INTELLIGENCE HANDBOOK (SANITIZED) EASTERN INDONESIA
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP80-01444R000100070001-1
Release Decision:
RIPPUB
Original Classification:
S
Document Page Count:
365
Document Creation Date:
December 20, 2016
Document Release Date:
September 24, 1998
Sequence Number:
1
Case Number:
Publication Date:
December 1, 1966
Content Type:
CH
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Body:
Approved For Release 2007/0
DIRECTORATE OF
INTELLIGENCE
C IA-R D P80-01444 R 000100070001-1
See
No Foreign Dissem
Intelligence Handbook
EASTERN INDONESIA
~eere#
0
PL PA
'PO
CY ARCHTV-u, J3U cj A.a
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SECRET
NO FOREIGN DISSEM
INTELLIGENCE HANDBOOK
EASTERN INDONESIA
SECRET
NO FOREIGN DISSEM
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CONTENTS
Page
Foreword .......................................... xv
I. Introduction ...1
II. Historical Background ........................ 3
A. Chronology .............................. 3
B. History ................................. 4
III. Physical Geography ........................... 9
A. General ..... ........................ 9
1. Terrain and Drainage ............... 9
2. Climate ............................ 10
3. Vegetation .14
a. Casuarina Trees ............... 14
b. Saline Swamp Forests.......... 16
c. Freshwater Swamp Forests...... 16
d. Dryland Evergreen Forests..... 16
e. Dryland Deciduous Forests..... 21
f. Mossy Forests ............... 24
g. Secondary Forests ............. 24
h. Grasslands and Savannas....... 24
i. Cogon Grass ................... 27
j. Cultivated Land ............... .27
B. Celebes (Sulawesi) and Associated
Islands ............................... 30
1. Celebes ...30
a. Terrain ....................... 31
b. Drainage ...................... 33
c. Vegetation .................... 33
d. Coasts. ? ? ? 34
25X1
e. ... 34
2. Associated Islands ....... ......... 34
a. Sangihe - TalaudArchipelago.. 34
b. Penju Islands ................. 40
c. Banggai Islands. ............... 40
d. Wowoni........................ 40
e. Butung ........................ 41
f. Muna.......................... 41
g. Kabaena ....................... 41
h. Salajar ....................... 42
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C. Lesser Sundas ............42
1. General ............................. 42
- a. Physical Features. .... 42
2. Bali.' 44
3. Lombok .............................. 48
4. Sumbawa and Associated Islands...... 51
5. Flores and Associated Islands....... 53
6. Solor - Alor Archipelago ............ 55
7. Sumba ............................. 57
8. Timor and Associated Islands........ 59
D. Moluccas .................................
1. General .............................
a. Physical
Features ----
25X1 b.
2. Halm a e Islands.,..
3. Obi Islands .............
4. Sula Islands
5. Buru ..... ..... ...... ........................
6. Ceram (Seram) and Associated
61
62
62
62
63
68
68
69
Islands ...69
7. Ambon Islands .... ..... ........ 71
8. Minor Islands of the Northern Banda
Sea ............................. 73
9. Kai (Ewab) Islands ..... .......... 73
10. Aru Islands ......................... 74
11. Tanimbar Islands .................... 74
12. Wetar and Minor Islands of the
Southern Banda Sea ................ 74
E. West New Guinea (Irian Barat) ............ 75
1. West New Guinea ..................... 75
a. Terrain ........................ 76
1). Central Mountain Range.... 76
2). Meervlakte Depression..... 76
3). Northern Mountains........ 77
4). Northern Coastal Lowlands. 77
5). Southern Lowlands ......... 77
b. Drainage ....................... 77
c. Vegetation ..................... 79
d. t .... 79
25X1 e .... 88
2. Asso s an s .................. 89
a. Schouten Islands ............. 89
b. Japen .......................... 91
c. Numfoor ......................... 91
d. Waigeo ......................... 91
e. Batanta ........................ 91
f. Salawati ....................... 93
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g. Misool........................ 93
h. Dolak Island (Frederik Hendrik
Island) and Komoran ......... 93
Reading List .................................. 94
IV. Population ................................... 95
A. Introduction ........................... 95
B. Celebes .......................... 95
1. General .... ... ... ............... 95
2. Movement of Population ............97
3. Education .......................... 98
4. Occupations ........................ 98
5. Dress ............................. 99
6. Health and Medical Factors......... 100
7. Ethnic Groups 25X1
25X1 .............. 100
a. Toradjas ...................... 100
b. Minahasans .................... 109
c. Bugis and Makasarese .......... 112
d. Chinese .............. .... 119
e. Minor Ethnic Groups ........... 120
C. Lesser Sundas ........................... 121
1. General ............................ 121
2. Movement of Population ............. 122
3. Social System ...................... 123
4. Religion ........................... 127
5. Language ........................... 134
6. Education .......................... 135
7. Occupations..... 137
8. Villages and Housing ............... 141
9. Dress .............................. 144
10. Health and Medical Factors ......... 145
11. Attitudes and Loyalties ............ 148
25X1 12. ........... 156
D. Moluccas ... . .......................... 156
1. General ........................... 156
2. Movement of Population ............. 157
3. Social System ...................... 160
4. Religion ........................... 163
5. Language ........................... 164
6. Education .......................... 167
7. Occupations .. ... ................. 167
8. Villages and Housing ............... 169
9. Dress .............................. 171
10. Health and Medical Factors ......... 171
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11.
5C1. ....... tudps nnd T_611_Ya~
.....
171
12.
~
............
175
E. West New Guinea ......................... 176
1.
General ............................
176
2.
Movement of Population .............
178
3.
Social System ......................
179
4.
Religion ...........................
183
5.
Language ...........................
187
6.
Education ..........................
188
7.
Occupations ........................
189
8.
Villages and Housing ...............
193
9.
Dress ..............................
194
10.
Health and Medical Factors.........
196
11.
Attitudes and Lo alties............
197
25X1
12.
............
201
Reading List .................................
203
V.
Politics and Government ......................
205
A. Current Problems ........................
205
B. Structure of Government .................
206
C. Current Administration ..................
208
D. Foreign Relations .......................
210
E. Political Parties .......................
211
F. Influence Groups ........................
213
G. Subversion and Insurgency ...............
215
1.
General ............................
215
2.
Communist Subversion ............
216
3. Non-Communist Subversive Activity..
217
a. The Kahar Muzakkar Rebellion..
217
b. The Republic of the South
Moluccas ....................
218
c. PRRI/Permesta Rebellion.......
218
4. Papuan Dissidence .................. 219
5. The Chinese ........................ 220
H.
Portu
guese Timor ........................
220
1.
Administration .....................
220
2.
Subversion .........................
221
Reading List ................................. 224
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VI. Economy ...................................... 225
A. General ................................. 225
B. Mineral Resources ....................... 225
C. Agriculture ............................. 226
D. Forestry and Fishing .................... 227
E. Industry and Electric Power ............. 227
F. Employment and Labor .......227
G. Foreign Aid ............................. 228
Reading List ................................. 229
VII. Transportation ............................... 231
A. Roads ................................. 231
B. Trails .................................. 233
C. Marine Transport ........................ 248
D. Inland Waterways ........................ 258
E. Civil Air Transport ..................... 258
25X1 F. 0 ................................ 260
Reading List......... ......................... 262
VIII. Telecommunications ......................... 263
A. Eastern Indonesia .......263
1. Introduction ............. ...... 263
2. Telephone and Telegraph Facilities
and Services....................... 263
a. Domestic ............... .... 263
b. International...... ........ 263
3. Broadcasting Facilities and
Services ......................... 264
4. Specialized Networks ....264
a. Army ............264
b. Republic of Indonesia National
Police (RINP) ......... 26.4
c. Maritime .................... . 264
B. Portuguese Timor ........................ 269
1. Telecommunications Facilities and
Services ......................... 269
2. Telecommunications Targets ......... 269
Reading List ................................. 270
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IX. Military and Internal Security Forces........ 271
A. General ................................. 271
B, Army (ADRI) ............................. 274
C. Air Force (AURI) ........................ 275
D. Navy (ALRI) ............................. 276
E. Police (AKRI) ........................... 278
1. General .....278
2. Mobile Brigade (BriMob) ........... 279
3. Sea Police. (BKP) ................... 280
5k1 Air Police ......................... 280
281
281
282
G. Portuguese Timor ........................ 283
Reading List ................................. 284
X. Survival Factors ............................. 285
A. Food and Water .......................... 285
1. Plants ............................. 285
2. Animals ............................ 299
3. Water .............................. 300
B. Environmental Hazards ................... 301
1. Large Animals.. .................... 301
2. Reptiles and Fish .................. 301
C. Climatic Hazards ........................ 306
1. Temperature and Humidity ........... 306
2. Precipitation ...................... 307
D. Cultural Factors ........................ 307
E. Medical Factors .... .......... .. .. 309
F. Principal Diseases in Eastern Indonesia. 3.10
Reading List ................................. 314
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Appendixes
Appendix A --
Major
Major
Minor
Site
Minor
Seapla
Seapla
Airfields - Eastern Indonesia...
Airfields - Portuguese Timor....
Airfields and Air Facilities
s - Eastern Indonesia ...........
Airfields - Portuguese Timor....
ne Stations - Eastern Indonesia.
ne Stations - Portuguese Timor..
315
318
319
330
330
331
Appendix B -- Recommended Maps ...................... 333
Appendix C -- Recommended Films ..................... 335
Tables
Table 1
Table 2
-- Eastern Indonesia - Mean Daily Maximum and
Minimum Temperatures .................... 11
-- Eastern Indonesia - Mean Monthly Precip-
itation ................................. 12
Maps Following
Page
51156
Eastern Indonesia:
Terrain Regions 94
51157
Eastern Indonesia:
Vegetation 94
51158
Eastern Indonesia:
Population and
Ethnic Groups
204
d
i
d
51161
In
ones
a an
Portuguese Timor:
Principal Tele-
communication
Facilities
270
53138
Eastern Indonesia:
Airfields and
51160
Eastern Indonesia
Seaplane Stations 331
(General, Economic
Activity, and
Administrative
Divisions)
335
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Photographs
(Abbreviated Titles)
Figure No. Page
1 Casuarina trees .......................... 15
2 Saline swamp forest (mangrove) ........... 17
3 Saline swamp forest (mangrove) ........... 18
4 Saline swamp forest (nipa) ............... 19
5 Freshwater swamp forest .................. 20
6 Dryland evergreen forest ................. 22
7 Dryland evergreen forest ................. 23
8 Dryland deciduous forest ............... 25
9 Mossy forest ............................. 26
10 Savanna .................................. 28
11 Grasslands ............................... 29
12 Cogon grass .............................. 29
13 & 14 Volcanic terrain in northern Celebes..... 35
15 Manado harbor on Celebes ................. 36
16 Tondano Lake in northern Celebes......... 36
17 Landscape in southwestern Celebes........ 37
18 Eroded hillside in northern Celebes...... 37
19 Limestone formations in southwestern
Celebes ................................ 38
20 $ 21 Beaches on Celebes ....................... 39
22 Terraced wetland ricefields on Bali...... 45
23 Limestone terrain in southern Bali....... 45
24 Mountain vegetation on Bali .............. 47
25 Sparse vegetation in northern Lombok..... 49
26 Terraced ricefield in central Lombok..... 49
27 & 28 Coastline of Lombok ...................... 50
29 Cultivated plain in eastern Sumbawa...... 52
30 Intensively cultivated area of Sumbawa... 52
31 Main east-west road in eastern Flores.... 54
32 Volcanic terrain in central Flores....... 54
33 & 34 Kupang harbor, Indonesian Timor .......... 58
35 Interior Indonesian Timor ................ 60
36 Populated area of Morotai ................ 64
37 & 38 Ternate shoreline ........................ 66
39 Coastal village on Buru .................. 70
40 Coastline of Ceram ..................... 70
41 Heavy woods on Amboina ................... 72
42 Cultivated area of Amboina ............... 72
43 Lowland stream of Vogelkop, West Irian... 80
44 North coast of West Irian.. .............. 81
45 Reef-fringed bay of West Irian ........... 82
46 Baliem Valley in West Irian .............. 82
47 Forested mountains of West Irian......... 83
48 Ej 49 Mountain streams of West Irian ........... 84
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Figure No. Page
50 Upper Baliem Valley ......................
Si Alpine terrain in West Irian..............
52 Village in lowlands of West Irian ........
53 & 54 South coast of West Irian................
55 Caves on Biak ............................
56 Coast of southern Japen ........... ....
57 Coastline of Frederik Hendrik Island .....
58 Toradja village ..........................
59 Toradja house ............................
60 Toradja youth ............................
61 Toradja girl .............................
62 Minahasans of northern Celebes ...........
63 Minahasan children ... ........... .......
64 Bugi dwelling in southwestern Celebes....
65 Bugi girl in everyday attire .............
66 $ 67 Makasarese houses in Celebes .............
68 Makasarese couple in ceremonial dress....
69 Makasarese man and child .................
70 Balinese fishing village .................
71 Balinese village temple ..................
72 Terraced ricefields of Bali ..............
73 Balinese fishing boat ....................
74 Young Balinese man .......................
75 Old Hindu Balinese man ...................
76 Balinese girls ...........................
77 Young Balinese dancer.....................
78 Cremation ceremony on Bali ...............
79 Main street of Lombok ....................
80 Native Lombok women .......... ........
81 Sasak people of Lombok ...................
82 Typical village on Sumbawa ...............
83 Girls of Sumbawa .........................
84 Sumbawan couple in ceremonial attire .....
85 Native houses on Sumba ...................
86 Sawunese couple on Sumba .................
87 Man in native attire on Sumba ............
88 Girls in ceremonial attire on Sumba ......
89 Farmers on Flores .. ................ ....
90 Men on Flores ............................
91
92
93
94
9S
96
97
Women dancers on Flores ..................
Lomblen
fishing
village ..................
Native
sailboat
from Alor ................
Alorese
tribal
chief .....................
Natives
of Alor ..........................
Houses
in Indonesian Timor................
Family
settlement on Indonesian Timor....
98 Packhorses on Indonesian Timor ...........
85
86
86
87
90
90
92
104
105
106
107
111
111
115
115
116
117
117
124
124
125
125
128
128
129
129
129
132
132
133
133
136
136
138
138
139
139
142
143
143
146
146
147
147
150
150
151
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Figure No.
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
116
117
118
119
120 & 121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130 & 131
132 $ 133
134 & 135
136 $ 137
138 - 140
141 - 143
144
145
146
147 $ 148
Men of Indonesian Timor ..................
Man in traditional attire on Indonesian
Timor ..................................
Man of Portuguese Timor ..................
Woman of Portuguese Timor ................
Men of Gebe and Pattani Islands ..........
Women from Gebe Island ....................
Fishermen on Buru ........................
Native girls on Buru.....................
Houses in port area of Amboina ...........
Ambonese fishermen .......................
Ambonese youths ..........................
Ambonese women dancing ...................
Natives of Jamdena Island ................
Woman of Tanimbar wearing ceremonial
attire ...............................
Women of Moa Island ...... ? ...............
Housing on north coast of West Irian .....
Village in Southern Lowlands of West
Irian ... ................ .............
Mountain village in West Irian ...........
Highland village in West Irian ...........
Highland hut in West Irian ...............
Native of Southern Lowlands of West
Irian ..................................
Mountain natives of West Irian ...........
Natives of Baliem Valley .................
Mountain men of West Irian ...............
West Irian man with stone axe............
Papuan man with facial adornments ........
Switchback road on Celebes ...............
Coastal highway on Celebes ...............
Bridge on Celebes ........................
Ferry crossing on Celebes ................
Main road on Sumbawa .....................
Main east-west road on Flores ............
Bridges on main east-west road on Flores.
Covered bridges on Flores ................
Major road on Indonesian Timor ...........
Bridges between Indonesian and Portuguese
Timor .............. ....... ...........
Dry river bed in Indonesian Timor ........
Truck mired in river bed, Indonesian
Timor ..................................
Road near Amboina..........
...... .......
Road construction in Vogelkop Peninsula..
Page
154
155
155
159
159
162
162
165
165
166
166
170
170
172
180
181
185
186
186
190
191
195
195
198
200
234
235
236
236
237
238
239
240
241
242
243
244
244
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P
Figure No
e
age
.
149
Bamboo footbridge on Celebes .............
246
150 &
151
Two footbridges in West Irian ............
247
152
Port of Bitung, Celebes ..................
251
153
Harbor construction at Tenau, Indonesian
Timor ..................................
251
154
Port of Makasar, Celebes ...............
256
155
Sorong harbor, West Irian ................
256
156 &
157
Pier in Ternate harbor ...................
257
158
Highland river in West Irian .............
259
159
Canoes on lowland river, West Irian......
259
160
Main transmitter, Sukarnapura............
266
161
Transmission lines, Sukarnapura ...........
266
162
Transmitter station in southwest Amboina.
267
163
Military antenna farm on Biak ............
267
164
Wireline on Indonesian Timor .............
268
165
Radiotelegraph station on Portuguese
Timor ..................................
268
166
Plantain .................................
286
167
Bignay ...................................
287
168
Breadfruit ................... ... .......
288
169
Bamboo ... ... ...................... ....
289
170
Coconut .............................. ...
290
171
Nipa palm ..............................
291
172
Rattan palm ..............................
292
173
Sugar palm ...............................
293
174
Sago palm ................................
294
175
Edible ferns .............................
295
176
East Indian arrowroot ....................
296
177
Taro ....................................
297
17
8
Tropical yam ............. ..... .........
298
17
9
Obtaining water from tropical vine .......
302
180 -
183
Poisonous fish ...........................
304
184 &
185
Poisonous fish .................. .....
305
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FOREWORD
The NIS General Survey, Indonesia, May 1966 was used
extensively in preparation of the Chronology and Chapters
V and IX (Politics and Government, and Military and Internal
Security Forces); it and other NIS chapters should be referred
to for additional background information. For NIS chapters
available, see the NIS Production Status Report.
For purposes of this Handbook, Eastern Indonesia
includes Bali, the Lesser Sundas (including Portuguese
Timor), Celebes, the Moluccas, and West New Guinea. The
terms West New Guinea, West Irian, and Irian Barat are used
interchangeably.
The cutoff date for material contained in the Handbook
is 31 October 1966.
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I. Introduction
Eastern Indonesia, which includes the island areas
of Celebes, the Lesser Sundas, the Molucdas, and West
Irian has an area of 296,000 square miles and a population
of about 14,600,000. It comprises approximately 40 percent
of Indonesia's land area, but only about 15 percent of its
population. However, over half the land area of Eastern
Indonesia is in West Irian, one of the world's most
inhospitable and undeveloped regions. Unlike other
geographic regions of the Indonesian Republic, Eastern
Indonesia has few mineral industries or agricultural
resources. Its people make their living by cultivating
small food crops and fishing, and by the export of a few
key products such as copra and spices. Natural disasters,
such as volcanic eruptions or lack of rainfall, can
quickly result in famine in some areas, as the paucity of
transportation hinders the distribution of food reserves to
stricken areas.
Although a sense of national identity has spread
throughout the area, the political issues and national
campaigns which have preoccupied attention in other parts
of Indonesia have seemed remote from the everyday experiences
of most residents in Eastern Indonesia. With the notable
exception of Bali and scattered population centers such
as Makasar and Amboina, the islands were relatively
unaffected by the events following from the abortive
leftist coup attempt in Djakarta in October 1965. In
most areas military commanders had been acting as top
provincial administrators before that date, and their
powers were expanded to virtual martial law authority
soon after. The Indonesian Communist Party was proscribed
in most of the area during November and December 1965,
preceding its nation-wide ban in March 1966. The PKI
was strong only on Bali, which suffered greatly from the
internecine fighting between political groups in November
and December 1965.
Guerrilla activity, intermittent in southern Celebes
and Ceram since 1950, had virtually ceased by 1965 due to
the attrition among rebel leaders and to counterinsurgency
operations by the central government. Regional economic
grievances and anti-Javanese resentment remain strong in
the area, but a resurgence of dissident activity is
hampered by the area's geographic dispersion and the
greater resources in men and materiel commanded by the
central government.
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The army is the dominant administrative organ in
Indonesia, stemming from its long determination to prevent
national fragmentation and from its preeminence in the
national leadership since March 1966. There is a nominal
appearance of popular participation in government, but holders
of key positions in the provinces are appointed by the central
government and are chiefly military men. Public opinion in
much of the area of Eastern Indonesia has been disenfranchised
since 1960 when the Masjumi, the major political party of that
area, was banned. Although the Masjumi and other banned
parties may be allowed to reorganize - possibly under new
names - the army will continue for some time to define the
latitude of political party activity in the interests of
stable government.
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II. Historical Background
A. Chronology
1511 Portuguese captured Malacca, major spice market of
Southeast Asia, and from this base established a
thin garrison empire throughout the Moluccas and
Timor.
1596 First Dutch expedition reached western Java
(Bantam), followed quickly by successive expeditions
to eastern Indonesian islands.
1602 United East India Company (Dutch) formed; main
headquarters established at Amboina.
1619 Dutch established main base at Batavia (Djakarta).
1826 Dutch declared their sovereignty to extend to
141st meridian in New Guinea.
1904 Treaty between Dutch and Portuguese set present
boundaries on Timor.
1945 Declaration of Indonesian independence by
Republican Government on 17 August.
1946 State of East Indonesia (capital at Makasar) was
established by the Dutch; comprised the Lesser
Sunda Islands, Celebes, and the Moluccas.
1949 Dutch sovereignty transferred to the federal
Republic of United States of Indonesia (RUSI);
Dutch retained control of West New Guinea.
1950 Republic of Indonesia, a unitary state,
established by the dissolution of the federal
state system; dissident movements began in the
Moluccas and in southern Celebes.
1958 PRRI/Permesta rebellion broke out in parts of
Sumatra and Celebes.
1959 The Constitution of 1945, which centralized power
in. the executive and reduced legislatures to
rubber stamps, was reinstated.
1961 PRRI/Permesta rebellion ended with surrender of
major rebel forces.
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1963 West New Guinea transferred to Indonesian
administration after brief UN trusteeship,
with proviso that expression of self-
determination be granted to Papuan population
before end of 1969.
1963 Formation of Malaysia, against Indonesian
objections, marked by break in diplomatic and
economic relations between two nations and
beginning of anti-Malaysia campaign by Indonesia.
1963-65 Intensified anti-dissident operations in Eastern
Indonesia resulted in death of chief dissident
leaders in southern Celebes and Moluccas.
1965 Indonesia withdrew from United Nations in
January and espoused increasingly leftist
domestic and foreign policies. In October,
leftist forces including elements of the
Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) attempted a
coup. Army-led reaction severely repressed
the Communists, and led to increased army power
at expense of Sukarno and resurgence of non-
Communist elements in Indonesia.
1966 Following nearly four months of political
stalemate, army took de facto control of
government in March antic formed a cabinet
controlled by army and its civilian supporters.
PKI officially banned in March. Legislative
action in June and a cabinet reorganization in
July further reduced Sukarno's powers to that
of titular chief of state. End to anti-
Malaysian hostilities negotiated in August,
and in September Indonesia re-entered the UN.
B. History
The early history of the Indonesian islands is
dominated by the powerful kingdoms of Sumatra and Java
which were located on or near vital sea lanes connecting
the China Sea and the Indian Ocean. Along these waterways
moved the lucrative trade of the Orient, exchanging Chinese
and Indian textiles and other manufactures for the aromatic
woods, spices, ivory, and metals of the southeast Asian
countries. Hindu, Buddhist, and Islamic cultural influences
were widely diffused through the port areas of the Indonesian
islands via these trading channels; the interiors of most
of the islands remained largely untouched. The eastern
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islands, most of them sparsely populated and widely dispersed,
rarely formed important political units in their own right.
The local sultans in the eastern islands who organized
the production and sale of the spices and woods were treated
as important satellites by the Javanese kings who, from the
9th century until the arrival of western commercial interests
in the 16th century, extended their influence from Bali east-
ward. Javanese domination was never complete, however, and
within the area minor kingdoms established hegemony over
nearby islands, leaving an ingrained attitude of resentment
and suspicion of alien rule on the part of the subject pop-
ulations. The Buginese and Makasarese kingdoms of southern
Celebes, and the sultanates of Bali, Ternate, and Tidore
were the most prominent of these realms, frequently under
Javanese overlordship.
Domination of the rich spice trade was the target
of European merchants, causing western explorers under
the flags of Spain and Portugal to seek new routes to
the orient in the 15th and 16th centuries. In the process,
they discovered new continents and ushered in four and a
half centuries of European dominance in Southeast Asia.
Rivalry among local rulers and minor nobles of Eastern
Indonesia, and their general resistance to Javanese
domination, were exploited by the westerners to expand
their economic interests. For more than a hundred years
(roughly 1520 to 1650), the Moluccas and Celebes were
the centers of European activity in the East Indies. The
Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, and British engaged in bitter
rivalry for commercial control of the important port towns
of Ternate, Tidore, Amboina, Makasar, and Manado. By the
middle of the 17th century, Dutch primacy had been established,
British and Spanish interests had been driven out, and
Portuguese holdings confined to Timor. Regarding their
activity as a commercial venture only, the Dutch East India
Company, established in 1602, dealt with native rulers who
continued to administer their realms. The company's
restrictive commercial policies in the eastern islands, how-
ever, had largely destroyed indigenous commerce by the end
of the'l8th century when the Company was dissolved (1798).
From the mid-1800's onward, more liberal trade policies
were instituted and the economy of the eastern territories
gradually revived under the growing world demand for copra,
which thereafter became their principal export commodity.
Direct administrative control by the Dutch colonial
government in Eastern, Indonesia increased in the 19th
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century, and was highlighted by local wars of resistance
by the native rulers. Much of northern Bali, Lombok, south-
west and northeast Celebes, and various parts of the Moluccas
had been brought under formal Dutch administration by 1898,
but the remoter interiors of Celebes, the Moluccas, and nearly
all of the Lesser Sundas from Sumbawa east were not directly
ruled until the first decade of the 20th century. The main
lowland of Bali was among the last area to be occupied and
only came under Dutch rule in 1908 following protracted
resistance which ended with the mass suicide of some of
the ruling princes and their families. The international
boundaries of West New Guinea and Timor were defined in
1904 and 1908, respectively. Practically the whole interior
of West New Guinea remained unknown land until the 1930's,
and at the time of World War II Dutch rule was scarcely
more than nominal over most of this region a few miles
inland from the coast.
Following the declaration of Indonesian independence
and the establishment of a republican government on Java
in August 1945, many of the local leaders in Eastern
Indonesia immediately declared for the Republic. The
nationalist movement was not well established in the
eastern islands, however, as this area during World
War II had been under the control of the Japanese navy
which suppressed nationalist activity rather than allowing
it to develop within bounds as the Japanese army did on
Java and Sumatra. The returning Dutch army rather easily
re-established control, and arrested and jailed most of
the pro-Republican leaders. The State of East Indonesia,
with its capital at Makasar, was established by the Dutch
in December 1946 comprising Celebes, the Moluccas and the
Lesser Sunda Islands. Tenacious resistance to Dutch rule was
encountered, however, in southwestern Celebes, where
extremely brutal measures were employed in a pacification
campaign ending in March 1947, and in Bali, where resistance
continued until the middle of 1948. Moreover,.the cabinet
of the State of East Indonesia resigned in December 1948
in protest against the Dutch attack on the Republic of
Indonesia (comprising parts of Java and Sumatra). Following
negotiations at The Hague, Dutch sovereignty over the
Indonesian islands was passed in December 1949 to the
Republic of the United States of Indonesia (RUSI), made
up of the Republic of Indonesia and the 15 states created
under Dutch auspices. The status of West New Guinea was
held in abeyance, under Dutch control, pending further
negotiations.
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The federal structure of RUSI was abandoned in 1950
as the various states voted to dissolve their separate
identities and to merge with the Republic of Indonesia.
The movement toward a unitary state, completed by August
1950, resulted in several local rebellions in the area
of Eastern Indonesia. Their causes were chiefly the
uncertainty of Dutch-sponsored rulers, Dutch-trained
military forces, and local political and religious chief-
tains of their future status under a secular, Javanese-
dominated government. Military action by the central
government reduced the threat of dissident forces after
1951 in Celebes and Ceram, but guerrilla activities ceased
only gradually over the years with the surrender, capture,
or death of local leaders.
Indonesia's long quarrel with the Dutch over the.
status of West New Guinea came to an end in October 1962.
The issue had provoked a series of diplomatic and economic
reprisals by Indonesia against the Dutch after 1956,
culminating in the rupture of official relations in 1960.
Massive arms purchases from the Soviet Union and other
Communist governments beginning 1960, the build-up of
military forces in Eastern Indonesia in 1961-62, and the
eventual small-scale intrusion of Indonesian troops into
the New Guinea territory increased pressures on the Dutch
to negotiate the transfer of the area to Indonesian control.
With the. US acting as mediator under UN auspices, Dutch-
Indonesian negotiations were concluded in mid-1962. After
an interim of UN administration, the territory now called
Irian Barat (West Irian) was taken over by Indonesia on
1 May 1963 with the UN proviso that Indonesia would conduct
a plebiscite before 1 January 1970 to decide its political
future. Indonesia's efforts since acquisition have been
directed toward consolidating its hold and have resulted
in considerable Papuan resentment. The current regime is
attempting to ameliorate discontent and to find some formula
which would fulfill the requirement for Papuan self-deter-
mination without jeopardizing Indonesian control.
President Sukarno, who has been Indonesia's only chief
of state since independence in 1949, abandoned parliamentary
democracy in effect in 1957 when he personally appointed a
non-party cabinet, and in fact in 1959 when he decreed the
readoption of Indonesia's first constitution (written in
1945) which specified a presidential system. After taking
personal charge of the government in July 1959, Sukarno began
to reshape Indonesian institutions to, conform with his political
concepts, which are the product of an early and continuing
attachment to Marxism. From the outset Sukarno's programs
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relied heavily, but not exclusively, on the support of the
Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) which had the advantage of
being closer ideologically to Sukarno's views than other
Indonesian parties. Sukarno's tolerance and later support
permitted the PKI to become the largest civilian organization
in Indonesia by 1965. Sukarno's domestic policies after 1960
were designed to push all political activity toward the left
and to oust any potential opposition centers. The policies
caused the gradual isolation and demoralization of moderate
nationalist and religious groups. By mid-1965, only the
army offered resistance -- and that was relatively slight
-- to the nation's move into a Sukarnoized version of Com-
munism.
The leftward plunge of Indonesian policies was dramatically
arrested by the army's reaction to a leftist coup attempt on
1 October 1965. Communist elements were deeply involved in the
abortive coup, and circumstantial evidence also pointed toward
some degree of presidential participation. The army concent-
rated first on a campaign to destroy the PKI, and secondarily
on a campaign to restrict Sukarno's virtually unlimited powers.
By December 1965 the PKI had been virtually eliminated as a
political force and surviving hard-core members had been
driven underground. In March 1966 the PKI and its front
organizations were formally banned throughout Indonesia by
the army in the first exercise of de facto powers forced from
Sukarno. Major political power passed to the army and its
civilian allies after March 1966. Indonesia's new rulers
stated that their goal was the return to constitutional
rather than personal government, and to nonalignment in
world affairs.
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III. Physical Geography
A. General
Eastern Indonesia consists of more than 2,000 islands
that range from small rocks exposed at low tide to the large
island of Celebes (Sulawesi). They are scattered over an area
that is equal to approximately half the size of the continental
United States -- from 114?E to 141?E and from 5?N to 110S.
West New Guinea (Irian Barat), with an area of some 160,000
square miles, is the largest single landmass in the study
area; the eastern portion of New Guinea is administered by
Australia. Celebes, which covers 73,000 square miles, is
the second largest landmass of Eastern Indonesia.
1. Terrain and Drainage
For convenience of discussion the islands of Eastern
Indonesia are grouped into four regions, although no one type
of terrain characterizes each region (see Map 51156 for delim-
itation of the regions and Map 51160 for additional place names).
Most of the islands consist of mountains and hills that are
densely forested and sparsely settled. Notable exceptions are
Bali, which is densely settled and intensively cultivated,
and the other Lesser Sunda Islands, which though sparsely
settled, generally have a meager vegetative cover. Many of
the islands are of volcanic origin, and the terrain commonly
rises steeply from the sea and culminates in peaks of more
than 10,000 feet above sea level. Relatively flat areas, on
which most of the people live, generally occur only in narrow
belts along the coasts and in intermontane basins. The only
extensive plains area is the swampy southern lowland of West
New Guinea.
In the hilly and mountainous interior regions of most of
the islands, drainage is normally. characterized by short,
swift-flowing streams in narrow valleys or rocky gorges; flash
floods are common. Streams that cross plains flow more slowly
and in some stretches are navigable by shallow-draft vessels.
In the swamps of New Guinea, streams provide the main routes
of surface travel. Many streams in-the Lesser Sundas are
intermittent and characteristically have wide braided courses
on the plains. In limestone areas, which are found in many
parts of Eastern Indonesia, surface drainage may be lacking
over considerable distances, as streams disappear into the
porous rock and flow beanath the surface.
25X1
The major islands of Eastern Indonesia have highly
h
b
es
eac
irregular coastlines with numerous sandy
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Climate
Temperatures are uniformly high and relatively con-
stant throughout Eastern Indonesia (see Table 1). The only
appreciable temperature variations result from elevation
differences. Temperatures are generally 3 Fahrenheit degrees
cooler for every 1,000 foot increase in elevation; permanent
snowfields cover areas above 14,000 feet in West New Guinea.
The daily range in the lowlands is from the low 70's at night
to the high 80's or low 90's in the afternoon. Relative
humidity is very high from December through March but in
parts of the Lesser Sundas diminishes to less than 50 percent
during the dry season.
Most of Eastern Indonesia receives abundant rainfall, but
much of the region experiences a definite seasonal variation
(see Table 2). From December through February the moist winds
that blow from the northwest across Eastern Indonesia bring a
pronounced wet season to most islands. Most of the precip-
itation falls during short but torrential thunderstorms, which
normally occur in the early afternoon. Some stations have
recorded 20 inches of rainfall in a 24-hour period. From May
to October. southeasterly winds blow across Eastern Indonesia,
producing a marked dry season in the Lesser Sundas, in southern
Celebes, and in the islands of the southern Moluccas. This
dry season is most pronounced in the easternmost Lesser Sundas.
In the northern part of Celebes and in the northern Molucca
islands there is no marked seasonal variation in rainfall.
There may be, however, a seasonal variation between the northern
and southern slopes of individual islands because of their
difference in exposure to rain-bearing winds. March-April and
October-November are transitional periods between the north-
western and southeastern monsoons.
Eastern Indonesia is not normally affected by typhoons.
Tropical storms, however, occasionally brush its northern
and southern limits. These storms are characterized by
several days of thick clouds and heavy rainfall. Surface
_Yids on such occasions are seldom destru~ ve.
Fog forms over
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swampy valleys and upland basins during the night but usually
disperses by 0900. Tall cloudbanks develop in the morning but
usually dissipate following afternoon thunderstorms. Normally,
clear weather prevails from 1400 until nightfall. Over the
sea, cloudiness and thunderstorms occur most commonly at night.
Most areas experience a maximum number of clear days during
the southeast monsoon. The southern islands of the study area
are an exception. Here, the southeast monsoon frequently
brings a dry haze composed of salt particles from the sea,
smoke from brush fires, and dust from Australia that gives
a bluish or whitish tint to the air and reduces visibility.
As the dry season progresses the haze becomes denser; it is
usually densest in areas between 3,000 and 6,000 feet above
sea level. In unusually dry years it has extended as far
west and north as Singapore and northern Borneo. The rains
2590 the transitional season usually dissipate the haze.
3. Vegetation
Most of the islands of Eastern Indonesia have extensive
forested areas, but the type of vegetation varies from place
to place, being strongly influenced by the annual distribu-
tion of rainfall and by elevation above sea level. Deciduous
forests and open grasslands predominate only in the eastern
Lesser Sundas, where a pronounced dry season is experienced.
Tropical evergreen forests prevail throughout the rest of
the region.
a. Casuarina Trees
Along the coasts, sandy shores often support pure
stands of casuarina trees, usually in groves less than
100 yards wide. The trees are generally spaced 10 to 20
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Figure 1. Casuarina trees.
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feet apart and have trunks up to a foot in diameter. Casuarina
trees seldom exceed 100 feet in height. The canopy is continuous
but sparse, and undergrowth (usually shrubs 3 to 4 feet high45X1
is spotty.
b. Saline Swamp Forests
Saline swamp forests occur in scattered coastal areas
and extend upriver as far as the tide makes the water brackish.
The seaward portions of such forests consist of mangrove of
various types. Trees in mangrove swamps produce a dense
canopy, often not exceeding 10 feet in height. The trees are
spaced 4 to 10 feet apart and have trunks 1 to 2 feet in diam-
eter. There is no undergrowth, but dense aerial roots present
conditions comparable to dense undergrowth. Nipa palms com-
monly grow in pure stands along the landward margins of brackish
rivers. The nipa palm has a horizontal trunk buried in the mud,
from which closely spaced fronds grow vertically to heights
of 20 feet, Their inter1orkinv leaves farm n thin rnnnnv_
sugarcane, and vines; frequently they provide the only 25X1
c. Freshwater Swamp Forests
Freshwater swamp forests are found along some rivers
and in poorly drained inland areas. They normally have a
dense canopy, with the tallest trees reaching 150 feet. The
diameter of the trunks of the largest trees is about 4 feet.
Root systems up to 2 feet high may extend ribbonlike as far
as 20 feet along the ground out from the trunk. The distance
between individual trees averages 10 feet. Undergrowth is
very dense and usually consists of palms, tall ferns, thorny
vines, and various herbaceous plants. The sandy natural
levees of the larger rivers that cross these swamps are
covered by dense growths of large trees, palms, bamboo, wild
available dry ground.
d. Dryland Evergreen Forests
Dryland evergreen forests predominate on most of Celebes,
the Moluccas, and West New Guinea but cover only 15 percent
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Figure 2. Saline swamp forest (Mangrove).
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Figure 3. Saline swamp forest (Mangrove).
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Figure 4. Saline swamp forest (Nipa).
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Figure S. Freshwater swamp forest.
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25X1
25X1
of the Lesser Sundas. Tree heights average between 80 and
150 feet, although individual trees may reach 200 feet. The
trees are spaced 10 to 30 feet apart, trunks are 2 to 5 feet
in diameter, and many are buttressed. Beneath the topmost
canopy a second story of smaller trees stands 50 to 60 feet
high, with trunk diameters of about a foot. The density of
the undergrowth is determined largely by the amount of light
that filters through the top two layers. Where the canopy is
sparse there is usually a dense undergrowth that normally
consists of palms, climbing rattans, and thick vines that
hang from the canopy. The vines and rattans are often
covered with thorns that can tear clothing and inflict
scratches. Where canopy is dense, undergrowth is sparse.2
At e evations between 4,000 and 8,000
feet, trees tend to be smaller, averaging 40 to 100 feet high,
with individual trees up to 150 feet. Trunks are 1 to 3 feet
in diameter and generally have no buttresses. Trees are
spaced 6 to 30 feet apart. A dense undergrowth of shrubs
6 to 8 feet high covers the forest floor. Evergreen oaks,
magnolias, and conifers are widely distributed, with conifers
gradually becoming the most numerous near 8,000 feet. Between
8,000 and 12,000 feet scale-leaved conifers are dominant,
but the needle-leaved mountain casuarinas, which grow in
scattered stands on mountain slopes and summits throughout
the Lesser Sundas, are also common. Up to elevations of
11,000 feet the trees usually form a continuous canopy. They
are normally 40 to 100 feet high, with trunks 1 to 3 feet in
diameter, and are spaced 10 to 50 feet apart. A few valleys
contain open grassland. Above 11,000 feet the trees are
scattered and dwarfed, with intervening spaces covered 25X1
tufts of grass and shrubs.
e. Dryland Deciduous Forests
Dryland deciduous forests occupy roughly 20 percent of
the Lesser Sundas, but they are much less extensive throughout
the remainder of Eastern Indonesia. Although such forests
occur most often at elevations below 3,000 feet, they occasion-
ally are found up to 5,000 feet. Acacia, eucalyptus, and teak
are common species, but they occur only rarely in pure stands.
Forest reserve trees grow to heights of 100 feet, with branches
cleared up to 50 feet; the trees are spaced 6 to 15 feet apart
and have trunks up to 3 feet in diameter. Elsewhere, trees
are generally smaller. The canopy is thin even when the
deciduous forests have maximum foliage (November through June).
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Figure 7. Dryland evergreen forest.
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25X1
25XI1
trees averaging 30 feet in height separated by sizable areas
of deciduous shrubs, cactus thickets up to 6 feet in height,
or scattered clumps of grass 2 to 3 feet high. There is a
Consequently, a thin undergrowth of evergreen shrubs 2 to 3
feet high is common, and dense thickets 6 feet high grow
locally. Furthermore, continuous tree cover does not exist
everywhere. Occasionally the landscape consists of scattered
fire hazard in deciduous forests from early July through 25X1
October, when the vegetation is very dry.
Mossy Forests
Mossy forests grow throughout Eastern Indonesia on
persistently cloud-shrouded mountain slopes and summits at
elevations between 7,000 and 11,000 feet and may grow locally
as low as 3,500 feet. The forests consist of gnarled trees,
45 to 60 feet high, that form an uneven canopy above which
scattered palms may project to a height of 80 feet. The
largest trees are spaced 10 to 15 feet apart. A thick growth
of thorny rattans reaches up into the trees. Moss covers the
branches and twigs, and dense beds of moss as deep as 3 feet
obscure the ground. Tree sizes and density of undergrowth
diminish as elevation increases.
g. Secondary Forests
Patches of secondary forest, which develop when land has
been cleared and abandoned, form a checkered pattern along
with tracts of primary forest and cultivated fields. Such
patches are most common on Celebes and on the islands of the
western Lesser Sundas. The secondary forests are characterized
by a tangle of small trees, bamboo, thorny vines, shrubs, and
ferns; they form a nearly impenetrable growth -- a path can be 25X1
cleared only with great difficulty.
h. Grasslands and Savannas
Grasslands and savannas are most abundant in the Lesser
Sundas, on the southwestern and southeastern peninsulas of
Celebes, and in southeastern West New Guinea. Elsewhere in
Eastern Indonesia, such areas are small and highly scattered,
and usually consist of cogon grass. Extensive areas of pure
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Figure 8. Dryland deciduous forest.
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25X1
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grass are most likely to be found on the southern peninsulas
of Celebes and on the islands of the Lesser Sundas. Here, 25X1
the grasses are iYener lly 1 to 2 feet high,
grassy areas containing scattered trees and thickets of bushes
and cactus. The trees, usually 20 to 50 feet apart, include
slender palms, acacias, and eucalyptus that grow to an average
height of 40 feet and have trunk diameters of about a foot.
