir the party cadres to greater militancy.
Orthodoxy, supported by all the instruments of power and propaganda,
may be strengthened in the end.
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There are some entries on the other side of the ledger which
are credits for the non-Communist world. One is that since the
Communist victory in China, no country has chosen to join the Bloc.
Communist control of northern Viet-nam has received de facto recognition,
but otherwise the boundary of the Free World has not been, breached.
Attempts at armed insurrection have all been defeated - in Greece, in
Indonesia, in the Philippines, in Malaya, and in Burma.
Another credit item for the Free World is the decline of Com-
munist strength in Western Europe. The parties in Italy and France,
are still large, but their ability to paralyze the machinery of the state
has been reduced. It seems probable that the next parliamentary
elections in France will see the Communist bloc of 150 deputies cut
to a third of that number. Elsewhere in Western Europe the parties
have little more than a nuisance value.
Additionally on the credit side we can place the fact of a better
appreciation of the Communist danger. This awareness varies from
area to area, and even from country to country. In Western Europe
it has turned a considerable degree of tolerance into strong aversion.
The Berlin blockade, Czechoslovakia, Korea, Khrushchev's revelations
about Stalin, and Hungary have had a cumulative impact. Even in the
Afro-Asian. area which the Communists are wooing so ardently, voices
of caution are being heard. This awareness can also be documented in
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this hemisphere. In the recent elections in Brazil, Communist
endorsement was a handicap rather than an aid to any candidate.
The credit side of the ledger does not add up to enough to
give us any cause for complacency. In International Communism
we face a most formidable foe. It now operates from a vast territorial
base, controls almost a billion people, and wields great resources
of power and influence. Its apparatus throughout the Free World works
constantly to undermine, divide, and confuse its enemies. Part-time,
half-hearted resistance will not be enough, for the kind of civilization
we cherish is definitely at stake.
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