The bushes are sparse leaved and spiny, and the cactuses form
dense clusters as much as 10 feet high. Palms are common in
coastal savannas, whereas acacias are more prevalent at higher
elevations. The savanna landscape of southeastern West New
Guinea differs slightly from that of the Lesser Sundas. The
trees, mostly palms and eucalyptuses, grow to 80 feet and are
usually 40 or more feet apart. There are also widely spaced
patches of small shrubs and clumps of cogon grass 2 to 4 feet
tall. Many of the savannas of southeastern West New Guinea
are inundated during the wet season. Various kinds of grasses
reach heights of 4 to 10 feet in the interiors of Frederik
Hendrik and Komoran Islands. The grassy plains of the interior
of these islands are dry from early June through November but
become vast lakes that contain floating masses of aquatic
grass from early December through May. Grasslands may be 25X1
significant fire hnznrc1R diirinn thn A-
i. Cogon Grass
Cogon grass grows at elevations below 5,000 feet in
Celebes and the Moluccas and below 8,000 feet in West New
Guinea. It covers the ground thickly, grows 2 to 4 feet
high, and has sharp-edged blades about 1/2 inch wide.
Depressions in cogon grass areas are often occupied by
clumps of bamboo. Cogon is the dominant grass of the interior
of West New Guinea and is especially common in parts of the
Central Mountain Range. It burns readily during the dry
25X1
Cultivated Land
The proportion of cultivated land on individual islands
varies widely; much of Bali, for example, is under cultivation,
while less than 1 percent of West New Guinea's total area is
cultivated. On most islands, much of the cultivated land is
in tree crops. Coconut plantations are common in well-drained
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Figure 10. Savanna.
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Figure 11. Grasslands.
Figure 12. Colton grass.
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coastal areas, and coconuts are grown locally up to 2,000 feet.
On large plantations they are planted in a regular pattern,
normally 25 feet apart. The trees are 30 to 60 feet in height,
8 to 12 inches in diameter, and form a sparse conopy. Under-
growth is rare. Coffee and nutmeg also are plantation crops.
Maize, grown at low elevations, occupies much land in
the Lesser Sundas and on the two southern peninsulas of
Celebes. It may be planted at any time between early April
and late December and is harvested between early August and
early May. The fields are usually fallow between crops.
Wetland rice is grown in parts of the Western islands.
Individual fields are less than an acre and are surrounded
by earthen dikes. The fields are flooded to a depth of 6
to 8 inches between early January and late March but gradually
dry out before harvest time, which begins in August. Ricefields
may be left fallow between rice crops or may be planted in
maize, sweet potatoes, peanuts, or other crops. Dryland rice
is grown in interior areas and,along with maize, is generally
more common than the wetland variety in the easternmost islands.
Gardens, usually less than an acre, are common around
villages throughout Eastern Indonesia. Small areas under
shifting cultivation are scattered throughout dryland evergreen
forests. Common crops in fields of both migratory and sedentary
farmers include rice, sweet potatoes, beans, maize, sugarcane,
and white potatoes.
B. Celebes (Sulawesi) and Associated Islands
See Figures 13 through 21.
1. Celebes
The large, irregularly shaped island of Celebes lies
between Borneo, the Moluccas, the Philippines, and the Lesser
Sundas. Narrow mountain ranges radiate from a central mountain
core to form long peninsulas that extend to the north, northeast,
southeast, and south. The straight-line distance from the tip
of the northern peninsula to the southernmost point of the island
is approximately 650 miles. The island, with an area of 73,000
square miles, is about the size of Michigan and the northern
half of Wisconsin combined and is the fourth largest landmass
in the Republic of Indonesia, ranking behind Borneo, Sumatra,
and West New Guinea.
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a. Terrain
Roughly 90 percent of Celebes consists of heavily forested
hilly-to-mountainous terrain interspersed with intermontane
basins of varying sizes. Small villages are sprinkled among
the ricefields in the basins; mountain slopes are, for the
most part, sparsely populated. Most of the mountains are
sharp crested and have steep sides that are dissected by
short, turbulent streams.
The central core, the most rugged part of the island,
consists of a series of north-south trending mountain ranges
that extend into the southwestern peninsula. Crests exceed
11,000 feet in the west, but elevations decrease toward the
east where intermontane basins, some containing lakes, are
common. In places, especially in the southwestern part of
the central core, local relief (the difference between the
highest and lowest elevations within a horizontal distance
of 1 mile) exceeds 2,000 feet and slopes are over 45 percent.
The northern peninsula is rugged, with local relief
averaging about 1,000 feet but in places reaching nearly
2,000 feet. The north-south trending section of the peninsula
is formed by a single narrow mountain range that reaches
almost 8,400 feet in its northern part. Two roughly parallel
mountain ranges form the east-west trending extension of the
peninsula; the northern ridge reaches 7,980 feet, and the
southern range attains a maximum of 8,880 feet. The area
between the two ranges has several depressions, some of which
contain lakes. Approximately a dozen volcanoes, the highest
of which reaches 6,500 feet above sea level, rise near the
eastern end of the northern peninsula. One of them, Mount
Soputan, erupted in May 1966, causing widespread crop damage.
A plateau, intensively cultivated and relatively heavily
populated, occupies much of the tip of the peninsula.
The northeastern peninsula consists of two parallel
mountain ranges that merge in the east to form a single
range. The peninsula is very rugged, particularly in the
west, where local relief exceeds 2,000 feet in places. The
northern range reaches an elevation of 11,500 feet, the
southern range rises to 8,600 feet, and the single range to
the east has a maximum elevation of 5,500 feet. Between the
northern and southern ranges there is a dissected limestone
plateau that is characterized by underground drainage, caves
25X1 and sinkholes.
25X1 Limestone
areas, which commonly contain caves, can usually be recognized
by disappearing streams, sinkholes, scraggly vegetation, and
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sometimes by pinnacles that stand high above the surrounding
terrain.
The southeastern peninsula consists of a series of broken
southeast-trending ranges, interspersed with numerous depres-
sions. In the northern part of the peninsula several of these
depressions contain large lakes. Altitudes are highest in
the west. Although this is generally the least rugged of
the peninsulas, local relief in places reaches nearly 2,000
feet.
The rugged mountains of the central core extend for some
distance into the southwestern peninsula, but an east-west
trending corridor separates them from the lower mountains
to the south. The two parallel ranges which extend southward
from the corridor merge to form a rugged knot of mountains
(rising to over 9,400 feet) at the southern end of the
peninsula. The parallel ranges are not serious barriers to
movement, although local relief exceeds 2,000 feet in places.
Lowlands, on which most of the people of Celebes live,
generally occur as discontinuous valleys, intermontane basins,
or narrow coastal strips. A narrow valley extends southeast-
ward for roughly 100 miles from the northwestern coast of the
central core to within 40 miles of Bone Bay, the large
embayment that separates the two southern peninsulas.
Throughout its length the valley is confined by mountains
that rise as much as 6,000 feet above the valley floor. Another
narrow valley extends roughly 60 miles into the central core
from the southern shore of Tomini Bay, the bay that separates
the northern and eastern peninsulas. This level-to-hilly
lowland decreases in width from 13 miles in the north to 5
miles in the south.
Most of the west coast of the central core is bordered
by a gently rolling plain, roughly 100 miles long and as
much as 30 miles wide in the north. A 20-mile-wide plain
extends for about 75 miles along the northern shore of Bone
Bay. The lowland slopes gently seaward from elevations of
approximately 300 feet along its inland margin.
The only significant lowlands outside the central core
are on the two southern peninsulas. The southwestern
peninsula has two lowland areas: a densely populated west
coast plain, roughly 75 miles long and up to 15 miles wide;
and a narrow, discontinuous, and less densely populated east
coast plain. The two plains are connected in the north by a
corridor 10 to 20 miles wide that is generally less than 300
feet above sea level; two lakes fill depressions in the central
part of the corridor. On the southeastern peninsula an
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east-west partly marshy lowland connects the coastal towns
of Kolaka and Kendari.
b. Drainage
The drainage system of Celebes is characterized by
short, swift streams that flow through V-shaped valleys,
steep-walled gorges, and intermontane basins. In many instances,
upland stretches of streams -- although unnavigable by any
type of craft -- may offer the best route for foot travel
through dense jungle areas. Although seasonal fluctuations
in the streams are not great, flash floods may result in
dangerous rises in water levels upstream and widespread
flooding downstream. These may occur at any time of the
year, but most commonly from November to June. Flash floods
are only a temporary barrier to cross-country movement, since
water levels usually drop to normal within a few hours after
the rains have stopped, and then the streams can be crossed
safely. The streams which cross coastal lowlands are gen-
erally shallow and flow more slowly than upland streams and
often divide into multiple smaller streams with intervening
marshy areas.
There are several large lakes and a number of marshes
and swamps on Celebes. Most lakes are very deep and are
surrounded by precipitous rock walls. They lie at various
elevations and are interconnected by short, swift mountain
streams that flow in rocky gorges, with many rapids and
waterfalls. Marshes occupy some of the larger lowlands, and
swamps occur in small isolated patches along the coasts of
Celebes.
c. Vegetation
J
are common in the ana o area
ou wes ern peninsula; on the remainder of the
of Celebes, although some of the highest peaks are nearly
barren. Secondary forests are widespread on the lowest
slopes and in parts of the lowland, and mossy forests grow 25X1
on persistently cloud-covered slopes. Relatively extensive
grasslands containing scattered patches of scrub
cover most of the highlands
25X1 Evergreen forests]
island, grasslands occur only in small patches. Mangrove
and casuarina grow in many coastal areas.
Cultivation is not extensive. The only significant
areas are near Manado, north of Kendari, and in the south-
western peninsula. Plantation crops include kapok, rubber,
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coffee, and coconuts. Of the numerous subsistence crops, the
most important are maize and wetland rice.
25X1 The long coastline of Celebes contains numerous beaches
though many are backed by
rugged terrain. In many places steep mountains and hills
extend to the sea, isolating small sandy beaches. Many sandy
beaches are backed by mangrove swamps, particularly along parts
of the two southern peninsulas. Approaches are. encumbered in
many places by reefs and in others by islets, rocks, and shoals.
Along most coasts there are two high tides and two low tides
each day, and the mean tide ranges are about 2 to 4 feet.
Tidal currents are strongest between the offshore islands
and the mainland. Surf higher than 4 feet along the Celebes
257f ast occurs primarily from infrequent local storms.
Associated Islands
a. Sangihe - Talaud Archipelago
The two significant island groups that form the Sangihe -
Talaud archipelago lie off the tip of the northern peninsula.
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Figures 13 & 14. Celebes. Two views of volcanic
terrain in northern peninsula. Mount Soputan,
one of a number of volcanoes on the peninsula,
erupted in May 1966, raining ash on Manado and
nearby villages.
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Figure 15. Celebes. Manado harbor. Deep and
sheltered harbors are common on most of the
Eastern Indonesian islands. Where there are no
roads, movement into the interior is likely to be
arduous because of steep slopes and dense vegeta-
tion.
Figure 16. Celebes. Tondano Lake in northern
peninsula. Large lakes such as this occupy many of
the intermontane basins of Celebes.
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Figure 17. Celebes. Typical landscape in
Islam terrorists who operated in the south-
western peninsula during the 1950's and 1960's.
Figure 18. Celebes.
Hillside in northern
part
of central
core
area.
Extension
of
rice
cultivation
on
steep
slopes, along
with
overgrazing of
noncultivated slopes,
has resulted in heavy
erosion.
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Figure 19. Celebes. Limestone formations in
northern part of southwestern peninsula. Lime-
stone terrain -- usually recognizable by its
sheer slopes, scraggly vegetation, sinkholes,.
and underground drainage -- commonly is honey-
combed with caves 125X1
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Figures 20 $ 21. Celebes. Beaches on north coast 25X1
of northern peninsula (above) and on west coast
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The archipelago consists of about 60 fairly densely populated
islands, stretching approximately 200 miles between Celebes
and the Philippines. These islands are hilly or mountainous.
Many are volcanic; Mount Awu on Sangihe Island erupted in
August 1966, the fifth time in 3 years. Many reefs and islets
lie off the generally rugged coasts of the archipelago. Beaches,
consisting of coral and volcanic sands, lie mostly between
rocky headlands. Sangihe Island is the largest of the Sangihe
group, and Karakelong Island the largest of the Talaud group.
The streams o t e Talaud group are short, swift, and of little
use for navigation; those of the Sangihe group are less tur-
bulent but generally too short to be of navigational significance.
Most of the islands are covered by dryland evergreen forests,
but there are significant areas under cultivation in tree
crops, most notably in central Karakelong Island and the
northern portion of Sangihe Island.
b. Penju Islands
These islands, which are situated in the Gulf of Tomini
north of the northeastern peninsula, include Batudaka, Togian,
Talatakoh, Unauna, and numerous smaller islands. They are
hilly to mountainous, and Unauna contains an active volcano.
The short, turbulent rivers that descend from the forested
highlands are generally not navigable. The islands of the
group are separated by narrow, dangerous channels, and often
have rocky, reef-fringed, or mangrove-choked shores.
c. Banggai Islands
The Banggai Islands lie off the south coast of the
northeastern peninsula of Celebes. Peleng, the largest
island of the group, is indented by tw- o deep bays on the south
coast and by one on the north coast. The coast of Peleng,
although generally rugged, contains a few pockets of lowlands
backed by swamps or areas of cultivation. Coastal approaches
are encumbered by coral reefs and islets. The surface of the
island is rugged, with numerous short, but abrupt, slopes.
Much of Peleng has interior drainage, which results in an
occasional seasonal scarcity of water. All of the Banggai
Islands are densely forested, and large areas of western and
eastern Peleng are under cultivation.
d. Wowoni
Wowoni lies off the eastern tip of the southeastern
peninsula. It is a rugged, mountainous island that is densely
forested. Some streams that cross the few coastal lowlands are
navigable by small craft for short distances. Shores are sandy
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in some coves and at river mouths, but are reef fringed in many
areas and overgrown with mangrove.
e. Butung
Butung, south of Wowoni, is roughly 100 miles long and
varies in width from 10 to 35 miles. A hill and mountain
chain extending down the center of the island is the dominant
feature. Most summits are under 2,000 feet, except in the
north where there is a maximum elevation of 3,700 feet. The
shores of Butung are generally rocky or overgrown with man-
grove, but some reef-fringed sandy shores are found along
the east coast. A narrow plain backed by low hills borders
most shores, but along the northeast and southwest coasts
steep hills and cliffs extend to the sea. Streams are
generally too swift and rock choked to be navigable,,although
some in the eastern part of the island are used by small
native craft. Dense secondary evergreen forests predominate
in central Butung, but most of the northern and southern
sections are covered by more open primary evergreen forests.
Small coastal pockets of brackish swamps occur in the north
and, to a lesser extent, in the south. Much of southern
Butung is cultivated with tree crops. Wetland rice is also
common.
f . Muna
This island, to the west of Butung, has relatively
gentle terrain. The northern half of the island is undulating
to hilly, except for low, wide plains along the north and west
coasts. The southern half of the island consists mostly of
limestone hills which rise in terracelike ridges. Maximum
elevations, only slightly over 1,000 feet, are in the east.
Streams flowing to the west tend to be sluggish and are
navigable for short distances inland. Those flowing to the
east are generally shorter and more turbulent. Most of
northern Muna is covered by primary evergreen forests, where-
as the southern half is dominated by secondary evergreen
forests. A narrow strip of salt-water swamp extends along
much of the west and north coasts. The northern part of the
east coast also is low and swampy, but the terrain becomes
hilly and cliffed in the south. Elsewhere along the coast,
hilly or rocky terrain extends to the sea. Sea approaches
to Muna are generally hazardous because of the many islands,
reefs, and narrow channels.
g. Kabaena
This small island to the west of Muna is steep and
mountainous, with a maximum elevation of 5,400 feet. Much
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of the coastline of Kabaena is rocky and steep, but there
are isolated pocket lowlands on the southwest coast and a
large mangrove-choked lowland on the northwest coast.
Much of the interior is covered by secondary evergreen forests,
but primary forest growth dominates in the north and south.
Streams are generally too short and turbulent to be navigable.
h. Salajar
Salajar is a narrow north-south oriented island some
10 miles off the southeastern tip of the southwestern
peninsula. It is 50 miles long, with a maximum width of
7 miles. A mountain range (up to about 2,000 feet high)
extends the length of the island; it descends abruptly east-
ward to a steep, rocky coast but slopes more gradually toward
a flat-to-undulating west coast. Sandy shores are generally
found only on the west coast. Streams are generally swift,
rocky, and shallow and flow in V-shaped valleys, with no true
banks. Some streams that cross the western lowland are
navigable by native craft for short distances. The northern
half of the island is predominantly grassland, and the
southern half is covered by evergreen forests.
C. Lesser Sundas
See Figures 22 through 35.
1. General
The Lesser Sundas stretch for about 900 miles between
114?E and 127?E, and lying between 8?S and 11?S they form the
southernmost string of islands in Eastern Indonesia. Four
of the larger islands and an island group -- Bali, Lombok,
Sumbawa, Flores, and the Solor - Alor archipelago -- comprise
a string of closely spaced islands that extend eastward from
the eastern tip of Java.. The two remaining large islands --
Sumba and Timor -- are located to the south. Collectively,
the islands of the Lesser Sundas include approximately 28,600
square miles of land.
a. Physical Features
Most of the islands have rugged, mountainous terrain.
Lowlands are generally limited to coastal areas adjacent to
the mouths of rivers and streams. The people live primarily
in small villages in the lowlands; upland areas are sparsely
populated. Many of the mountains are of volcanic origin
and are still active. On Bali, for example, an eruption in
1963 caused widespread damage. Recent volcanic activity has
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also been recorded on Sangeang (a small island off the north-
eastern coast of Sumbawa), on Flores, and on Paloe (off the
north coast of Flores).
Coastlines range from precipitous cliffs and headlands
to gentle sandy beaches. Coral reefs block easy access to
many beaches, and mangrove swamps are common shore features.
Most of the islands experience two high and
two low ti es each day. On several islands in the central
part of the Lesser Sunda chain, the mean tide range is
between 6 and 7 feet, but it decreases westward and eastward
to about 2-1/2 feet on the northern Bali coast and about
3-1/2 feet on southwestern Timor. Sea, swell, and surf
conditions along the Lesser Sundas are quite different on
the north and south coasts of the islands. The north coasts
experience significant offshore waves and surf relatively
infrequently, although conditions are poorest during the
northwest monsoon. The south coasts are more exposed to
waves throughout the year, and depending on alignment, they
may be subject to rough surf conditions at any time. Conditions
are generally less severe on southeastern Timor and along
the coasts which border the Savu Sea.
With few exceptions, island streams are short, turbulent,
and navigable only for short stretches by native craft, if
at all. During the dry season, many rivers run dry and the
riverbeds are often used by natives as trails, either on
foot or on horseback. Bridges are commonly washed out during
high water and not replaced for long periods. Most rivers
can be forded; although during rainy weather, vehicles may
be forced to wait several days for the rains to stop and the
waters to subside. Rivers are often blocked by sandbanks or
mudflats at their mouths and also where they emerge onto the
coastal lowlands. Underground streams are common in limestone
areas.
Deciduous trees and those evergreens capable of adaptation
to prolonged wet and dry seasons, such as the eucalyptus, form
the most prevalent tree cover; grasslands and savannas are
widespread. Dryland evergreen forests occur only locally in
the Lesser Sundas, chiefly on the western islands. Wooded
areas, which become more sparsely distrubuted toward the east,
generally do not have dense stands of trees although the
undergrowth in them may be dense.
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Bali, the westernmost of the Lesser Sundas, lies
approximately 2 miles off the eastern tip of Java. It is
approximately 87 miles from east to west and 55 miles from
north to south.
Bali has two major terrain regions: the sparsely
populated volcanic mountains in the north, and the lowland
in the south, where population densities are as high as those
on Java. Elevations average 4,000 feet above sea level through-
out the mountains, with the highest elevation on the island
(10,300 feet) located in the east-central part of the range.
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Figure 22. Bali. Terraced wetland ricefields along
north coast. Coastal plains on the northern side of
the island are generally narrow and interrupted by
mountain spurs; consequently, cultivated tracts are
limited in extent. In contrast, the extensive flat
lowland south of the mountains is blanketed by rice
paddies.
Figure 23. Bali. Limestone terrain in southern
part of island. As in other limestone areas in
Eastern Indonesia, vegetation is sparse.
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Several large, deep lakes, occupy volcanic craters in the
central part. Although conditions vary locally, the northern
slopes are generally steeper than the southern and descend
abruptly to narrow coastal plains.
The southern lowlands merge almost imperceptibly with
the gentle southern slopes of the mountains. Maximum lowland
elevations, about 1,800 feet, are in the north, and it is
here that the greatest local relief on the lowlands occurs.
The gently rolling lowlands are the most intensively cultivated
and densely populated part of Bali, with seemingly endless
wetland ricefields stretching for miles.
A small peninsula, connected to the mainland by a. low,
narrow isthmus, extends from the southern lowland. It is a
steep-sided limestone plateau that rises to approximately
650 feet above sea level. The surface of the plateau is
gently rolling and contains numerous sinkholes, caverns, and
underground streams. This peninsula, like the northern
mountains, is sparsely populated and has been the target for
government-sponsored projects to move people from the
overpopulated southern lowlands. The infertility of the
soils of the peninsula, however, has doomed most such projects
to failure.
The northern mountain range forms the drainage divide
on Bali. Streams flowing northward tend to be short and
turbulent and to flow rapidly through steep-sided valleys;
they are unsuited to navigation. Rivers flowing to the
south are longer and less turbulent, especially in their
lower reaches; their channels are generally broad and deep,
banks are usually low, and sandbars or mudbars often block
their mouths. Once past the entrances, however, shallow-
draft vessels can navigate the rivers for considerable
distances. Rivers on Bali have a high-water period from
November through March and a low-water period from April
through October, during which time the rivers may carry little
or no water. Much of the water from streams is diverted
into irrigation canals to serve the extensive areas of wetland
ricefields. Fishponds are common.
Most shores of Bali are sandy. In some places along the
north coast, mountain spurs rise sharply from the sea,
restricting exit inland, but most beaches are backed by a
narrow coastal plain. The north and southeast coasts are
relatively free of coral, but reefs are common elsewhere,
and amphibious landings would be affected accordingly.
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Figure 24. Bali. Typical mountain vegetation at
intermediate elevations. The sparsity of main tree
growth and an open canopy result in dense under-
growth,
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A variety of vegetation grows on Bali. The highest eleva-
tions are covered by evergreen forests, with deciduous forests
on intermediate slopes. Tree crops, especially coffee, occupy
many mountain slopes up to 5,000 feet. Wetland-rice cultiva-
tion dominates the remainder of the island. Tidal swamps are
found in some coastal areas.
Nusa Penida is a steep-sided limestone island with
difficult approaches, located approximately 8-1/2 miles off
the southeastern coast of Bali. Its gently rolling surface
rarely exceeds 1,700 feet in elevation. Streams are short
and swift, and underground streams are common. Grass is the
dominant natural vegetation, but much land is devoted to the
cultivation of subsistence crops.
Lombok is separated from Bali by Lombok Strait. Land-
forms and settlement patterns on Lombok are similar to those
on Bali. The population is concentrated in the central low-
land; the northern volcanic mountain range and the southern
limestone range are sparsely populated. The northern east-
west trending mountains rise to a maximum elevation of
12,225 feet near the center of the range and are heavily
wooded. The entire range slopes steeply to both the north
and the south and is generally rugged throughout. A large
horseshoe-shaped lake, at 6,385 feet above sea level, is
situated near the center of the range. Coastal areas adjacent 25X1
to the northern mountains are generally steep and rocky, I
A lowland, approximately 34 miles long and 12 to 18
miles wide, extends from the west to the east coasts through
central Lombok. The surface of this densely populated lowland
is gently undulating. The lowland coasts are low and sandy
and are commonly overgrown by low vegetation.
A range of rounded limestone hills and mountains parallels
the steep south coast of Lombok and protrudes into the sea
off the west and east coasts to form small peninsulas.
Although some elevations are over 2,000 feet, most of the
range does not exceed 1,000 feet. The upland lacks surface 25X1
water, is virtually unpeopled, I
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Figure 25. Northern Lombok. Sparse vegetation. Seasonal
aridity, which becomes more pronounced in the eastern Lesser
Sundas, is evidenced by the scanty grass cover and low,
scraggly trees and shrubs.
Figure 26. Lombok. Terraced ricefield in central
lowland. This region, nestled between the rugged
volcanic range of the north and the low, gently
rolling limestone hills of the south, is intensively
cultivated and supports most of the population.
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Figures 27 & 28. Lombok.
Stretch of rugged coastline
(above) and unobstructed
beaches (below) along north
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Streams flowing through the northern range are generally
turbulent and have cut deep channels. Those crossing the
central lowland, however, are much less turbulent. The
island has plenty of water during the northwest monsoon but
experiences a marked low-water period from May through October,,
especially in the east.
The vegetation of Lombok reflects the seasonal aridity
of the Lesser Sundas. Deciduous growth and prickly pear
cactus are common. The lower slopes of the northern mountain
range are heavily planted with tree crops; the highest
elevations are covered with dense evergreen forests. Most
of the southern range is covered with deciduous forest, but
grasslands, bamboo thickets, and plantations are common. The
central lowland is devoted principally to the cultivation of
wetland rice.
4. Sumbawa and Associated Islands
Sumbawa, approximately 5,200 square miles in area, lies
east of Lombok and extends approximately 165 miles in an
east-west direction. Two deep coastal indentations nearly
bisect the island. Scattered reefs lie off the coasts, and 25X1
some are found in-side the two large bays. F__ I
Most of Sumbawa is very rugged, and in many places
mountains descend abruptly to the sea. Sharp ridges and25X1
deep ravines are numerous,
__
east are volcanic and reach a maximum elevation of over
9,350 feet.
Lowlands on the island are generally restricted to
coastal areas, to the lower reaches of a few large rivers,
and to a few swampy areas at the heads of the larger bays.
The most extensive lowland, which is also the most densely
populated area, is along the north coast in the western half
of the island.
1 lice III UU1iL L111J 111 1.111. ..-.o~~ i- r
I
is an av- r g over 3,000 feet in elevation; those
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Figure 29. Eastern Sumbawa. Cultivated plain,
backed by rugged, scrub-covered hills. Water
buffalo in background are grazing on rice
stubble.
Figure 30. Sumbawa. Northern coastal plain near Sumbawa
Besar. This part of the island is relatively intensively
cultivated and heavily populated. Hills in background are
outliers of low nonvolcanic central mountain range.
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Few of the rivers of Sumbawa are navigable. Those
descending from the mountains flow in deeply incised valleys
and are generally swift and turbulent. Some rivers flow
relatively slowly and broaden while crossing narrow coastal
plains, but they are navigable only for very short distances.
Many rivers in the eastern part of the island dry up during
the southeast monsoon.
Grasslands are common on Sumbawa. Deciduous forests
become more prevalent at higher elevations, and evergreen
forests cover the highest peaks. Both wetland and dryland
rice, coffee, coconuts, and fruits are cultivated in coastal
areas and on the volcanic slopes in the east.
There are some stretches of unencumbered sandy shores on
Sumbawa, but most shores are reef fringed. The south and
east coasts are mostly rocky and cliffed, with some sandy
stretches, while the north and west coasts are alternately
rocky and sandy.
Mo'o, a hilly forested island with few elevations over
2,000~t, lies astride the entrance to Saleh Bay on the
north coast of Sumbawa. The coast is quite steep in places,
with occasional reefs. The only lowlands are narrow coastal
plains. Streams are short and turbulent and of little
navigational use.
San can , off the northeast coast of Sumbawa, has very
rugged terrain in the east but becomes slightly less rugged
in the west. An active volcano rises 6,395 feet above sea
level. The coast is generally steep and fringed by reefs.
The island is covered by evergreen forests.
Flores and Associated Islands
Flores, with an area of about 8,870 square miles,
is the second largest island of the Lesser Sundas. This
sparsely populated island is about 225 miles long. The
coasts are rugged and deeply indented. A range of mountains
traverses the length of the island, attaining heights of over
7,800 feet. The entire range is volcanic and has many points
of eruption, especially in the east. Many high mountain spurs
descend abruptly to the sea. A few lowlands border the coasts
and flank the mouths of major rivers. Streams characteristically
flow in deeply incised channels and are swift and turbulent;
they are of little use for navigation. Many streams become
dry during the southeast monsoon. Dryland deciduous forests
(leafless from July through October) dominate the highest
slopes on Flores, but these forests share the lower slopes
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Figure 31. Eastern Flores. Main east-west
road during wet season. During the dry season
(May-October), traversing this road would not
be a serious problem, but when the first heavy
rains arrive in December, the road becomes a
mire and is virtually hidden by encroaching
vegetation.
Figure 32. Flores.
Rugged volcanic
terrain in central
part of island.
There are many
active eruption
points throughout
the island.
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with grasslands and cultivated crops. Wetland rice is grown
in narrow river valleys and coastal areas.
Most stretches of sandy shore lie at the head of bays
and coves; elsewhere the shores are rocky. Coral reefs
fringe most shores, and combined with generally rugged terrain
inland would hamper amphibious operations.
Komodo, an irregularly shaped island famed for its
Komodo
dragons, lies between Sumbawa and Flores. Its coastline
is
deeply indented; the shores are very steep, and there is
no
appreciable coastal plain. The island is predominantly
hilly,
with some rugged areas. Natural vegetation consists
of
open
deciduous forests interspersed with areas of grass 1
to
2 feet
high. Streams are too short and turbulent to be of
any
navigational significance.
Rin~t'a lies between Komodo and Flores. Its surface is
quite hilly, with few level areas. Streams generally are
short and swift and drop from steep coasts into the sea.
Cogon grass, interspersed with deciduous trees, is the dominant
vegetation.
Paloe is a rugged, circular island off the north coast
of Flores. It culminates in a single volcanic peak but has
a number of eruption points, some of which have erupted
violently in this century. The coast is generally precipitous,
although there is a narrow coastal plain in the northeast. The
island is forested and has no significant streams.
Besar, a small, circular, rugged island that rises to
2,870 feet above sea level, also lies off the north coast
of Flores. It is wooded and has no significant streams.
Mountain spurs extend to the sea on the south and west coasts,
but small coastal plains are found along the north coast.
6. Solor - Alor Archipelago
This island group extends approximately 150 miles
east of Flores. It contains five large islands and numerous
smaller ones. On all islands of the group, the population
is confined to small villages scattered along the coasts.
The rugged interiors may be virtually uninhabited.
Adonara is roughly 20 miles long and 10 miles wide and
is encirT clod by almost unbroken coral reefs. Volcanic
mountains dominate most of the island and attain maximum
elevations of over 5,400 feet. The coasts of Adonara are
generally low, sandy, and wooded, and they rise gradually
to the mountains. Coastal lowlands are the only extensive
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level areas on the island. Grasslands, interspersed with
cultivated vegetation, dominate the lowlands; deciduous
forests cover the highlands. Occasional patches of mangrove
are found on the shores. Streams are short and are dry much
of the year.
Solor lies due south of Adonara. It is crescent shaped
and extends approximately 20 miles in a northeast-southwest
orientation. Three groups of mostly rugged volcanic highlands
are separated by two gently undulating lowland areas. The
coasts of Solor are generally low and either sandy or stony.
A few areas are backed by cliffs, but apart from these
stretches access inland is generally easy. The few short
streams on Solor are dry much of the year. Vegetative cover
is thin and consists mostly of grasslands with scattered
trees.
Lomblen, the largest island of the Solor group, extends
southwest-northeast for a distance of roughly 50 miles. It
is volcanic and generally mountainous, with elevations up
to 5,400 feet, but toward the central part of the island the
terrain becomes predominantly hilly. Because the streams are
short and for much of the year dry, they are of little
navigational significance. Vegetation is sparse, consisting
primarily of short grasses. The coast is highly irregular
and deeply indented. The south coast alternates between
rocky cliffs and sandy beaches backed by small stretches
of coastal plain that contain occasional coconut planta-
tions. The north coast is generally high, with pockets of
lowland and sandy beaches. Parts of the west coast are
covered with mangrove; coral reefs are a hazard all along
this coast.
Pantar is mostly hilly to mountainous. Local relief is
generally 500 to 1,600 feet but may be as much as 2,000 feet
in mountain areas. The highest point (4,487 feet) is an
active volcano on the southern tip of the island. The few
lowlands are generally restricted to coastal areas. Most
of the island's streams are dry for long periods. Vegetative
cover consists primarily of grasses and scattered deciduous
trees. The coasts are generally steep and rocky, especially
in the east. The north coast is fringed by coral reefs.
Alor is the largest and easternmost island of the
Solor - Alor group. This sparsely populated island trends
east-west and has a small peninsula protruding into the
Flores Sea from its northwestern shore. A rugged mountain
range, consisting primarily of dormant volcanoes, traverses
the island. Local relief is generally between 1,600 and
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2,000 feet throughout the mountain chain. The only appreciable
level area is at the neck of the peninsula; elsewhere coastal
lowlands are small and discontinuous. Rivers are short and
are dry most of the year. The sparse vegetative cover consists
primarily of grasslands with a few scattered trees. Some of
the higher elevations, however, contain small stands of
deciduous forest. Most of the coastline is steep and
rocky, with mountain spurs frequently protruding into the
sea.
7. Sumba
Sumba, south of Flores and west of Timor, trends
east-west for a distance of 130 miles and is approximately
40 miles wide. The island lies to the south of the main
east-west volcanic chain of the Lesser Sundas and is composed
of low, rounded limestone mountains with few prominent peaks.
The terrain, consequently, is not as serious a deterrent
to travel as the more rugged volcanic islands to the
north. The highest elevations are barely over 4,000 feet, and
local relief ranges between 500 and 1,600 feet throughout the
island. Except for the rugged southwest coast, the shores
on Sumba are generally low and sandy and are usually backed
by narrow plains, the widest of which are on the northwestern
and northeastern sections of the island. The plains,
particularly the northwestern, are the most densely settled
parts of the island. Reefs, which fringe most coasts, and
mangrove swamps, which cover parts of the southeast and
northeast coasts, would limit amphibious operations. Several
limestone plateaus within the mountain areas have caverns
and underground streams.
Numerous streams drain Sumba. Characteristically, they
are torrential during the wet season and dry during the dry
season. Many have sandbars at their mouths. Some northeast-
ward-flowing streams are navigable by native craft for short
distances inland.
Vegetation is sparse; there are large areas of savanna,
especially in the eastern part. Only the southern part of
Sumba is covered by primary or secondary evergreen forests,
or by deciduous forests. The deciduous forests are usually
leafless from July through October and have sparse undergrowth.
Savannas, containing scattered palms and acacias, share most
of the lowlands with occasional fields of dryland rice, maize,
and tobacco, as well as orchards and pastures.
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25X1
Figures 33 & 34. Indonesian Timor. Two
of Kupang harbor.
lir was e site of Japanese landings
uring World War II.
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8. Timor and Associated Islands
Timor, shared by Indonesia and Portugal, is the largest
of the Lesser Sundas. The island trends southwest-northeast
for approximately 290 miles, has a maximum width of 62 miles,
and has an area of approximately 13,000 square miles.
Timor is composed of a series of parallel ridges --
stark and sometimes rugged -- that form a central mountainous
backbone with elevations up to 9,500 feet. Extensive gently
rolling limestone plateaus are found among the mountain
ranges, especially in western and central Timor. Steep spurs
protrude from the central mountains on all sides, separating
areas of coastal lowlands. There are some relatively extensive
plains, particularly along the south coast; they are poorly
drained and sparsely populated. The population is generally
confined to the less extensive northern coastal plains as well
as to the plains along some of the larger rivers in the
interior.
Kupang Bay, near the southwestern tip of the island, is
the only major indentation on the coast of Timor. Shores of
sandy, with extensive swampy stretc2Ies
I X1
L, I I
The
Japanese carried out successful amphibious landings at Dili
and Kupang on the north coast during World War II.
Native craft can be used only in the extreme lower
stretches of Timor's rivers, if at all. Almost all the
rivers are dry from May through October and are torrential
during the wet season. The estuaries of many of the south-
flowing rivers become clogged with sand blown onshore by the
strong winds of the southeast monsoon. Consequently, the
rivers overflow their banks during the wet season and contribute
to the marshy condition of much of the south coast.
Savanna, which supports large herds of cattle, is the
predominant natural vegetation of Timor, but a few scattered
areas of open forest grow on upper slopes, in river valleys,
and in the coastal lowlands. Eucalyptus trees are predominant
in the southern foothills, although they are interspersed with
bamboo and sandalwood. Discontinuous pockets of mangrove
forest occur along the coasts. Most cultivated areas are
devoted to coconuts, bananas, maize, coffee, tobacco, and
vegetables.
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Figure 35. Indonesian Timor. View of interior.f
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Semau, a low island with gentle limestone hills and a
steep coast greatly encumbered by reefs, lies less than
2 miles off the southwest coast of Timor, at the entrance
of Kupang Bay. Vegetation consists of grasslands inter-
spersed with scattered trees and cultivated lands.
Roti also lies a short distance off the southwest coast
of Timor. It trends northeast-southwest for 50 miles and
is approximately 10 miles wide. Although its center is
fairly rugged in places, much of the island is gently rolling.
The navigability of the island's rivers is limited by long
periods of low water during the dry season and by excessive
turbulence during the northwest monsoon (December through
February). Grass is the dominant vegetation, but scattered
deciduous and evergreen trees grow on slopes exposed to
moisture-bearing winds. The coastline of Roti is generally
rocky, and coral reefs and tricky tidal currents make approach
to the coast difficult.
The Sawu Islands consists of three small islands -- Sawu,
Raidjua, and Dana -- that lie between Sumba and Timor. All
are low with rounded hills, covered predominantly with grass.
Coconut palms are found along the sandy shores. Coasts are
mostly low and sandy, and approaches are generally clear.
Kambing (Atauro), off the north coast of Timor, is a
small mountainous island. Its southern half is very rugged
-- local relief often exceeds 2,000 feet. The mostly short
streams are turbulent during, the wet season and frequently
run dry during the dry season. Although grasses are the
most common vegetation of Kambing, scattered palms and
acacias also are found. The coast is generally rocky and
backed by steep terrain.
See Figures 36 through 42.
The Moluccas lie between Celebes and West New Guinea,
extending from roughly 3?00'N to 80301S. This area contains
hundreds of islands that range in area from less than 1 square
mile to more than 6,600 square miles. The total land area
of all the Moluccas is about 35,000 square miles.
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1. General
a. Physical Features
Except for the Aru Islands and the Tanimbar Islands,
the Moluccas are generally mountainous, although in some
areas low hills or small coastal plains break the pattern
of high rugged terrain. In contrast to the islands of the
Lesser Sundas, which are thinly wooded, the Moluccas are
generally covered with luxuriant forest. The dense vegeta-
tion, together with the rugged terrain, has confined the
population to coastal stretches.
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2. Halmahera and Associated Islands
Halmahera, with an area of approximately 6,500 square
miles, is the second largest island in the Moluccas, being
slightly smaller than Ceram. The four rugged peninsulas
that radiate from a central core to the north, northeast,
southeast, and south form a landmass that is similar in
shape to Celebes. Each peninsula has mountain ranges whose
summits are generally between 1,000 and 5,000 feet. The
southeastern peninsula is somewhat lower than the others,
but all of the peninsulas are rugged and difficult to cross.
The central portion of the northern peninsula is volcanic,
although only a few peaks are active. The heavily forested
mountainous interior is virtually uninhabited; the majority
of the people live on the plains that fringe parts of the
coast.
River valleys form the most extensive lowlands of the
central core of Halmahera. Coastal lowlands are most numerous
on the northern peninsula, which also contains a few plains
that penetrate inland as river valleys. Though less numerous
than on the northern peninsula, several large coastal lowlands
flank river mouths on the remaining peninsulas.
The coasts of Halmahera are mostly steep and rocky, with
reefs and shoals close offshore. Coastal plains with sandy
beaches back some shores, but they are isolated from one
another by rocky mountain spurs that descend abruptly to the
sea. Steep slopes that make exits into the interior difficult
back most plains.
2bAl
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Figure 36. Southwestern Morotai. Only extensive
level area on the island. It is here that most of
the people live. The rest of the island is rugged
and covered with luxuriant forest.
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Most of the streams on Halmahera are swift, turbulent,
and shallow, and they flow in narrow V-shaped valleys. They
tend to widen and become less turbulent when crossing coastal
plains, but few are navigable for more than a few miles inland.
The northern peninsula has many small lakes, but they are
less numerous elsewhere on the island.
Dense primary evergreen forests cover most of Halmahera,
with a secondary growth of grassland, thicket, and some trees
prevailing on much of the lowlands and adjacent lower slopes.
Small areas of grassland in the lowlands could be used for
drop zones. Many of the coastal areas are swampy, some with
mangrove, especially near river mouths. Rice, sago palm,
and vegetables are commonly grown in the lowlands as subsistence
crops, and coconut and nutmeg are grown commercially.
Morotai, the northernmost of several significant islands
that lie off the north and west coasts of Halmahera, is an
eliptical island of approximately 1,500 square miles. Most
of Morotai is high and rugged. Maximum elevations of
approximately 4,100 feet occur in the south; elevations as
high as 3,480 feet occur in the north. Mountain spurs extend
close to the sea in both the east and west, and coastal plains,
on which most of the people live, are narrow. The only
extensive plains area is in the southwest. Morotai has
numerous rivers, some of which are navigable by small craft.
Dryland evergreen forests cover most of the island, except
for the more heavily populated parts, which are intensively
planted with rice and coconut palms. The entire south coast
of Morotai is fringed by a wide coral reef, and similar
barriers extend along much of the north coast and part of
the east coast. 25X1
Many small islands, interconnected by coral banks, lie
off the west coast of Morotai. Rau, the largest and northern-
most, is about 2 miles from the main island. A coral bank that
stretches south from Rau through the smaller islands, makes
passage between Morotai and Halmahera hazardous.
Ternate lies off the west coast of Halmahera. This
circular island, approximately 6 miles in diameter and
roughly 25 square miles in area, is one of the most densely
populated of the Moluccas. The island is formed almost
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Figures 37 & 38. Ternate. Two views of shoreline.
Beaches on the island are narrow, often rocky, and
backed by steep slopes which rise to a single volcanic
peak. Ternate, the major port of the northern Moluccas,
is situated along a beach on the eastern side of the
island. The small conical island of Hiri (lower photo)
rises abruptly from the sea.
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entirely by an active volcano that rises over 5,600 feet
above sea level. Most of the shores are rocky, but there
are short sandy stretches in the southeastern part of the
island. Low bluffs and steep rocky hills back most of the
beaches. The northern half of the island contains many barren
tracts of land across which lava has flowed. The western
slope descends abruptly to the sea, but the other slopes are
more gentle. Lowlands, generally narrow and restricted to
coastal areas, are most extensive on the northern and eastern
sides of the island. There are no major streams on Ternate.
The island is densely forested, but in the south much of the
land up to 4,500 feet above sea level is cultivated. A
number of plantation crops are grown, including coconuts,
coffee, cloves, and nutmeg.
Tidore, slightly more than a mile southeast of Ternate,
is oval shaped and contains approximately 25 square miles.
Like Ternate, it is quite densely populated. The southern
part of Tidore is entirely occupied by a dormant volcanic
peak 5,760 feet in height. The northern half of the island,
though lower in elevation, is very rugged and includes many
steep-sided hills that descend abruptly to the sea along the
north coast. The only extensive lowlands, those occurring 25X1
along the east al5d"west coasts, tend to be swampy along their
25X1 seaward margins
The island is heavily forested, but some of the mountain
slopes are cultivated up to elevations of 1,000 feet.
Subsistence and commercial crops are similar to those on
Halmahera.
Mare, Moti, Makian, and Kajoa, all small islands, extend
almost directly south from Tidore. The northern three are
volcanic and very rugged, with few lowlands; but Kajoa, the
southernmost, has gentler relief, and lowlands are more
common. These islands are covered with evergreen forests.
Landing beaches can probably be found on all of the islands,
but most coastal approaches are encumbered by offshore reefs.
Batjan, Kasiruta, and Mandioli are the most significant
of a number o islan s to t e west and south of Kajoa. Batjan,
the largest, consists of three mountainous sections connected
by narrow isthmuses. The highest elevation, about 6,920 feet,
is in the central section. The isthmuses are the most
prominent lowlands on the island. Smaller lowlands border
coastal areas and some of the larger streams. The rivers of
Batjan can be navigated only by small craft. The island is
southeast coast. Most of the streams of Tidore are too
shallow and turbulent to be of any navigational significance.
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heavily forested, especially in the interior. Fresh-water
swamp forests are extensive in the northwest part of the
northern section and in the western part of the central
section. Cultivated areas are most extensive across the
northern isthmus. Sandy beaches occur on all coasts.
Kasiruta and Mandioli lie off the west coast of Batjan.
Kasiruta is rugged and heavily forested, with few lowlands.
A few streams penetrate deeply inland, but they are of no
navigational significance. Although small isolated beaches
can be found, most approaches to the island are made hazardous
by reefs and shoals. Mandioli is smaller than Kasiruta, and
its topography tends to be more gently rolling.
3. Obi Islands
The sparsely populated Obi Islands lie between Halmahera
and Ceram. Obi, the largest island in the group, is roughly
50 miles long and 27 miles wide and is generally hilly to
mountainous. The highest peak, roughly 5,000 feet, is in
the center of the island. The forest-covered mountains
22rKQp abruptly to the sea in the west and northwest but
esscend more gradually elsewhere to narrow coastal nlains_
A tew rivers descend rapidly from the highlands to the sea,
but their mouths are blocked by sandbars, and they can be
2tered only by small boats.
4. Sula Islands
These three large islands -- Mangole, Taliabu, and
Sanana -- lie almost due west of the Obi Islan s; they
are sparely populated. Mangole and Taliabu are narrow,
east-west trending, hilly to mountainous islands. Sanana,
also narrow, trends north-south at right angles to Mangole.
The most extensive lowland in the Sula group is at the eastern
end of Taliabu. The rivers of the Sula Islands are generally
too turbulent and strewn with obstructions to be of navigational
use. Dryland evergreen forests are predominant, but there
are extensive areas of swamp forest along the coasts of Taliabu
and Mangole, and much of Sanana is planted with tree crops.
Numerous small sandy beaches are found along the north and
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south coasts of Taliabu and Man ole.
Buru, an oval-shaped island with an area of roughly
3,400 square miles, is approximately 45 miles southeast
of the Sula Islands. Most of Buru is very mountainous;
the highest peak is nearly 9,000 feet in elevation. In
many places the mountain slopes reach the sea, but toward
the north and east they descend gradually to a zone of gently
rolling hills. The largest plain, which supports the major
concentration of population on Buru, is centered on the mouth
of the Wai Apu, on the east coast. This plain is extensive
and tends to be swampy. Smaller plains fringe the mouths of
other rivers and coastal areas. Only the Wai Apu is nav-
igable for any appreciable distance. Dryland evergreen
forests are the dominant vegetation on Buru, but grasslands
are common in the northern hill country and in the plains.
Swamp forests, both mangrove and freshwater, also are common
along the north and east coasts. Commercial tree crops are
2 cultivated on. the north coast; subsistence a ricultural lots
We generally found only on the lowlands.
6. Ceram (Seram) and Associated Islands
Ceram, the largest of the Molucca Islands, is a
lightly populated, east-west trending island roughly 215
miles long that has an area of approximately 6,600 square miles.
The island is indented by three large bays in the south and one
in the north. The extreme western part of the island is
formed by an irregularly shaped peninsula, joined to the
main part of the island by a low, narrow isthmus.
Ceram is predominantly mountainous, with the highest
peak, nearly 10,000 feet in altitude, located in the central
part of the island. The western and central parts of the
island are the most rugged; eastern Ceram consists of gently
rolling hills. The mountains descend abruptly to the south
coast but slope more gradually to the north. The coasts are
generally low in the north and east but high in the south
and west. Sandy beaches are numerous. The major lowlands
of Ceram include the isthmus between the western peninsula
and the mainland; a northern coastal plain that gradually
widens to the east; an eastern plain that extends inland
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Figure 39. Buru. Mountainous island with steep
slopes that commonly reach the sea. Most of the
people live in villages along narrow coastal strips,
such as the one in this photo.
Figure 40. Ceram. Coastline along south-
western part of island. The south coast is
commonly backed by steep slopes, whereas in
the north, coastal plains are extensive.
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along several rivers; and numerous river valleys that lead
inland from the mountainous south coast. The rivers of
Ceram may become turbulent during wet weather (the northern
part of the island receives most of its rain during the
northwest monsoon; the southern part during the southeast
monsoon). The largest rivers are navigable by small craft
for short distances. Many rivers become waterless during
their respective dry periods. Most of Ceram is densely
forested with dryland evergreens, but grasslands are common
in the drier areas, especially on the plains. Swamp forests
dominate many coastal areas. Commercial agriculture is not
highly developed in Ceram, but subsistence plots are common
in the lowlands.
lie off the west coast o Ceram.
25X1
Lowlands are confined to coastal areas or to e narrow leys
of the short, unnavigable streams. Dryland evergreen forests
cover the islands, except for the northeastern part of Boano
where some grassland is found.
7. Ambon Islands
The Ambon Islands lie off the southwest coast of Ceram.
Amboina,* the largest of the group of four islands and the
most densely populated, is composed of two east-west trending
mountainous peninsulas connected by a narrow isthmus; thus
the island is indented by two large bays, around which the
population is concentrated. The northern peninsula is the
larger and more rugged of the two and has the highest peak,
which is about 3,400 feet above sea level. Most of the few
level areas are on the east coast and along the shores of
the two large bays. There are many streams, but few are
Although both the main island of the island group and the
main town on the island are now officially called Ambon, the
older Dutch name "Amboina" is used throughout this handbook.
Boano, Kelang, and Manipa, small mountainous islands,
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Figure 41. Amboina. Heavily wooded part of island.
Figure 42. Amboina. Cultivated plots with irrigation
canal (at left). Although much of Amboina is heavily
wooded, extensive cultivated areas such as this are
found along coastal stretches, particularly along
Amboina Bay.
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navigable. Most of Amboina is forested, but the western
part of the northern peninsula contains grasslands. Coastal
areas are generally cultivated. Scattered sandy beaches,
separated by rocky cliffs or swamplands, occur on all coasts,
but they are found in the greatest numbers on the shores of
the two large bays. Amboina Bay forms an exceptionally good
harbor, and Amboina, the principal port of the Moluccas, is
situated along the southeast shore of the bay.
The three islands to the east -- Haruku, Saparua, and
Laut -- are generally less rugged than ~ina and none of
their peaks exceed 2,000 feet. Lowlands are found in northern
Haruku, western Saparua, and most of the coastal areas 25X1
5X1
Dryland
evergreen forests cover most of the three islands, although
grasslands are extensive on northern Haruku. None of the
islands is extensively cultivated, but occasional coconut
groves are found in sandy coastal areas. The streams are not
navigable.
8. Minor Islands of the Northern Banda Sea
The Banda Islands, Gorong Islands, and Watubela Islands,
as well as numerous small islands and other island groups,
lie between Ceram and the islands of the southern Moluccas.
Most are hilly to mountainous , densely forested, and fringed
by coral reefs.
9. Kai (Ewab) Islands
The Kai Islands include 46 small islands, of which
Nuhutjut (Kai Besar) and Nuhurowa (Kai Ketjil) are the
largest. Nuhutjut, the most populous of the group, is a
north-south trending island roughly 50 miles long and from
2 to 10 miles wide. It has an irregular coastline that rises
abruptly from the sea. A mountain range with elevations
2,600 feet above sea level traverses the length of Nuhutjut.
Most of the other islands are gently rolling and rarely
exceed 500 feet in elevation. Dryland evergreen forests
predominate, but there are large areas of secondary forests
interspersed with cleared areas, grasslands, and native
gardens. The streams are small and generally without water
during the dry season. Sandy beaches occur throughout the
islands. Coastal approaches are generally hazardous, except
along the east coast of Nuhutjut.
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The Aru Islands, between the Kai Islands and West New
Guinea, include five large islands and numerous smaller ones,
all sparsely populated. The major islands are separated by
narrow tidal channels. Most of the islands are flat and have
relatively low reef-fringed shores of sand, mud, or rocks.
The southernmost island, Tran an, however, has. stretches of
steep coast backed by undu a country with elevations up
to 300 feet in its southern half. Evergreen forests are
predominant on all the islands except Trangan, where the
vegetation consists mostly of grasslands with scattered
trees. The coasts of many of the islands are bordered by
dense swamp forests, including mangrove. Streams are small
and may run dry between April and October. The most extensive
stretches suitable for amphibious landings are on the south
and west coasts of Trangan. Short, isolated beaches are also
found on the western sides of the other islands.
The Tanimbar Islands consist of 66 lightly populated
islands, of which Jamdena (roughly 25 by 75 miles) is by far
the largest. Their sur aces are low and undulating, rarely
rising above 300 feet. Dryland evergreen forests predominate,
but swamps are common, particularly in western Jamdena.
There are patches of grassland containing scattered trees on
the smaller islands of the group. The best beaches of Jamdena
are on the west coast, where flat to undulating plains back
the shores. Coral reefs make coastal approaches to the
islands generally hazardous.
12. Wetar and Minor Islands of the Southern
Banda Sea
Two lightly populated island chains lie between the
Lesser Sundas and the Tanimbar Islands; the southern chain
extends from Timor to the Tanimbar Islands and the northern
chain extends northeastward from Alor Island. The islands
that form these two chains are more like the Lesser Sundas 25X1
Wetar, the largest by far of the islands of the northern
chain, has an area of 1,200 square miles. Except for narrow
coastal plains where the sparse population is concentrated,
the island is mountainous. There are two major summits on
the island, the highest of which rises to about 4,600 feet.
Most of the coastal plains are backed by steep cliffs and
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are often swampy, particularly along the north coast. Streams
are numerous, but they normally are dry during the southeast
monsoon. A relatively large lake is located in the eastern
third of the island. As in the Lesser Sundas, grasslands
are the dominant natural vegetation. Evergreen forests, with
eucalyptus trees predominant, grow at the higher elevations;
deciduous forests cover some of the lower slopes. Most of 25X1
the cultivated land is on the coastal lowlands.
Romang and Damar, the only other significant islands of
the north-ern chain are volcanic in origin and generally
rugged, although there are some lowlands in western Damar.
The southwestern part of Romang is wooded, but the remainder
is covered by grass. In contrast, the southern two-thirds
of Damar is grassland and the remainder is forested. The
coasts are generally precipitous, but there are some sandy
beaches.
Moa and Babar are the two largest islands of the southern
chain. Moa has a gently rolling interior limestone plateau,
with hills on its eastern and western ends that attain
heights of about 1,200 feet. Cogon grass is the dominant
vegetation of Moa, but the hills are partially wooded. The
central section of the island tends to be marshy and is
thickly covered with sago palms. The coasts are steep and
some coastal approaches are obstructed by fringing reefs.
Babar, circular in shape, is rugged in the eastern half but
generally low in the western half. Higher elevations are
covered by evergreen forests, while the lower elevations are
mostly in grass. Sandy beaches are available, but fringing
reefs are common.
E. West New Guinea (Irian Barat)
See Figures 43 through 57.
1. West New Guinea
The Indonesian part of New Guinea is more than twice
the size of Celebes and three times the size of Java. It is
shaped like the upper part of a bird, with the Vogelkop
(meaning birdhead in Dutch) Peninsula forming the head and
the mainland forming the body. Much of the approximately
160,000 square miles of territory remains unexplored and
undeveloped.
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West New Guinea consists of nearly equal areas of mountains
and plains. An extremely high mountain system, with elevations
up to 16,000 feet above sea level and consisting of the Central
Mountain Range and the Northern Mountains, dominates the
northern half of the mainland orm
2~I_
Vo elko .
e central and Northern Mountains
lies a long, low basin called the Meervlakte Depression.
Narrow coastal lowlands lie between the Northern Mountains
and the sea; south of the Central Mountain Range a vast
swampy plain occupies the southern half of the mainland.
Terrain and vegetation would limit cross-country vehicular
movement to a few locally favorable places; foot travel would
be arduous in almost all parts of West New Guinea. For an
insight into the rigors of travel, Headhunters of Papua by
Tony Saulnier is recommended.
1). Central Mountain Range
The Central Mountain Range of West New Guinea extends
from the Vogelkop into Australian New Guinea. The central
massif comprises several individual systems that together
form a formidable barrier to north-south travel.
On the Vogelkop the mountains descend abruptly to the
sea along most of the northern coast, but slopes are more
gradual toward the south. The range consists of east-west
trending parallel ridges, several of which exceed 8,000
feet in height. The mountains are quite rugged, especially
in the limestone areas to the west, where sinkholes, caves,
and steep-sided valleys are common. Except for a few minor
coastal lowlands, the terrain of the entire isthmus that
connects the Vogelkop and Bomberai peninsulas to the main-
land is mountainous.
On the mainland, the mountains are characterized by high
elevations, very steep slopes, sharp crests, and deep gorges.
Local relief is well in excess of 2,000 feet throughout most
of the range. Many peaks are over 12,000 feet, and a few are
over 15,000 feet. The Central Mountain Range slopes steeply
toward the Southern Lowlands, and the southern flanks of the
mountains are cut by deep river gorges.
2). Meervlakte Depression
The Meervlakte Depression is a low, flat intermontane
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valley between the Central Mountain Range and the Northern
Mountains. The depression, roughly 45 miles wide and 225
miles long, lies less than 200 feet above sea level and is
swampy. The Tariku and Taritatu Rivers, which join to form
the north-flowing Mamberamo River, drain the area. Much of
the depression is inundated during the wet season, and cross-
country movement on foot would be impossible. Even during
the dry season, cross-country movement may be hindered by
moist ground.
3). Northern Mountains
This chain of relatively low, rounded mountains parallels
the Meervlakte Depression on the north, extending from Sarera
Bay (Geelvink Bay) in the west to the eastern border and
beyond. Crests average 3,000 to 5,000 feet above sea level
and in places exceed 7,000 feet. Local relief and slope are
usually less than in the Central Mountain Range, and cross-
country movement accordingly would be less arduous.
4). Northern Coastal Lowlands
The lowlands are narrow on the Vogelkop, but broaden
on the mainland, especially where major streams enter the
sea. These flat to gently rolling coastal plains do not
exceed 50 miles in width and are generally less than 10 miles
wide. Swamps are common. The northern lowlands are the most
densely settled and most developed region of West New Guinea.
Villages are scattered along the coast and for short distances
up the rivers.
5). Southern Lowlands
The Southern Lowlands extend across the southern portion
of the Vogelkop and across the southern half of the mainland
into Australian New Guinea. In the west, the lowland area
is a relatively narrow coastal zone; but in the east it is
much broader, and the great delta plains of the Digul and
Baliem Rivers form one of the most extensive swampland areas
in the world. The uniformly flat character of this swampy
plain changes somewhat east of the Digul River, where a low
plateau, seldom more than 150 feet above sea level, extends
eastward into Australian New Guinea.
b. Drainage
Drainage characteristics vary greatly throughout West
New Guinea. In the mountains, streams flow primarily in
deep V-shaped valleys. Currents are swift and turbulent,
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especially during and after heavy rains. Rapids, waterfalls,
and boulder-strewn channels are common. Navigation, even
by raft, may be virtually impossible at all times. The few
existing bridges are rickety and may be swept away during
flash floods. Stream crossing may prove to be the most serious
problem confronting the traveler. In less rugged areas,
streams flow in wider channels between moderately high banks.
Streams are often clogged with gravel and debris where they
emerge from the highlands onto more level terrain. Locally,
stream channels form broad meanders which often shift after
floods. In areas of low elevation, such as the Southern
Lowlands, streams are wide and deep and meander sluggishly
across nearly level lains between low, muddy natural levees
25X1 nf clay and silt. I 25X1
25X1
Streams usually reach the sea
through broad, deep estuaries, commonly obstructed by sand-
bars deposited at their mouths. Small creeks often inter-
connect the estuaries of major rivers.
Drainage features of the limestone areas, principally
on the Vogelkop, differ markedly from the usual pattern. In
such areas, streams may flow underground for varying distances,
disappearing and reappearing at intervals. Shallow lakes are
numerous in limestone areas. 25X1
Stream levels are high from December through May and
only slightly lower from June through November. Streams
that drain the snowfields of the Central Mountain Range
maintain constant water levels throughout the year.
Swamps and marshes are widespread throughout the low-
lying portions of West New Guinea. Tidal flooding occurs along
the coast and behind the discontinuous low natural levees that
border the lower courses of main streams. On the Digul River,
for instance, tidal influences are noted nearly 250 miles up-
stream, and tides daily inundate large areas along the river.
Flooding by fresh water occurs above the advance of tidal
water, for the tides cause the normal flow to back up and
overflow the k number hallow
25X1 lakes 4occupy
depressions. e largest o ese lakes, 9 mi es long
and 4 miles wide, is located along the lower stretches of
the Mamberamo River. In the less rainy parts of southern West
New Guinea and central Dolak Island (Frederik Hendrik Island)
large areas of swamp and marsh become dry from June through
November, and the rigors of cross-country travel may be eased
accordingly.
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Most rivers on the Vogelkop and Bomberai peninsulas are
short, turbulent, and of little use for navigation, but several
significant streams flow across the mainland. Except for the
Mamberamo, the rivers crossing the north coast are short. The
Mamberamo drains the swampy Meervlakte Depression and flows
northward through a deep gorge in the Northern Mountains.
Vessels drawing 8 feet can go up the river for nearly 100
miles. Of the rivers flowing toward the south, the Digul,
Baliem, Lorentz, and Otakwa can be navigated by light craft
for considerable distances above their mouths. The Digul,
for example, can be navigated 400 miles upstream by vessels
drawing 6 feet. Travelers in the Southern Lowlands must, of
necessity, use river craft; and because of shifting channels
and numerous navigational hazards, experienced pilots would
be required.
c. Vegetation
Roughly 8S percent of West New Guinea is covered by dense
evergreen forests, including both primary and secondary forests
as well as freshwater and mangrove swamps. Forests diminish
in both height and density as altitude increases, until nothing
but scrubby growth remains above 12,000 feet. Undergrowth is
likely to be dense and a serious deterrent to movement, partic-25X1
ularly where the forest is relativel open; this situation
most frequent above 4-000 fe
impunezraDie mangrove swamps are extensive along the coasts
,
especially in the south, and along large rivers for considerable
distances inland. Extensive areas of freshwater swamp back
many of the mangrove swamps and occupy river basins in the
interior. Marshes are widespread in interior river basins
such as the Meervlakte Depression. Grasslands cover extensive
areas in West New Guinea up to 8,000 feet above sea level.
Grass is common in much of the Central Mountain Range, in
small areas in the eastern part of the Northern Mountains, in
the Bomberai and Vogelkop peninsulas, and in the southeastern
part of the Southern Lowlands.
d. Coasts
The coasts of West New Guinea vary widely in physical
characteristics. From the southeastern boundary to the
isthmus between the Bomberai Peninsula and the mainland,
the coast is uniformly flat and generally covered with a
dense growth of mangrove. Coastal approaches are difficult
because of numerous shoals and mudflats. The south coast of
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Figure 43. West New Guinea. Stream in lowland area
of Vogelkop, near Steenkool. Rivers offer the only
feasible means of penetrating the swamp forests that
prevail in the southern part of the Vogelkop and the
southern half of the mainland.
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Figure 44. West New Guinea. North
coast near Sukarnapura. Good sandy
beaches such as this are sprinkled
along the eastern part of the north
coast, but they are commonly backed
by steep slopes that make movement
into the interior difficult.
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Figure 45. West New Guinea. Bay west of Sukarnapura.
Coastal indentations may offer vessels protection from
foul weather, but many, such as this one, are fringed
with reefs along the shore.
Figure 46. West New Guinea. Baliem Valley in southern
part of Central Highlands. This is one of the few areas
in West New Guinea where a relatively highly developed
sedentary type of agriculture is practiced.
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Figure 47. West New Guinea. Heavily forested
northern slopes of the Central Mountain Range.
Travel through such terrain would be extremely
difficult.
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Figures 48 E 49. West New Guinea. Two rivers flowing
through relatively flat valleys in Central Highlands.
Only in such valleys are the upland rivers navigable
and, as indicated in the lower photo, swift currents
may preclude use by most craft.
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Figure 50.
West New
Guinea.
Upper
stretch of
Baliem River.
As it flows
southward
through the
Central Mountain
Range the river
cuts deeply
into the
flanks of the
range, forming
a rugged V-
shaped valley.
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Figure 51. West New Guinea. Rugged, per-
manently snow-capped peak in Central Mountain
Ran e.
25X1
Figure 52. West New Guinea. Southern Lowlands.
Note native village in the clearing cut from
jungle at edge of river. Rivers provide the
only routes across formidable lowlands; sharp
bends and numerous shoals make experienced
pilots essential. Local trails extend only
short distances from the villages.
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Figures 53 & 54. West New Guinea. Two views of
south coast. With few interruptions, impene-
trable growths of mangrove, nipa palm, and other
swamp trees line the coast. Exposed mudflats may
extend more than 3 miles seaward
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the isthmus and the Bomberai Peninsula is deeply indented with
numerous well-protected harbors suitable for anchorage, and the
shores are backed by densely wooded hill country. The coasts
surrounding Bintuni Bay -- the large embayment separating
the two peninsulas -- and along the southern margin of the
Vogelkop have the same monotonous low relief and dense cover
of'mangrove as the southern coast of the mainland. Almost
the entire north coast of the Vogelkop is steep and backed by
high mountains. The west coast of Sarera Bay is flanked by
densely wooded mountains, but low, marshy shores edge the
south and east coasts of the bay. The north coast of West
New Guinea is low, except for a small stretch in the east
near Sukarnapura where the Northern Mountains descend
steeply to the sea.
Tidal currents and sea conditions are generally not
severe around West New Guinea. These currents usually do
not exceed 2-1/2 miles per hour, except at the mouths of
large rivers. Waters off the north coast are generally
more calm than those off the other coasts of West New Guinea.
Waves in the Ceram and Banda Seas usually exceed 3 feet only
at the height of the monsoons. The Arafura Sea is generally
the roughest of the bodies of water that surround West New
Guinea. It is most turbulent during the southeast monsoon
(May through October), when squalls may develop. Reefs which
hinder approaches are common off the north and west coasts
but generally not elsewhere.
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Associated Islands
a. Schouten Islands
These Islands, the most northerly group lying in the
entrance to Sarera Bay, include two main islands, Supiori
and Biak, and many small islands. A very narrow tidal stream
separates the two principal islands. The interior of Supiori
is hilly and rugged, reaching a maximum elevation of 3,400
feet. The northwestern part of Biak is hilly, but the south-
eastern portion is an extensive tableland. Both islands are
largely covered by dense evergreen forests, with occasional
patches of mangrove growing along their coasts. Most of the
coast of Supiori is reef lined and is generally rocky and
backed by cliffs, although portions of the south coast have
low, muddy shores backed by dense mangrove and nipa palm
growth. The entire coastline of Biak is reef fringed,
rocky, and backed by rugged limestone terraces. The few
accessible sandy beaches are backed by rugged terrain and dense
vegetation.
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Figure 55. Biak. 25X1
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b. Japen
Japen, which lies just over 30 miles south of Biak,
trends east-west for roughly 100 miles and averages
between 10 and 15 miles in width. A range of limestone
mountains extends the length of the
island
I
ms. vergreen forests cover most of the
island, but fairly extensive areas of grassland occupy
portions of the south coast. Although the north coast has
generally clear approaches, the shore is rocky, steep, and
backed b rugged
c. Numfoor
This generally low island lies west of the Schouten
Islands. Evergreen forests cover the highest elevations;
lower elevations are covered by grassland that is inundated
periodically. Offshore approaches are generally clear, but
fringing reefs front many parts of the coast. The shores are
rocky or sandy, and along some there are stretches of
mangrove.
d. Waigeo
Waigeo is a rugged island roughly 80 miles long with
a maximum width of 30 miles. The island is nearly bisected
by a narrow bay that penetrates deeply into the south coast.
Waigeo has steep, densely forested hills and mountains that
reach over 2,500 feet in height. Offshore approaches are 25X1
generally clear, but the coasts are mostly rugged terrain.
I
e. Batanta
This mountainous island lies south of Waigeo. It trends
east-west for roughly 40 miles and is 4 to 8 miles wide. The
densely forested mountains of Batanta rise to more than 3,500
feet. Approaches to the north coast are encumbered, but the
south coast is mostly clear. Coasts are rocky and steep and
generally backed by rugged terrain.
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Frederik Hendrik Island. 57. West New Guinea. Like the nearby areas of the mainland, this island is
covered with impenetrable coastaSeswamppforest and
grasslands and is extremely spar y p
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f. Salawati
Salawati lies directly south of Batanta and west of the
Vogelkop. The island is generally low, although limestone
mountains rise to slightly over 3,000 feet in the north. Most
of northern Salawati is covered by a dense dryland evergreen
forest, but the southern half contains extensive swamp forests.
Coastal approaches are generally poor, especially in the narrow,
islet-filled strait off the east coast. The coast tends to
be rocky in the north but low, muddy, and mangrove clogged
elsewhere. Most of the coast is reef fringed.
g. Misool
Misool, southwest of the Vogelkop, is an east-west
trending island roughly 50 miles long and 20 miles wide.
The northern portion of the island is generally low and flat,
but in the south the highest parts of a range of hills are
more than 1,500 feet above sea level. Dense evergreen forests
dominate the island, although scattered patches of grassland
occur in the interior. Approach to the north coast is
encumbered by numerous offshore islands, but the south coast
is generally clear. The north coast is low but rugged; the
south coast tends to be rocky or cliffed. Coasts are generally
backed by rugged terrain and dense forests.
h. Dolak Island (Frederik Hendrik Island)
and Komoran
These two islands are separated from each other and from
the mainland by very narrow channels through which the tidal
currents flow strongly. Both islands are low'and poorly 25X1
drained. Mangrove swamp forests backed by freshwater swam
forests dominate the coasts, and
e interiors of oth islands
by grass an s t .t
are subject to periodic inunda-
tion. They may be moist even during dry weather, thus making
cross-country travel arduous.
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READING LIST
4. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 21, "Military Geographic
Regions," Apr 19S6. C.
5. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 22, pts 3-6, "Coasts and
Landing Beaches," Feb 1954 - Jun 1955. C.
6. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 23, "Weather and Climate,"
Feb 1954. C.
7. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 24, "Topography," Jan 1956.
25X1 C.
9. Kennedy, Raymond, Report on Eastern Netherlands East
Indies, pt I, "Timor - Aru Area," New Haven: Yale
University, no date. U.
10. Kennedy, Raymond, Report on Eastern Netherlands East
Indies, pt II, "Ceram - Halmahera Area," New Haven:
Yale University, no date. U.
11. Saulnier, Tony, Headhunters of Papua, New York: Crown
Publishers, 1963. U.
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MISOOL SOUT
LOW LA D
Region boundary
Subregion boundary
200
Statute Miles
100 200 300
Kilometers
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EASTERN INDONESIA
TERRAIN REGIONS
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BRUI?TT
mpungbaru
MADURA PULAU KANGEAN
W
JAVA"
-?Vyaingapu
SUMBA
"PULAU
BUTUNG
6 i
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CEL-EBES
KEPULAUAN
POSO- y BANGGAI
Wo,
Palopo
Bonthain
'P T
Baubak
LESSER SUNDAS
S ingaradja
- Sumbawa- :At , besar. -
MO m4 ? FOba
Den sa g-
LOMBOK SUMBAWA
1
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P. MIANGAS
(Indonesia)
ACIIFIC
0 C E
l ilGale a
Ternatet, "-`
HALMAHERA
idore
Naml
KEPU LAUAN
OBI
A N
L mboina
AMBOINA
Savanna
Mangrove
Cultivated land
Secondary forest with
shifting cultivation
EASTERN INDONESIA
VEGETATION
Tropical evergreen
forest
Mixed deciduous
forest
100
-l`' MISOOL
WETAR
la~
IJ I _. ,. , ~ Novas
PULAU BAS
.,,, `'T R A L
200
Statute Miles
100 200 300
300400
S KARNAPURA
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S 0 U T
CHIN
S EA
_6-RU NEL
A
JESSELTON
Treaty Limits of the Philippines
E OTenggarong
~qF3ALIKPAPAN
BPntok ,f
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aJ
DJ ER M AJ$J,
LAU LAUT
ru`/ I~uandrang _ ,
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f~YJU KEPULAUAN
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ku
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KARAT
KEPULAL
SANGI
KEPULAIAN SULA '?
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SURABAJA
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Sumbawa-
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k
PULAU KANGEAN
. Panarukaii
A V1 A ingaradja
T
Bauba \
onthain
MenangalakL
=rv
SUMBA
U N D A I S L AND S
LWVAy i ngapU
BUTUNG
" v
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IV. Population
A. Introduction
For purposes of this chapter, Eastern Indonesia is
divided into four regions -- Celebes (Sulawesi), the Lesser
Sunda Islands, the Molucca Islands, and West New Guinea
(Irian Barat). (For regions and general reference, see
Maps 51160 and 51156; for population density and ethnic
groups, see Map 51158.) Peoples of West New Guinea are,
for the most part, outside the Indonesian cultural realm;
peoples of the other three regions have many cultural
affinities not only among themselves but with many of the
peoples of Java and the other western Indonesian islands
as well. The discussion of a cultural facet of the peoples
of one of the regions may, therefore, be pertinent to many
of the peoples of the other regions including, in some
instances, West New Guinea.
Available information on the peoples of areas such as
the northeastern and southeastern peninsulas of Celebes,
the eastern Lesser Sundas, most of the Moluccas other than
Amboina, and much of West New Guinea is, at best, scanty.
Therefore, in discussions of some of the peoples of these
areas it has been necessary to extrapolate and generalize
characteristics of a particular ethnic group from informa-
tion available on peoples living in continguous areas or
on neighboring islands. Only for Celebes, where the religion,
social organization, and political attitudes of the individ-
ual ethnic groups are distinctive, have individual groups
been discussed. In the other three regions, even though
the ethnic groups are many the cultural distinctions among
them are not great (the Balinese and the Ambonese are note-
worthy exceptions); and generally for these regions a
"broad brush" treatment has been used. Where a cultural
characteristic of an ethnic group deviates significantly
from that of other groups in the region, however, that
deviation has been noted.
B. Celebes
See Figures 58 through 69.
1. General
The population of Celebes, according to the 1961 census,
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was 7,079,349. A breakdown of this figure by province is
given below.*
Province
Population
Sulawesi
Utara
1,310,054
Sulawesi
Tengah
693,157
Sulawesi
Selatan
4,516,544
Sulawesi
Tenggara
559,594
There are few large cities on Celebes. The four largest in
1961 were Makasar (384,159), Manado (129,912), Gorontalo
(71,378), and Pare Pare (67,992).
Most of the people live in coastal areas or in interior
valleys. The overall population density in 1961 was 97 per-
sons per square mile, but the people are distributed very
unevenly. In the Makasar area at the southern end of the
southwestern peninsula the population density is more than
300 persons per square mile, and in the Manado area near
the end of the northern peninsula it is well over 100.
Throughout the rest of the island, however, population den-
sities are generally low, with much of the northeastern and
southeastern peninsulas having fewer than five persons per
square mile.
The ancestors of the present inhabitants of Celebes,
like those of Indonesia in general, are believed to have
come from the Asian mainland in three main waves of migration
over a period of several centuries. Each successive wave
brought its own characteristic social organizations, customs,
and languages, and in general, the newcomers were more advanced
than the people of the preceding migration. The people in each
of these waves possessed unique physical characteristics. Inter-
breeding among the three groups has been extensive down through
the centuries, however, and it is now difficult to identify an
ethnic group as descending from the people of any particular
migration. Because of the mixture of racial types, ethnic
groups are now distinguished not so much by physical appearance
as by cultural factors such as language, dress, and social
customs.
At the time of the 1961 census, Celebes had only two
provinces -- Sulawesi Utara-Tengah and Sulawesi Selatan-
Tenggara. The two provinces were divided on 1 January 1964
to create the present four provinces. The figures in the
tabulated breakdown were derived by combining census report
population figures for the second-order administrative div-
isions that make up the four newly created provinces.
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2. Movement of Population
Many of the inhabitants of Celebes, notably the Makasarese
and Bugis, are skilled navigators and have a long history of
seafaring throughout the Indonesian islands. Their tiny praus
easily recognizable by their high masts, square bows, high
sterns, and outboard rudders -- are seen throughout Indonesian
waters and as far away as Singapore and the northern ports of
Australia. In addition to conducting legitimate trade, the
Bugis have been renowned as pirates throughout Southeast
Asia, particularly in the Celebes Sea - Sulu Sea area. Many
have settled on other Indonesian islands as well as on the
coast of mainland Malaysia.
Many members of the Minahasan, Makasarese, and Eugi
ethnic groups have emigrated to Java; there are sizable
communities of these peoples in Djakarta, where they work as
government officials and clerks or as accountants in private
firms.
Prior to Indonesia's implementation of its confronta-
tion policy with Malaysia in 1963, workers (mostly Bugis)
moved in considerable numbers from Celebes to Sabah, the
easternmost of the Malaysian states, to work in the timber
industry and on the rubber and tobacco estates. Although
many of them were temporary workers who returned to their
homeland after acquiring a nest egg, some have remained in
Sabah, where a permanent Indonesian community of about 25,000
includes many persons from Celebes. Although permitting
members of the Indonesian community (many are second-genera-
tion residents) to remain, Malaysian officials have curtailed
further movement of Indonesian laborers into Sabah.
After eruptions of Mount Agung ruined considerable areas
of agricultural land on Bali in 1963, the Government of
Indonesia (GOI) initiated resettlement programs to move the
victims of the eruptions to other Indonesian islands. Some
were moved to Celebes. Many of these Balinese were settled
on land formerly cultivated by members of Darul Islam (DI,
an extremist Moslem terrorist organization) whom the central
government had dispossessed; in many instances, the former
cultivators still claimed the land, thus creating conflicts
over land tenure.
Traditionally, there has been considerable movement of
people between the Philippines and Indonesia in the Talaud
and Sangihe Islands area north of the northern arm of Celebes.
Numerous illegal crossings have been made in this area, mostly
by Indonesian copra traders who take their products to the
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closer and more profitable Philippine markets. A permanent
Indonesian community, variously estimated at between 5,000
and 12,000, currently resides on the southern Philippine
island of Mindanao. Most members of the community are
illegal residents who came from Celebes and nearby islands,
although a few came from the Moluccas and Borneo. Many of
those from Celebes are Christian Minahasans who were driven
from their homelands in the northern part of the island by
the fanatical Darul Islam terrorists in the 1950's. Most
of the Indonesians in the Philippines bear strong cultural
and physical affinities to the indigenous people of Mindanao
and have little trouble assimilating into their new environ-
ment. Most of them take jobs on plantations where they work
for low wages, thus creating hostility among the local
Philippine workers. Although the great majority of these
Indonesians are politically ignorant, the Philippine Govern-
ment has been fearful of possible infiltration of Indonesian
agents into its southern islands to create dissidence and
in 1963 reached an agreement with the Indonesian Government
to have members of the Indonesian community returned to their
homeland. As a result, about 5,000 illegal Indonesian resi-
dents in the Philippines have been repatriated since March
1963, mostly to the Talaud and Sangihe Islands. Many of the
repatriates, however, are believed to have returned to
Mindanao, which has a higher standard of living than the
economically undeveloped and neglected islands of the Talaud -
Sangihe group.
3. Education
During the school year 1960-61, 11,666 teachers in
3,223 schools in Celebes taught 559,883 primary pupils and
40,723 secondary pupils. Further information on education
is included in the discussions of individual ethnic groups,
below.
4. Occupations
Copra -- the dried meat of the coconut used in the
manufacture of soap, perfume, cooking oils, and a wide
range of other products -- is the major earner of foreign
exchange in the economy of Celebes. Most of the copra is
sent to Indonesian markets; considerable amounts, however,
are smuggled out of the country to Sabah and to the Philippines,
where copra commands a higher price. The Indonesian Govern-
ment has generally been unsuccessful in its attempts to control
this illegal trade. Money derived from copra smuggling con-
tributed heavily to the financing of the Universal Struggle
Movement (Permesta) rebellion in northern Celebes during the
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1950's and more recently helped to finance the Darul Islam
insurrection in the southwestern part of the island. There
are few large coconut palm plantations in the island; instead,
individual families usually have their own small grove, part-
icularly in the northern part of the island. Commercial crops
other than copra are few. Coffee, tobacco, rubber, and sugar-
cane are grown on plantations near Makasar and Manado, and
indigo and cotton are grown in smaller quantities elsewhere
on the island.
Rice is the major dietary staple on Celebes. Wetland
rice is grown in the coastal regions and interior valleys,
and dryland rice is grown chiefly in the interior mountainous
part of the central core and in the northeastern and south-
eastern peninsulas; more than four times as much land is
devoted to wetland varieties. Because large areas of Minahasa
are devoted to coconut cultivation, this region must import
rice from the southern part of the island. Maize is the staple
crop in much of the southeastern peninsula and in the more
remote valleys of central Celebes. Cassava, sweet potatoes,
and millet are among other food crops grown.
Fish is an integral part of the diet of most coastal
people; near Minahasa particularly, fish are abundant in the
waters of the Celebes Sea, and fishing is a full-time occupa-
tion for many men. The ships of the Makasarese, Bugis, and
Minahasans are found not only in the coastal waters of Celebes
but also throughout Indonesian waters, carrying fish and other
goods in both legal and illegal trade to the islands of
Indonesia as well as to neighboring countries.
Traditional attire in most parts of Celebes has been
either modified by or entirely replaced by Western-style or
Malay-style dress. Modern dress -- short trousers, sarongs,
tunics, blouses, and jackets in various combinations -- is
now the rule in all but the most inaccessible parts of the
island. The sarong, usually brightly colored in greens, reds,
and blues, is commonly worn by both men and women in the
southwestern peninsula. The men wear it in addition to
trousers, either wrapped around the waist or thrown over the
shoulder. The sarong is rarely seen in the northern peninsula,
where the people have converted almost entirely to Western
attire. A black velvet fezlike hat called a ip tji is worn by
most men, particularly the Bugis and Makasarese. Women usually
wear scarves around their heads.
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6. Health and Medical Factors
Little information is available on health conditions and
medical facilities in Celebes. The most prevalent diseases
are malaria, plague, dysentery, typhoid and paratyphoid fevers,
yaws, typhus, venereal diseases, and dengue and other fevers.
Minor epidemics of smallpox occur from time to time. A recent
report states that there are 109 hospitals on the island, with
a total of almost 7,000 beds, and about 160 outpatient clinics.
There is an acute shortage of medical personnel of all types,
particularly in rural areas.
25X1
7. Ethnic Grou s
a. Toradj as
Toradja is a Bugi term used to refer to the people of
the central core area of Celebes. It is a scornful term
for an upland man that translated roughly means yokel.
According to some authorities the Toradja ethnic group
comprises four closely related subgroups -- the Sadang,
the Poso, the Palu, and the Koro, although according to
other authorities it comprises only three subgroups -- the
Sadang, the Poso, and the Sigi. The Sadang subgroup, which
occupies the southwestern part of the central region, numbers
about 500,000 people; the other subgroups combined number
about 400,000. In this discussion, except where the character
of a subgroup is particularly noteworthy, the Toradja group
is treated as a whole.
Most members of the group are farmers. Although the
poorer people in the more remote interior regions grow meager
crops of maize and vegetables on the upper slopes, most of
the Toradjas grow dryland rice as their dietary staple,
using slash-and-burn cultivation. Some, however, including
many of the Sadangs, grow wetland rice in irrigated fields
on valley floors. The Sadangs have traditionally had a
taboo against slash-and-burn agriculture. The taboo is
breaking down, however, and dryland fields are appearing
in parts of the Sadang region while, at the same time, wet-
land fields are appearing in areas previously used only for
dry crops. Rice is held in great reverence among most Toradja
tribes; other crops are not. The women usually plant and
cultivate the rice; both sexes harvest the crop. A festival
period that lasts about 3 months follows the rice harvest in
June.
Sugarcane, coconuts, and breadfruit are among the more
important of the dietary supplements. Pork is an integral
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part of the Toradja diet; fish are raised in the paddy fields,
and reportedly, dogs are eaten by the people of the more remote
mountain regions. The Toradjas are also reported to eat the
fresh of lizards; the lizard skins are traded to Chinese
dealers. Some Toradjas are traders, and in addition to lizard
skins they collect and trade copra and jungle products such as
rattan, resin and other gums, and pelts of various animals.
The traditional Toradja houses are communal, usually
housing 4 to 6 families, with each family having a separate
sleeping compartment; the cooking and eating area is shared
by all of the families in the house. In many villages several
small shedlike structures of bamboo are built between the
larger traditional houses to house the overflow. The typical
houses is large, built on massive pilings, and resembles a
ship with a gigantic superstructure and a strangely shaped roof
built of tiers of split bamboo that rise at each end to form
steep peaks like the ends of the native prau. Steps, remini-
scent of a ship's ladder, lead to a porch that extends along
the front of the house. It is used as a working area and
meeting place in much the same way that the veranda of a
Dayak longhouse of Borneo is used. The older houses have
pairs of buffalo horns -- believed to be the supreme symbol
of magical strength -- adorning the front of the house and a
carved wooden buffalo head hung over the door. The number of
sets of buffalo horns is an indication of the social standing
of the family. The houses of the Toradja nobility can be
recognized by their highly decorated gables. The unique
traditional houses are becoming less common, as the Toradjas
(particularly the Sadangs) are now more commonly adopting the
simpler and more practical designs of the single-family
dwellings of the Bugi people to the south.
In addition to the houses, each Toradja village contains
huge structures used for the storage of rice. These rice
barns are very elaborate, built along the same unique pattern
as the traditional Toradja house but usually even more ornate.
Visitors to a Toradja village are usually not invited into
the house but rather to the platform of the largest rice barn,
which is considered to be a place of honor. The fine design
and condition of these rice barns and their use as a place of
honor for visitors reflect the deep respect for the rice plant
that is universal among the Toradjas.
Many Toradja settlements are still isolated in the high-
lands. During the early years of this century, however, the
Dutch administrators succeeded in encouraging some of the
Toradjas to move down into the river valleys from
their isolated villages that were built high on the
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mountain slopes like the walled fortresses of medieval Europe.
These valley villages generally consist of houses aligned in
parallel rows, each house built within its own compound. In
Sadang country, houses are usually spaced farther apart than
in other areas, and each house is surrounded by its own crop-
lands. Sadang villages are usually built in the ricefields
on the valley floor, but where cropland is at a premium they
may be built on a slope overlooking the fields.
An estimated 50 to 60 percent of the Toradjas, parti-
cularly the Posos, have been converted to Christianity by
missionaries. Many of the rest still cling to their animistic
beliefs and practices, but some Sadangs living in proximity to
the Moslem Bugis have become Moslems. For most converts the
newly adopted religion is superficial, lax, and very tolerant.
The wide variety of religious beliefs among the Toradjas and
the wide disparities in degree of tolerance within a single
faith have created dissension among the tribes that did not
exist before the introduction of the new religions.
The animists worship a host of ancestral and local spirits.
Although the spirits are not greatly feared, they are believed
to be capable of affecting the lives of the people and are
respected. Animals are slaughtered as sacrifices at all
festivals in order to propitiate the spirits. The buffalo
is held sacred and its image is considered to be a symbol of
fertility and strength and a protection from evil. During
epidemics, ceremonies are held to placate the spirit world
and thus expel the disease from the village.
Worship of the dead is an integral part of Toradja
religious practice, and an elaborate funeral ceremony is
the supreme occasion of all social life. Funeral ceremonies
are festive occasions; there is little sadness. Buffaloes,
believed to embody spirits, are slaughtered and eaten with
fervor in the belief that the eater will acquire great
strength. The use of burial caves carved high in the faces
of cliffs is a distinctive feature of the Toradja culture.
The remains of the corpse are deposited in one of these
caves after being kept in the home for a considerable
period, often several years, during which time the house is
under a taboo and rice cannot be brought into it.
The Toradjas believe that a man's head may contain the
spirit of a brave ancestor and that the head, therefore,
contains special qualities of healing. This belief accounted
in large part for the practice of headhunting, which pre-
vailed in Toradja lands until early in this century, when it
was suppressed by the Dutch. Before the suppression convicted
sorcerers were sold to other villages, where they were beheaded.
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Taking the head of an enemy was believed to deprive his village
of vital supernatural powers, and an enemy head was a necessary
offering to the ancestral spirits in order to ensure the wel-
fare of the village. Until recent years, skulls could be
found hanging from the front gable of the rice barn in many
villages.
The Toradjas, particularly the Sadangs, were fairly class-
conscious until slavery was abolished by the Dutch in 1906.
Descendants of slaves work as servants even now and are, for
all practical purposes, still slaves. These slaves and the
nobility account for only a small portion of the Toradja
population; commoners are in the great majority. Inter-
marriage between classes has been increasing in recent years,
and class distinction is slowly disappearing. Restrictions
against the marriage of a man to a woman of higher status
remain, however, and scorn is heaped upon both the husband
and the wife of such a marriage. Polygamy is reportedly
practiced by some Sadang men, but partly because their adat
(the body of native law based on tradition) requires that
each wife live in a separate house, it is not a common
practice. Toradja society is patrilocal -- centered around
the husband's family -- although reportedly at one time
Sadang society was matrilocal -- centered around the wife's
family, and there may still be some vestiges of this system.
Toradja women enjoy considerable freedom.
Because of the isolation of these hill people, there
have been few Toradja marriages with people of other ethnic
groups, but there are no taboos against such marriages.
Exogamous marriages are becoming more common, particularly
with members of other ethnic groups of Celebes and with
Javanese.
In most Toradja areas, particularly among the Sadang,
society is highly capitalistic and there is a strong sense of
private property. Wealth is reckoned by such things as size
of landholdings, number of buffaloes, and size and ornateness
of one's house. Acquisition of wealth can move one up the
social ladder. Among the Sadang and perhaps among other
Toradja subgroups, a minority of the people own all of the
land. Reportedly, friction develops between landowners and
sharecroppers. Although the central government has initiated
a countrywide land-reform program, it has been ineffectively
implemented, and it is doubtful that much has been done to
redistribute the land among the peasantry on Celebes.
Each Toradja household has a headman. These headmen
together form a kampong council from which a kampong head
is elected. Formerly there were alliances among nearby
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Figure 58. Toradja village. High limestone hills like
the one in background are commonly honeycombed with caves.
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Figure 59. Toradja house. Note distinctive design.
The elevated and enclosed part of the house is entered
through a hole in the floor.
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Figure 60. Toradja youth in loincloth. Such attire is
found only in remote villages.
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Figure 61. Toradja girl. Traditional attire
is rapidly giving way to Western or Malay dress,
even in remote areas.
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kampongs for protection against headhunting and slave hunting,
but since the virtual elimination of these practices, it is
likely that most of these alliances have been dissolved.
The Toradjas speak a language of the Malayo-Polynesian
linguistic family and although there are several dialects
within the group, they are all mutually comprehensible. The
Toradja language has never been adapted to writing and there
are no written historical records. The spoken language bears
a resemblance to that spoken by the Bugis to the south, but
the two languages are not mutually comprehensible. Many
members of the Sadang subgroup, however, do speak and under-
stand the Bugi languages. Persons who can speak and under-
stand Bahasa Indonesia -- a modernized and romanized form of
bazaar Malay and the official national language of Indonesia can probably be found in nearly every Toradja village. The
Toradjas are very conscious of the advantages of education
and are anxious to learn. Nearly every kampong has a primary
school, many of them former mission schools that have been
taken over by the central government. Toradjas desiring a
higher education must go to Makasar or to places outside
Celebes.
Prior to pacification by the Dutch, the Toradja tribes
were continually warring with one another while at the same
time their numbers were being depleted through attacks by the
Bugis, who kidnapped them and took them to their homelands as
slaves. Nonetheless, the Toradjas developed a reputation as
a fierce, warlike people. Since pacification, however, white
travelers in Toradjaland have invariably found them gentle,
shy, and generally friendly after one gets to know them.
Hostility between the Toradjas and the strongly Moslem
Bugis has increased during this century, as many of the Toradja
tribes were converted to Christianity by missionaries. The
Toradjas were generally content with the colonial administra-
tion of the Dutch. During the period of political upheaval
after World War II the politically passive Toradjas showed
little interest in Indonesian nationalism. After the ouster of
the Dutch and during the early stages of the new Government of
the Republic of Indonesia the Toradjas were continually sub-
jected to anti-Christian attacks by Darul Islam terrorists,
most of them members of the Bugi ethnic group. The terrorists
massacred the people, burned churches, looted and burned homes,
and destroyed crops. Many Toradja villages-were completely
wiped out. During the Permesta rebellion forces of the
Indonesian Army (mostly Javanese) were active in Toradjaland,
ostensibly to root out the Permesta rebels but perhaps more
importantly to regain this Christian area for Islam. The
Toradja tribes reportedly put up a militant defense of their
homeland.
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In spite of their history of intertribal warfare the
Toradja-s are now a generally nonaggressive people. They
have been likened to the Bataks of Sumatra in that they are
highly independent, very intelligent, and shrewd in money
matters. Because central government forces have been active
in southwestern Celebes for a number of years trying to
eliminate the Darul Islam terrorists, the Toradjas probably
are more pro-GOI than in previous years. Only if the GOI were
to interfere openly in their way of life, by attempting to
Islamize Toradjaland, for example, would they be likely to
take hostile actions against it. Even though they are militarily
2110c inactive at present, some Toradjas may still be receptive to
recruitment for paramilitary operations. Most Toradjas probably
have some familiarity with small firearms from their contact
with Permesta and Darul Islam rebels and with government
troops.
b. Minahasans
The Minahasans, who occupy the eastern portion of the
northern peninsula of Celebes, number about 500,000 people.
They have strong Caucasian features acquired from inter-
marriage with Spanish traders who settled on the peninsula
in the 17th century and with the Dutch during their rule.
The Minahasans also show signs in their physical appearance,
language, and way of life of close connection with the people
of the southern Philippines.
Minahasa is a region of little poverty, with no beggars
or social outcasts. The relative prosperity and resultant
lack of social servility among the people is due in large part
to proceeds from the export of large quantities of copra, much
of which is smuggled to ports in Sabah (primarily Tawau) and
to the Philippines in exchange for manufactured goods. Wet-
land rice is the major subsistence crop but much maize also
is grown. Fish are an important part of the Minahasan diet,
as the waters of the Celebes Sea are rich in fish; the Minahasa
coastline is dotted with fishing ports. Many Minahasans emi-
grated to Java during the Dutch colonial administration to
occupy positions in the civil service, and many still go there
to seek clerical employment both in the government and with
private firms.
About 95 percent of the Minahasans are Christians, most
of them Protestant but a sizable number Roman Catholic. Like
all other "Christian" groups in Indonesia the Minahasan brand
of Christianity retains some vestiges of animistic beliefs
and customs, although probably fewer than are retained by
other groups. Every village has its church and most Minahasans
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are regular churchgoers. The pastors are very influential
in village life and are often asked to settle local disputes.
The Minahasans speak a language which, like the language
of the Gorontalese who occupy most of the rest of the northern
peninsula, is closely akin to the languages of the southern
Philippines. Many also speak Bahasa Indonesia. The Minahasans
are very conscious of the benefits of education, which is more
advanced in Minahasa than in other parts of the archipelago;
every village has a school, and although not compelled to
attend, nearly every child goes to school. During colonial
times, the Minahasans, along with the Minangkabaus of
western Sumatra, had the highest literacy rate in Indonesia.
Today, almost all Minahasans can read and write.
During the Dutch colonial administration, Minahasa was
virtually a Far Eastern province of Holland. More than any
other ethnic group in Indonesia, the Minahasans were adaptable
to Western ways and therefore strongly influenced by the
Dutch. The Minahasans were transformed within several decades
after the mid-19th century from a headhunting tribal group,
probably much like the neighboring Toradjas in social organiza-
tion, to a settled group with a peasant economy and a highly
Westernized Christian culture. A Western atmosphere continues
to prevail as the Dutch influence is still reflected in the
physical appearance of the people, in their attire (sarongs
are rarely seen), religion, housing, and general manner.
Western-style music and dancing are popular even in the smallest
village. Villages and towns are neat and well laid out, not
unlike those of the West.
The Minahasans generally were content with Dutch colonial
administration, and even now many probably would prefer it to
the present rule of the GOI. There was, in fact, a question
of loyalty during the Indonesian struggle for independence.
Many Minahasans had served in the Dutch Army and their pay-
checks contributed greatly to the prosperity of Minahasa.
After independence and during the early years of the central
government the Minahansans felt themselves economically and
culturally threatened by the new regime, which they regarded
as under the hegemony of Java. They felt that the foreign
exchange earnings of their region, derived mostly from copra,
were being used to benefit Java and that allocations of gov-
ernment funds to northern Celebes were insufficient. These
grievances led to the Permesta rebellion in 1958. During the
Permesta fighting most Minahasans were either members of the
rebel bands or their active supporters. Although some dis-
satisfaction with the central government still exists, a
growing sense of Indonesian nationalism is permeating Minahasa
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Figure 62. Minahasans of northern
Celebes.
Figure 63. Native children of Bitung in
Minahasa, northern Celebes..
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and sympathies for any form of separatist movement do not appear
to be strong; probably the majority of Minahasans now at least
tacitly support the present government. Although quiescent for
the time being, Minahasa retains its potential as a trouble
spot for the central government.
The Minahasans have been characterized as gay and friendly
as well as aggressive and opportunistic. Their carefree way
of life reportedly is looked down upon by the island's more
staid Moslem groups such as the Makasarese and Bugis. Their
past close ties with the Dutch, coupled with their travels
and good education, have given the Minahasans a more worldly
outlook than members of the other Celebes ethnic groups. Most
of the government officials in northern Celebes are native to
the region, and many have been reported to be outspokenly pro-
2merican.
c. Bugis and Makasarese
The Bugis (also known as Buginese), who number about
2,500,000 on Celebes, occupy most of the southwestern peninsula
of the island. Communities of Bugis are also scattered in
coastal areas throughout Celebes as well as on the other islands
of the Malay Archipelago, especially the Indonesian part of
Borneo. The Makasarese, whose numbers are estimated at about
1,200,000, occupy part of the southwestern peninsula -- in
and near the city of Makasar. Although the Bugis and Makasarese
are separate groups with little intermarriage, there is little
cultural distinction between them, and therefore they are
treated here as one ethnic.group.
Wetland rice is the major crop throughout most of the
southwestern peninsula. Although the Bugis generally are not
skillful cultivators and usually harvest only one crop a year,
the area is self-sufficient in rice and, in fact, usually
exports a surplus to the northern part of the island. Maize
is sometimes grown as a second crop after the rice is har-
vested. In the poorer interior areas it replaces rice as the
dietary staple. Some commercial crops are grown for export,
notably copra, rubber, coffee, tobacco, and sugarcane. Fish,
found in the rice paddies as well as in the seas around
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Celebes, provide most of the protein of the Bugi diet, along
with beef from cattle that are raised and venison from deer
that are hunted.
The Bugis are skilled in handicrafts such as making mats,
baskets, hats, and furniture from rattan, palm leaves, jungle
fibers, and horsehair ; they trade or sell these articles in
the marketplaces. Although their notoriety as pirates has
diminished in recent years, the Bugis are still skillful sea-
farers and engage in both coastal and overseas trade. Copra,
rattan, fish, spices, and other products from the Bugi region
are traded for cotton goods, petroleum products, glassware,
hardware, and other manufactured goods. Much of this trade
has been carried on with Tawau in Sabah, and reportedly
flourished throughout the period of confrontation. The GOI
patrols the waters between Celebes and Sabah with gunboats
in an effort to curtail this illegal flow of goods.
Most Bugi villages contain from 20 to 40 houses, with
each house containing up to 20 people. Bugi houses are not
always grouped into villages. Many are scattered in the rice-
fields, hundreds of yards apart. Houses are perched on piles
6 to 8 feet above the ground, with the space beneath used as
a work area or closed off and used for storage. A ladder
leads to a door at the front, and most houses have a balcony
that extends all around the house. Among the nobility the
ladder is replaced by a ramp of woven bamboo and the balu-
strade around the balcony is intricately designed; the front
of the house is often painted in bright colors. Walls are
constructed from wood or bamboo; roofs are usually of thatch,
although corrugated metal is becoming more common. Windows
are formed by pushing sections of the roof upward and propping
them open with bamboo poles.
Prior to the early years of this century the class system
was highly developed and the aristocracy very powerful in the
Bugi social system. Because the feudal lords proved trouble-
some to the Dutch through their assertion of independence
and through their quarreling over spheres of influence, the
Dutch strove to eliminate the feudal system and free the
slaves. Vestiges of the feudal system remain, however, and
there is still little mobility in Bugi society. Large property
owners and sharecroppers remain in control, and descendants
of slaves are still at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder.
A large percentage of the members of the lower class live in
Makasar, to which their ancestors had fled after being freed
by the Dutch. As slavery disappeared the size of the noble
class also diminished, since there was no longer a labor
force to pay homage to it.
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Social classes are rigidly set, except for women, who
can move up the social ladder through marriage. The marriage
of a lower-class man to an upper-class woman, however, is
forbidden. Death or exile was formerly the penalty; today
social ostracism is more likely the principal means used to
discourage such marriages. Although having more than one
wife is permitted under Moslem law, polygamy is rare in the
Bugi ethnic group as well as in other Islamic groups through-
out Indonesia. No rigid rules regarding marriage inside the
ethnic group (endogamy) or outside the ethnic group (exogamy)
prevail among the Bugis, although marriages are usually within
the kampong. There is little intermarriage between the Bugis
and Makasarese; marriage between the Bugis and Toradjas is
becoming increasingly common. Marriage partners have tradi-
tionally been selected by the elders, with the marriage
usually taking place when the partners are in their midteens.
A bride-price, varying according to class, is normally paid
to the family of the bride; formerly among the nobility,
slaves were used as a medium of exchange in buying the bride.
The husband customarily lives with the wife's family for about
a year, and then the couple usually establishes its own home.
In most respects, men and women have equal rights in the Bugi
society. Both retain their separate property after marriage.
Women often act independently of their husbands in business
matters, and many chieftains are women.
The Bugis, to a greater extent than other ethnic groups
of Celebes, are preoccupied with adat (customary law); it
transcends every other influence in Bugi life, including
religion. Strict adherence to their adat is considered to
be largely responsible for the lack of social and economic
progress among the Bugis in this century. This is in con-
trast to the Toradjas and Minahasans, for example, who have
been less reluctant to discard their traditional adat and
adopt more progressive ways.
Although the Bugis are ardent, often fanatical, Moslems --
many have been members of the Darul Islam -- they have retained
vestiges of their original animistic religion. Most villages
have an animist priest as well as a Moslem religious official.
The Bugis and Makasarese speak closely related and
mutually intelligible languages of the Malayo-Polynesian
family. Both are similar to Malay and many words are easy
to understand if one understands Malay. Both languages
can be written in an Indian script, and each has a well-
developed literature of its own. Many of the people speak
Bahasa Indonesia; a few speak English. Although most Bugis
and Makasarese receive a primary school education, they are
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Figure 64. Typical
Bugi dwelling in
southwestern Celebes.
Bugi buildings are
drab in comparison
with those of the
Toradj as .
Figure 65. Bugi girl
in everyday attire.
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Figures 66 E 67. Typical Makasarese
houses in southwestern Celebes.
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Figure 68. Makasarese couple in ceremonial
dress.
Figure 69. Makasarese man and child.
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not as interested in education as either the Toradjas or
Minahasans.
The Bugis have been characterized as a dour and obstinate
people with explosive tempers. They are reported to be jealous,
vengeful, and quick with the knife if they feel that they have
been wronged. Most Bugi men are always armed; their favorite
weapon is a short knife (about 7 inches long) which is con-
cealed in the folds of the sarong. Although the Bugis are
prestige-seeking and very competitive, they are also conserva-
tive and reluctant to change their ways. They appear to be
reluctant to engage in political talk and thus give the
impression of being uninterested in other than local affairs,
although most are probably aware of Indonesian politics and
of world politics, at least to the extent of recognizing a
conflict between the Communist World and the Free World. The
Bugis are reported to be suspicious of all outsiders, sometimes
to the point of hostility toward them. One source feels that
a Caucasian would never gain complete acceptance among the
Bugis; at best they would regard him with a great deal of
reservation. When dealing with the Bugi.s, the white man
would do well to be completely frank but, in respect for their
quick tempers, careful not to antagonzie them.
At one time, relations between the Bugis and the Toradjas
were strained because captured Toradja chiefs were made vassals
of the Bugis and because during Bugi attacks on Toradja lands
cattle were stolen and slaves kidnapped. Although these raids
are a thing of the past, there still are hard feelings between
the two groups. The Bugis look down upon the Toradjas, calling
them dogeaters; on the other hand, in view of the great social
and economic strides that have been made by the Toradjas in
this century, it is likely that they may now look down upon
the less progressive Bugis.
Formerly, considerable enmity existed between the Bugis
and the Makasarese. This hostility, which was created in part
by the disproportionate number of Makasarese that occupied
government positions, is now believed to be minimal, although
in higher political circles rivalry probably persists.
The Bugis have been reported to be violently resentful
of the Javanese, and have been a source of dissidence and
insurrection against the central government. The Bugis
generally have sympathized with the Darul Islam terrorists
who have operated in their region since 1953, although much
of the assistance provided by the local populace has been
extorted through fear of reprisal from the DI's. The DI's
were led by Kahar Muzakhar (a Bugi and former guerrilla
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fighter against the Dutch) until his death at the hands of
Javanese troops early in 1965. The existence of this terrorist
group among the Bugis reflected not only religious fanaticism
and antipathy toward the Javanese but also a desire for more
local autonomy. The local anti-Javanese and anti-Sukarno
sentiment was given impetus by the presence in Bugi territory
of Javanese troops sent to quell the DI insurrection.
Although anti-Javanese feelings still prevail among the
Bugis, an officer of the American Embassy in Djakarta who
traveled in southwestern Celebes in early 1965 reported that
the area appeared to be fully responsive to the central govern-
ment. Even the inhabitants of remote villages in the interior
knew the words and tones of the latest revolutionary hits in
Djakarta. He felt that there would be little chance of an
'outside power stimulating renewed dissidence among the people
of southwestern Celebes.
The death of Kahar Muzakhar is believed to have broken 25X1
sporadic acts of terrorism and banditry still occur.
d. Chinese
No current figures are available on the number of
Chinese on Celebes, but there are probably about 100,000 --
fewer than on the other major Indonesian islands. Most are
concentrated in Makasar and Manado, where they are part of
large Chinese communities, but Chinese merchants and traders
are found in most of the larger villages on the island. As
elsewhere in Southeast Asia, most of the Chinese are engaged
in commerce; few are settled on the land. Their trading
activities have been considerably curtailed since an edict
issued in 1959 by the Indonesian Government forbidding aliens
to engage in retail trade in rural areas.
The Chinese have been assimilated to some extent with
other ethnic groups on Celebes, almost entirely through the
marriage of Chinese men to indigenous women. Even though
most of the Celebes Chinese were born there and may look back
on several generations on the island, almost all continue
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to speak the Chinese dialect of their parents. Hokkien is the
dominant dialect on Celebes as well as in the rest of Eastern
Indonesia. In addition to their own dialect, many Chinese can
converse in the local tongue as well as in Bahasa Indonesia.
Many of the Chinese children on Celebes still attend Chinese-
language schools, although the proportion that attend schools
where their classmates are almost all ethnic Chinese is
decreasing.
Speech-group membership is an important correlate of
political alignment among the Indonesian Chinese and, in gen-
eral, Hokkiens are decidedly leftist. The Chinese of Celebes,
as well as those of all of the outer islands of Indonesia, are
generally more oriented toward mainland China than toward
Djakarta and are less assimilated into the Indonesian way of
life than are the Chinese of Java. In 1958, after Taipei's
alleged aid to the rebellions that had broken out on Sumatra
and Celebes, a GOI campaign destroyed the effectiveness of
the Kuomintang as a force in Chinese politics in Indonesia.
Then, in late 1959 the government took advantage of its dis-
criminatory campaign against the Chinese to weaken the Com-
munist partisans within the Chinese community. Anti-Chinese
feeling is widespread in Indonesia, particularly since the
eruption of hostility toward Communist China after the abortive
coup in late 1965. Resentment against the Chinese is parti-
cularly strong among strongly Islamic ethnic communities such
as the Bugis and the Makasarese. Although the Chinese generally
do harbor resentment against the central government because of
its discriminatory practices against them, the Chinese of
Celebes as a group are not considered to have significant
potential for paramilitary activities.
e. Minor Ethnic Groups
The Gorontalese, a Moslem people who are estimated to
number about 350,000, occupy the western portion of the
northern peninsula. Very little is known about them, although
they are a rather large group. Except for their religion,
they are believed to be culturally and physically similar to
the Minahasans. The Tominis, who number an estimated 100,000,
occupy the western'part of the northern peninsula between the
Toradjas and the Gorontalese and are culturally and linguist-
ically transitional between these two groups.
The population of the Sangihe and Talaud Islands, which
lie between the northern peninsula of Celebes and the Philip-
pine island of Mindanao, was 194,566 according to the 1961
census. The people of these islands are closely related to
the Minahasans and, like the Minahasans, most have been strongly
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influenced by the West; many are Christians and most wear
Western-style dress. Copra, most of which is smuggled to
Sabah or to the Philippines, serves as the basis of the
economy of the area. Many inhabitants of the islands have
emigrated to the Philippines.
The Loinang tribes occupy the northeastern peninsula
of Celebes and its offshore islands. They number about
150,000 people. The Bungkus (about 60,000), the Lakis and
the Moris (combined, about 200,000), the Munis (about 100,000),
and the Butungs (about 250,000) occupy the southeastern pen-
insula and offshore islands. Although most of these tribal
people are animists, many have been converted to Christianity.
Most are shifting cultivators of dryland rice.
C. Lesser Sundas
See Figures 70 through 102.
1. General
According to the 1961 census the population of the
Lesser Sunda Islands (excluding Portuguese Timor) was
5,557,656. The population of Portuguese Timor according
to official 1960 statistics was 517,079. Census figures of
1961 for the individual islands in the archipelago (listed
from west to east as treated in the following discussion)
and of 1960 for Portuguese Timor along with their population
densities are tabulated below:
Island
Population
Density
(per square mile)
Bali
1,782,529
790
Lombok
1,300,234
722
Sumbawa
507,596
85
Sumba
251,126
58
Flores
(including
1,013,533
130
Komodo and the
islands of the
Solor-Alor archi-
pelago )
Indonesian Timor
(including Rot.i
702,638
109
and Sawu Islands)
Portuguese Timor
517,079
71
Overall densities are highest on the western islands and
lowest on Sumba and the smaller islands at the eastern end of
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the archipelago. Local densities, however, vary considerably
within each island. Most of the people are concentrated in
coastal areas and, to a lesser extent, in interior valleys.
The higher interior areas are sparsely inhabited. There are
few urban areas of significance in the Lesser Sundas. The
major towns and their estimated populations are: Denpasar
(50,000) on Bali, Bima (20,000) on Sumbawa, Kupang (60,000)
on Indonesian Timor; and Dili (12,000) on Portuguese Timor.
In terms of racial characteristics, the peoples of the
Lesser Sundas are transitional between those of Java and New
Guinea. As the Malay traits of the people of western Indonesia
become less prominent toward the east, Papuan and Negroid
characteristics become more common, particularly on the
islands east of Sumbawa.
2. Movement of Population
Most of the movement of people within the individual
islands in the Lesser Sundas is related to the practice of
shifting agriculture whereby the natives abandon farmland
that is no longer productive and move their villages a few
miles to virgin lands. Because the islands where this kind
of agriculture is practiced (all islands except Bali) are
sparsely inhabited, conflicts over land tenure are rare.
Another type of intraisland movement is the seasonal migra-
tion of peasants in the interiors of the islands of the
central and eastern parts of the archipelago to the coastal
areas to seek work as laborers during the dry season, when
agricultural chores are at a minimum.
A common type of interisland migration within the Lesser
Sundas is the movement of more enterprising groups such as
the Rotinese and Sawunese to islands inhabited by less
economically advanced peoples, where they establish com-
munities in proximity to indigenous villages and trade with
the people in them. For example, large numbers of Rotinese
are in the Kupang Bay area of Indonesian Timor. They report-
edly are easily recognizable by their distinctive square hats
as well as by their "arrogant swagger."
Some of the movement of peoples within the eastern
Indonesian islands is related to Indonesia's longstanding
problem of unequal distribution of population. As early
as 1905, the Dutch colonial government initiated programs
to move people from the densely populated parts of Java,
Madura, and Bali to the sparsely populated outer islands.
Although islands of the Lesser Sundas have rarely been
resettlement sites, there has been talk in recent years of
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using the central and eastern Lesser Sunda Islands for settle-
ment of Javanese. Because of the remoteness and general
unattractiveness of the eastern Lesser Sunda Islands for
Javanese, however, it is quite unlikely that such resettle-
ment will materialize in the near future.
Although migrations of peoples from Java to the Lesser
Sundas are not numerically significant, Javanese as well as
inhabitants of other islands (notably Celebes) go to the Lesser
Sundas to hunt, fish, or trade. Unlike the transmigrants of
the resettlement schemes, however, these people do not stay
permanently.
The Indonesian Government has recommended that people
from the overpopulated southern lowlands of Bali move to the
more sparsely occupied (and less inviting) areas of western
Bali and that people living in the densely settled central
lowland of Lombok move to the sparsely inhabited mountain
slopes in the north. This encouragement has not produced
large-scale movement in these directions. The Balinese
have gone to other Indonesian islands, however, particularly
to southern Sumatra, Borneo, and Celebes, as part of the
central government's resettlement program. These migrations
were intensified after the eruptions of Mount Agung in 1963
rendered vast areas of farmland on Bali uncultivable by ordi-
nary standards. Reportedly, the government has moved the
inhabitants of entire villages as single groups to facilitate
resettlement on the new islands, but it is likely that in
most instances the transmigrants have drifted back to Bali.
The pull of Bali is strong on its inhabitants and they may
prefer an economically meager life there to any alternative
that might be provided by settling on some other island.
3. Social System
Although in recent history outside forces such as the
Dutch and the Japanese occupations and the Indonesian revolu-
tion have undermined village social organizations, the villages
of the Lesser Sundas -- particularly those in the remote
areas -- still retain a high degree of autonomy with little
interference by the central government in local affairs. The
villagers elect a headman who is responsible to a council com-
prised of the adult males of the village. The council --
guided by adat (customary law) -- governs the village. Each
ethnic group has its own distinctive adat, which defines such
things as inheritance, property, marriage, moral values, and
reciprocal rights and obligations between relatives. Adat has
been considerably undermined in the past century, and outside
concepts are superseding tribal law, particularly in urban
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Figure 70. Bali. Fishing village.
Figure 71. Bali. Village temple.
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Figure 72. Bali. Terraced ricefields. Such fields are
common throughout most of the island.
Figure 73. Bali. Native fishing boat.
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areas. Traditional attitudes toward the supernatural forces
believed to control adat are most pronounced in isolated
rural areas. Village adat has resisted change most strongly
on the eastern islands, but even there the arrival of Europeans
and other foreigners and the extension of Javanese administra-
tion has notably changed the traditional beliefs and institu-
tions.
In spite of the villagers' resistance to supravillage
authority, intervillage political alliances were imposed
during the early 1950's. These unions, which were estab-
lished to facilitate administration by the central govern-
ment, are headed by an administrator who is elected by all
the men in the union and who is under the control of the
provincial governor. The establishment of the unions deprived
the village headmen of many traditional duties, such as adju-
dication of civil disputes between villages and maintenance
of liaison with the central government. Loss of these
responsibilities resulted in loss of prestige by the village
headmen and thus created considerable resentment. The village
headmen, however, have retained responsibilities for religious
and communal matters, with duties including adat administra-
tion, tax collection, and record maintenance. In addition
to the intervillage alliances imposed on the villages by
the central government, local alliances may be formed vol-
untarily among several neighboring villages, particularly in
the dryland-rice regions of the highlands, to facilitate the
apportionment of agricultural land.
The village community still remains by far the most
significant social unit for the great mass of the population.
Widespread and deeply rooted traditions of democratic election
to village offices and of communal plowing and ownership of
land and a strong sense of mutual assistance (gotong rojong)
prevail among the members of the community. Appropriate
punishment -- ranging from denial of participation in village
activities to (formerly) total exile -- is meted out to those
who break the village laws or fail to abide by the rules of
gotong rojong. On the central and eastern Lesser Sundas,
cultural homogeneity may stop at the village limits; dis-
tinctions among villages in language, adat, housing, and other
social customs often are great.
Class systems are common throughout the Lesser Sundas.
On Bali, the Indian system of caste still exists, albeit in
a modified form (see p. ).. Elsewhere in the archipelago,
the hierachy within the village is a matter of personal
identification with village families. In addition, each
person is assigned to his level of generation, and duties and
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patterns of behavior for each level are fixed. Among some
groups, there are noble, middle, and lower classes, between
which some restrictions on marriage are imposed, principally
against the marriage of a woman to a man of lower class; such
a marriage was formerly punishable by exile.
Despite the loss of their traditional powers after
independence, the nobility continues to exert influence on
most of the islands, since the former rajahs and sultans now
occupy government positions and thereby retain the patronage
of their former vassals. In many areas, in fact, there has
been no discernible change in the relationship between the
nobles and their subjects in the past 20 years. In Indonesian
Timor, for example, a subject still lowers his sarong to waist
level when meeting the rajah. Furthermore, he never allows
any part of his body to be above that of the rajah; if the
rajah is sitting, the subject kneels.
In the marriage system on Flores (and presumably on other
islands as well), the bride must be purchased from her family
by the groom. The bride-price, commonly calculated in horses
or cattle, is often so high that the husband is heavily indebted
to his wife's family from the inception of the marriage and
becomes a virtual slave to his in-laws. Female children are,
therefore, greatly desired because they become valuable to
their family when they reach marrying age. In effect, the
marriage system encourages boys of marrying age to migrate
to other islands (often to Java) where there is no bride-price
or where the bride-price is lower. Male disenchantment with
the local marriage rules might be used to advantage in the
recruitment of personnel for paramilitary operations.
4. Religion
Inhabitants of the Lesser Sundas follow a variety of
religions -- Hinduism, Islam, Christianity (both Protestant
and Roman Catholic), as well as animism, which is found both
in its "pure" form or combined with one of the other three.
A nucleus of Hindu adherents took refuge on Bali after
the overthrow of the last Hindu dynasty in eastern Java in
the 15th century, and today Bali and western Lombok, where
Balinese have migrated, are the only Indonesian islands where
the Hindu religion remains a strong influence. The Balinese
brand of Hinduism contains some Buddhist elements and is
permeated by primitive superstitions. Four castes of orthodox
Hinduism are recognized. Although castes and means of liveli-
hood are not necessarily related, peasants -- who constitute
the majority of the population -- form the lowest caste.
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Figure 74. Bali.
Typical young Balinese
man.
Figure 75. Bali.
Old man in sarong.
The satchel contains
writings from Hindu
scripture.
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Figure 76. Bali. Balinese
girls in typical dress.
Figure 77. Bali. Young dancer
in batik costume with headdress
of flowers. Note gamelan orches-
tra in background.
Figure 78. Bali. Cremation
ceremony.
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They are careful to show respect to superior castes but observe
few other special acts of obeisance.
The lives of the Balinese are closely tied to their reli-
gion, but the Balinese are, for the most part, flexible in
their religious practices. There are many gods (a Hindu
deity well known in one area may be of minor importance in
another), many temples and shrines, and many calendrically
determined ceremonies replete with offerings of flowers,
food, dances, and trances. Mediums, who communicate with
the spirit world in order to protect individuals and communities,
go into trances brought on by high-pitched emotion, often accom-
panied by self-stabbing. Spirits are believed to be housed in
objects of both the physical and cultural environment; in gen-
eral, high things such as temples, mountains, and the sun are
believed to be occupied by benevolent spirits, while the seas
and objects found in low places, such as sharks or snakes, are
believed to house evil spirits. The offerings, trances, and
dances are intended to exorcise the evil spirits. The Balinese
believe in reincarnation; infancy and old age are therefore
considered to be close to the supernatural, and the cult of
ancestors is a dominant factor in Balinese life. Corpses
are cremated, although sometimes the event is considerably
delayed and meanwhile the body is temporarily buried.
Unlike Java, where Christianity is professed by only a
handful of the approximately 65,000,000 people, Christianity
in much of the Lesser Sundas, particularly the islands of
the eastern part of the archipelago (Flores, Sumba, Timor,
and the Solor - Alor group),is a significant force. Those
professing Christianity are almost equally divided between
Protestants and Catholics, with a combined total of about 40
percent of the total population of the Lesser Sundas. The
Christians of Flores and Portuguese Timor are predominantly
Catholic; the Christians of Indonesian Timor (nearly 70 per-
cent of the population) are almost equally divided between
Protestants and Catholics; most of the remaining Christians in
the Lesser Sundas are Protestants. The Christians are gen-
erally found in the coastal areas where missionary activities
(chiefly Dutch and Portuguese) were most intense. One of the
attractions of Christianity has been that its missionaries
have done much to improve the health, education, and general
standard of living of the people while converting them to
Christianity. In areas such as western Flores, where Christian-
ity remains popular, many of the clergy still are Dutch or
German, and they would be anxious to give food, shelter, or
other assistance to a Western traveler.
In the Lesser Sundas, unlike most other areas of
Indonesia, Islam is not a powerful force; only about 5 percent
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of the population is Moslem. Only on Sumbawa and Solor is
Islam professed by a substantial number of people, and even
on these islands most of the people of the interior still
cling to their animistic superstitions. Other areas with
significant numbers of Moslems are eastern Lombok, north-
western Alor, northern Lomblem, coastal Adonara, western
Indonesian Timor, and most of the larger urban areas of
the archipelago. In all of these areas, most of those
professing Islam originally came from Islamic regions of
Java or Celebes; few of the indigenous people have been
converted. Although Islam is professed by the majority of
Indonesians, it is not a state religion and the government
has done little to encourage conversion of natives pro-
fessing other beliefs.
Adherence to Islamic tenets varies considerably among
its followers on the various islands, but, as elsewhere in
Indonesia, observance of Islamic practices is generally not
as strict as among Moslem peoples nearer Mecca. In the Lesser
Sundas, Islam appears to have the greatest influence on Sumbawa.
There the people wear garments bearing strong resemblance to
Arab attire, the local music has a distinct Middle East flavor,
most hamlets have at least one mosque, and the rites of the
Islamic calendar are closely followed. Those Moslems who can
afford to do so go on a pilgrimage to Mecca, thereby attaining
extra prestige and leadership stature.
Among the Christians of the Lesser Sundas and to a lesser
extent among the Moslems, religion is essentially a super-
structure of adopted practices on a foundation of animism.
The underlying paganism gives to the religion unique char-
acteristics that make it different from the form followed by
orthodox Christians or Moslems elsewhere. For example,
religious ceremonies may contain rituals dictated by the Bible
or the Koran along with rituals directed to the world of spirits.
Beliefs in the tenets of Christianity or Islam, however, are
usually not as deeply rooted as is the belief in the world of
spirits, taboos, and other elements of the traditional pagan
superstitions.
Not counting those who profess to be Christian or Moslem
but who cling to a belief in certain facets of their animistic
heritage, an estimated 55 percent of the people of the Lesser
Sundas are animists. Relatively few are on Bali and Lombok,
but on most other islands animists form the bulk of the
population. All interior areas of these islands are predominantly
pagan; coastal regions are mixed. Although, in general, the
animists of the Lesser Sundas recognize a Supreme Being, they
also believe that they are surrounded by a host of malevolent
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Figure 79. Lombok. Main street of
Lombok.
Figure 80. Lombok.
Native women.
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Figure 81. Lombok. Sasak people of small village in
eastern part of island.
Figure 82. Sumbawa. Typical village.
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and benevolent spirits embodied in such things as mountains,
rivers, plants, and animals. Anything that is believed to
contain a spirit is treated with great reverence, and a
stranger traveling in the Lesser Sundas should be especially
careful to show respect for these things. Taboos are many and
varied. Making offerings and sacrifices to the world of spirits
are common religious activities. Buffaloes are the most common
sacrificial animals; isolated incidents of human sacrifice
have been reported within the last decade.
5. Language
All the languages of the Lesser Sundas except those spoken
in part of Alor belong to the Malayo-Polynesian linguistic
family. Most of the people of Alor speak a language belonging
to the Papuan linguistic family. Many of the languages of
the eastern islands of the Lesser Sundas, although considered
to be Malayo-Polynesian, contain some Papuan traits.
Except for the Alor language, the languages of the Lesser
Sundas can be divided on the basis of similarity in grammar,
vocabulary, and phonetics into four major groups: 1) Balinese,
spoken on. Bali and western Lombok; 2) Sasak, spoken in eastern
Lombok and on the western peninsula of Sumbawa; 3) the Bima-
Sumba group, spoken on the eastern peninsula of Sumbawa, on the
western two-thirds of Flores, and on Sumba; and 4) the Ambon-
Timor group, spoken on Timor, the eastern one-third of Flores,
and the Solor - Alor archipelago, as well as on most of the
islands of the Moluccas. Because the languages of Eastern
Indonesia have been studied very little, the precise number
spoken in the Lesser Sundas is not known but is believed to
be well over 25. Nor is it known to what degree the languages
within each group are mutually intelligible, although it is
likely that a speaker of one language can make himself under-
stood to a speaker of most other languages within the same
major group. Languages in different major linguistic groups
are believed to be mutually unintelligible.
The use of the official Bahasa Indonesia has extended into
all but the most inaccessible interior areas and to all but
the most insignificant islands of the Lesser Sundas. Even in
the remoter villages of the archipelago someone is usually
conversant in Bahasa Indonesia. Dutch is still spoken by
some of the older people of the Lesser Sundas; Portuguese
is spoken by the 1,000 or so Portuguese of eastern Timor
and by some of the coastal natives there; and various Chinese
dialects (chiefly Hokkien) are spoken by the Chinese. Other
languages are spoken by only a few, although English is now
compulsory in secondary schools.
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6. Education
According to statistics of the Indonesian Department of
Basic Education and Culture, in the school year 1960-61 there
were 2,401 schools in the Lesser Sundas. A total of 10,558
teachers taught 418,227 pupils in primary schools and 23,357
pupils in secondary schools. These figures do not include
those Chinese students who were still attending the few
remaining private Chinese-language schools, most of which
had been closed by government decree in 1957. Rapid strides
have been made in the Indonesian educational system in recent
years. Most children are attending primary schools, and an
increasing number of the graduates are entering secondary
schools. Since primary schools are found in nearly every large
village and secondary schools only in the principal towns,
the vast majority of children still receive only a primary
education of 3 to 5 years.
The foundation of today's educational system in the
Lesser Sundas, as well as in most other areas of Indonesia,
was established in the 19th and 20th centuries by missionaries
who opened schools based on the Western educational model.
Because of the uneven distribution of missionary activity
throughout the Lesser Sundas, educational facilities are
similarly spotty. The number of schools on islands such
as Roti, Flores, and Timor, where missionary work was parti-
cularly intense, is out of proportion to their populations.
Few of the schools are now run by missionaries, although in
western Flores, where. the Catholic church continues to be
active, several schools, including a secondary school in
Rutang, are still maintained.
As a result of the extension of educational facilities
into all but the most inaccessible areas of the Lesser
Sundas, the literacy rate of the people is climbing rapidly.
However, in spite of recent Indonesian claims that the country
in now free of illiteracy (as compared with an illiteracy rate
in 1942 of 96 percent), probably only a small percentage of
the total population is as yet accustomed to reading a daily
newspaper, whether in Bahasa Indonesia or in any other language.
Furthermore, many who have attended primary school and who have
attained a rudimentary reading ability soon lose that ability
because of the dearth of reading material. Expansion of
education has created a familiar sociological and political
problem -- an underemployed educated elite. Those who achieve
an eduction would rather be bureaucrats than work in the
fields, but because the islands of the Lesser Sundas support
an essentially subsistence economy, there is little need for
bureaucrats.
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Figure 83. Sumbawa. Native girls wearing veils.
Islam is particularly strong on Sumbawa and purdah
is generally practiced.
Figure 84.
Sumbawa. Native
couple in cere-
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7. Occupations
As in all other areas of Indonesia, the great majority
of the people are engaged in subsistence agriculture. Through-
out most of Bali and Lombok, irrigated rice is grown; but as
one progresses eastward through the Lesser Sundas, dryland
rice replaces the wetland variety as the major crop, and in
the easternmost islands maize forms the dietary staple. Sago,
the dietary staple of most of the people of the Moluccas and of
many on West New Guinea, is the staple of only a few people of
the Lesser Sundas. Pressure of population on arable land is
a problem on Bali and, to a lesser extent, on Lombok. Else-
where in the Lesser Sundas there is no shortage of agricultural
land.
Among the Lesser Sunda islands, Bali and Lombok have
soils that are exceptionally fertile; soils of the other islands
are not. On Bali and Lombok terraced fields of wetland rice
prevail, except in the most mountainous regions where dryland
rice is grown. The people are expert farmers and practice
intensive agriculture. The system of growing wetland rice is
highly cooperative and is managed by a village social organiza-
tion that controls an elaborate irrigation system. In order
to assure an adequate supply of irrigation water throughout
the year, the peasants in a given area divide each field into
a number of tracts and plant each tract at a different time of
year. Thus, rice crops are harvested several times during
the year in each wetland ricefield.
In addition to the wet fields of Bali and Lombok, some
wet fields in the coastal regions of Sumbawa and Timor are
devoted to rice; in all other areas of the Lesser Sundas dry-
land crops prevail. Dryland rice is the major subsistence
crop on Sumbawa, although some maize is grown; on the islands
to the east, maize is the major subsistence crop and rice is
grown only where conditions are favorable. Where dryland
agriculture is practiced, the parcels of land to be used for
the coming crop are cleared of trees and underbrush during
the dry season (May through October). The fields are planted
in November just prior to the beginning of the heavy rains.
The harvest takes place in April, after the wet season ends.
Men do the heavier work such as clearing the fields, while women
do most of the lighter work such as planting and weeding. Both
sexes harvest the crop. In most areas each family in the
village is allotted several parcels of land; each year the
family clears the parcel that has lain fallow the longest.
In areas such as the interior of Timor, where there is little
village organization and probably little cooperation among
families of the community, plots may be cleared and abandoned
at random. On Timor, which at one time was largely forested,
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Figure 85. Sumba. Native housing. The high section in
center of roof holds offerings to ward off evil spirits.
Cattle are penned in the center of the house.
Figure 86. Sumba.
Sawunese couple. The
people from Sawu Island,
like the Chinese, are
usually more advanced
economically than the
peoples of the islands
to which they migrate.
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Figure 87. Sumba. Man
wearing cloth draped over
shoulder and type of head-
dress worn in much of
Eastern Indonesia.
Figure 88. Sumba. Girls in ceremonial attire performing
native dance.
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the practice of uncontrolled slash-and-burn agriculture has
greatly depleted the vegetative cover and serious erosion has
resulted.
In addition to the subsistence crops of rice and maize,
a variety of other crops are grown to supplement the diet.
These include millet, sweet potatoes, sugarcane, cassava,
taro and other tubers, vegetables, and fruits such as coco-
nuts, breadfruits, mangoes, papayas, and bananas. When crop
yields are low, the people, who know the edible natural flora
of their habitat well, collect plants from the jungle.
Among the cash crops of the Lesser Sundas, coffee is
grown for export in Portuguese Timor and on Flores; copra
is probably grown on all major islands; tobacco is grown on
most islands, principally for home consumption, although some is
exported from Lombok; cotton is grown in Flores,and a small
amount is exported to neighboring islands. (A survey team from
the Soviet Union arrived in Kupang in February 1965 to explore
the possibility of establishing large-scale cotton-growing
projects in the eastern Lesser Sundas.) Soybeans, vegetables,
and spices ave grown on Sumbawa for export, and that island
often has a surplus of rice that is exported to Flores. Apples
have been introduced as a cash crop into Indonesian Timor,
but exporting them is a problem, as refrigeration is essential.
During the dry season when the amount of work to be done
in the fields is at a minimum, other chores are undertaken.
Houses, fences, and guard towers are constructed; fishing,
hunting, and collecting jungle products occupy much of the time
of the men who then may travel to the markets to sell the
products that they have collected -- dyewood, sandalwood, teak,
coconuts, birds' nests, and damar resin. Some men may seek
seasonal employment with the government during the dry months;
lumbering and roadbuilding are the most common of such seasonal
jobs.
Although meat from wild game does not form a large part
of the diet, the men of the Lesser Sundas do hunt during the
dry season. The most common animals hunted are the wild pig,
buffalo, and deer; many different birds are also sought. On
many of the islands the hunters ride horses during the hunt;
the Timorese, in particular, have a reputation as excellent
horsemen.
Domestic animals are found in all villages. The pig is
probably the most common, although it is never found in
Moslem villages. Chickens, buffaloes, dogs, and cats are
everywhere. Horses (which are rarely used for draft purposes)
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are found on most islands, and on Sumba they constitute the
chief export. Although cattle are raised on most islands,
their meat is rarely eaten except during feasts, which may
occur several times during the year. These feasts actually
are bloodbaths; hundreds of cattle as well as pigs are
slaughtered -- often by driving them into deep pits and then
killing them with spears and stones. The huge quantity of
meat left over after the feast is allowed to rot. Cattle are
an important export of some of the islands. They are often
a measure of wealth, and cattle thefts are a common occurrence.
On Timor, thefts of cattle belonging to tribes living on
opposite sides of the Portuguese - Indonesian border have led
in recent years to border incidents involving direct confronta-
tions between Portuguese and Indonesian officials and troops.
There is some fishing in the rivers of the western islands
of the Lesser Sundas (fish are usually not found in the rivers
of the eastern islands, which are dry during much of
the year) and turtles are caught in coastal areas with
casting nets. The people of most of the Lesser Sunda islands,
however, are not seafarers and generally are averse to fishing
in the sea. Only in the waters around the Solor - Alor
island group and in the seas between Roti and western Timor
are there significant numbers of fishermen.
For the Western traveler in the Lesser Sundas, the items
most universally acceptable for barter are cloth and watches.
Coral beads and silver objects are highly prized on Timor;
presumably they could be used on other islands as well.
8. Villages and Housing
Villages in the Lesser Sundas vary considerably in site,
size, and layout. Most of the people live in the lowlands,
where villages are most often along coasts or rivers (commonly
built on piles out over the water), or on the lower slopes of
the interior mountains. Even though defensive sites are now
less frequently used, some villages are still built for defen-
sive purposes on sites higher than the surrounding territory.
Villages in the interior mountains are commonly atop mountain
spurs. Lowland villages are usually larger than mountain
villages, and in general, village size decreases from the
western islands -- where villages on Bali and Lombok may
support populations of several thousand, to the eastern
islands -- where individual houses in the interior of Timor
may be miles apart and groups of houses large enough to be
called villages rarely found. On Bali the houses are usually
arranged parallel or at right angles to a road. Elsewhere,
most village layouts have no particular form but most commonly
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Figure 89. Flores. Farmers with long dibbles pre-
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Figure 90. Flores. Men wearing hats made of banana leaves.
Figure 91. Flores. Women dancers.
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consist of a cluster of houses. In the lowlands of Timor, and
presumably on other islands as well, a central village contains
the rajah's residence, a few stores, various government build-
ings, and perhaps 8 to 10 houses. It, in turn, is surrounded
by outlying hamlets of scattered huts. A village is often
surrounded by a stone wall, a bamboo palisade, or, on Bali,
by irrigation ditches that are crossed by bamboo bridges.
Most villages have a central area of religious significance --
an altar, a temple, and perhaps most commonly, a sacred banyan
tree. Council houses, where village elders meet, strangers
sleep, and feasts are held, also are characteristic near the
center of the village. Numerous small barns for storing grain
are scattered through the village. Large villages are divided
into individual family kampongs. In some cases, particularly
in upland villages, footpaths radiate from a central village
to half a dozen small fenced kampongs.
House types also vary from island to island. Houses
most often are single-family dwellings, although small
multifamily dwellings are found in some areas. Except in
the interior areas of Flores and Timor and on the islands of
the Solor - Alor group, where crudely built beehive-shaped
dwellings of grass thatch are common, houses are rectangular.
The rectangular dwellings are usually built on piles about
5 feet off the ground in the western Lesser Sundas but are
more commonly built on the ground in the eastern islands.
Houses are normally of bamboo or wood-frame construction with
walls of palm fronds and roofs of tin or thatch. More solid
construction of stone and clay, sometimes with tile roofing,
is found on Bali, where sedentary agriculture tends to support
villages that are permanent.
Dress
Throughout most of the islands of the Lesser Sundas
attire is not significantly different from that found on
Java. The men usually wear Western-style shirts with shorts
or long trousers, commonly with a sarong draped over the
shoulder or around the waist. In the latter case, the sarong
may be worn instead of trousers. Women also wear sarongs
(kains) wrapped around the waist as skirts. A blouse or
cloth wrapped under the arms is usually worn on the upper
body, although women often go barebreasted when not in
public. In the interiors of the remotest islands of the
east, particularly in the Solor - Alor group, clothing is far
less sophisticated and may consist of only a loincloth for
men and fiber skirts for women. Adornments are commonly
worn by both men and women throughout the Lesser Sundas,
particularly on festive occasions. They include earrings,
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rings, necklaces, and anklets of gold, silver, copper, ivory,
shell, and bamboo. Tatooing and, to a lesser extent, scari-
fication are practiced on most of the islands.
The level of health in the Lesser Sundas is low, and
incidence of disease high. Reasons for this condition are
many -- the level of nutrition is marginal among most of the
people; sanitary conditions are bad, particularly in rural
areas; and most of the people lack any appreciation of the
value of good habits of hygiene and resist efforts to
change their ways. The people have a fatalistic attitude
toward poor health and disease, which they commonly blame
on the actions of evil spirits. Therefore, they resist the
introduction of modern medicines and modern medical and
surgical techniques and continue to rely on the village
doctor, whose practice is based on knowledge of the spirit
world. Dispersion of the islands adversely affects the con-
trol of diseases and the implementation of health measures.
Medical facilities are inadequate and there is a severe
shortage of medical personnel, particularly in rural areas.
Although eradication programs under the auspices of the
United Nations' World Health Organization (WHO) and the US
Agency for International Development (AID) have been under
way in Indonesia for more than a decade, malaria continues
to be the most common of the endemic diseases in the
Lesser Sundas. The disease flourishes partly because of
the abundance of breeding places for mosquitoes, particularly
in lowland areas during the wet season, and partly because
of the ineffectiveness of the incomplete eradication program.
Tuberculosis has the highest mortality rate of the endemic
diseases, but its incidence is considerably less in the
Lesser Sundas than on the overcrowded island of Java. In
the Lesser Sundas its incidence is highest in the urban areas
of Bali and Lombok. Yaws, a contagious disease of the tropics
characterized by numerous ulcerous sores on the body, is most
prevalent in remote areas where the people are not examined
regularly. Considerable progress in combating yaws has been
made in recent years. Other diseases endemic to the region
include filariasis, various enteric diseases (whose high
incidence is due principally to poor sanitary practices),
leprosy, and goiter. The last two diseases are most common
on Bali.
Hospitals in the Lesser Sundas are confined to the few
urban centers. The rural areas are served only by outpatient
clinics, which are little more than huts with no medical
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Figure 92. Lomblen. Fishing
village.
Figure 93. Alor. Native sailboat.
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Figure 94. Alor. Tribal
chief.
Figure 95. Alor. Group of
island natives. Note strong
Papuan characteristics.
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facilities, where ailing natives gather to be treated by a
doctor from one of the hospitals on the island. Rarely,
however, do the doctors make regular circuits into the
rural areas. The shortage of doctors has grown particularly
acute since the early 1960's, when most of the European
doctors practicing in Indonesia had their contracts terminated.
A majority of the doctors in Indonesia today are Chinese.
The hospital ship Hope called at ports on Bali and
Indonesian Timor (as well as Amboina in the Moluccas) in
1962 and reportedly was very well received. On these islands,
as well as in areas such as western Flores where missionaries
have introduced modern medical practices and medicines, the
people have been quick to learn the value of injections and
inoculations and will stand in long lines to receive them
for even the most minor ailments. A Western traveler would
do well to carry antibiotics such as penicillin with which
to treat afflicted natives. Yaws and other tropical infections
respond quickly to treatment with such medicines.
11. Attitudes and Loyalties
Paralleling the transition in racial types from west
to east through the Lesser Sundas is a change in personality
traits of the inhabitants from the generally friendly but
reserved Malay of the west to the more excitable, vociferous,
and generally less friendly Papuan of the east. A change in
the character of the inhabitants of individual islands also
is perceptible as one progresses from the coastal lowlands
into the interior highlands. In general, the lowlanders --
who have had considerable contact with outsiders -- tend to be
friendly, while the people of the interior -- who have had
limited contact with outsiders -- are more likely to be shy
and suspicious. Hostility to strangers is most intense on
the islands of Pantar and Alor, where the inhabitants have
long been noted for their warlike nature. The Dutch were
never able to bring these islands effectively under their
jurisdiction.
The hospitality of the people of the Lesser Sundas is
likely to vary considerably from season to season. During
the period November through April, when the rice or maize
crop is growing and the grain barns are emptying, the pea-
sants tend to be irritable and unfriendly, particularly when
the weather is adversely affecting the crop; during the dry
season (May through October), when the grain barns are filled,
festivals are commonplace and-the people are more likely to
be in a gay and carefree mood.
The people of Bali and western Lombok generally are more
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culturally advanced than the peoples of the other Lesser
Sundas. Although now somewhat commercialized, fine arts,
dancing, music, drama, and literature are intensively
cultivated by the Balinese. Such is not the case on the
eastern islands. Perhaps the drabness of the physical
environment, particularly during the dry season, has con-
tributed to the squelching of artistic endeavors.
The peoples of the eastern Lesser Sundas have been
characterized by Westerners as being lazy and listless.
This characterization may be somewhat unjust when one
considers that they live in an enervating climate; their
needs are minimal, and they have no strong incentive to
achieve a surplus of anything; and wages do not especially
tempt them, since they desire little more than a full belly
and a place to sleep.
Throughout the Lesser Sundas, animosities often exist
between the relatively advanced peoples, usually Moslems or
Christians occupying the coastal lowland regions, and the
relatively primitive, usually pagan peoples of the interior
uplands. The hostility between these groups was aggravated
during the Dutch colonial administration when the Dutch used
the nobility of the lowland regions to facilitate the exten-
sion of Dutch hegemony into the interior regions. Even though
mutual distrust still exists, the barriers between the two
groups are gradually breaking down, mainly because of increasing
trade contacts between them. The island of Adonara has often
been referred to as "the island of murderers" because of the
longstanding and often bloody vendetta between the coastal
Moslems and the hill animists. Today there is reported to
be only cautious communication between the two groups. Report-
edly, intertribal hostilities in interior Timor still produce
occasional incidents of headhunting.
In addition to the friction between lowlanders and hill
peoples on individual islands of the Lesser Sundas, other
longstanding disputes between various indigenous ethnic
groups exist throughout the archipelago. For example, the
influx of the Rotinese into western Timor has created hostility
between them and the indigenous Timorese, although in increasing
number of marriages between members of the two groups has probably
reduced such tensions. On Lombok, feuds between the 1,200,000
indigenous Sasak people and the 100,000 Balinese who have
settled on the western part of the island are longstanding.
The nominally Moslem Sasaks strongly resent the better educated
and more culturally advanced Hindu Balinese who have dominated
political life on the island; communication between the two
groups has been minimal. The feelings of the Sasak majority
reached a high pitch after World War II, when they massacred
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Figure 96. Indonesian Timor. Small community of beehive-
shaped houses.
Figure 97. Indonesian Timor. Family settlement.
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Figure 98. Indonesian Timor. Packhorses near village.
Horses are used as pack animals in much of Eastern Indonesia.
Figure 99. Indonesian Timor. Group of men
trading.
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many of the Balinese. Yet the regional pride and ethnic
loyalty of the Sasaks, other than a small fanatical Moslem
group, is not known to have otherwise flared into major
dissidence. Throughout the archipelago, disputes between
neighboring villages are common and are usually related to
local arguments about such things as cattle thefts or land
tenure.
As elsewhere in Southeast Asia, the Chinese dominate
almost every facet of commerce and trade, and as elsewhere,
the indigenes are at the mercy of the Chinese entrepeneur.
Although there is considerable resentment of the superior
Chinese economic position, the resentment has rarely flared
into open hostility. Since the abortive coup attempt of
late 1965, however, resentment of the Chinese community has
increased and open hostility -- reportedly including large-
scale massacres on Lombok and Sumbawa in December 1965 --
has become more commonplace.
Except on Bali, which is oriented more toward Java and
the politics of the central government than are the other
islands, most of the people of the Lesser Sundas in the past
have shown little interest in political matters above the
village level. In recent years, however, some elements of
the population have begun to show increasing interest in
national affairs; even so, among the people living in the
remoter areas of the archipelago interest in politics above
the village level is strictly passive. Because the central
government has done little for these people and because the
village chief has continued to function as a tax collector,
there has been little noticeable change in the administra-
tion of the islands since the departure of the Dutch. The
few improvement projects that have been attempted by the
central government in the Lesser Sundas, such as the introduc-
tion of Balinese cattle on islands other than Bali and road-
improvement programs, more often than not have been failures.
Throughout most of the Lesser Sundas, British and Dutch
forces had little opposition in liberating the islands from
the Japanese in 1945, and the local population apparently gave
little support to Indonesia's struggle for independence after
the war. By the same token, the Communist defeat and the
change in the central government during late 1965 and early
1966 probably have not yet significantly affected the polit-
ical attitudes of most of the people of the Lesser Sundas.
There has been some resentment of the Army personnel,who have
assumed administration of the islands since late 1965, because
of their heavy-handed manner, disregard for local sensitivities
and ineffective distribution of food supplies. Some resent-
ment is directed toward the Javanese, who hold most
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of the government jobs in the islands. The people are not
enthusiastic about being ruled by outsiders, although dissat-
isfaction with rule from Djakarta is not believed to be as
intense as in some other areas of Indonesia, such as Sumatra
where rich resources are extracted without proportional
remuneration from the central government.
After the eruptions of Mount Agung on Bali in 1963,
malnutrition and disease were common among the Balinese and
have continued to prevail, largely because of neglect by the
central government. Despite this neglect, there is little
evidence of discontent on Bali. Apparently, the Balinese
make no connection between the dire straits of the inhabitants
of the devasted regions and the government's lack offaction in
rehabilitating these regions. They seem content with their
traditional way of life and apparently accept hardships and
misfortunes as part of the normal world order; economic adversity
has not created social upheavals serious enough to cause con-
cern to the central government. Famine was reported to be
widespread and thousands believed to have died on Lombok
after harvest failures in 1965 but, as on Bali, there were
no reports of serious discontent among the people. Like the
Balinese, the inhabitants of Lombok apparently placed little
blame on the Djakarta government for its failure to provide
emergency food supplies.
The attitude of the natives toward white strangers is
influenced by local and personal circumstances. The people
are generally friendly toward foreigners, although they may
still dislike all whites on the few islands where the Dutch
colonial regime was unpopular. On islands such as Flores
and Sumba, where missionary activity has been particularly
intense and popular, a white traveler is likely to be quite
well received.
Partly because of the remoteness of the Lesser Sundas
and partly because of poor communications, the anti-US
demonstrations early in 1965 in other parts of Indonesia
apparently had no significant effect on the attitudes of
the people of the Lesser Sundas toward the United States.
According to Americans who have traveled in the region, the
United States in generally looked upon with admiration,
respect, and a feeling of real friendship. Most of the people
show a genuine interest in the United States, although quite
often their knowledge of it is distorted. They have har-
bored misgivings about some US policies, such as strong anti-
Communism, and they are skeptical about US intentions in the
face of certain realities in the United States, such as dis-
crimination against Negroes and a continued nuclear buildup.
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Figure 100. Indonesian Timor.
Man in traditional attire.
His sword denotes descent from
an ancient family.
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Figure 101. Portuguese Timor.
Man carrying muzzle-loading
rifle. A parang (swordlike
knife) hangs from his right
shoulder.
Figure 102. Portuguese
Timor. Woman of north-
eastern part of island.
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D. Moluccas
See Figures 103 through 113.
1. General
According to the Indonesian census of 1961, the pop-
ulation of the Molucca Islands (Maluku Province) was
789,534. Because of the remoteness of the region and the
dispersal of the people over 2,000 islands, however, this
figure is conjectural. The census did not provide a break-
down in the population figure, and the only available informa-
tion on the population of the various island groups are
estimates by visitors to the islands; these vary widely.
The following population estimates for the major islands
or island groups are derived from these sources.
Amboina
100,000
Batjan
20,000
Aru
30,000
Buru
100,000
Babar
15,000
Ceram
100,000
Banda
20,000
Halmahera
60,000
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Kai
50,000
Sula
30,000
Leti
20,000
Tanimbar
35,000
Morotai
25,000
Ternate
60,000
Obi
20,000
Tidore
25,000
Wetar
20,000
In general, the islands are sparsely populated, with
most of the people living in discontinuous coastal stretches.
Interior regions are very sparsely populated; large areas are
completely uninhabited. The people of the interior usually
live in small villages situated along rivers. Amboina and
Ternate are the most densely settled islands; many of the
small islands are unpopulated. There are few urban centers --
Amboina, on Amboina Island, with a 1961 population of 56,037,
is the largest. Smaller urban centers, usually functioning
as ports of call, are located on the major islands.
The inhabitants of the Moluccas, like those of the eastern
Lesser Sundas, have racial characteristics transitional between
the Malay type that prevails throughout most of Indonesia and
the taller, darker Papuan type that prevails on New Guinea.
In the Moluccas, Papuan traits are generally strongest in the
northern and eastern islands. On Halmahera, which is some-
times described as the edge of the Malay World, there are areas
in the south where the people are mostly Papuan. Populations
of the coastal stretches of the Molucca Islands, particularly
in the urban areas, are greatly mixed, as these areas have
been veritable melting pots of Chinese, Arab, Dutch, and
various ethnic groups from other Indonesian islands such as
Java and Celebes. The populations of some of the Moluccas
are so completely mixed through intermarriage between aliens
and indigenes that the indigenous strain has been competely
submerged and a homogeneous blend has been achieved. Inter-
marriage between natives and the Dutch yielded a Creole
type with fair skin and blue eyes but otherwise with Malay
characteristics. This highly composite Creole Moluccan is
most numerous on Amboina, Ternate, Tidore, and on the Batjan
and Banda Islands, all of which were heavily involved in the
spice trade.
2. Movement of Population
The population. moves about considerably within the
individual islands of the Moluccan group, especially in the
interior regions where the people are seminomadic. Interior
villages may be moved every half dozen years or so as the
soils of the village fields become depleted. The men of
the interior villages leave for long periods while collecting
sago as well as forest products such as damar resin, coconuts,
and spices which are traded to the coastal people. Coastal
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villages are more permanent, although their inhabitants, partic-
ularly the men, spend considerable time during the growing
season away from the village in temporary huts erected in the
fields -- several miles away in the interior. The fields are
moved every few years, but the coastal villages are usually
moved only every 20 years or so.
Movement of people between the islands of the Moluccas is
also common. During exceptionally dry periods on some of the
southern islands such as Kisar or Leti, entire villages may
migrate to neighboring islands such as Romang or Moa in hope
of finding better conditions; they usually return to their
home island as soon as the drought is over. Many of the peoples
of the Moluccas are seafarers who sail throughout Eastern
Indonesia fishing and trading. The Tidoreans in particular
are noted for their skill as sailors. Many floaters drift
through the Moluccas. These people, who have originated from
a number of islands in the Moluccas as well as from other
Indonesian islands, settle temporarily in the coastal area of
an island while they hunt, fish, and collect jungle products
and spices or dive for pearls. They remain on any one island
for only brief periods. Some of them, those called Orang Lauts
(Sea Nomads), live on their boats. These sea nomads are also
found in large numbers in other parts of Indonesia, particularly
along the eastern coast of Sumatra and along the shores of the
Riau Islands.
In addition to the floaters from other island groups,
there are permanent settlers from these islands as well.
Large numbers of Javanese from Java, Bugis and Makasarese from
Celebes, and various peoples from other islands have settled
in coastal areas throughout the Moluccas, where most are
employed as merchants, traders, or government officials.
The officials administering the transmigration program of
the central government have generally ignored the Moluccas
as an area in which to settle peasants from the overcrowded
islands of Java, Madura, and Bali. Some 250 Javanese families
were reported to have been resettled on Ceram in 1954-55, but
many of them are believed to have returned to Java. In addi-
tion, plans were drawn up by the GOI in 1964 to resettle
1,500 Balinese on Buru. This resettlement plan had a two-
fold purpose: 1) to alleviate the population pressure in the
areas of Bali devastated by the volcanic eruptions of 1963
and 2) to introduce wetland-rice cultivation on Buru. Other
such transmigration ventures may have been attempted but
probably have been on a smaller scale and, judging from the
results of most Indonesian transmigration schemes, have
probably not been overly successful. There is a flourishing
barter trade between West New Guinea and Halmahera and the
Kai and Aru island groups, and many of the Papuan traders
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Figure 103. Halmahera. Men from Gebe and Pattani Islands
between Halmahera and West New Guinea. Note strong Papuan
features.
Figure 104. Halmahera. Women from Gebe
Island.
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from West New Guinea have settled permanently on Halmahera in
the past 30 years. They have not assimilated with the Halma-
herans; instead, they have settled in large isolated villages
and have established only limited communication with the
indigenous communities.
Fearing reprisals from the GOI, a number of Ambonese
who had served in the Dutch Colonial Army during the last
years of the Dutch reign in the East Indies, along with their
families (totaling about 12,000), emigrated to Holland when
Indonesia was granted its independence in 1949. Reportedly,
most of them have had difficulty adapting to their new homes.
Some still live in the army barracks where they were originally
received. Although several hundred were repatriated in 1961
and another 1,000 who had expressed a desire to return to
Indonesia were to have been repatriated in 1964 and 1965, the
majority are believed to prefer to remain in the Netherlands,
mostly because they fear possible reprisals by the GOI. The
1964-65 repatriates reportedly were to spend 6 months in camps
in Indonesia until the central government could assign them
permanent abodes.
3. Social System
Traditionally, society has been divided along class
lines in the Moluccas. The class system -- which consisted
of nobles, commoners, and descendants of slaves -- is breaking
down, however, in the strife of conflicting social forces.
The highly stratified traditional system within which there
is little intercourse between the classes is believed to
remain on only a few islands; on most, the classes have
degenerated into status groups without fixed rules of
heredity or strict marriage prohibitions. Even on those
islands where the class divisions have degenerated, however,
descendants of nobility continue to dominate the ruling hier-
archy. Nobles were incorporated into the administrative system
during the Dutch colonial reign and their influence has not
been entirely vitiated by the present government. Although
considerably diminished, the influence of the nobility con-
tinues to be strong on Ternate and Tidore, where the sultan
system was well developed during the Dutch regime. During
that period, the power of the Sultanates of Ternate and Tidore
The term Ambonese " has traditionally been applied to
the Christian population of the central Moluccas, more especially
to the inhabitants of Christian villages on the islands of
Amboina, Saparua, Haruku, and Nusa Laut as well as the south-
western part of Ceram.
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extended into many of the neighboring islands.
The hierarchy of these descendants of nobles, whose
principal function within the central government appears
to be the collection of taxes, begins at the village level.
The village headman, acting on the advice of the elders of
the village, decides on use of the village land, metes out
punishment for minor crimes, plays a leading role in social
ceremonies and religious rites, serves as arbitrator and
mediator in local and intervillage disputes, and serves
as a judge in such matters as debt, inheritance, and divorce.
The authority of the village chief is reinforced in the eyes
of the villagers by his position 'as spokesman in dealing with
the lower echelons of the GOI. On most islands loose alliances
are formed among several neighboring villages, and the head-
man of one of the villages acts as a supreme chief over the
others. Sultans and other noble princes have fitted into
the ruling hierarchy above the village and village alliance
chiefs. On some smaller islands, each village is independent
and there are no chiefs above the village level.
In spite of the existence of the vestiges of a well-
defined class system with descendants of the noble class
continuing to dominate local politics, society is fairly
democratic. The people of the village, through their
village elders, have a strong voice in local affairs.
Untilled land is owned by the community; cultivated land
is controlled by individual families. The village headman
determines the apportionment of the land to the village
families for tilling. In some of the more densely populated
regions, control of the untilled community land may lead to
intervillage squabbles.
A traditional cultural feature of the Moluccas is the
pela league, an institution that creates political and social
ties between two or more ethnic groups or villages, often
far apart, frequently on different islands, and sometimes
of different religions. It is intended as a permanent
relationship, and the parties involved avow to support each
other in war or in case of need, such as crop failure or
epidemics, when they may share crops and other food or
property. Although, strangely enough, intermarriage between
pela partners is usually taboo, they may also assist each
of er during weddings, burials, or birthday feasts. Severance
of pela ties is rare. Although most pela alliances have been
estab-
lished for many years, new leagues may come into existence
at any time. The pela leagues are best developed on Amboina,
where the custom is reported to be very strong. The importance
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Figure 105. Buru. Fishermen at Namlea.
P-y
14
r
ilk
Figure 106. Buru. Native girls showing
Western influence in clothing.
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of the Lela leagues to the participants is demonstrated by
the fact that among the Ambonese residential camps established
in the Netherlands in 1949 the pela relationships of the vill-
age communities continued to be respected.
4. Religion
Although Christianity made great inroads on many of the
Molucca Islands during the several centuries of Portuguese
and Dutch influence and although Islam has attracted con-
verts throughout the archipelago for many centuries, probably
the majority of the Moluccan people continue to cling to
their traditional animistic tenets. Even among those who
have adopted the Christian or Moslem faiths, animistic
beliefs have remained near the surface. Although the ele-
ments of animism differ from island to island, certain
beliefs are common to all. These beliefs do not differ
significantly-from those prevailing in other parts of
Indonesia. Animists believe that various spirits, both
malevolent and benevolent, dwell in natural phenomena. The
sun, for example, is worshipped on most islands, and on Ceram
each tribe worships a sacred mountain from which the tribe
is believed to have derived its origin. Spirits of ancestors
considered to be the guardians of the community are believed
to be housed in manmade images which have been carved from
wood or stone. These are kept with an altar and a holy ban-
yan tree located near the center of the village. The image
which is believed to house the soul of the founder of the
village is particularly revered. In some areas each house
has its own protecting spirit, an image carved in the front
wall. Offerings are presented from time to time, along with
appropriate magic rituals, to appease the spirit world.
A festival is held at the end of the harvest season
among the animist groups of the Moluccas. During the festival
the religious leaders of the community go into self-induced
trances in an effort to drive the evil spirits from the com-
munity and to attract the good ones. The festival, which is
the high point on the social calendar for the villagers, is an
occasion of great merriment -- masquerading, wild dancing,
and much food and drink.
Christian missionaries have been quite active in this
part of Eastern Indonesia during the past 200 years, and there
are believed to be some Christian converts on all but the
smallest and most inaccessible islands. Christianity has
attracted the greatest numbers of converts on Amboina, where
about two-thirds of the people are at least nominally Christ-
ian. Large numbers of people in the western and southern parts
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of Ceram as well as on the small neighboring islands also
have been converted to Christianity. In addition, significant
numbers of Christians live on the Banda Islands and the Leti
Islands, and somewhat fewer live on Buru, Halmahera, Kai,
and Tanimbar?.
Islam also has gained a considerable number of converts,
even though there has been little missionary activity as
such on its behalf. As a rule, a pagan is more inclined to
embrace Islam than Christianity, since the latter is less
likely to make allowances for deeply rooted animistic con-
cepts.
The GOI has done little to encourage the conversion of
Moluccan natives to Islam, and most "alien" Indonesians
(Javanese, Bugis, and others) living in the Moluccas have
done little to spread the word of Allah. Even so,it is
probable that with the steady decline in the number of
Christian missionaries operating in Eastern Indonesia
since the ouster of the Dutch and the gradual extension of
Javanese administration into the region the influence of
Islam has risen while the influence of Christianity has
declined.
Other than the "alien" Indonesian traders, few Moslems
are in the southern arc of the Molucca Islands, including
the southeastern islands of Aru, Kai, and Tanimbar. A
considerable number. of Moslems (mostly "aliens") are in the
Banda Islands, on Buru, and in the Sula Islands; and Ternate,
Tidore, and the Batjan Islands are predominantly Moslem. A
few hundred Moslems live on Halmahera and Morotai, and a few
Moslem "aliens" have settled on Amboina and Ceram in recent
years.. Wherever they live in the islands the Moslems are
concentrated along the coast.
In many instances Christian and Moslem villages, which
aside from religion are similar culturally, are found side by side.
Bloody disputes between Christian and Moslem communities
persisted well into the 20th century; and reportedly even
now considerable social ferment in the Moluccas is caused
not only by the breakdown of traditional customs but also
by continuing rivalry between Christian and Moslem com-
munities.
5. Language
All the languages spoken in the Moluccas -- except
some Papuan-related ones in the northern part of Halmahera,
on Ternate, and on Tidore -- are of the Ambon-Timor group
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Figure 107. Amboina. Houses in
port area.
Figure 108. Amboina. Ambonese
fishermen.
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Figure 109. Amboina.
Ambonese youths. Note
mixture of Malay and
Western dress.
Figure 110. Amboina.
Ambonese women dancing.
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of the Malayo-Polynesian linguistic family, which also pre-
vails in the eastern islands of the Lesser Sundas. Wherever
the island groups are in close proximity to one another and
much intercourse has been possible -- for example, the Ceram,
Buru, and Amboina group and the Halmahera, Morotai, Tidore,
and Ternate group -- the languages, although independently
developed, are likely to be mutually comprehensible. In con-
trast, peoples of more widely separated islands are unlikely
to be able to converse with one another. On many of the
larger islands several tribal dialects are spoken, and some
of them may be mutually incomprehensible. Most people living
in the coastal areas of the Moluccas, particularly in urban
areas, speak Bahasa Indonesia; many older people on Amboina
and neighboring islands presumably speak Dutch; English is
not widely used.
6. Education
In the school year 1960-61, there were 3,264 teachers
and 126,369 students in 838 schools in the Moluccas, nearly
all of them at the primary level. Educational facilities are
unevenly distributed. There are reported to be more schools per
unit of population, with accompanying higher levels of literacy,
on Ternate, Tidore, Amboina, and the Banda Islands than any-
where else in Eastern Indonesia. Educational facilities on
most of the other islands of the archipelago are inadequate,
although the rapid strides being made by the GOI in the field
of education in recent years have probably resulted in a
significant increase in facilities and teachers. Also as
a result of the educational program of the central govern-
ment, illiteracy has been greatly reduced throughout the
Moluccas, and a majority of the children now are in school
and are literate. Many of the older people, however, are
unable to read and write, and some villages (particularly in
interior regions) still have no schools.
7. Occupations
The great majority of the people of the Moluccas live a
hand-to-mouth existence. Sago, a dry starchy powder derived
from the pith of the trunk of the native sago palm, forms the
dietary staple of most people. Even though it has little
nutritional value, it is eaten at every meal -- sago porridge
for breakfast, sago bread for lunch, and sago pudding for
dessert. Sago palms are sometimes cultivated, but most of
the sago used is gathered from the forests. Maize is the
staple crop (with sago supplementing the diet) in the islands
of the southern arc of the Moluccas, extending as far east as
the Tanimbar group. Rice is the staple in coastal regions of
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Ceram, Amboina, and neighboring islands. Most of the rice
eaten by so-called alien groups (Javanese, Chinese, and others)
in the urban areas is imported from other Indonesian islands.
Other crops grown to add variety to the diet include coconuts,
sugarcane, millet, cassava, sweet potatoes, beans, and other
vegetables, and melons, mangoes, bananas, and other fruits.
Because food is relatively abundant in the forests, fields
are usually small and never yield more than is needed by the
village.
The diet of most Moluccans is deficient in protein, not-
withstanding an abundance of protein sources. Meat is not a
regular part of the diet, although large quantities may be
consumed during festive occasions. On some islands, however,
stockraising is significant and large herds of cattle, sheep,
and goats are commonplace; livestock from these islands are
sometimes exported to other Indonesian islands. Chickens are
found in nearly every village; pigs are numerous in all but
Moslem villages. Reportedly, dogs are eaten on Buru. The
people hunt deer, wild pigs, and various types of birds. The
bow and arrow is most commonly used for hunting, although the
blowgun with poison darts is reported to be in use on'Halmahera
and may be found on other islands as well.
The seas surrounding the Molucca Islands are rich in
sea life. Fish, perhaps more than animals, provide protein
for the native diet. Turtles and trepang (a wormlike aquatic
animal that, when boiled, dried, and smoked is prized by the
Chinese for making soup) are commonly sought within the reefs
around the islands and are either consumed by the natives or
traded to Chinese merchants in the urban markets. Pearls
are also obtained from around the reefs. Most fishing takes
place inside the reefs, although the peoples from Tidore,
Halmahera, and Tanimbar are renowned sailors and fish in waters
throughout the archipelago. The Banda Sea south of Ceram and
the Molucca Sea between Halmahera and the eastern tip of
Celebes are particularly good fishing waters. Although the
natives fish primarily to supplement their diet, they sell or
trade some fish in the native markets and, reportedly, the
Tidoreans transport salted fish to Celebes to trade. On most
islands, each coastal village claims ownership of that, part
of the sea on which its community land borders, and quarrels
between villages concerning the control of these waters are
frequent.
Natives collect products of the forests -- damar resin,
rattan, copra, nutmeg, cloves, and other spices -- and make small
articles such as mats, straw hats, sarongs, and other cloth
products and trade them to merchants in the coastal towns.
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These merchants are usually Chinese, Arabs, or "alien"
Indonesians, particularly Javanese or Bugis. On some of
the smaller islands where there are no markets, the islanders
take native products to other islands where they can be used
in trade. Such trading expeditions to ports as distant as
Kupang on Indonesian Timor are commonly undertaken by the
islanders of the southern arc of the Moluccas. In addition
to domestic trade there is believed to be a small illegal flow
of forest products from Halmahera and Morotai to the markets
of southern Mindanao in the Philippines.
Only on Amboina is the central government well represented;
there a large number of white-collar jobs are available in the
government service. Although most of these positions are
filled by Javanese, some are filled by Ambonese. Because
they were well educated and well trained during the Dutch
administration, the Ambonese today continue to have a greater
number of skilled workers than any other group indigenous to
the Moluccas and are sought for a wide variety of positions
outside their home island.
8. Villages and Housing
Most of the people in the Moluccas live on or near the
coast in villages that are often hidden in groves of palms.
In the past, when intertribal warfare was rife, villages
were more commonly situated atop remote hills in the interior
for defensive purposes; now that intertribal disputes are
usually settled by less violent means, most villages in the
interior are located along river valleys. Although most
villages were once surrounded by high walls of stone or
coral and admittance was gained only by ladders that were
drawn up during siege, few remnants of these fortifications
remain. Coastal settlements rarely have populations over
1,000; settlements in the interior are considerably smaller,
with populations usually under 200.
Most houses in the Moluccas are fairly small crudely
built single-family structures of wood, bamboo, and thatch;
but in some areas, notably Ceram, Halmahera, and the Kai
Islands, houses are up to 150 feet in length and are occupied
by several families. In coastal villages houses are usually
built closely together in rows; the arrangement of houses in
villages of the interior conforms to no particular pattern.
Houses in coastal regions are generally built on the ground,
although some are built on coral blocks; houses in the interior,
because they are generally located along rivers subject to
flooding, are usually built on piles several feet above the
ground.
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Figure 111. Tanimbar. Natives of Jamdena
Island in traditional attire.
Figure 112. Tanimbar.
Woman wearing ceremonial
attire with headdress of
feathers.
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As elsewhere in Eastern Indonesia, primitive attire con-
sisting of a loincloth for the men and fiber skirts for the
women is found only in the remotest interior regions. Coastal
people wear Malay-style dress -- Western-style shirts, jackets,
and trousers, often with a sarong wrapped around the waist,
for the men; loose-fitting blouses and sarongs for the women.
Headdresses of various types are found on all islands; decora-
tive ones of feathers are worn on festive occasions, simple
ones of cloth are part of the everyday attire. Ornaments
vary widely, but earrings, necklaces, and armbands of various
materials are common to all islands. Scarification of the
upper arms, bleaching of the hair with lime, and filing of
the teeth are still believed to be practiced on some of the
remote islands.
10. Health and Medical Factors
The general level of health is low on all of the Molucca
Islands. The incidence of malaria, filariasis, and yaws
and other skin diseases is the highest in Indonesia, excluding
West New Guinea. Infant mortality is high, reportedly 25
percent on Morotai. Reasons for widespread poor health are
many, including the facts that 1) hygienic practices are poor,
and there is no desire to change them; 2) diets are inadequate;
sago, the staple of most of the people, has little nutritional
value; and 3) the Moluccas, more than the other outer islands
of Indonesia, have been neglected by the central government,
and health-improvement programs have been few. A yaws eradica-
tion program in the 1950's reduced the incidence of that
disease on some islands significantly, although it is still
very high. As in the Lesser Sundas, penicillin (which is
effective in curing yaws)would be invaluable to a traveler
attempting to gain the confidence of the natives.
Hospitals are located in the chief urban centers of the
major islands, and outpatient clinics are scattered in the
rural areas. The Moluccas have few doctors, particularly
since the departure in recent years of most of the European
doctors.
11. Attitudes and Loyalties
In general, the peoples of the Moluccas lack the
reserve, outward serenity, and formality of the Javanese
and other peoples of the Indonesian islands to the west;
vivacity, irascibility, and unrestrained frankness are traits
common to most Moluccans. Many of the Moluccan peoples have
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Figure 113. Leti. Women of Moa Island in ceremonial attire.
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had reputations for warlike activity, including headhunting
before and during the Dutch colonial regime, but most such.
activity has been suppressed during the past century.
Incidents of intertribal warfare in recent years have been few,
and most peoples are now considered to be peaceable and friendly
toward outsiders, although minor squabbles between villages
are not uncommon. The character of the peoples varies from
island to island, however, and in some cases groups living on
different parts of the same island have distinctly different
temperaments. The peoples of western Ceram, for example,
tend to be excitable and warlike; they were among the most
ferocious headhunters in the Dutch East Indies. Their head-
hunting exploits were quelled by the Dutch, but they remain
today a rather bellicose people, and reportedly make forceful
friends and deadly enemies. Tribes in eastern Ceram, on the
other hand, are mild mannered and undemonstrative. Similarly,
the tribes of northern Halmahera are boisterous and unfriendly,
whereas those in the south are quieter and more hospitable.
Westerners (mostly Dutch administrators and missionaries)
who have lived in the Moluccas have often characterized the
people as being indolent and unambitious, having no concern
for providing for the morrow --- a characterization that can
be applied to most indigenous peoples of tropical areas where
the climate is enervating and the food plentiful. The Dutch
considered the Ambonese more intelligent and more adaptable
to Western ways than other peoples of the Moluccas; the Ambonese
therefore filled many of the civil service positions under the
Dutch and acquired a degree of sophistication.
As in much of Eastern Indonesia, the personal image of
President Sukarno has been a symbol of the unity of the
country and he has been revered by the people; otherwise,
most of the people of the Moluccas are politically indifferent.
Many in the remote areas probably know little about the
central government; others feel that the central government
is an implacable monolithic force over which they have little
control. Although a sense of nationalism is growing, some
resentment against the government remains because of its
neglect of the Moluccas, and some resentment of its Javanese
administrators is evident because of their supercilious
manner. Under GOI rule, most of the islands have suffered a
deterioration in central government services, including the
provision of rice rations to rice-deficient areas. The people
accuse the central government of taking funds derived from
the sale of copra and other local products and of giving little
in return by way of projects to raise the standard of living.
The several thousand Javanese troops who were stationed in the
Moluccas during Indonesia's military buildup in 1962, in pre-
paration for the annexation of West New Guinea, were strongly
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resented. Antigovernment feeling is strongest on Ceram,
Amboina, and associated islands; the people of other islands
have not been as vocal in their hostility.
The reluctance of many of the peoples of the Moluccas
to become part of the Republic of Indonesia resulted in the
creation of the Republic of the South Moluccas (RMS) move-
ment in April 1950. The RMS -- which included the islands
of Buru, Ceram, Amboina, Wetar, Tanimbar, and Aru -- was to
be a completely separate nation organized along religious
and ethnic lines. Most of the RMS forces were made up of
anti-Javanese Christian Ambonese (many of whom had served
in the Dutch Colonial Army) who were unwilling to join the
forces of the new Indonesian Republic. Although the back
of the RMS rebellion was broken in a matter of months,
remnants of the Ambonese rebel forces escaped to Ceram
and continued intermittent resistance there. The movement
may still draw the sympathies of separatist-minded Moluccans,
but rebel activity in recent years has been sporadic and
ineffective. The likelihood of any further revolt is slight;
such a movement would have to have good prospects for success
before it could hope for the stand-up-and-be-counted support
of the people. After the defeat of the RMS forces on
Amboina in 1950, when the city of Amboina was leveled by
GOI forces, the formerly vital, efficient, and aggressive
Ambonese reportedly became listless and indifferent. The
marked change in attitude was believed to be the result
of uncertainty about the future and their humiliation at
being governed by the Javanese, whom they considered to be
their inferiors.
The attitudes of the Moluccans toward non-Indonesians
varies considerably from island to island and depends to a
large degree on past relationships between local people and
outsiders. In general, the peoples of the southern arc of
islands as far east as Tanimbar are least likely to be
receptive to visits by white strangers. On these islands
there was considerable hostility against the Dutch because
of the strong and repressive actions that the colonial govern-
ment took to check intertribal disturbances. The Dutch tried
with little success to inculcate the people of the southern
islands with Dutch attitudes and values, and vestiges of
hostility toward the Dutch may remain on some of these
islands and may influence feelings toward other whites.
On most other islands in the Moluccas, the people were generally
subservient to Dutch authority.
Attitudes of the people toward white strangers are most
likely to be favorable on Halmahera, Morotai, Ceram, Amboina,
and associated islands. On Amboina and, to a lesser extent,
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on Ceram and the smaller islands between the two the Dutch
presence was strong, as the Dutch recruited most of the
soldiers for their colonial army and many civil servants
for minor government positions from these islands. Although
the Ambonese have a strong sense of independence, they dev-
eloped a firm sense of loyalty to the Dutch. Their loyalty
was demonstrated in 1939 when Germany invaded Holland. The
Ambonese reportedly were upset, and Germans were warned not
to travel into the interior of Amboina or to other islands of
this group lest they be shot as Nazi sympathizers. Later
the Ambonese demonstrated remarkable courage in defending
their islands against Japanese attack during World War II and,
while most of the people on other Indonesian islands put up
little resistance to the Japanese occupation, the Ambonese
resistance was so strong that the Japanese felt compelled
to imprison them. The Ambonese reportedly took readily to
Dutch military training and discipline, and during the Indonesian
struggle for independence most of them took the side of the
Dutch.
White strangers are likely to be favorably received
on Morotai and in northern Halmahera partly as a result of
contacts with American troops on Morotai during World War
II. (Halmahera remained under Japanese occupation until the
end of the war, but many Halmaherans sailed to Morotai, which
was occupied by American forces during most of the war.)
Although they presumably knew little about the United States
and the ideology of its government, the natives were greatly
impressed with American generosity and with their technological
know-how and use of mechanical equipment to build roads and
airfields. According to sources who have traveled on Halmahera
and Morotai in recent years, a reservior of goodwill toward
ricans still remains.
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E. West New Guinea
See Figures 114 through 125.
1. General
West New Guinea, which had been in dispute between the
Netherlands and Indonesia since the latter achieved independ-
ence in 1949, became an official Indonesian province (Irian
Barat) on 1 May 1963. Although in theory its provincial
status puts West New Guinea on an equal political footing
with the other 24 provinces of the country, in practice
the central government governs it more like a colonial
territory. In contrast to the more advanced islands of the
rest of Indonesia, West New Guinea is underdeveloped econ-
omically; its people, for the most part, still have a Stone
Age culture. In view of this cultural lag, most other
Indonesians do not (and probably will not for a good many
years) consider the inhabitants of West New Guinea to be
fellow Indonesians. The general attitude toward these people
is paternalistic, not unlike the attitude of the former Dutch
colonialists toward their subjects throughout the East Indies.
For this reason, the term "Indonesians" as used in this section
signifies only "alien" Indonesians; it does not include the
native inhabitants of West New Guinea.
Because the people have never been systematically
enumerated, there is no reliable information on the popula-
tion of West New Guinea. Most sources estimate the popula-
tion at about 700,000, but because extensive regions in
the interior are unexplored, this figure may be low. Some
authorities suggest that several hundred thousand people
may be living in unexplored parts of the Central Highlands.
Overall population density is estimated to be about four
persons per square mile. The northern coast of West New
Guinea and its offshore islands -- particularly Biak, Noem-
foor, and Japen -- are relatively densely populated. Most
of the people are clustered in small villages, usually near
the mouths of rivers. The mountainous core of West New Guinea
is generally sparsely inhabited, and nearly all the people are
concentrated in the intermontane valleys; smaller concentra-
tions are scattered in the hill country on the southern flanks
of the ranges. The Baliem Valley in the eastern part of
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the Snow Range and the basins surrounding the Wissel Lakes
in the west are the most populous regions in the mountains;
they support densities of up to several hundred persons per
square mile. The large Meervlakte Depression is sparsely
inhabited. The southern half of West New Guinea is poorly
drained and supports only a small population; most of the
people live along the rivers or on the coast.
The major urban areas and their estimated populations
are: Sukarnapura (18,000) on the northern coast; Manokwari
(12,000), Sorong (8,000), and Fakfak (3,000) on the Vogelkop;
Merauke (6,000) on the southern coast; and Seroei (3,000) on
the southern coast of Japen.
With the exception of a few Westerners (mostly mission-
aries) and the Indonesians (estimated at 16,000 in 1964, almost
all of whom were government officials), all the people of
West New Guinea are of negroid stock. Although they all have
dark skins and short woolly hair, they are divided into three
broad groups on the basis of great physical diversity in
other respects: 1) the Negritoes of the central mountain
region; 2) the Papuans, who form the predominant group in
the lowlands and in the bordering mountainous areas; and 3)
the Melanesians, who occupy scattered stretches of the north-
ern and western coasts. Because of the isolation of the
Negritoes, there has been little intermarriage between them
and the other two groups, but the Papuans and Melanesians
have intermixed considerably.
The Negritoes, who are believed to be related to the
pygmies of the Congo, Malaya, and the Philippines, are descend-
ants of the first wave of migrations through the Malay Archipelago.
They are characterized by their short stature (males average
about 4.feet 9 inches), round heads, broad noses, and prominent
jaws. They are strong and wiry, are generally well proportioned,
and have no signs of deformity or dwarfism.
The physical characteristics of the Papuans are more
varied. In general, the men average about 5 feet 6 inches,
with slender build (although the Papuans living in the higher
regions generally are stockier and more muscular). They have
narrow heads and coarse features -- protruding brows, close
set eyes, and large aquiline noses, some decidedly Semitic.
They are generally hairy; some have full beards. Although they
bear a strong resemblance to the aborigines of northern and
western Australia, their forebears were part of an early wave
of migration from Asia.
The Melanesians, unlike the Papuans and Negritoes who
originally migrated to New Guinea from islands on the west,
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are believed to have migrated from Melanesia on the east and to
have arrived on the island later than the other two groups.
They are found scattered along the northern coast and on parts
of the islands that lie off the northern coast. (Larger num-
ber of Melanesians are in Australian New Guinea.) They are
physically similar to the Papuans, although they generally are
taller and more slender and have broader heads, finer features,
and darker skins.
2. Movement of Population
Because of the restrictive nature of the terrain,
population movement in West New Guinea is generally channeled
into river valleys, and there is little communication between
people living north of the high central mountainous backbone
and those living to the south. Movements of population fall
into three main categories: 1) entire villages in search of
food; 2) defeated tribes in search of security; and 3) restless
individuals in search of better living conditions. Nearly all
natives are seminomadic; every few years, whenever the food*
supply becomes exhausted or the soil depleted, they move their
villages a distance of several miles upstream or downstream.
In some instances, when its gardens are no longer productive,
a village migrates a considerable distance from the interior
to coastal areas to fish and collect sago. Although inter.
tribal warfare has been largely suppressed, it does still occur,
and weaker tribes are pushed into undesirable isolated areas
by more militant tribes. This type of population movement has
been quite common in the populous Baliem Valley, where wide
areas of no man's land have been left as buffer zones as the
less assertive tribes have retreated into the more remote
parts of the valley. Since pacification, however, many of these
tribes have returned to claim the land that they or their fore-
bears once abandoned to their enemies. Villages are generally
self-contained and maintain little contact with one another,
but this isolation has been breaking down since World War II,
and increasing contact with outsiders -- including Indonesian --
has prompted many natives to escape the monotony of village life
and migrate to the coastal towns, particularly Sorong and Sukar-
napura. Many of these natives in the urban areas subsequently
return to their villages, often because of unemployment, and
this has tended to open up the villages to new ideas and reforms.
Some who return to their villages again become discontented
with the traditional way of life; and so, once again, they
migrate to the city. An estimated 3,000 natives of West New
Guinea now reside in cities elsewhere in Indonesia, about
1,000 of them in Djakarta.
Be.cause the boundary between the Indonesian and Australian
parts of New Guinea is inadequately marked (even though more
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border markers have been erected since Indonesia gained control
of West New Guinea in 1963), most natives living in the border
regions are unaware of the existence of a border and cross it
at will. Many villages reportedly control land on both sides
of the border.
As part of its transmigration program to resettle peas-
ants from the overpopulated islands of Java, Madura, and Bali
to the sparsely inhabited outer islands, the Indonesian Gov-
ernment announced a plan to resettle about 1,000 Javanese in
the Merauke region of southeastern West New Guinea, where
wetland rice can be grown. Reportedly, 25 families had been
sent to Merauke by August 1963, but more recent reports
indicate plans for moving several thousand Javanese per month
to West New Guinea. Indonesia's transmigration schemes have
rarely been successful, however, and it is doubtful that
large Indonesian communities will develop. If they do they
are likely to cause resentment and create hostility among the
natives.
3. Social System
Among the natives of West New Guinea, the lack of any
political unity above the family unit is almost complete.
The predominant social organization is the small, isolated,
and self-contained clan -- the family unit whose members claim
descent from a common ancestor. The clan includes the relatives
of the father and mother as well as the progeny of brothers
and sisters. Normally, one clan occupies a village, although
in some cases two or more clans may be grouped together in the
same village. Functional groups that extend over wide areas,
such as regional political federations, are scarce, particularly
in the interior where small groups of people scatter in search
of food and where people gather in large numbers only on festive
occasions.
The clan, which is without rank or class, is usually
governed by the elders, although authority is not vested in
any one person. During times of war with neighboring tribes,
however, one man may assume its leadership. Village chiefs
are likely to be found only in coastal areas where relatively
large village communities are more common; even here, the
power of the chief is largely advisory and he has little means
to enforce his desires. Where chiefs do rule the villages,
heredity rarely plays a role in their selection. Rather,
selection is based on qualifications such as wealth, ability in
farming and leadership, prowess as a warrior, and success as
a sorcerer. The Dutch attempted to establish widespread
authority at the village level by inaugurating informal village
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Figure 114. West New Guinea. Native housing along north
coast near Sorong.
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Figure 115. West New Guinea. Village in southern lowlands. Houses
are built on stilts for defensive purposes as well as to keep houses
dry during high water.
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councils, but they were seldom successful.
Polygamy is common in West New Guinea, and it is not
unusual to find men, particularly chiefs, with two or more
wives. Women, on the other hand, are sometimes slain if
found guilty of adultery. The status of women is low. They
are usually considered strictly as chattels, and their advice
is rarely solicited when family decisions are made. Among
some tribes, when a man dies his favorite wife is killed to
"accompany" him. Among most tribes, the women are responsible
for gathering the food and building the home; the men serve
as warriors to defend the village. Daughters are considered
valuable, for by selling them to prospective husbands a man
can reimburse himself for all that he has spent on his wife.
Because the girl is usually sold to the highest bidder, the
older (and richer) men usually get the more desirable girls.
The basic cultures among the tribes of West New Guinea
are similar, although the various cultural traits may be
strikingly different. In general, cultural affinities are
more common among the Negrito tribes of the highlands than
among the peoples of the lowlands. Among the social practices
common to most of the tribes of West New Guinea are male secret
societies (into which boys, usually 8 to 10 years old, are
initiated with great ceremony), elaborate (and usually very
bloody) funeral ceremonies, pig feasts on special occasions
(such as the arrival of guests), headhunting, and cannibalism.
The last two practices, sometimes a part of religious ritual,
have been largely suppressed during this century but still
occur as isolated outbreaks.
In areas where white men have left and Indonesians have
not yet made a show of strength, the natives reportedly have
sometimes resumed their headhunting practices. Christian
missionaries in the interior have been a strong force in
suppressing headhunting and maintaining law and order; but
since the Indonesian takeover, Westerners of all kinds,
including missionaries, are denied reentry if they leave
West New Guinea for business reasons or for home leave. Head-
hunting is most prevalent in the interior parts of the southern
lowlands where the Papuans are probably the most hostile and
warlike natives in West New Guinea. Headhunting and cannibalism
are virtually unknown and intertribal warfare is less common
among the Negritoes of the mountain areas.
A death in a village is usually an occasion for a big
celebration with much dancing and shouting. The mourners
are gaily adorned with paints and various ornaments, and
during the funeral ceremonies they gather around the pyre
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and chant and beat their heads and bodies with rocks before
the corpse is burned. During the mourning period, many taboos
affect the family of the deceased. For example, the widow can
have no contact with men. As a token of mourning, women and
girls sometimes cut off a finger joint; men and boys may cut
off part of an ear. These body parts are then presented to
the immediate families of the deceased, who may eat them.
Among some tribes the corpse is not cremated but is wrapped
in leaves and exposed to the elements on a platform built
high in a tree; the bones are later disposed of. In some
cases, the corpse has reportedly been eaten by the mourners;
they believe that by doing so they acquire the attributes of
the deceased. Among most tribes the supreme unpardonable
insolence is to show disrespect for a corpse, particularly
one of an enemy taken in battle.
Among the tribes of West New Guinea, pigs are believed
to have magical qualities and they therefore occupy an exalted
position, are treated with respect, and are killed with cere-
mony. They are often prized above a wife, and it is not
unusual for a woman to wet-nurse piglets that have lost their
mothers. The blood of the pig is believed to have healing
powers and when smeared on the body is believed to protect
the wearer from disease or other harm. A pig feast, which
may last several weeks, is anticipated by the natives in much
the same way that a Western child looks forward to Christmas.
The feast often marks the end of the period of mourning for
women who have lost their husbands and who can then remarry.
After the pigs have been slaughtered but before the meat is
cooked (by this time the meat may be quite "ripe"), weddings
are held and boys are initiated into the secret societies.
The feast is often culminated with ceremonies to drive the
spirits into spirit land.
The fundamental principle of West New Guinea morals is
the reciprocal code, or "payback", whereby the individual
must pay back favors and seek vengeance for wrongs committed
against him or his tribe. It is well for Westerners coming in
contact with these people to remember this principle.
4. Religion
Although many (an estimated 200,000 to 300,000) of the
natives of West New Guinea have been Christianized by mission-
aries, most of them, particularly those in the interior, are
still animists and worship the world of spirits. Protestant
missionaries have been active in West New Guinea since 1855,
Catholics since 1905. Currently, about 300 missionaries are
in West New Guinea, although their ranks are being depleted
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by the government's policy against reentry. Only a few natives
are ministers or priests. Most of the natives who have accepted
Christianity have done so partly in their desire to emulate the
white man. On the other hand, some have been reluctant to
accept Christianity because Christian tenets allow only one
wife, and by the standards of some tribes a man with only one
wide is considered poor and is looked down upon. When natives
have been converted to Christianity, they may rid themselves
of the charms and fetishes of their former animistic religion,
but they are likely to retain the convictions of their animistic
beliefs. Thus Christianity, as practiced by most natives, is
little more than a veneer. A few thousand Moslems live in the
coastal areas; most are Indonesians.
The religious practices of the animists revolve around
the world of spirits. Feasts are held to propitiate the good
spirits and charms are worn to ward off the evil ones. Elaborate
rituals are observed to control and manipulate the supernatural
powers that are regarded as the cause of such things as disease,
death, and bad harvests. In the event of a multiple birth, all
but the firstborn are believed to be children of the devil
and are killed. Often in the event of an epidemic in a village,
some village member is believed to be possessed with the powers
that have created the epidemic; a sorcerer is hired to find the
person responsible for the malady, and presumably that person
suffers dire consequences. Among some tribes, anyone who is
ill is believed to be occupied by an evil spirit,, and there-
fore a sick person must travel ceaselessly through the forest,
sleeping each night in a different shelter; if he should remain
in one place, that place would become filled with malevolence.
Malevolent spirits are believed to be embodied in things such
as animals, trees, mountains, rivers, lightning, and thunder.
The natives attempt to placate these evil spirits in many ways
-- by offering the blood of pigs, by planting certain types
of trees in particular places and patterns, and by singing
chants. Among the objects believed to be helpful in warding
off evil spirits are stones, pig tails, desiccated organs of
animals, strings of beads, and cowrie shells. Members of
some tribes will not utter their own names lest they reveal
their identities to the evil spirits and become targets for
harm. Although most natives believe in a life after death
and some believe in a Supreme Being, there is no agreement
among the tribes as to the nature of God or the afterlife.
Because the acquisition of wealth and material goods is
held in high esteem by the natives of West New Guinea, the
affluence of the white man -- as observed by the natives
among the Americans stationed in New Guinea during World War
II as well as the Dutch colonial administrators -- was
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Figure 116. West New Guinea. Mountain village near
Australian New Guinea border. Villages such as this may
be abandoned and relocated every 4 or 5 years.
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Figure 117. West New Guinea. Aerial view of typical
highland village. Note surrounding wall.
Figure 118. West New Guinea. Typical highland hut. Men
live in one hut, women and children in another.
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responsible for the appearance of cargo cults in widely separated
parts of the island.. These cults are based on the natives'
belief that cargo -- material "goods" ranging from ships, air-
craft, and military equipment to small. trade articles -- is
not manmade but instead comes from a divine source and that
such coveted material wealth can be acquired by supernatural
means. The natives believe that the cargo originated in the
world of gods and spirits and that the white man has withheld
it from the people of New Guinea, the rightful owners, by
keeping for himself the religious secrets by which the cargo
was originally obtained. The prophets of these cults con-
tinually try to find new ways to release the gods and spirits
held in bondage by the white man so that they will send the
goods to the people of New Guinea. Some natives have believed
so strongly in the eventual elimination of all material inequi-
ties between themselves and the white man that they have burned
their villages and belongings and have destroyed their gardens
as proof of faith, believing that they would soon receive
better things. Often when the deluded people found themselves
starving as a result of the destruction of their gardens,
they turned in desperation to deeds of violence.
The cargo cults have taken various forms. Some were
submarine cults in which white men and their cargo were expected
to return in submarines at some remote beach. In more recent
years, helicopter cults have developed, their advocates main-
taining that the village should build a high tower to facilitate
the reception of cargo from the sky. Mass demonstrations
accompanied by frenzied excitment often take place in an attempt
to lure cargo ships or planes to a village. The suspicion
that the white man knows magic.spells that he keeps to him-
self, as a sorcerer would do, still lingers. Thus, the natives
are skeptical when the white man tells them that no magic is
involved in the possession of wealth and goods. Education has
made some progress in eliminating these cults,, but some still
persist. (For an excellent detailed account of similar cargo
cults in the Australian part,of New Guinea, see Road Belong
Cargo by Peter Lawrence.)
5. Language
A language barrier separates West New Guinea from the
rest of Indonesia. Although the languages of the Melanesians
are related to the Malayo-Polynesian linguistic family, they
are not mutually intelligible with other languages of this
family; and the languages of the Papuans and Negritoes are
unrelated to other languages of Indonesia. More than 100
distinct languages can be identified in West New Guinea,
each with many dialects, and only a few are spoken by more
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than a few thousand people. The largest numbers of people
speaking any one language are found in the northern lowlands;
in the interior of the island a language commonly is spoken
by only a few dozen to a few hundred people, and a traveler
may encounter a new language every few miles. Because the
languages are mutually unintelligible, an interpreter from
one group is of little value in regions where other languages
are spoken. Sign language, however, has been highly developed,
and a native can usually communicate effectively with his
neighbors. The Negritoes of the mountains are reported to be
especially ingenious in the use of signs and gestures, and
communication with them is fairly easy.
The languages of the Papuans and Negritoes, although
unrelated to the languages of the rest of Indonesia and of
Oceania, bear a resemblance to those of the aborigines of
northern Australia. All these languages are characterized by
an unusually complicated grammatical structure and great variety
in vocabulary, but they cannot express abstract ideas such as
love or hate. The languages of the Melanesians, although
related to the Malayo-Polynesian tongues, have been strongly
infused with words from the Papuan languages. None of the
indigenous languages of West New Guinea possesses its own
script, although a few -- notably that of the Danis of the
Baliem Valley -- have been reduced to writing in roman script.
Dictionaries have been compiled for many of the languages.
Many of the coastal natives know Bahasa Indonesia, and,
reportedly, the government is doing much to spread its use
in West New Guinea. Pidgin English, which is commonly spoken
in the Australian part of New Guinea, is not encountered in
West New Guinea; the border between Australian and Indonesian
territory reportedly can be ascertained by observing whether
the natives speak Pidgin English or not.
6. Education
Educational facilities are poorly developed in West
New Guinea; as a result, the vast majority of the indigenous
people are not literate in any language. In 1962, an estimated
60,000 children in West New Guinea attended school., most of
them at the primary level. They were in several hundred
mission schools, most of which were heavily subsidized by the
Dutch and many of which are probably no longer operating, since
all missionary teachers were eventually to be replaced by
Indonesian and native teachers after the Indonesian takeover.
Only in the urban areas is it possible to achieve a secondary
or vocational education, and few natives have received a higher
education, although 35 Papuans were reportedly studying in
Holland in 1962. A university was established in Sukarnapura
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in 1963. It had 160 students in 1964, but only 27 of them
were West New Guinea natives, the rest being Indonesian civil
servants. Several hundred West New Guinea natives are now
studying on Java.
7. Occupations
All but a handful of the indigenous inhabitants of West
New Guinea are outside the monetized sector of the economy.
They lead a hand-to-mouth existence. In 1958, only about
16,000 natives were employed as wage earners in the modern
sector of the economy -- most of them in carpentry, mining,
clerical work, police work, and work in the oilfields.
(Petroleum production in West New Guinea has been severely
curtailed since the Indonesian takeover, however, and as
of mid-1965 only the Klamono field was producing and output
there was meager.) Because the material needs of the natives
are few, they have little incentive for regular work; they
therefore are indifferent to steady employment and will stop
work as soon as they have enough money to satisfy a given
need.
Sago forms the dietary staple of most of the natives
in the lowland areas, although rice (mostly imported) has been
introduced and is being increasingly used as the staple food
in urban areas. Other than rice, cereal foodstuffs are
virtually unknown. The sago palm is sometimes cultivated,
but more commonly the people collect the pith from wild
trees. The variety of crops grown in the hills and mountains
of West New Guinea is greater than in the lowlands. Sweet
potatoes form the principal staple of the diet in the highlands
and are supplemented by such crops as sugarcane, bananas, taro,
and cassava. All these crops are cultivated in small garden
plots surrounding the native settlements.
Nuts, fruits, and berries that grow in the forests of
West New Guinea are collected by the natives and provide a
supplement to their diet. Many of the natives suffer from
malnutrition because of their protein-deficient diet, and the
protruding abdomen that may result from malnutrition (or from
a malarially bloated spleen) is a common sight. Pigs are
raised throughout the area, but among most tribes they are
eaten only during festive occasions; pork is not a regular
part of the diet. Hunting, principally with the bow and arrow
but sometimes with the spear or with nets or traps, provides
variety to the diet in lowland areas; animals are scarce in
the highlands. The principal animals hunted include the wild
pig, deer, wallaby, phalanger, possum, and sloth; the casso-
wary and other birds also are hunted. The kangaroo,
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Figure 119. West New Guinea.
Native of Southern Lowlands.
His nose and ears have been
pierced to accommodate adorn-
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Figures 120 & 121. West New Guinea. Mountain natives near
Australian New Guinea border. Note influences of civilization
-- shirt, shorts, long-visored cap, and axe with steel blade.
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which is found in some areas, is not hunted by many tribes
as it has totemic significance. Crocodiles, turtles, and fish
supplement the diet of natives living in coastal regions but
are not usually found in the lakes or rivers of the highlands,
and dried fish brought into the highlands by outsiders are
therefore highly valued. Freshwater shrimp and crayfish are
found in some mountain lakes and are netted by the natives.
Insects, grubs, and larvae, common in such trees as the sago
palm, are eaten, usually without cooking. Other food is
cooked by wrapping it in leaves and roasting over hot rocks
placed in a pit. Tobacco is grown and is smoked by wrapping
it in a pandanus leaf or placing it in a pipe made from
materials such as acorn shells, reed, or bamboo. The natives
drink no intoxicants, but they do chew a leaf that induces
drunkenness.
Agricultural practices are poorly developed throughout
the area. Soils are poor and deteriorate rapidly under use;
agriculture is therefore usually of a shifting type. More
permanent agricultural systems are found only in areas of
the Central Highlands such as the Baliem Valley, where fields
are fenced, irrigation has been developed, crop rotation is
practiced, and green fertilizers are used. Men generally do
the heavy work of clearing the garden plots, but women do
the planting, weeding, and most other work in the gardens, as
well as fishing, collecting sago and other jungle plants, and
doing the household chores. Both sexes harvest the crop.
Freed from many of the food-gathering chores, the men
sometimes travel great distances to trade. Some highland
peoples -- the Danis of the Baliem Valley in particular --
have developed reputations as outstanding traders. Certain
tribes develop skills in making particular objects, such as
stone axes or fishtraps. They then trade such objects to
other tribes that make things that they desire. All sorts
of items as well as wives can also be purchased, most commonly
with cowrie shells as the medium of exchange but sometimes
with cloth or salt. Each cowrie shell is individually appraised
and valued according to its quality. For outsiders traveling
in West New Guinea, barter items not available locally and thus
highly valued are extremely useful. These items include steel
axes, knives, beads, tin cans, jars, bottles, cloth, cigarettes,
and sugar; salt is valued by some tribes but not by others. In
coastal areas the Indonesian rupiah has been introduced as a
medium of exchange.
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8. Villages and Housing
Villages in close proximity to the few urban areas of West
New Guinea are well laid out, with relatively well-constructed
houses. Villages throughout the rest of the region are small,
scattered, very isolated, contain crudely built dwellings, and
are usually abandoned every few years as the local soil fer-
tility and food supply are depleted. More than 50 percent of
the villages have populations of less than 100. Villages with
populations of more than 500 are rare. The number of dwell-
ings in each village ranges from 5 to 25 in the interior,
somewhat higher in the coastal regions. The pattern of the
villages varies from chaotic clusters of huts in the mountains
to a U-shaped arrangement of houses in the Baliem Valley and
long rows of dwellings along the coasts and lower stretches
of rivers in the lowlands. A lookout hut, built higher
than the surrounding dwellings and containing an armory of
bows and arrows, is often situated in the center of the
village. Coastal villages sometimes are built in a grove of
palms on the beach but may also be built on piles out over
the sea, with access by a boardwalk or canoe. In the hills
and mountains, villages are usually situated in forest clear-
ings on hillsides or atop ridges some distance from river high-
ways and marauding cannibals from neighboring villages. In
the highlands wooden fences, ea.rthern palisades, or walls of
stone surround many of the settlements, keeping the pigs and
children in and the enemy out. These settlements are usually
situated in a patchwork of cultivated fields, and from the
air, the landscape is not unlike that of the farm country of
much of the eastern United States.
House types vary considerably from one area to another;
they are built with the material most readily available --
wood, bamboo, palm leaves, or grass. In the lowland areas
and in the western mountainous areas houses are rectangular
in plan, are built on the ground, and are constructed with
frames of wood and vine and walls and roofs of palm leaves;
they normally house one family. In parts of the swampy
southern lowlands, the people sometimes live in crude wooden
huts built high in the trees for purposes of defense and
observation. In the central and eastern mountain regions,
dwellings are usually built on the ground and are shaped
like a round or oval beehive about 15 feet across. They
commonly have two stories -- the lower one with a vertical
dimension of only about 4-1/2 feet and the upper one even
less. Construction consists of a framework of wood and
vines covered with grass thatch. A small door admits the
only light. At higher elevations, a fire (primarily for
warmth, as most cooking is done outdoors) burns continuously
in the center of the lower floor. The men and older boys
live together; the women, girls, young boys,
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and pigs are allotted separate housing. Furniture is rarely
found in native houses; the natives sleep on the floor, some-
times with the skull of an ancestor or an enemy as a pillow.
Except for those living in the urban areas and their
immediate hinterlands who have adopted Western-style dress,
most natives of West New Guinea -- even those in the cool
mountain regions -- wear a minimum of clothing. Complete
nakedness is common. The nakedness of the peoples of the
interior tends to shock the rather prudish Indonesians, and
reportedly, after they took over West New Guinea in 1963 the
Indonesian administrators tried to interest the "poor naked
Irianese" in clothing; their suggestions probably went un-
heeded. To most Papuans and Negritoes clothing is more for
the purpose of adornment than for protection or concealment.
When any clothing at all is worn it is simple -- a loincloth
of bark is the common attire for men of the lowland regions;
a long yellow gourd that shields the penis and is held in
place by a string attached to a belt of rattan around the
waist is the "dress" for men of the mountains; a short skirt
of grass, leaves, or fiber or an apron of bark cloth is worn
by the women throughout West New Guinea. Adornments in a wide
variety are popular, and in general, the men wear more adorn-
ments than the women. Among the most common are nose plugs
made from boar tusks, pieces of bone, wood, shell, or other
materials that are inserted through a hole pierced in the
nasal septum. Members of many tribes pierce their earlobes
and decorate them with various objects such as twine, beads,
or boar tusks. Armlets, bracelets, and necklaces of bark,
rattan, feathers, fur, shell, beads or teeth are sometimes
worn, as are belts and chest straps of rattan or other
materials. Most of the time, natives in the lowlands wear
nothing over the head, although various objects such as
beads, dead bugs, long plaits of fiber, or bits of palm leaf
may be attached at the end of tightly wound braids. On cer-
emonial occasions, colorful headdresses of cassowary feathers
or bird-of-paradise plumes are worn by the men. In the
highlands, some natives wear a sort of hairnet made of grass
or fiber. Most of the Negrito men in the mountains have an
elongated net bag that is slung over the shoulder to carry
personal possessions such as knives, fishing equipment, and
fire sticks.
Scarification and tattooing of the face and body is a
common practice among many of the tribes, particularly among
the women. Body painting with soot and pig grease and the
decoration of faces with elaborate designs of charcoal and
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Figure 122. West New Guinea. Dani men and
children of Baliem Valley.
Figure 123. West New Guinea. Mountain men wearing penis
shields and various kinds of ornaments.
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red and white clay are practiced during festive occasions.
10. Health and Medical Factors
The natives of West New Guinea, particularly those in
the southern lowlands, are not a healthy lot; they suffer
from a variety of maladies. Abdomens are swollen from
malaria and malnutrition, flesh has been eaten away and
bones distorted by yaws, and bodies are emaciated from
leprosy and other skin diseases. The people have a low
resistance to infectious disease because their hygienic
habits are poor and their diet inadequate. Life expectancy
is low, averaging under 30 years; rarely does one find a
native over 45. Infant mortality is high, and in the swampy
southern lowlands 80 percent of the children die before they
reach their sixth birthday. The chief cause of death is
malaria, but other diseases such as pneumonia and tuberculosis
also contribute to the high death rate. Southern West New
Guinea has one of the highest malaria incidence rates in
the world, although the mountainous areas are relatively
fxee of the disease.
The introduction of modern medicines such as penicillin
by WHO and UNICEF in the past 10 years has done much to
reduce the incidence of yaws; in the more densely populated
northern coastal areas and offshore islands the disease has
been nearly eliminated. Considerable progress has also been
made by WHO and UNICEF against malaria, filariasis, leprosy,
and tuberculosis. (When Indonesia withdrew from the United
Nations in 1965, medical assistance by UNICEF was discontinued;
WHO operations, however, were continued.) Although the natives
usually blame physical ailments on supernatural causes, most
of those who have had contact with outsiders realize the
effectiveness of modern medicines in combatting disease.
Penicillin, antimalaria pills, and the like are a significant
asset to a traveler in West New Guinea in gaining the con-
fidence of the local people.
In 1961, 21 hospitals run by the government, one hospital
run by the Protestant Mission, and a number of outpatient
clinics had a total of about 1,200 beds. Major hospitals
are located at Babo, Biak, Fakfak, Kaimana, Manokwari, Merauke,
Seroei, Sorong, Steenkool, and Sukarnapura.
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11. Attitudes and Loyalties
To the average native of West New Guinea, the world is
a very small place, confined to the limited geographic area
with which he is familiar. He is likely, for example, to
believe it to be bordered by mountain ranges or, in the case
of coastal natives, partly by the sea.
The attitudes of the West New Guinea natives toward
outsiders are likely to vary considerably from tribe to tribe
depending on the nature of the past relationships between the
particular tribe and outsiders. In the northern lowlands,
particularly in urban areas, native attitudes toward out-
siders are becoming more friendly as the population comes
increasingly in contact with the outside world. Natives
living in the more remote areas of the southern lowlands
and in the isolated regions of the mountains, however, remain
outwardly savage and extremely suspicious of outsiders, be
they white or simply natives from a neighboring valley. The
Negritoes of the highlands, although also suspicious, generally
are reported to be friendlier and calmer than the more excitable
and ill-tempered Papuans.
Native etiquette forbids the approach to a village, where
the women may be hiding, without some kind of warning. If a
stranger approaches too close, the natives may be hostile.
Once the stranger proves not to have unfriendly intent, how-
ever, the suspicious natives will usually be quite hospitable.
Their "peaceful welcome" -- which may consist of an eerie
combination of weeping, wailing, and shouting -- may be
frightening to an outsider, even though their seemingly
bellicose actions often bely great good nature beneath. The
suspicion of the natives is likely to be directly proportional
to the size of a party of strangers; they are likely to
disappear into the bush on the approach of large numbers.
Whenever they have their women with them, it is safe to
assume that they have no hostile intentions. A character-
istic common to most West New Guinea natives is that they are
unpredictable and quick to react, and a state of apparent
peacefulness may change into a state of turmoil and strife in
a matter of moments. Similarly, however, their violent anger
is likely to be dissipated in a short time.
Although many natives in the remote interior sections
of West New Guinea have never seen a white man, those who
have had contact with white men generally admire them and like
to emulate them; as a result, these natives are easily sus-
ceptible to the influence of most white foreigners. This
admiration is probably based not so much on a genuine liking
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Figure 124. West New Guinea. Man with stone axe.
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for the white man but rather on respect for his power (includ-
ing "magical" ability to operate gadgets such as radios and
flashlights) and his material possessions. After the departure
of the Allied troops and their machines and weaponry from
West New Guinea after World War II, many natives, particularly
members of the cargo cults, blamed the Dutch colonial regime
for the loss of military supplies that the natives believed
rightly belonged to them. Admiration for the American soldiers
encountered during World War II was so great that many natives
wished to become the property of the United States. American
Negroes were particularly popular but were not respected as
much as the whites since a. dark skin is not. as awesome to
the natives as a white skin. Partly for this reason, the
Indonesian administrators do not command as much respect as
did the Dutch. Indonesian officials are reported to be
resentful of the white. missionaries who have established more
friendly rapport with the natives. Much of the success of
the white man-in West New Guinea can be attributed to the
introduction of medicines, the benefits of which the natives
have been quick to realize.
It is likely that some members of the West New Guinea
"elite" initially welcomed the end of Dutch sovereignty and
the takeover by Indonesia in 1963, although the vast majority
of the natives were politically indifferent to the Indonesian
takeover and probably were ignorant of its implications. Since
the change of sovereignty, however, pro-Indonesia feelings have
reportedly diminished and hostility toward the central govern-
ment has increased. During the early months of the Indonesian
takeover, for example, there were incidents of stone throwing
and other abuses directed at the Indonesian troops. Near
insurrections were reported to have occurred in Manokwari in
July 1964 and in early August 1965. The latter incident
reportedly resulted in heavy casualties on both sides and
lasted for about a week before being quelled by Indonesian
troops. Since June 1965, clashes between natives and central
government forces on Biak, in Sukarnapura, and in the Wamena
Valley of the Central Highlands have been reported in addition
to the incidents in Manokwari.
Reasons for the serious deterioration in the relations
between the natives and the Indonesian administrators are
many. Indonesian administration of the territory has been
ineffective in its distribution of food and supplies, thus
creating discontent among those natives affected. In addition,
the Indonesians do not patrol interior regions as effectively
as did the Dutch. Without a show of strength by the govern-
ment the natives tend to lose respect for the administration
and revert to intertribal warfare and cannibalism. Furthermore,
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1 r
Figure 125. West New Guinea. Papuan man wearing
ballpoint pen as nose decoration.
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many of the administrators are apparently prejudicial and
contemptuous toward the natives, who resent any hint of
patronization. In urban areas such as Sukarnapura, the
natives are resentful of the Indonesians who have settled
there and who have contributed to the problem of unemployment
among qualified natives; they fear that further immigration
will aggravate the situation. Finally, discontent among
the more worldly natives was heightened and separatist sen-
timent intensified by the Indonesian withdrawal from the
United Nations in 1965 and by the expectation that the
Indonesian commitment for a UN-supervised plebiscite in
1969 probably would not be fulfilled. In spite of the many
grievances, the natives have little capacity for organized
resistance, because the tribes are compartmented into
250olated regions with virtually no communications.
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READING LIST
General
1. American University, Special Operations Research Office.
Project Prosyms, Psychological Operations Indonesia,
Jun 19 61. C.
2. American University, Special Operations Research Office.
U. S. Army Area Handbook for Indonesia, Sep 1964. U.
3. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 42, "Characteristics of
the People," Apr 1964. C.
4. DIA. Cold War (Counterinsurgency) Analysis, Indonesia,
Aug 19 . .
5. Fisher, C. A., Southeast Asia: A Social, Economic, and
25X1 Regional Geograp y, London, 1964. U.
7. Hawthorne, Daniel, Islands of the East Indies, New York,
1944. U.
8. Indonesia, Central Bureau of Statistics. Sensus Penduduk
Republik Indonesia, 1961, Djakarta, 1962. U.
9. McVey, Ruth (editor), Indonesia, Southeast Asia Studies,
New Haven: HRAF Press, 19 3. U.
10. Robequain, Charles, Malaya,. Indonesia, Borneo, and the
Philippines, London: Longmans, 1959. U.
11. Ya Berzina, M. and S. I. Bruk, Naseleniye Indonezii,
Malayi, i Filippin, (The Population of Indonesia, Malaya,
and the Philippines), Moscow, 1962. Translated as JPRS
19,799, 21 Jun 1963. U.
Celebes
1. Epton, Nina, The Islands of Indonesia (Celebes), London:
Pitman, 1955. U.
2. Kennedy, Raymond, Field Notes on Indonesia: South Celebes,
1949-50, New Haven, 1 53. U.
3. Wilcox, H., White Stranger, Six Moons in Celebes, London,
1949. U.
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1. Goethals, Peter R., Aspects of Local Government in a
Sumbawan Village, Southeast Asia Program, It acornell
University, 1961. U.
2. Ormeling, F. J., The Timor Problem, Djakarta: Wolters,
1955. U.
Moluccas
1. Kennedy, Raymond, Report on Eastern Netherlands East
Indies, pt I, "Timor - Aru Area," New Haven: Yale
Un sity, no date. U.
2. Kennedy, Raymond, Report on Eastern Netherlands East
Indies, pt II, "Ceram - Halmahera Area," New Haven:
Yale University, no date. U.
West New Guinea
1. Crockett, Charis, The House in the Rain Forest, London:
Hutchinson, 1942. U.
2. Harrer, Heinrich, I Come From the Stone Age, London:
Rupert Hart-Davis, 1964. U.
3. Lawrence, Peter, Road Belong Car o, Manchester:
Manchester University Press, . U.
4. Netherlands, Ministry of Home Affairs. Report on
Netherlands New Guinea for the Year 1961. U.
5. New Guinea Institute of Rotterdam.' Handbook on Netherlands
New Guinea, 1958. U.
6. Pospisil, Leopold, The Kapanku Papuans of West New Guinea,
New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston, 1964. U.
7. Saulnier, Tony, Headhunters of Papua, New York: Crown
Publishers Inc., 1963. U.
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Put Au
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POPULATION AND ETHNIC GROUPS
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130 50
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P. MIANGAS
(Indoneeta)
P A C I\F I C
260 100
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Island names in the Lesser Sundas and Moluccas reflect the ethnic groups in these areas.
0 100 200 300 400
?SamI
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V. Politics and Government
A. Current Problems
Since March 1966 Indonesia's new regime, which is
based on an army-civilian coalition, has been absorbed
in legitimating its rule, in preventing new outbreaks
of civil disorder, and in recasting Indonesia's domestic
and foreign policies. Aware of the entrenched position
of pro-Sukarno sentiment in the population centers of
east and central Java, the regime has chosen to erode
Sukarno's personal influence rather than risk civil
war by moving directly against him. The goal of the
ruling triumverate -- headed by the Indonesian army's
General Suharto -- to restrict Sukarno to a figurehead
role was bolstered by the Indonesian Congress in June
1966. The congress revoked Sukarno's life-time presidency
but.provided that he remain in office until an elected
congress chooses a president, reaffirmed Suharto's earlier
ban on the Indonesian Communist Party and decreed that
elections be held within two years.
With their political role considerably strengthened
through this congressional action, the regime's most
urgent problem is how to get the bankrupt economy back
on a sound basis. The policies of the Sukarno era left
a legacy of declining production, soaring inflation,
complete lack of foreign exchange reserves, and a
foreign debt far beyond Indonesia's ability to repay.
Even Indonesia's subsistence economy, which engages
75 percent to 80 percent of the population, steadily
declined under Sukarno because of government mismanagement.
Indonesian industries are operating at less than 30 percent
capacity and are able to secure spare parts and raw materials
only infrequently. The nation needs widespread restoration
of roads and railroads to carry rice into the cities, move
export commodities to seaports, and supply villages with
consumer goods. Almost 55 percent of all Indonesia's
motor vehicles have broken down because of the lack of
spare parts. Less than 40 percent of Indonesia's merchant
fleet is available for commercial use, the remainder being
laid up due to lack of spare parts, inefficient repair
facilities, and a shortage of trained personnel; or
commandeered by the military to support security operations.
Many roads have reverted to the jungle,
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A basic problem of the Indonesian economy is the lack
of managers, skilled labor, and entrepreneurial talent.
The Dutch provided little training for the Indonesians,
and the Indonesians have aggravated the shortage by
ousting foreigners with managerial and technical skills.
Repressive actions against the local Chinese since the
1 October coup have further reduced the ranks of traders
and entrepreneurs.
The new regime has formulated an economic plan by
which it hopes to take the first steps toward stabilizing
the economy and to persuade creditor nations to reschedule
debt repayments. It also hopes to obtain direct economic
assistance and has applied for readmission to the Inter-
national Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Indonesia's
new rulers are uncomfortably aware, however, that some of
the necessary stabilization steps envisaged, such as
increasing tax collections and reducing subsidies to state
enterprises, can be exploited by undisciplined political
parties which are eager to expand their following in
anticipation of 1968 elections.
Eastern Indonesia has suffered a noticeable economic
decline since World War II, although living standards
probably remain higher than those on overcrowded Java.
Resentment over restrictive marketing regulations by the
central government has been long-standing and has deepened
a tendency to evade government payment by smuggling. The
area lacks adequate interisland shipping, and during the
1963-65 rupture of relations with Malaysia it lost important
foreign markets. Sporadic dissident activity has fed since
1950 on these regional economic grievances as well as on the
personal appeal of anti-Javanese leaders. General economic
debility will probably prevent the central government from
effectively coping with the problems of West Irian where
discontent is already evident.
B. Structure of Government
The islands of Eastern Indonesia are divided into 9
provinces (see Map 51160). Their names and capitals are:
Bali (Denpasar); Nusa Tenggara Barat - Western Lesser Sundas
(Mataram); Nusa Tenggara Timur - Eastern Lesser Sundas (Kupang);
Sulawesi Utara - North Celebes (Manado); Sulawesi Tengah -
Central Celebes (Palu); Sulawesi Tenggara - Southeast Celebes
(Kendari); Sulawesi Selatan - South Celebes (Makasar);
Maluku - Moluccas (Amboina); Irian Barat - West Irian,
formerly West New Guinea (Sukarnapura, formerly Hollandia).
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Provinces, called first-level regions (Daerah__I), are divided
into regencies (kab aten), which together with the principal
cities are called second-level regions (Daerah II). In West
Irian, an older Dutch-instituted system of residencies is
still in effect as the second-level administrative regions.
Each provincial government has been headed since
September 1964 by an "executive authority", more commonly
known by the acronym Pepelrada, who has expanded civil powers
under emergency conditions. . These conditions are not clearly
defined and since October 1965 they have been liberally
interpreted by the local army commanders of military regions
(KODAM's) to grant them powers verging on martial law. West
Irian affairs are somewhat different in that its policy is
controlled by the Home Affairs Ministry and there is no
Pe elrada appointed. In 6 of the other 8 provinces, KODAM
commanders act as Pepelradas: in both Nusa Tenggera Barat
and Nusa Tenggara Timur, police commanders hold this post.
The PPee~elradas appear to report directly to the Cabinet
Presidium whose chairman is First Minister for Defense and
Security and Commander of the Army General Suharto.
The Pepelrada heads up a four-man administrative team in
each province known as the Tjatur Tunggal (Four-in-One
Command), consisting of the governor, the highest military
'commander in the area (of the army, navy, or air force),
the provincial police chief, and the provincial representa-
tive of the attorney general. The Tjatur Tun al is normally
the executive branch of provincial government has now been
pushed to the background by the expanded powers of the individual
Pepelradas.
The provincial governors and heads of regencies and
cities are appointed by the central government and are
responsible to the Minister of Home Affairs. They also
serve as chiefs of the central government's civil service
in the provinces. Provincial legislative councils (called
the Regional Councils of People's Representatives) are
appointed by the governors upon the nomination of the regents.
All legislative councils are made up 50-50 of representatives
of political parties and functional groups (the latter are
drawn from all major occupation categories as well as women,
youth, and students). Small (normally 3- to 5-man)
Daily Executive Boards are appointed by the governors and
regents to perform the main administrative tasks. The
planned governmental structure for third-level regions
(districts and subdistricts), or Daerah III, has not been
fully implemented. The heads of the districts and subdistricts
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are appointed by and are responsible to the Ministry of Home
Affairs and essentially are links to the central government
rather than to the provincial government. Third-level
executive and legislative bodies, when created, will probably
consist of subdistrict officials appointed by the province
or perhaps regency heads and would tie the local government
more directly into the regional structure.
Government below the subdistrict level is in a sense
self-government. Only in the village and its subunits are
officials now chosen by local residents. The village, more-
over, differs from other political units in that its people
are more closely bound by social and religious ties. Govern-
ment services tend to stop at the subdistrict level, as the
head of the subdistrict who represents the central govern-
ment, and the village head, who represents traditional
ruling authorities, find it difficult to establish relations
with each other which fulfill the status requirements of each.
The villagers tend to resist outside interference in village
affairs, and government programs have had to move slowly.
The judicial system consists of a Supreme Court in
Djakarta; four superior courts, one of which is located in
Eastern Indonesia at Makasar; and state courts, which are
divided into first- and second-level courts. There is also
a first-level state court at Makasar. Theoretically, second-
level state courts are located in each regency or equivalent
administrative area. The Indonesian court system also includes
several types of special courts. Some, such as the juvenile
and traffic courts, represent the country's efforts to emulate
where applicable the practices of more advanced countries.
Others of more recent creation reflect the pro-Communist
influences widespread within the government prior to 1 October
1965, and may be gradually abandoned. The latter include
special courts to hear cases of subversion, both economic and
political, and a system of land reform courts (consisting of
a central court in Djakarta and state courts) to try violators
of the land reform law. Members of Communist front organiza-
tions were barred as judges of the land reform courts in early
November 1965, thus removing the system's major advocates.
Throughout Indonesia, village officials also dispense justice
according to local customs.
C. Current Administration
The Indonesian cabinet installed on 28 July 1966
strengthened the army's position within the government.
Army commander General Suharto heads the cabinet as chairman
of a 5-man cabinet presidium, and also retains the defense
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portfolio. The five "first ministers" who make up the
presidium include the triumverate that directed the preceding
cabinet -- Suharto, Adam Malik, and the Sultan of Djog-
jakarta -- with key ministries placed under their supervision.
The other two presidium members are representatives of
Indonesia's two major parties: The Nationalist Party (PNI)
and the Muslim Scholars (NU). Three minor parties are also
included in the cabinet: the Catholic Party, the Christian
Party (Parkindo), and the army-supported Association of
Supporters for Indonesian Independence (IPKI). However,
12 of the 27 cabinet ministers are military officers and
several ministers appear to be technicians, rather than
political selections.
Although the hand of the new regime has been strengthened
at the national level, the attitude of the provincial
Pepelradas (all of whom are military men in Eastern Indonesia)
in carrying out central government directives is greatly
affected by local political factors. The army has the power
to enforce government policy, but does not want to make itself
politically unpopular by doing so. The eastern areas have
long accused Sukarno of pursuing pro-Communist and economically
ruinous programs, and have generally applauded the new direc-
tions in Indonesian policies in which the army has taken the
leading role. Civil-military relationships, however, are
burdened by the long history of dissidence in the area,
residual anti-Javanese feelings, and lack of confidence that
Indonesia's new rulers will be able to cope effectively with
economic problems.
The military and police commanders acting as Pepelradas
in Eastern Indonesia are as follows:
North and Central Celebes: Brig Gen Sudarmo
(CO XIII Military Area) (See Chapter IX,
Section B)
South and Southeast Celebes: Brig Gen Solichin
(CO XIV Military Area)
Bali: Col Sukartijo (CO XVI Military Area)
Eastern Lesser Sundas: Oesterreich (police commander)
Western Lesser Sundas: Col Surarso (police commander)
Moluccas: Brig Gen R. A. Djauhari (CO XV Military
Area)
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The names of the governors of Eastern Indonesian provinces
North Celebes: Presently vacant (Abdullah Amu,
acting)
Central Celebes: Anwar Dato Madju Basa Nan Kuning
South Celebes: Brig Gen Andi Achmad Rifai
Southeast Celebes: J. Wajong
Bali: Merta
Eastern Lesser Sundas: W. J. Laimentik
Western Lesser Sundas: Ruslan Tjakraningrat
Moluccas: Latamahena
West Irian: Frans Kasiepo
Only fragmentary information is available on the political
orientation of these officials. In some instances, the
military commanders were appointed in 1966 and were selected
by the army to replace pro-Communist (in Bali) and ineffective
(in North Celebes) military men. The pro-Communist governor
of Bali was removed in late 1965, but the present incum-
bent,Merta,is strongly pro-leftist and has opposed army-
sponsored student activities there. Brig Gen Solichin in
South Celebes is a forceful and determined commander and
an expert on counterinsurgency. As Chief of Staff of the
army's antidissident campaigns there, Solichin has traveled
throughout the province and appears to be well-known,
respected, and perhaps a bit feared. He is an ethnic out-
sider, however, as a Sundanese from west Java. Governor
Laimentik of the Eastern Lesser Sundas is an extremely able
executive. He was born in north Celebes, is a graduate of
Wayne University (Indiana), and is outspokenly pro-Western.
Governor (former colonel) Latamahena of the Moluccas impresses
observers as being favorably oriented toward the US. Governor
Kasiepo of West Irian has no real influence on local admin-
istration, most matters being handled by the Ministry for
Home Affairs in Djakarta. Brig Gen Bintoro (CO XVII Military
Area) was assigned to West Irian in 1966.
D. Foreign Relations
Indonesia's shift in foreign policy during 1965-66
from a pro-Peking orientation to nonalignment resulted from
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the dramatic reversal in fortune suffered by President
Sukarno and the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) after
the leftist coup attempt of October 1965. Relations with
Communist China were severely strained by Indonesian army
convictions that Peking had encouraged and sent small arms
to the coup forces, and by stiff protest notes from Peking
over the damages suffered by the Indonesian Chinese community
in the wake of anti-Communist purges. Embassy staffs in both
countries have been sharply reduced, but diplomatic relations
have not been broken. Indonesian relations with the Soviet
Union, however, remained firm, partly because the PKI had
become almost totally Peking-oriented and its purge by the
army was only mildly protested by Soviet representatives,
and partly because Moscow's provision of military supplies
since 1960 represented a considerable investment for both
the Soviet Union and Indonesia. After October 1965, the
Soviet Union embarked on a wait-and-see policy. There was
little activity in existing programs during 1966, and Moscow
was unwilling to initiate new assistance programs. Indonesia
also abandoned Sukarno's policy of estrangement from the UN and
the Western nations. By the end of September 1966, Indonesia
had again entered the United Nations and was counting heavily
on western assistance in coping with formidable economic
problems.
Indonesia's relations with neighboring Malaysia have
also improved with the signing of an accord in August 1966
to end Indonesia's three-year undeclared war, euphemistically
called "confrontation." Indonesia appears not to have
abandoned its long-term aim of separating the Borneo states
of Sabah aid Sarawak from Malaysia, however. Reports indicate
a definite shift in tactics from overt military or para-
military action to more subtle subversive actions, such as
influencing the outcome of elections called for "as soon as
practicable" by the August accord. These elections would
give the peoples of Sabah and Sarawak opportunity to decide
whether they wish to remain in Malaysia.
Indonesian leaders appear to remain convinced that the
nation, by virtue of its superior resources in land, people,
and military power, is destined to play the essential role
among the predominantly Malay peoples of Southeast Asia, and
eventually to supplant western power by a regional bloc
composed mainly of Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines.
E. Political Parties
Although political parties now have been given a
larger role in the present cabinet than in any for several
years, and national elections (which were last held in 1955)
are planned within the next two years, the influence of
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political parties is likely to remain secondary to that of
the army. The performance of the political parties during
the 1950-56 period of parliamentary government was characterized
by opportunistic jockeying for power, and there are many
political leaders who favor continued restraints on party
activity in the broader interests of stable government. The
army also hopes to develop sufficient support among mass organ-
izations not affiliated with political parties to offset the
strength of the political parties in an elected congress.
Indonesia's two major parties are the Muslim Scholars
(Nahdatul Ulama -- NU) and the Indonesian Nationalist Party
(Partai Nasional Indonesia -- PNI). However. Eastern
In onesia -- except for Bali (which is a PNI stronghold) and
West Irian (in which party activity was forbidden until
mid-1965) -- is notable for the strength of minor religious-
based parties. The Indonesian Christian Party (Partai
Keristen Indonesia -- Parkindo) and the Catholic Party
(Partai Katoli comprise the majority of Indonesia's
approximately three million Protestants and one million
Catholics. Their influence in the central government has been
far out of proportion to their membership because of the
superior educational levels gained by Christian groups through
early Western missionary activity. Parkindo strength is
centered primarily in northern Celebes, the Lesser Sunda
Islands, and the Moluccas, while Partai Katolik adherents
are located mainly on the island of Flores an in parts of
Java. Both are cooperating with the Moslem groups in anti-
PKI acitivty, but Parkindo members appear to fear that Moslem
resurgence in Indonesia will jeopardize the interests of the
Christian community.
The Islamic Union Party of Indonesia (Partai Serikat
Islam Indonesia -- PSII) is probably the largest political
party in nort and central Celebes, but it has no significant
strength elsewhere in Eastern Indonesia and is a minor party
on the national scene. The PSII claims to trace its history
back to the beginnings of the Indonesian nationalist movement.
The original party was strongly anti-Communist and advocated
the establishment of an Islamic state. In recent years the
party fell under increasingly pro-Communist leadership, but
its original philosophy probably continued to prevail among
its Celebes' members.
The NU, although the third largest party nationally in
1955, has only a slim hold in Eastern Indonesia (14.3 percent
of the 1955 vote in south and southeast Celebes was its largest
vote in the area). The NU is an offshoot of the modern Moslem
party, the Masjumi, which was the major party of Eastern
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Indonesia until it was banned in 1960 because some of its
top leaders were involved in the 1958 PRRI/Permesta rebellion.
The anti-Communist MMas'umi retains much of its influence in
local politics, wor ink' g through social organizations such
as the Muhammadijah. The NU shows little sign of picking
up strength among former Masjumi followers as the NU's
political opportunism and strong ties to conservative
Moslem elements on Java appear to have limited appeal in
Eastern Indonesia.
The PNI -- Indonesia's major secular party as contrasted
with those of religous orientation -- has significant strength
in Eastern Indonesia only in Bali (where it is the major party)
and in north and central Celebes (where it is probably the
second largest). However, the PNI is strongly represented
among Javanese civil servants stationed in the eastern islands,
and they serve as major channels of PNI influence. The PNI
is badly split in leadership and orientation. The party has
been closely identified with Sukarno and his political phi-
losophy. Although a number of the moderate leaders, who took
control of the party's central executive committee in April
1966, would like to repudiate ties with Sukarno, they are
constrained by the fact that the PNI. organizational base lies
in east and central Java where pro-Sukarno and leftist sen-
timent is strong. In these areas, the PNI positions in the
pre-October 1965 era closely paralleled those of the PKI,
and in some areas the party has accepted both former and
secret PKI members into its ranks. The PNI situation in
Bali parallels that in east and central Java, but in the
Celebes PNI sentiment probably favors the moderate leaders
for their anti-Sukarno views.
F. Influence Groups
The key positions in government and society are con-
trolled by only a few hundred of the ruling elite, most of
whom played an active role in the revolution against the
Dutch, have advanced Western-style education, and are
connected with the Javanese aristocracy. The elite control
the government, the military, the political parties, the mass
organizations, and the mass communications media. Their
influence is supplemented at the local level by the teachers,
religious leaders, military officers, and village officials.
Business leaders are less influential than in most countries
as the government's heavy involvement in the economy makes
them dependent on the politicians.
Mass organizations and local associations are important
channels of elite leadership and the training ground "
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for future leaders. All the political parties have affiliated
organizations among the major occupational categories as well
as among women, youth, and students. There are also some 140
organizations which represent the special interests of the
armed forces and various professions, or which were the
affiliates of defunct political parties. The army has long
attempted to organize the nonparty affiliates in pursuit of
a "functional democracy" concept which sees these groups as
providing a more stable basis for government than the political
parties. While the army's aversion to political parties may
have been tempered by the,present alliance against Sukarno,
the military preference for a relatively authoritarian,
corporate state may become an important source of friction in
the future. However, the division would not be drawn strictly
on military-civilian lines. Many civilian elements, part-
icularly those who belonged to banned parties and have lost
their electoral strength, favor the military point of view.
The political party leadership, on the other hand, has some
sympathizers in military circles and enjoys very active
support among independent labor unions, youth organizations,
and other functional groups.
A number of individuals drawn from among the youth and
student affiliates of the parties created new "action commands"
in the days following the October 1965 coup attempt and gave
strong support to the army's anti-Communist campaign. In
early 1966 militant university students and high school youth
in west Java carried the burden of public protest against
Sukarno's policies, and in ensuing months demonstrated for
further political reforms. The unity which characterized
the self-styled "generation of '66" from October through
March appeared by mid-1966 to be giving way to internal
dissension, and to be fragmenting the support available to
the military and civilian government leaders for their
complicated task of recasting Indonesian domestic and
foreign policy. Student activity in some cases has been
curtailed by the army.
Activity by mass organizations has not reached the
prominence in Eastern Indonesia that it occupies in Java
and Sumatra because of the few urban areas, their remoteness
from national political centers, and an apathy born of the
area's long disaffection from Djakarta's policies. A few
can be singled out, however, for mention as being active
in recent months. The south Celebes branch of the anti-
Communist Islamic Student Association (Himpunan Mahasiswa
Islam - HMI) is larger than the combined strength of all
other student organizations and enjoys the active support
of military authorities, many of whom were former HMI members.
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The Indonesian National Student Movement (Gerakan Mahasiswa
Nasional Indonesia - GMNI), an affiliate of the PNI, also has
a small but active branch in south Celebes.
Newspapers in Eastern Indonesia pay first attention to
local news with national and international affairs of second-
ary interst. In 1959, 21 newspapers were published in Eastern
Indonesia: 12 in Celebes, 4 in the Lesser Sundas, and 5 in
the Moluccas. Because of the paucity of information from
this area, the present number of publishing papers is not
known.. Most recently mentioned are: the PNI daily Suara
Indonesia (Voice of Indonesia) which is the only newspaper
on Bali; Gelora (Flood Tide), a non-party weekly published
in Mataran; Marhaen (The Common Man), a daily paper published
in Makasar by tle left wing of the PNI; Pedoman Rak'at
(People's Compass) a Makasar daily which appears to be anti-
Communist; and T'enderawasih (Bird of Paradise) published in
Sukarnapura and owned by 'the former governor of West Irian,
E. J. Bonay.
G. Subversion and Insurgency
The Republic of Indonesia has been plagued by the
dissidence of a number of non-Communist movements in addition
to the covert operations of the Indonesian Communist Party
(PKI). Non-Communist dissident activity, which had been
nearly continuous in some parts of the nation since 1950,
declined after 1961 and had virtually ceased by mid-1965
as a result of successful counter-operations by the army
and the gradual attrition in rebel ranks. The issues which
had fostered non-Communist dissidence, however, remained
largely unresolved and centered around economic deteriora-
tion and ethnic frictions.
The PKI is the major subversive threat to the nation.
Its capabilities, however, have been greatly reduced by army
countermeasures to the leftist coup attempt of 1 October 1965
in which the PKI took part. The party lost much of its. top
leadership, as well as most of its communication channels
and much of its popular support. The party retained, however,
important assets for continuing an underground existence as
well as some assistance by individuals within the legal
political parties, the police, and the military services.
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2. Communist Subversion
Prior to October 1965, the PKI was the third largest
Communist party in the world, next after those of the Soviet
Union and Communist China. The PKI claimed 3 million members
and up to 15 million supporters in its front organizations.
While these claims probably represented a great deal of over-
lapping membership and possibly some fabrication, the PKI was
stronger in almost every field than the Indonesian non-Com-
munist parties.
The PKI's participation in the 1 October coup attempt
may have been an effort to advance PKI interests in coopera-
tion with other leftist groups rather than a direct bid for
power. The coup attempt represented a nearly fatal miscalcula-
tion, as the army, which has long regarded the PKI as its
major domestic enemy, used the party's involvement to justify
a campaign to destroy it. By late November 1965, the party
had been suppressed as an overt political party. The PKI
and its front organizations were officially banned by the
army in March 1966, an action which received legislative
endorsement in June 1966. According to an official estimate
in early 1966, some 78,000 persons either known or suspected
as Communists had been killed throughout Indonesia, both as
a result of army actions and of reprisals by militant Moslem
groups. Unofficial estimates ran as high as 500,000 but a
plausible figure appeared to be about 150,000 total deaths.
The PKI was reduced to a lean, clandestine structure with
minimum communication among its units. All but the hard
core of the party apparently had melted away. No reliable
figure for active membership was available although Indonesian
sources suggested a total of about 100,000. It was estimated
that possibly 28 of the 50 central committee members had
survived and were giving direction to the party, and that
the 29 provincial and island committees were granted virtual
autonomy to determine their own actions without consulting
the central committee or each other. Dominant PKI activity
was focused on the infiltration of neighborhood associations
and village committees and could be conducted from the cell
level with little or no supervision. Reports in early 1966
indicated that the PKI leadership in east and central Java,
the major areas of Communist strength, was relatively intact.
The PKI also had secret members in other parties, particularly
the left wing of the Nationalist Party (PNI), and in formerly
Communist-controlled youth and labor groups. Although these
provide a base for party survival underground, the PKI has
been unable to direct these organizations to any significant
degree.
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With the notable exception of the island of Bali, the PKI
had only small, scattered branches in Eastern Indonesia; in
Bali, it was the second largest political party. Anti-Com-
munist purges did not begin in the areas of Eastern Indonesia
until November 1965 and were greatly interwoven with local
animosities and issues. The loss of life by known and sus-
pected Communists was particularly heavy on Bali where the
PKI had entered deeply into village rivalries and where
tension between community factions had been building up during
the previous year. Much of the killing took on the nature of
settling old quarrels, and Balinese life has been severely
disturbed as a result. The strong position of pro-leftist
leaders of the island's main party, the.PNI, continues to
offer opportunity for clandestine Communist activity.
Reprisals against the Communists were also reported in other
parts of Eastern Indonesia, particularly in the vicinity of
Makasar and on Lombok and Sumbawa where the Chinese community
was also heavily attacked.
3. Non-Communist Subversive Activity
a. The Kahar Muzakkar Rebellion
Since 1950 south Celebes has been an area of almost
constant insurrection directed against the Djakarta administra-
tion. Dissidence has been motivated by regionalism, economic
and political discontent, and the personality of the chief
leader, Kahar Muzakkar, who had been a capable guerrilla
fighter against the Dutch in Java and Celebes during the
revolution. Muzakkar launched his revolt when the post of
regional army commander was given to a Javanese regular army
officer instead of to him following the expulsion of the
Dutch. A major defection was caused in 1953 by Muzakkar's
affiliation with Darul Islam, a loose federation of dissident
movements in western Java and northern Sumatra with the stated
aim of creating an Islamic republic. Rebel forces have under-
gone repeated splits and reconciliations, with some elements
occasionally being absorbed by the army and later rejoining
the dissidents with their supplies and equipment. These
changes have caused rebel strength to rise and fall and the
geographic area of activity to expand and contract by turns.
Following a ten-month truce Muzakkar renewed warfare
against the government in 1962, and by 1964 an estimated
7,000 troops, mostly Javanese, were employed in stepped-up
operations against him. In September 1964 Andi Selle, a local
warlord and periodically Muzakkar's ally, was killed, and in
February 1965 Muzakkar himself was slain in a surprise ambush
by government forces. Remnants of their troops continue to
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conduct guerrilla operations but now probably number less than
1,000 men.
b. The Republic of the South Moluccas
The Republic of the South Moluccas (RMS), with its
capital at Amboina and including the islands of Buru, Ceram,
Wetar, Tanimbar, Kai,and Aru, was proclaimed in 1950. The
movement was strongly supported by the Amboinese, many of whom
had served in the Dutch colonial army and had misgivings
about their future under a Javanese-based government. After
a government expeditionary force invaded Amboina in September
1950, the rebels conducted intermittent guerrilla operations
on the nearby island of Ceram for more than 10 years. Faced
with the necessity of preparing a secure base for operations
against Dutch-held West Irian, the central government virtually
wiped out the movement in 1961. Soumokil, the president of
the short-lived "republic," was not captured until late 1963
and, following a trial for treason, was executed in early 1966.
Fewer than 100 rebels are estimated to be still at large.
c. PRRI/Permesta Rebellion
Long-smoldering discontent broke out in northern and
central Sumatra and in northern Celebes in late 1956 and
early 1957 when the local military commanders assumed both
military and civil powers in their areas without the consent
of the central government. Open rebellion began in February
1958 when the government rejected the demands of the rebel
leaders for cabinet changes, curbing of Sukarno's power, and
anti-Communist action. The Revolutionary Government of the
Republic of Indonesia (Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik
Indonesia - PRRI) was formed in Sumatra, incorporating the
niversal Struggle Movement (Permesta)" of northern Celebes.
The rebel movement was a serious threat to the central govern-
ment only briefly in its opening months. First capturing the
Sumatran centers of rebel activity, the government landed
forces in north Celebes in June 1958 and, despite bitter
resistance, soon captured important coastal and inland towns.
The Permesta forces conducted guerrilla operations from the
mountainous interior areas until the negotiated surrender of
key forces in April 1961. Permesta armed strength probably
totalled about 4,000 men, altshough the aims of the movement
were widely supported throughout Eastern Indonesia. PRRI/
Permesta leaders won the support of Kahar Muzakkar for the
formation of a successor government to the PRRI -- the
"Federal Republic of Indonesia (RPI)" -- in February 1960,
but his adherence at that late date was of no military value
to the movement.
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4. Papuan Dissidence
Increasing friction between the Indonesians (who took over
the administration of Irian Barat Province in May 1963) and the
Papuan population led to small-scale clashes in June and July
1965 and a deepening alienation between the two communities.
At the outset, the Indonesians had recognized that they did
not enjoy wide popular support; a 1963 Indonesian estimate
reportedly placed "pro-Indonesian" strength at about 10
percent of the total population, chiefly concentrated among
the Indonesian immigrants. The Indonesian Government moved
quickly to establish de facto control by integrating the
Papuan security forces into the new administrative structure
and by wooing or intimidating a number of influential Papuan
political leaders. These measures initially had some success,
but an increasing number of politically active Papuans have
become antagonized by Indonesian tactics and suspicious that
the Indonesians intend to renege on the 1962 Dutch-Indonesian
agreement calling for some form of self-determination before
1970 under UN auspices.
Relations between the two communities have also been
embittered by the patronizing attitude of most Indonesian
civil servants and the indiscipline of army troops. Economic
grievances have added sharply to local criticism. Since
January 1965, inflation has been marked, consumer goods have
almost disappeared, and both local and imported produce has
been commandeered or rapidly bought up by the Indonesians. In
October 1965 West New Guinea, which until then was subsidized
by the United Nations and by the Netherlands and Indonesian
governments as a separate currency area, was fully incorporated
into the currency and customs system of Indonesia and became
fully dependent on Indonesia for economic assistance. Indonesian
subsidies declined each year between 1963 and 1966, however,
and public works have been reduced with a resulting increase
in unemployment. In 1966 even the provision of basic services
deteriorated.
In August 1966 a high;-level delegation, led by the Indonesian
Foreign Minister, visited West New Guinea and reportedly
promised limited amounts of essential consumer goods to
alleviate the local dissatisfaction and to impress the local
leaders with the good intentions of the present administra-
tion. The government's capability to provide economic assistance
is greatly handicapped by economic deterioration throughout
Indonesia.
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5. The Chinese
The Chinese minority, estimated at 3 million, is regarded
by most Indonesians as a potential subversive threat because
of its overseas ties with either the Communist or Nationalist
regimes. In addition, the Chinese have been traditionally
disliked because of their domination of commerce throughout
most of Indonesia. The government's current anti-Peking
orientation has combined with traditional Indonesian pre-
judices to generate the highest level of anti-Chinese
demonstrations since independence. Chinese schools and
associations in wide areas of Indonesia have been confiscated
outright or placed under military "protection", and Chinese
businesses have been damaged. Leaders of the Chinese com-
munity in some parts of the nation are being encouraged by
the military to form anti-Peking organizations and to assume
a strong anti-Communist stance in order to protect them-
selves from attack and to move into the vacuum in Chinese
leadership caused by the disintegration of pro-Communist
Chinese groups.
H. Portuguese Timor
1. Administration
Portuguese Timor is an overseas province of the Republic
of Portugal, and its government is responsible to the Portuguese
Overseas Ministry. The territory is run by members of the
Portuguese overseas administrative corps; it is headed by
a governor, appointed by the central government, and his
cabinet. The cabinet consists of the directors of provincial
services such as posts and telegraphs, customs, treasury,
and public works. An 11-member government council, 3 members
of which are elected, serves as advisor to the governor. Other
principal authorities in Timor include the Roman Catholic
Bishop of Portuguese Timor, the chief justice, the commander
of the Portuguese army, and the chief of the Timor Air Trans-
port Service.
Legislation can originate in Lisbon with the national
assembly, the cabinet, or the overseas minister, or with the
local governor himself, depending on its nature and scope.
A single district court, serving the judicial needs of the
entire territory, sits in Dili, and judgments may be appealed
to the supreme court of Portugal. The court system applies
primarily to non-indigenous inhabitants and to indigenous
Christians; the large native groups observe tribal laws and
are judged by their local chieftains.
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Portuguese Timor is divided into ten administrative
regions comprising the enclave (circunscricao) of Ocussi,
and the districts (concelhos) of Di ii, Ermera, Bobonaro,
Lautem, Manatuto, Baucau, Suuro, Cova-Lima, and Viqueque.
These in turn are divided into some 40 subdivisions (sucos),
each of which includes a number of villages. Every region'
has an administrator, an assistant administrator or secre-
tary, and a doctor. There is also a native chief for each
region. Under the governor's cabinet, the general admin-
istration of the province, exclusive of technical services,
is in the hands of the regional administrators. They act
as law enforcers, judges, prosecutors, security chiefs, and
tax collectors, and are responsible for preparing and super-
vising all plans for improvements. The real centers of
administrative power in Portuguese Timor, however, are the
district officers who deal directly with he native chiefs
with the help of one assistant.
Political activity is insignificant because of several
factors. Free political activity has been restricted in
metropolitan Portugal since 1928, and similar limitations
have been extended to the province. All political parties
other than the official party of the Salazar government are
outlawed. The three elected members of the government council
are chosen by an electorate limited to metropolitan Portuguese
and a small number of educated Asians and Africans which
represents only a small fraction of the total population. The
only other elective officials in Portuguese Timor are some
411 indigenous tribal chieftains who are elected for life
by their respective tribes.
2. Subversion
The Portuguese society reflects the political divisions
which exist in the metropolitan area. Many of the officials
in the colonial administration have been given assignments
away from Portugal because of their opposition to the policies
of the Salazar government. Although they have not constituted
a threat to the security of the province and would not lend
themselves to subversion by neighboring forces, their dis-
content with the Salazar government has brought them under
constant surveillance by the omnipresent PIDE (Policia
Internacional e do Defesa do Estado - International and State
Defense Police). Vocal proponents for a modest policy of
reform in native administration (more numerous among the
military than the civilian administrators) have often been
removed or reassigned to uninfluential posts.
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The native population is almost entirely illiterate and
still tied to an ancient tribal system which dictates loyalty
to the village chieftains. The relatively few semi-educated
Timorese and the Eurasians resent colonial policies which
exclude them from responsible administrative positions,
although Eurasians are occasionally found in relatively
senior executive jobs in the colonial hierarchy. Potentially
exploitable issues lie in recurrent frictions between native
chieftains and Portuguese district officers, and in the wide
disparity in culture and living standards between the
European and native communities. The shaky foundation of
native loyalty to the Portuguese regime became evident during
World War II when the Japanese successfully organized groups
of natives to attack Portuguese installations and in 1959
when an abortive rebellion was instigated by a small group of
educated natives who were incited by a few Indonesian refugees.
Since mid-1962, when Indonesia's efforts to oust the
Dutch from West New Guinea were successfully concluded, the
Indonesian Government has given increased attention to plans for
the "liberation" of Portuguese Timor. Both political sub-
version and the provocation of border incidents to justify
Indonesian attack are reported as likely tactics, but pre-
liminary work appears to have been slowed by the higher priority
needs of the anti-Malaysian operations. In 1963 the formation
of the "Unitary Republic of Timor" was announced, with a
provisional capital at Batugade, a few miles on the Portuguese
side of the border. Apparently a creation of the Indonesians
and existing chiefly on paper, it has received relatively
little propaganda attention. Several organizations have been
formed in Indonesia representing alleged Timorese sentiments
for independence. They include the Indonesian Movement of the
Opponents of Colonialism (formed in 1956), the Committee for
the Liberation of Timor (1961), and the Bureau for the Lib-
eration of the Timor Republic (1961). Although there appears
to be no fixed timetable for a major Indonesian move against
the Portuguese, the existence of these small liberation
movements, recurrent border friction usually involving quarrels
between trans-border tribes, and the ready availability of
military forces from Indonesian Timor and Celebes allow the
Indonesian Government some flexibility in its choice of
diplomatic, subversive, or military actions against Portuguese
Timor. Outwardly, the Portuguese and Indonesian governments
keep up the appearance of friendly relations. Although
diplomatic representation was reduced to consular status in
early 1965, at Indonesian insistence, both countries re-
frained from publicizing the event. At the time, it was
alleged that Indonesia intended to make the announcement at
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a moment when propaganda could be gained among the Afro-Asian
nations.
The Chinese community is regarded by the Portuguese
officials with the suspicion and resentment they encounter
elsewhere in Southeast Asia. Probably numbering about 7,000
(or 1.3 percent of the population), the Chinese live in their
own communities and maintain their own schools. They were
offered Portuguese citizenship in 1960 but most declined.
Chinese born in Portuguese Timor do not become citizens
automatically but must choose at age 14; in the absence of
affirmative action, the child remains a Chinese national but
is provided with permanent residence documents.
The Portuguese maintain diplomatic relations with the
Government of the Republic of China. The Chinese Nationalist
Consul at Dili cooperates with the Portuguese officials at
screening out Communists among the few Chinese immigrants
and teachers and promotes Kuomintang (KMT) influences among
the local community. While the KMT cannot be officially
registered as a political entity owing to Portuguese recogni-
tion of only one party, it is openly tolerated as a means of
controlling the politics of the Chinese community and its
schools.
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READING LIST
1. American University, Special Operations Research Office.
U. S. Army Area Handbook for Indonesia, Sep 1964. U.
2. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, chap I, "General Survey,"
May 1966. S/NFD.
3. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 57, "Subversion," Sep 1963.
S/NFD.
4. Fisher, C. A., Southeast Asia: A Social, Economic, and
Regional Geography, Lon on, 19621.--U.
5. Grant, Bruce, Indonesia, New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1964. U.
6. McVey, Ruth (editor), Indonesia, Southeast Asia Studies,
New Haven: HRAF Press, 1963. U.
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VI. Economy
The Indonesian islands east of Java exhibit great
diversity with regard to degree of economic development and
extent of influence from modern civilization. On Bali, agri-
cultural practices are highly developed, as characterized by
the intricate system of irrigation canals used in rice culti-
vation. The population density is extremely high, comparable
to that found on Java, and the economy of the island is rel-
atively advanced. In West Irian, on the other hand, economic
development is practically nonexistent because of its remoteness
from developed population centers, its wide coastal swamps,
and its rugged interior inhabited by primitive people.
Agricultural practices change markedly as one travels
eastward from Java. While wet rice is grown in Bali, Celebes,
and parts of the Lesser Sunda Islands, most of the people
living in the eastern islands practice slash and burn agricul-
ture, moving when the land no longer supports a crop. Most
people provide for their own needs by farming, hunting, and
fishing, with little if any exchange of money. Growing cash
crops is for the most part confined to those areas where there
has been western influence.
Most of the area's natural resources have not been
exploited, and in fact many areas remain unexplored. Petroleum
is the most significant of the known mineral resources, but
continued production has not been profitable. There are few
industrial or electrical facilities in the area although some
foreign assistance has been extended for their development.
B. Mineral Resources
The mineral resources of the Indonesian islands east of
Java have not been fully assessed or exploited. Oil is found
on Ceram, Timor, and West Irian. These reserves, however, are
not as abundant as those found on Sumatra and Borneo;and at
present there is no commercial production. Nickel ore is
found in southern Celebes and Waigeo Island. The Japanese
have signed a production sharing agreement to extract nickel
ores at Pomalaa, Celebes. Copper deposits also have been
found on Celebes, and in 1964 Yugoslavia signed a production
sharing agreement for their exploitation. The only other
mineral now commercially mined is asphalt from a deposit on
Bintung Island off the southeastern coast of Celebes. Traces
of low-grade iron ores, cobalt, platinum, gold, silver, and
manganese have been found in the eastern Indonesian islands,
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but the extent of the deposits is not fully known, and commer-
cial mining would be hindered by the remoteness of the deposits
from transport facilities.
C. Agriculture
Agriclutural practices in the eastern islands of Indonesia
show marked contrasts to those prevailing in Java. There is
little estate agriculture. Good agricultural land is limited.
Most cultivation follows the slash and burn pattern rather than
the more permanent irrigated and fertilized cultivation (sawah)
common to Java. Although rice is the staple food for most
Indonesians, its importance diminishes as one travels eastward
from Java. Only where there is a substantial cash economy is
rice an important foodstuff;. in most areas sago and maize are
the common staples. Copra is the leading cash crop, far sur-
passing the once famous cloves and nutmegs of the Spice Islands.
Only in Bali and scattered areas of Celebes and the Lesser
Sundas is sawah cultivation practiced to any extent. The
irrigation of fields is highly developed on Bali and presents
a sharp contrast to the primitive agriculture carried out in
most of these islands. Rice terraces, sometimes only two yards
wide, are carved into the hillsides of Bali and bamboo aqueducts
and underground canals are used throughout the island.
Swidden agriculture, predominating outside of Bali, is
characterized by cut and burned clearings, by the rotation of
fields rather than of crops, and by short cropping periods
alternating with long fallow periods. Copra is especially
well suited to swidden cultivation. The future` importance of
copra production, however, is uncertain because its market is
threatened by increased competition from other vegetable oils
and from synthetic detergents. Most copra cultivation is done
by native small holders. Although some large estates are
scattered throughout the eastern islands, their commercial
importance has diminished in recent years. In addition to copra,
estates produce coffee, tobacco, and spices. Although the spices
of the Moluccas first attracted foreign traders to the Indies,
they are now of little commercial importance. Pepper production
is now only a quarter that of 1938, and Indonesia imports cloves
for its spiced "Kretek" cigarettes.
Most cultivation in the eastern islands is done on a sub-
sistence basis. Maize and sago are the principle foodstuffs.
These are supplemented with cassava, sweet potatoes, taro, pea-
nutsysoybeans, red pepper, and onions. In the drier eastern
parts of the Lesser Sundas, cattle raising is important. Small
numbers of cattle are exported, but the use of animals for
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draft purposes is unknown.
D. Forestry and Fishing
Although most of the eastern Indonesian islands are
heavily forested, timber is not an important commercial
export. Patterns of vegetation differ significantly bet-
ween islands because of climatic differences. In the Lesser
Sundas, where there is a long and intense dry season, only
scrub-like vegetation is found. In Celebes and West Irian
dense equatorial forests prevail. Forest products are
exported from Bali and Celebes, but more widespread exploita-
tion of forest resources is unlikely because of the diffi-
culties in getting timber from the remote areas.
Fish is the main source of animal protein in the Indonesian
diet. In the eastern islands, fishing is largely confined to
coastal villages, although in Celebes there is some inland
fishing, especially in Lake Tempe. Most fishing is on a
small scale sufficient only to meet the needs of the local
population. The US has attempted to encourage commercial
fishing for export by financing the development of fisheries
at Ambon and Ternate.
E. Industry and Electric Power
There are few industrial plants on the eastern Indonesian
islands. Most of the existing facilities are designed to
process commodities for export. There are several sawmills
and a copra factory at Sukur in the Minahasa area of Celebes.
There are also a few small plants producing consumer goods
such as cigarettes, canned goods, dyes, ice, and soft drinks.
Indonesian development plans have made some provision for
building industrial facilities on the eastern islands, but
little has been done to carry out these plans. Both Comm-
unist and Western countries, however, have provided loans to
finance the construction of industrial facilities such as a
cement plant, cane sugar mill, shipyards, and a paper plant.
Little progress has been made on these projects because of
administrative bottlenecks, such as the central government's
failure to provide the necessary local currency.
There are almost no generating facilities on the islands
except for small diesel stations in some of the main towns.
F. Employment and Labor
In general, people living in the eastern islands are
self-employed and dwell in small self-sufficient communities.
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Most of the natives are engaged in subsistence agriculture
and supplement their diet by fishing and hunting. On Celebes,
Lombok, and some islands of the Lesser Sundas, native farmers
may also cultivate small plots to grow cash crops such as copra,
tobacco, and coffee. On Flores, Sumba, and Timor, cattle raising
is also an important subsidiary occupation. Because of the
relative ease in subsisting, there is little incentive for the
natives to work for wages. Most of the estates and mines located
on the islands have relied heavily on imported labor.
G. Foreign Aid
Both Western and Communist countries have provided
economic assistance for the development of the eastern islands
of Indonesia. The largest share of this aid has been allocated
to Celebes. The Japanese are building a paper mill at Makasar
under a war reparations agreement. The Czechs have begun con-
structing a cement plant at Tonasa, near Makasar, and are
planning to construct a sugar mill in the southern part of the
island. Aid has also been extended for various resource sur-
veys and for the development of domestic transportation facil-
ities in the eastern part of the Indonesian archipelago. The
US has improved harbor facilities, and Poland has extended
credits for the construction of shipyards. The Soviets have
agreed to erect a school of oceanography on Amboina Island,
but little construction has been noted. The Japanese are
building a tourist hotel on Bali and are establishing a
telecommunication system connecting Lombok, Bali, and Java.
The UN initially promised to extend assistance, valued at
about $30 million, for the exploration and development of
resources on West Irian. When Indonesia withdrew from the
UN these funds were halted, although Indonesian leaders
apparently hope that the Netherlands will be willing to under-
take the aid project alone. In the eastern islands as in
other parts of Indonesia, the Sukarno-dominated central
government did not fully utilize the available economic aid.
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READING LIST
1.
Fisher, Charles A., Southeast Asia:
A Social, Economic, and
Regional Geography, London, 1964. .U.
2.
McVey, Ruth (editor), Indonesia, Southeast Asia Studies,
New Haven: HRAF Press, 1963. U.
3.
Robequain, Charles, Malaya, Indonesia, Borneo, and the
Philippines, London: Longmans, 1959.
U.
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VII. Transportation
A. Roads
See Figures 126 through 148.
Surface transportation in Eastern Indonesia is limited
to trails and to inadequate networks of roads, as there are
no rail lines. In 1961 the Indonesian Government reported
6,841 miles of roads on Celebes, 1,049 on Bali, 907-on Nusa
Tenggara Barat (Western Lesser Sundas), 1,731 on Nusa Teng-
gara Timur (Eastern Lesser Sundas), 800 on the Molucca Islands,
and 40 on West New Guinea. The last figure may be too small,
however, as the Netherlands Government in its 1961 report
to the United Nations claimed that West New Guinea had 800
kilometers (about 600 miles) of roads, a more likely figure.
Road conditions throughout Eastern Indonesia are poorest
during wet weather when roads in the lowlands may be inundated,
roads in the mountains may be blocked by landslides, and roads
in all types of terrain may be obstructed by fallen trees and --
on lightly traveled roads -- by rapidly encroaching vegetation
(see Figure 132). Roads may be unusable because of washed-out
bridges, and the fords and ferries that would normally replace
bridges may also be unusable because of the swift currents.
Traffic can do little except wait for the rains to subside.
Although nonrainy periods may be short, water levels in the
rivers usually drop rapidly after the rains stop. Muddy con-
ditions, however, may persist for some time. Even during dry
weather most of the roads of Eastern Indonesia are not good.
Potholes, which are numerous and deep on all types of roads,
and steep grades and sharp turns in mountainous terrain (see
Figure 126)iforce vehicles to travel at slow or moderate speeds.
Jeeps or similar vehicles with four-wheel drive are recommended.
The dusty conditions that prevail during dry weather do not
seriously affect vehicular movement but are not conducive to
comfortable travel.
All roads in Eastern Indonesia suffer from lack of main-
tenance. Many were damaged during World War. II, during the
ensuing fight for independence,during the rebellions of
the 1950's, or, on Bali, by the eruption of Mt. Agung in 1963.
Much damage remains unrepaired, and most of the repair work
that has been done is poor. Standards for newly constructed
roads or for the surfacing of existing roads are low.
Primary roads are surfaced with asphalt thinly spread on
bases of gravel, crushed rock or laterite, and they dete-
riorate rapidly. Some secondary roads are constructed with
the same base but are unsealed; secondary roads in areas where
timber is abundant may be of the corduroy type; still other
secondary roads are simply dirt tracks. The last are most
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likely to be untrafficable in wet weather. A few major roads
near urban areas have two lanes; in rural areas roads are
single lane and vary in width from 9 to 12 feet. Shoulders
are narrow or lacking, although near urban centers they may
be wide enough to accommodate animal-drawn carts.
The lack of good bridges hinders vehicular traffic
throughout Eastern Indonesia. Many bridges have been
damaged or destroyed during the past 25 years and, although
most have been replaced or repaired, nearly all have been
reduced to a lower load-carrying capacity by poor construction
standards. Most bridges are of timber, but a few of the major
ones are of steel with timber decking (see Figure 128). Bridges
are narrow, with few more than one lane wide and most of them
a tight squeeze for a 1 1/2-ton truck. During heavy rains,
water may reach well above the bridge decking and cause severe
damage; entire bridges are often washed away. There may be no
barricade or sign to indicate that a bridge is out, and the
lack of warning is especially hazardous if the approaches to
the bridge are steep. Considerable time may elapse before
bridges are repaired or replaced, and fords or -- where the
riverbeds are too soft or the water too deep -- ferries must
be used in the meantime (see Figure 129). On secondary roads
that are little used, fords or ferries may be permanent fea-
tures, in the absence of bridges. Most fords and ferries are
unusable in wet weather (see Figure 145). Even during low
water, fords may be difficult because of steep riverbanks.
Most of the roads on Celebes are located in the south-
western peninsula centered on Makasar or at the eastern end
of the northern peninsula centered on Manado. Elsewhere on
the island roads are few and are confined to coastal areas
or to valleys that extend into the interior from the coasts.
Much of the eastern and southeastern peninsulas and the cen-
tral core area are devoid of roads.
Of the islands of the Lesser Sundas and the Moluccas,
only Bali and Lombok have relatively dense road networks.
On Sumbawa, Flores, Sumba, and Timor roads traverse the length
of the islands and spurs extend into the major populated areas.
On the easternmost islands of the Lesser Sundas and on the
islands of the Moluccas roads follow no systematic pattern
but are generally limited to short stretches in the immediate
vicinities of major urban areas. Only on Amboina is there a
long stretch of relatively good road (see Figure 146).
Roads and jeepable tracks on West New Guinea are confined
to the immediate environs of the few major urban areas and to the
oilfield areas of the Vogelkop Peninsula (see Figures 147 and 148).
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Since the curtailment of the activities of oil companies on
West New Guinea, however, most of the roads in the Vogelkop
have deteriorated.
Alignment of roads as shown on maps may not be accurate,
and indication of a road on a map is no assurance of its
existence, particularly if the map is out of date. On the
other hand, few roads have been constructed in Eastern
Indonesia since World War II, and all significant roads are
likely to be shown even on 20-year-old maps.
Travel on foot or on horseback is the usual mode of
movement in Eastern Indonesia. Motor vehicles are common
only in the vicinity of major urban areas. Animal-drawn
carts generally are the only vehicles in rural areas.
B. Trails
In the more populous regions of Eastern Indonesia trails
serve as feeders to the road and coastal waterways systems in
the movement of people and goods. In the more remote and less
populous areas they may provide the only overland travel routes.
The swampy southern lowland of West New Guinea is the only part
of Eastern Indonesia where a network of trails is almost com-
pletely lacking. Cross-country travel in this vast area can
be accomplished only by hacking one's way through dense swamp-
land vegetation.
Trails between villages and trails connecting villages
with their agricultural lands (which may be several miles
away) are not permanent in most parts of Eastern Indonesia
because the villages are moved every few years as soils become
depleted. The abandoned trails quickly become overgrown with
vegetation. Trail information on maps, therefore, is highly
ephemeral.
Trails are commonly narrow in both lowland and upland
areas. In the lowlands, width is limited principally by
vegetation, whereas in the mountains trails are narrow where
they hug precipitous slopes. Travel on steep mountain trails
is grueling, particularly during rainy weather when surfaces
are likely to be slippery. Trails in the lowlands can be
used by horses as well as by pedestrians, but the steepness
and narrowness of trails in the uplands limit their use to
pedestrians.
The crossing of rivers poses a difficult problem for the
traveler, particularly in West New Guinea where the waters
are most likely to be torrential and bridges most likely to
be lacking. Footbridges throughout Eastern Indonesia are
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Figure 126. Road in hilly terrain near Manado, Celebes.
Note switchback. 1964
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Figure 127. Coastal highway southeast of Makasar. 1962
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Figure 128. Bridge on road between Makasar and
Parepare, Celebes. 1959
Figure 129. Ferry crossing river in central
Celebes. Remnants of destroyed bridge are at
right. 1959
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Figures 130 & 131. Main road on Sumbawa. 1959
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Figures 132 is 133. Main east-west road on Flores. Note
rapidly encroaching vegetation in upper photo, which has
nearly engulfed road. Muddy condition would preclude use
of road by most vehicles in wet weather. Lower photo shows
typical washout due to inadequate drainage. 1959
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Figures 134 # 135. Bridges on main east-west
road on Flores. Condition of bridge floors is
typical. 1959
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Figures 136 $ 137. Covered bridges on Flores.
Flimsy construction precludes transportation
of heavy loads. Covered bridges are believed
to be found only on Flores. 1959
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Figures 138 - 140. Major road in Indonesian Timor. Except
for presence of scattered rocks and potholes this road
would be suitable for use by most vehicles in dry weather;
in wet weather, however, surface would be slippery and road
suitable for use only by tracked vehicles or by vehicles with
four-wheel drive. 1959-60
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Figures
141-143.
Bridges
between Indo-
nesian
and Portuguese
Timor.
Conditions of
bridges
are
typical.
Decking
is
often
washed
away
during
wet season but, in
most cases, could be
readily replaced.
1959-63
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Figure 144. Dry bed of Mina River in Indonesian
Timor. Except during rainy season when currents
may become torrential, rivers of Eastern Indonesia
are commonly dry and vehicles can cross at many
points without difficulty. Dry riverbeds serve
as transportation routes for traffic on foot and
on horseback. Probably 1964.
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Figure 145. Truck stuck in ford across Mina River in
Indonesian Timor. Fords should not be traversed with-
out prior examination of depth of water, speed of
current, and condition of riverbed. Probably 1964.
Figure 146. Road near Amboina on Amboina
Island. This road is one of the few good
ones in Eastern Indonesia. 1964
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Figures 147?& 148. Road construction in the Vogel-
kop Peninsula in West New Guinea. Because of
cessation of oil drilling, most roads in this area
are in disrepair and no longer used. 1953
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Figure 149. Bamboo footbridge on Celebes. Such
bridges are commonly washed away by flash floods.
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Figures 150 & 151.
Two footbridges in
highlands of West New
Guinea. One below is
constructed of tree
branches and fiber;
flimsy bridge at
left is of jungle vines
and fiber. Note that
several cords have
given way.
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flimsily built of bamboo, tree limbs, or vines, tied together
with jungle fibers (see Figures 149 through 151). They are often
washed away by flash floods and, at best, last only a few years.
Streams in Celebes, the Lesser Sundas, and the Moluccas can be
forded in most stretches, except during flash floods, which
usually are of short duration. In West New Guinea, however,
high waters and torrential currents are likely to persist
for some time, and travelers may need to erect temporary
bridges.
C. Marine Transport
See Figures 152 through 157.
Marine transport serves as the major means of supply
and interchange for the islands of Eastern Indonesia, as well
as a major vehicle for the movement of goods within islands.
Coastal shipping, primarily by small craft, has developed
largely because of the poorly developed land transportation
systems on most of the islands. Shipping within Indonesia is
carried out be some 300 ships controlled by the National
Indonesian Navigation Company (PELNI), a government agency,
and by about 70 foreign vessels chartered by the Indonesian
Government. In addition, several thousand small native
vessels -- a sizable percentage of them sailed by the
Makasarese and Bugis of southwestern Celebes -- carry car-
goes throughout the seas of Eastern Indonesia.
Although most of its ships are fairly new, the PELNI
fleet operates at only about 30 percent efficiency; most ships
already need extensive rehabilitation, and many are inoper-
able owing to lack of maintenance or need for spare parts.
Among the active ships, cargo capacities are not fully
utilized and transfer of cargoes is woefully inefficient;
it is not unusual for a ship to lie at anchor in a harbor
for several weeks before the cargo is unloaded. Theft of
cargoes by dockhands and officials is common. Shipping
problems are further aggravated by inadequate and poorly
maintained port facilities, by lack of operable dredging
equipment to compensate for rapidly silting harbors, and
by the presence in many harbors of wrecks of ships sunk
during World War II, which are hazards to navigation.
Sailors with experience in local waters should be
employed or consulted before undertaking operations involving
small craft in the seas of Eastern Indonesia. Interisland
travel in the Lesser Sundas area may be particularly haz-
ardous because, like floodgates, the channels between the
islands rise and fall with the tides; the currents sweep from
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sea to sea at speeds sometimes up to 10 knots. These strong
channel currents can radically alter the courses of small
craft traveling between the islands. Strong winds and squalls
are a problem for small craft throughout Eastern Indonesia,
particularly during the northwest monsoon (December through
February). Unmarked (and sometimes uncharted) reefs and shoals
are an additional hazard.
Details for the major ports of Eastern Indonesia are
given below.
AMBOINA
3?43'S - 128?12'E
General: Principal port of Molucca Islands and major
bunkering station. On east side of Amboina Bay.
Approaches: Clear, with.port well sheltered throughout year.
Anchorage: Possible only close inshore. Depths in bay too
great (as much as 58 fathoms).
Berthing Facilities: Port has frontage of 5 miles. Wharf
approximately 650 feet long, with alongside depth of 30 feet;
construction (financed by USAID) completed in 1966. Oil
wharf 272 feet long, with alongside depth of 18 feet. Several
piers. Wharf 500 feet long, with alongside depth of 30 feet,
recently constructed at naval port of Halong, 3 miles north-
east of main docking area.
Covered Storage: Last reported to be 29,000 square feet,
but a ditional warehouses recently constructed.
Port Clearance: By road.
BENOA
8?46'S - 115?13'E
General: Port for Denpasar, on south coast of Bali.
Approaches: Offshore approaches obstructed by coral and
rock. Final approach through narrow Benoa Channel tortuous,
and tidal current strong. Best navigability at slack water.
Minimum fairway depth 19 feet.
Anchorage: Available outside 10-fathom line in open bight,
ut subject to heavy swell, even in calm weather.
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Berthin Facilities: Two 75-foot jetties 60 feet apart
give 210 feet o berthing length. Minimum alongside depth
19 feet. Construction of new jetty (dimensions unknown) and
two warehouses completed in 1964.
Covered Storage: 24,000 square feet.
Port Clearance: By causeway for 3,000 yards, then by road
7 miles to Ifenpasar.
.
BIAK (SORIDO)
1?10'S - 136?03'E
General: Principal commercial port and naval base. On
south side of Biak Island.
Approaches: Clear outside offshore reef. Two entrances
through reef -- limiting depth of one 25 feet, of other
66 feet.
Anchorage: Available outside reef in 10 to 60 fathoms,
insie ef in 7 to 13 fathoms. Coral bottom inside reef
may foul anchors.
Berthing Facilities: Concrete-and-steel wharf 1,100 feet
long, with minimum alongside depth of 28 feet.
Covered Storage: About 28,000 square feet.
Port Clearance: By road.
BITUNG
l?ll'N - 124?34'E
General: Eventually to replace Manado as principal port of
northern Celebes. On Lembeh Strait, 30 miles east of Manado.
Well sheltered at all seasons by Lembeh Island, 1 mile across
strait.
Approaches: No navigational difficulties in southern approach;
depths in strait 9 to 24 fathoms.
Anchorage: Bottom suitable at 12 to 19 fathoms.
Berthing Facilities (see Figure 152): Concrete wharf 1,417
feet long, with alongside depth of 31 feet. Limiting length
to berth alongside is 600 feet. Deep water extends close
inshore, and at some points vessels can work cargoes directly
to and from shore. Wharf being extended in 1965.
Covered Storage: 150,000 square feet, in several warehouses.
Port Clearance: By road. New road to Manado.
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Figure 152. Port
facilities at Bitung,
Celebes.
Figure 153. Harbor construction at Tenau in Indo-
nesian Timor. During bad weather, when waters off
Kupang become untenable, most vessels anchor at
Tenau. Probably 1964.
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DILI
8?33'S - 125?34'E
General: Only significant port of Portuguese Timor. On
north side of island.
Approaches: Clear, but may be rough during northwest monsoon
(December through February).
Anchorage: Available in outer harbor in 13 to 25 fathoms
for ships up to 500 feet long. Also available in inner
harbor in 3 to 15 fathoms, but narrow entrances and numerous
shoals limit use to smaller vessels. Lighters transfer car-
goes from larger vessels to port.
Berthin Facilities: Concrete wharf 600 feet long, with
alongside depth of feet.
Covered Storage: About 25,000 square feet, in two warehouses.
Port Clearance: By road.
KUPANG
10?10'S - 123?35'E
General: Principal port of Indonesian Timor. On south side
of Kupang Bay, at western end of island.
Approaches: Clear, but rough December through February.
Anchorage: Available several hundred yards offshore in 10
fathoms. Lighters transfer cargoes to port.
Berthing Facilities: Jetty 160 feet long, with alongside
depth of 4 feet at low water, accommodates lighters. From
December through February most vessels anchor at Tenau, 4
miles to west; work on new wharf started there in 1964;
concrete deck slab completed June 1966. (see Figure 153).
Covered Storage: About 23,000 square feet.
Port Clearance: By road.
MAKASAR
5007S - 119?24'E
General: Major bunkering station, as well as principal outlet
for products of region and transshipment port for Moluccas
and lesser Sundas. On west coast of southwest peninsula of
Celebes.
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Approaches: Deep but encumbered with islands and coral
reefs. Pilot required for final approach. Line of reefs
1/2 mile offshore gives partial protection from offshore
winds (strongest December through February). Limiting depth
in channel through reefs 46 feet.
Anchorage: Harbor bottom at 7 to 10 fathoms suitable for
anc orage.
Berthing Facilities (see Figurel54): Concrete wharf with over
1 mile of berthing space and minimum alongside depth of 30
feet. Several smaller wharfs and piers.
Covered Storage: Over 1 million square feet of warehouse
space.
Port Clearance: By road.
MANADO
1?30'N - 124?51'E
General: Principal port of northern Celebes. At mouth of
Manado River, near eastern tip of northern peninsula.
Approaches: Deep and clear but seldom calm. Navigation
often pimossible, particularly from December through February.
Anchorage: Ships assigned anchorage berths several hundred
feet ooseawall near river entrance in about 30 fathoms of
water. Many obstructions on bottom to foul anchor. Lighters
transfer cargoes to port.
Berthing Facilities: Small basin on south bank of river
mouthaccommo ates lighters. Concrete wharf 380 feet long,
with shallow alongside depths, usable for only 3 hours before
and 3 hours after high water. Five jetties for small craft.
Covered Storage: 40,000 square feet.
Port Clearance: By road and by Manado River for short
distance.
MANOKWARI
0?52'S - 134?05'E
General: Commercial port on northeast coast of Vogelkop
Peninsula, West New Guinea.
Approaches: Deep and clear.
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Anchorage: Available in well-sheltered harbor in 11 to 19
fathoms.
Berthing Facilities: New concrete wharf with 380 feet of
berthing space and minimum alongside depth of 14 feet.
Covered Storage: About 135,000 square feet.
Port Clearance: For short distances by road, into interior
by trails.
MERAUKE
8?28'S - 140?20'E
General: Principal port of south coast of West New Guinea.
At mouth of Merauke River, near border with Papua.
Approaches: Seaward approaches difficult. Shoals between
river entrance and 6-fathom line, 14 miles offshore. Mud-
banks extend 3-1/2 miles to seaward on both sides of river
entrance; depths of mudbanks 3 feet at low water, 19 feet
at high water.
Anchorage: Available in river in 3 to 4 fathoms, but
mooring advisable as current is swift.
Berthing Facilities: L-head wharf, with 134-foot face and
alongside depth of 18 feet. One jetty 131 feet long, with
alongside depth of 4 feet.
Covered Storage: About 13,000 square feet.
Port Clearance: Into town by road; up Merauke River for
60 miles by vessels drawing 10 feet, for 150 miles by smaller
craft.
SORONG
0?55'S - 131o15'E
General: Major bunkering station. Formerly ocean terminal
for lamono oilfields (no longer producing); now used only
as small naval station and bunkering station. On west coast
of Vogelkop Peninsula, West New Guinea.
Approaches: Deep and clear.
Anchorage: Available in harbor in 11 to 16 fathoms.
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Berthing Facilities (see Figure 155): Wharf with alongside
depth of 37 feet. Limiting length to berth alongside is
600 feet.
Covered Storage: 80,000 square feet.
Port Clearance: Into town by road, farther inland by local
trails.
SUKARNAPURA (formerly HOLLANDIA)
2?32'S - 140?42'E
General: Principal port of West New Guinea and major bunkering
station. At head of bay, near eastern end of north coast.
Approaches: Deep and unobstructed.
Anchorage: Available in bay at 22 to 25 fathoms.
Berthing Facilities: Four wharves -- two of timber, in poor
con ition; two of concrete and steel, in good condition.
Limiting draft is 28 feet; limiting length to berth alongside
is 600 feet. Two small-boat landings and one oiling jetty.
Covered Storage: Over 80,000 square feet.
Port Clearance: Into town by road, into interior by air or
local trails.
TERNATE
0?48'N - 127?24'E.
General: Principal port of northern Molucca Islands. On
east coast of Ternate Island.
Approaches: Deep and clear.
Anchorage: Available in 11 fathoms.
Berthing Facilities (see Figures 156 and 157) Old T-head
pier dismantled, and new pier (financed y USAID)
completed in early 1966. Alongside depth 30 feet.
Covered Storage: 16,800 square feet, mostly in copra sheds.
Port Clearance: By road. A 2-foot-gauge rail line with
pus cars leads to storage sheds.
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Figure 154. Port facilities at Makasar,
Celebes.
Figure 155. Docking and storage facilities in
Sorong harbor, West New Guinea. 1962
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Figures 156 & 157. Two views of pier in Ternate
harbor. Expansion of port facilities was begun
in 1964, after these photographs were taken.
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D. Inland Waterways
In Celebes and in the Lesser Sunda and Molucca Islands
rivers are too short and too swift to be of navigational
significance. At best, they are navigable for very short
distances from their mouths and only by small native craft.
From May through September most rivers in the eastern Lesser
Sunda Islands are dry and their beds are used to supplement
the meager road and trail systems (see Figure 145).
In West New Guinea, on the other hand, rivers serve as
the major transportation routes in all areas except the
mountainous core where the extremely rapid currents make
almost all rivers unnavigable by any type of craft (see
Figure 158). In the southern lowland, sandbars and mudbanks
across river entrances commonly block the passage of large
vessels except at high tide. Currents of the southern rivers
are generally slow, and vessels with drafts up to 12 feet can
navigate the major rivers for about 100 miles inland from the
coast; craft drawing 6 feet or less can continue for a con-
siderable distance farther into the interior (see Figure 159).
Because of the sharp bends and numerous shoals, vessels must
travel showly and with great care and experienced pilots are
required. Rivers on the north coast and in the western pen-
insulas are navigable for considerably shorter distances. On
some of the less steep mountain slopes, rivers may be navi-
gable by small craft during dry weather or during periods of
light rainfall; during heavy rains, however, currents become
torrential and navigation is impossible.
E. Civil Air Transport
Because Indonesia is a country of widely separated islands,
improvement of air transportation has been an important objec-
tive in the attempt to weld the islands into a cohensive polit-
ical entity. Throughout most of Eastern Indonesia, however,
only the major urban areas are served by airlines, and air
transportation is not sufficiently developed to be a signif-
icant means of interisland movement of people or goods. Only
on West New Guinea, where rugged terrain and great distances
have precluded the development of a surface transportation
network, do airplanes play a significant role in movement
between the interior and the coasts. Airplanes are, in fact,
the only means of supplying many of the remote areas in the
interior highlands of West New Guinea. Where landing strips
are unavailable, service is by parachute or free-fall supply
drop.
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INOMM
Figure 158. Typical river in highlands of West New
Guinea. Fast current and fallen trees would make
navigation hazardous, even by small craft. 1964
Figure 159. West New Guinea. Canoes on river
in Southern Lowland. Rivers are navigable by
small craft throughout Southern Lowland, but
most currents in mountains are too swift for
use by any type of craft. 1960
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The major national carrier, GARUDA Indonesian Airways, as
of January 1966 had a fleet of 3 Convair 990 jets, 3 Lockheed
Electra 188C jets, 3 Convair 440's, 8 Convair 340's, and 18
Douglas DC-3's. It serves more than 50 points in Indonesia
as well as major cities in eastern and southeastern Asia.
Points in Eastern Indonesia served by GARUDA are Amboina,
Ampenan (on Lombok), Biak, Denpasar (on Bali), Kupang, Makasar,
Manado, Maumere (on Flores), Sukarnapura (formerly Hollandia),
Sumbawa-besar, and Waingapu (on Sumba). Flights connect with
either Djakarta or Surabaja.
Service is scheduled daily to Denpasar and Makasar, twice
weekly to Biak and Manado, and weekly to the other points. In
addition to the scheduled flights there are a few unscheduled
flights to Gorontalo, Pitu (on Morotai), Tual (in the Kei
Islands), and Dobo (in the Aru Islands) as well as feeder
service connecting Biak with Sukarnapura. Convairs and DC-3's
are used on all flights into Eastern Indonesia except to Biak,
which is served by Lockheed Electras.
A subsidiary national carrier, Merpati Nusantara Airlines,
operates a fleet of DC-3's, Beavers, and Pilatus Porter PC-6's.
It provides feeder services from Biak to small or remote air-
fields on West New Guinea as well as from Java to points on
Kalimantan.
Substantial delays caused by bad weather, faulty equip-
ment, or general inefficiency are frequently encountered on
flights of both GARUDA Indonesian Airways and Merpati Nusantara
Airlines. Maintenance is inadequate, and the condition of
aircraft and other equipment, as well as the quality of service,
is often notably deficient.
A third airline, Transportes Aereos de Timor (TAT), is
owned by the Portuguese Government and serves Portuguese Timor.
It operates three aircraft on weekly domestic and international
schedules. Two de Havilland Doves connect Dili, the capital of
Portuguese Timor, with Ocussi and Baucau (Vila Salazar). A
Fokker F-27 Friendship flies between Baucau and Darwin, Australia.
2Irwin, in turn, is served by several international airlines.
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READING LIST
2. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 32, "Highway," Aug 1955.
C.
3. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 35, "Ports and Naval
Facilities;' Mar 1956. C.
4. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 36, "Merchant Marine,"
Mar 1964. C.
S. CIA. NIS 100A, Republic of Indonesia, sec 37, "Civil
Air," Apr 1963. C.
6. Fisher, C. A., Southeast Asia: A Social, Economic, and
Regional Geography, Lon on: 1964. U.
25X1
7.
8. Netherlands, Ministry of Home Affairs. Report on
Netherlands New Guinea for the Year 1961. U.
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VIII. Telecommunications
A. Eastern Indonesia
1. Introduction
Telecommunications facilities in the Indonesian Archi-
pelago east of Java are owned and operated by the Indonesian
Government. Because of the numerous islands in this archi-
pelago and the terrain and climate of the region, main reliance
has been placed on point-to-point radio communications for
interisland and intraisland telephone and telegraph services.
Most of the larger islands have at least one radio communica-
tions station, but service is barely adequate for government
needs and falls far short of the needs of the public.
2. Telephone and Telegraph Facilities and Services
a. Domestic
The combined network of telephone and telegraph facilities
is operated by the Postal, Telegraph, and Telephone Service
(PTT), an autonomous government agency under the authority of
the Ministry of Land Communications. The principal communica-
tions centers in this network are Makasar and Manado in Celebes,
Amboina in the Moluccas, Sukarnapura in West Irian, Kupang in
Indonesian Timor, and Denpasar in Bali, all of which connect
regional areas with Djakarta and/or Bandung in Java. There
are automatic telephone exchanges of modest size in some of
these larger centers, but most smaller towns that have tele-
phone facilities use manually operated exchanges of small
capacity, generally from 50 to 200 lines. TELEX (subscriber
telegraph) service with Djakarta is available in most cities
that serve as principal communications centers.
The only interurban wirelines are found on Bali, Flores,
Timor, and parts of Celebes. A very-high-frequency (VHF)
radio relay system connects the island of Bali with Lombok and
Java. All other long-distance telephone and telegraph connec-
tions are by high-frequency (HF) point-to-point radio. (See
Map 51161). Many of these HF radio facilities are old and
maintenance is inadequate for the tropical climate of this
area.
b. International
Most international telephone and telegraph connections
are made via Bandung or Djakarta, but direct radiotelegraph
circuits also are available to link Kupang with Vila Salazar;
Makasar with Manila and Darwin; Biak with Darwin, Sydney,and
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Manila; and Sukarnapura with Amsterdam, Sydney, Manila, and
Port Moresby.
3. Broadcasting Facilities and Services
All radiobroadcasting stations, transmitting for the most
part in the "tropical band" of 2,300 to 5,060 kilocycles, are
part of a network operated by Radio Republic Indonesia (RRI)
under the Ministry of Information. Programs originating from
the national stations in Djakarta are incorporated in regional
and local programs for rebroadcast. Makasar broadcasts the
"Indonesian Insular Services" on a 20-kilowatt transmitter.
The "Regional Services" of Sulawesi (Celebes), the Moluccas,
the Lesser Sunda Islands, and West Irian are broadcast or re-
layed by transmitters located in 16 cities using powers of
from 1 to 10 kilowatts. Most programs are in Bahasa Indonesia,
although some programs from Denpasar are in Balinese and some
local Makasar programs are in Buginese. The reception base for
radiobroadcasting is limited. Less than 2 percent of the
Indonesian population have radio receivers.
4. Specialized Networks
a. Army
HF radio facilities using manual Morse are the main
means of communication for the Indonesian Army. Single-
sideband HF radio facilities, however, are available at each
Military Area Headquarters for voice communication with
Djakarta on a 24-hour basis. On the local level, much of the
army is still dependent on PTT facilities.
b. Republic of Indonesia National
Police (RINP)
Modernized radiotelegraph facilities, with a radio-
teleprinter potential, are now in operation at regional
headquarters and major subregional sites of the RINP. These
facilities are supplemented by administrative facilities of
the PTT for communication with isolated villages.
c. Maritime
Principal coast stations are found at Amboina, Sukar-
napura, Makasar, Manado, and Sorong. Navigational warnings
and messages to mariners also can be transmitted by the
coastal radiotelegraph stations of the PTT at most port cities.*
Under construction for the Indonesian Navy is a separate
multi-channel independent-sideband HF communications system that
will supplement the Navy's existing HF Morse network.
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d. Civil Air
Aeronautical radio facilities, under the Ministry of Air
Communications, are controlled by the Department of Civil Avia-
tion (DCA). Manual Morse HF radio circuits are used for comm-
unications between main airfields. A modern Aeronautical Fixed
Telecommunications Network (AFTN) with radioteleprinter and
speech channels is under construction and may be completed by
the end of 1966. International aeronautical radio circuits
link airports at Sukarnapura with Wewak in the Trust Territory
of New Guinea ; Kupang with Darwin; and Biak with Port Moresby.
Only major airfields have ground-to-air VHF facilities.
e. Private Radio Communications Facilities
Private HF radio communications stations owned by religious
missions and by the Sorong Petroleum Company were in operation
in West Irian before the departure of the Dutch administration
25Rpd probably are still in existence.
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r?:_ ; _
Figure 160. _71M 77
Main PTT transmitter of Sukarnapur, transmitter building West Irian. ('Skyline") south-
Figure 161. Overhead transmiss
Sukarnapura to the "Skyline" ion lines transmitt
g from
buinIn
er
lding.
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Figure 162. PTT transmitter station on Batu Gantung road
in southwest Amboina.
Figure 163. Military antenna farm on Biak.
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Figure 164. Open wireline along road 31 miles east of Kupang,
Indonesian Timor.
Figure 165. Radiotelegraph station at Vila Salazar,
Portuguese Timor.
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B. Portugese Timor
1. Telecommunications- Facilities and Services
Telecommunications facilities in Portugese Timor are
controlled by the colonial government. The primitive tele-
phone and telegraph services on this island are inadequate
for both public and private needs. Outside of Dili, which
has telephone facilities for over 200 subscribers, towns
that have telephone facilities use switchboards with only a
6 to 10 drop line capacity. The open wireline that connects
these towns follows the main roads and is supplemented by
several point-to-point radio stations. Vila Salazar (Baucau)
and Dili, the principal towns, have numerous direct inter-
national HF radiotelegraph connections that include Australia,
Portugese territories, and points within Indonesia. Airports
near these two towns make use of ground-to-air VHF facilities
and an aeronautical HF radiotelegraph link that is maintained
between Vila Salazar and Darwin. A powerful coastal radio-
telegraph station is also located near Vila Salazar. The
single radiobroadcasting service, Radio Dili, is government
operated and broadcasts programs in Portugese on a 1-kilowatt
transmitter to about 1,000 radio receivers in Portugese Timor.
In addition to these facilities, military headquarters
in Dili maintains a direct radiotelephone link with Lisbon
and local HF radio connections with Vila de Manatuto, Vila
Salazar, Beaco, Vila General Carmona (Aileu), Maubisse, Vila
2ATmindo Monteiro (Bobonaro), and Ocussi.
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READING LIST
2. ITU. List of Coast Stations, second ed, Supplement no 1,
15 Jun 1964. U.
3. 0. Lund Johansen, Ltd. World Radio TV Handbook,
Hellerup, Denmark, 1966.
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IX. Military and Internal Security Forces
A. General
The Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia (Angkatan
Bersendjata Republik Indonesia - ABRI), totaling approximately
men, are the largest in Southeast Asia, second in
size only to those of India among the uncommitted nations
of the world. Although the armed forces are well organized,
well deployed, and well equipped to maintain internal security,
they'are not capable of waging all-out offensive war abroad,
nor could they long withstand a sustained assault by an
efficiently equipped and organized military force. They
could, however, in the event of outside aggression, provide
the nucleus for a guerrilla-type resistance augmented by
the general population. Also, their capability for air and
seaborne attack against specific targets in neighboring areas
is increasing, largely as a result of military assistance
extended by Communist countries.
The regular military forces consist of the Indonesian
Ground Forces (Angkatan Darat.Republik Indonesia - ADRI),
numbering about men; t e Indonesian Navy (.Angkatan
Laut Republik Indonesia - ALRI) with about 42,800 personnel
and a total of 250 ships and craft, including 31 principal
combatant ships; and the Indonesian Air Force (Angkatan
Udara Republik Indonesia - AURI), with approximate,400
men 465 trained pilots and 513 aircraft including 165 jets.
The regular forces are augmented by the 22,000-man Mobile
Brigade and the 3,000-man Sea Police, which are subordinate
to the Indonesian National Police Force (Angkatan Kepolisian
Republik Indonesia - AKRI). Also under the national police
is a small paramilitary element -- the air police -- on which
little information is available.
The President of the Republic of Indonesia is the Supreme
Commander of the Armed Forces and is vested by the constitution
with the power to declare war and to proclaim a state of
national emergency during which the provisions of martial
law supplant or supplement civil authority. The chain of
command passes directly from the president to the commanders
of the army, navy, air force, and police. On matters affecting
national security the president, who acts as chairman, may
call on the National Security Council (Dewan Keamana Nasional -
DKN) which is charged with the determination.o national defense
policies. The council is composed of key cabinet ministers;
the commanders of the military services and the police function
as advisers. Coordination of the activities of the armed
forces is the responsibility of the First Minister for Defense
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and Security; the commanders of the army, navy, air force,
and police act as his advisors and also command their respective
services. The post is held by General Suharto, chairman of the
5-man cabinet presidium and concurrently commander of the
army.
Indonesia has a manpower reserve of about 12 million males
fit for military service; the average number of males reaching
military age (18) annually is estimated at 775,000. The
Indonesian military man is generally small in stature, but
strong, wiry, and accustomed to physical hardship and long
working hours. The average Indonesian is intelligent and
quick to learn and is usually amenable to the requirements
of military discipline. He tends to develop strong loyalties
to individual leaders and for this reason the effectiveness
of the unit depends to a large extent upon the degree of
respect which those in command can elicit from their men.
Experience acquired in the fight for independence from the
Dutch, in combating internal dissidence since independence,
and in military operations against West New Guinea and
Malaysia has produced a courageous, capable military man
particularly skilled in the techniques associated with small-
scale military actions. However, he lacks military experience
of a more sophisticated nature involving joint operations and
coordination with supporting arms; training in these fields
is being emphasized.
The military assets are offset by command problems,
poor leadership, some ethnic and linguistic diversities,
the low level of formal education, and inadequate troop
training. Also, a lack of spare parts, a shortage of funds,
technical and logistics deficiencies, and dependence on
foreign sources for weapons and equipment will continue to
be limiting factors in the realization of the ABRI's total
military potential.
The performance of the armed forces in an internal
security role is also greatly hampered by its diverse
attitudes toward domestic issues. The armed services,
particularly the army, have been in politics since the
formation of the Republic and for many years have been
the target of programs by President Sukarno and the Indonesian
Communist Party to win its loyalties. Following the failure
of the leftist coup in October 1965 and the emergence of the
army under unified anti-Communist leadership as the dominant
political force in Indonesia, the armed forces have undergone
extensive changes. About 3,600 military personnel and
civilian employees reportedly have been dismissed for
involvement in the coup movement, and extensive weeding out
of personnel suspected of pro-Communist sympathies is still
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underway. The armed forces have been forced to move cautiously
against those officers and units whose strong pro-Sukarno
attitudes make them unresponsive to headquarters control. The
army continues to be doubtful of the loyalty of some of its
units in central and east Java, where pro-Sukarno and pro-
Communist sympathies appear to coincide.
After nearly 6 months of internal factionalism, the
air force leadership appeared to fall in line with the army
with the appointment of Air Commodore Rusmin Nurjadin as
commander in March 1966. In May he extensively reorganized
the air force establishment to reduce its headquarters staff
and remove from responsible positions many officers who were
closely identified with officers involved in the coup attempt
or who were involved in flagrant corruption.
. The navy has had some top command changes but has not
yet undergone extensive reorganization. The navy is still
feeling the effects of a mutiny in February 1965 involving
junior and middle-rank academy-trained officers who rose in
protest against the alleged incompetence of their seniors
and demanded reforms, including the replacement of the
commander of the navy. The revolt was centered at the naval
base of Surabaja, but it affected naval units throughout
Indonesia, and an estimated 700 to 1,500 officers were
implicated. Although the mutiny was quelled, its repercussions
have had a long-term adverse effect on navy morale as well as
on naval readiness and effectiveness. The navy's problems
are also greatly complicated by the pro-Sukarno militancy of
its marines (the Korps Komando - KKO), who continue to support
leftist groups in east and central Java and to give haven within
its ranks to former members of the PKI.
Only the police have retained their pre-October 1965
leadership, the army being less opposed to the present
commander than to any alternative so far presented. The
police hierarchy is a traditonal preserve of Javanese aris-
tocratic families and many of the officers likely to be
weeded out in an army-supported purge are well connected with
influential factions in central and east Java. Some elements
of the paramilitary police unit, the Mobile Brigade, are
strongly pro-Sukarno and could present potentially serious
oppostion to any moves against Sukarno supporters.
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B. Army (ADRI)
Operational control is exercised by the Commander of the
Army through 17 military Area Commands or KODAM's. KODAM's XIII
XIV; XV, XVI, and XVII are located in Eastern Indonesia, with
headquarters at Menado, Makasar, Amboina, Denpasar, and
Sukarnapura respectively. For administrative convenience, an
Interregional Command (IRC) for these KODAM's(excluding XVI
which reports directly to the army commander) is established
at Makasar. The interregional commander is a deputy army
commander and acts within his area as the representative of
the ADRI commander. The KODAM commander exercises control
over all troops in his area and is responsible as well for
training, administrative and logistic support, and for some
recruitment.
The Indonesian army is organized into 8 armored, 14
artillery, 3 antiaircraft, 10 combat engineer, and approximately
138 infantry battalions. The battalion is the largest tactical
unit normally employed offensively, although the brigade (of
which 24 have now been formed) is expected to replace the
battalion as the major tactical unit. The Strategic Army
Command (KOSTRAD), a mobile strike force organized on the
brigade system, draws units from the KODAM's as required. The
Parachute-Commando Regiment (RPKAD) consists of 3 parachute-
commando battalions and is directly subordinate to army head-
quarters, but its battalions are also used in KODAM operations
as required.
The army is equipped with a varied assortment of weapons
from most European countries, the US, Japan, and the Communist
Bloc. Equipment provided by the USSR includes small arms,
heavy and light machine guns, 82mm mortars, 82mm and 107mm
antitank recoilless guns, 122mm howitzers, antitank rocket
launchers. 57mm AA guns, armored cars, amphibious tanks, and
vehicles. Maintenance standards are poor, and there is a
marked shortage of spare parts. The Javanese units are the
most highly trained and best equipped of the Indonesian army.
They would generally be more loyal to the central government
than the local units, where loyalties tend to be tied to
individual commanders.
Dispositon of army units has been largely dependent
upon operational requirements. The home stations of the
infantry battalions are based roughly on the following
formula: 50 percent in Java, 20 percent in Sumatra, 19
percent in Eastern Indonesia (which includes 3 percent in
West New Guinea), 8 percent in Borneo, and 3 percent at the
direct disposal of the army commander. Artillery and
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antiaircraft artillery battalions and most of the armored
battalions are normally concentrated in Java. Combat engineer
battalions are based in accordance with local operational
requirements.
The following battalions are in KODAM XIII and their
personnel are indigenous to Celebes: 711, 712, and 713.
Battalions 721 through 728 are in KODAM XIV and are also
indigenous to Celebes. Battalions 731, 732, and 733 are
under KODAM XV and are indigenous to the Moluccas. Battalions
741, 742, and 743 are-under KODAM XVI and are indigenous to
the Lesser Sundas. Battalions 641 and 642 are under KODAM
XVII; the ethnic origins of their personnel are not known.
Raider Bn 700 is indigenous to Eastern Indonesia. It has
its headquarters and one company in KODAM XIV, and one
company each in KODAM's XIII, XV, and XVI.
C. Air Force (AURI)
The AURI is headed by a Minister-Commander of the Air
Force and has 14 operational squadrons, made up of 2 medium
bomber, 2 light bomber, 2 fighter-interceptor, 1 fighter-
bomber, 1 fighter-bomber/interceptor, 3 transport, 1 search
and rescue, 1 helicopter, and 1 reconnaissance/VIP transport
squadrons. All units are based on Java except for one light
bomber squadron.station in Celebes. The AURI inventory of
513 aircraft comprises 106 fighters (including 88 MIG's).
48 bombers (including 25 TU-16's), 75 transports, 56 helicopters,
and 228 trainers and miscellaneous aircraft.
Indonesia is divided into five Air Area Commands
(KOWILUD's). Each is organized to perform housekeeping functions
and is responsible for maintaining all air bases located within
its area of jurisdiction in a state of readiness enabling
them to support detachments from operational units that may
be assigned there. KOWILUD III includes Celebes, Moluccas,
and West Irian; KOWILUD IV includes the lesser Sundas and
central and east Java. The Paratroop Command is responsible
for ground defense of air force bases; its personnel com-
plement includes 1,500-2,500 paratroopers known as "Quick
Reaction Troops" (PGT's)
Other elements of the air force include: 1) One
surface-to-air missile (SA-2 GUIDELINE) complex, consisting
of three operational firing battalions/sites and one technical
battalion, for the defense of the Djakarta area;.2) an undeter-
mined number of antiaircraft artillery units, equipped with
light and medium artillery, located in defense of vulnerable
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points, mainly on Java; and 3) a radar network, consisting
mainly of Soviet BIG BAR/BIG MESH and TOKEN radars interspersed
with Polish NYSA (radar) equipment, centered on Java but pro-
viding a point defense capability in parts of Sumatra, Borneo,
and Celebes.
The AURI's tactical capability is satisfactory against
undefended ground targets and in supporting ground operations
against dissident forces. Its transport capability is good,
compared with other Southeast Asian air forces, and can
satisfy current requirements. Its air defense capability is
improving as a result of deliveries of Soviet MIG-21 aircraft,
antiaircraft guns, surface-to-air missiles, and radar; never-
theless, air defense is still limited. The TU-16's have given
AURI a small strategic capability. AURI's greatest weakness is
in logistics. There is a chronic lack of spare parts. Pro-
curement and control of supplies are poorly managed and are
complicated by the diverse origins of the aircraft. Also,
limited interisland shipping, roads, and railroads seriously
hamper logistic support.
D. Navy (ALRI)
The functions of the Minister/Commander of the Navy are
comparable to the combined functions of the US Secretary of
the Navy and the Chief of Naval Operations. He is assisted
by three deputies: the First Deputy who heads the operations
staff, the Second Deputy who heads the administrative and
technical staff, and the Commandant of the Marine Corps.
Deputy I, through the Commander of the Fleet, exercises
command over the operating forces, which are composed of the
Fleet Marine Force and Naval Air Arm plus seven commands --
destroyer/cruiser, submarine, patrol escort, mine warfare,
motor torpedo boat, amphibious, and service force. Task
force commands are formed by the temporary assignment of ships
to "Operational Fleet Command" for special tasks. Also
subordinate to Deputy I are the ten Maritime Area Commands
(KODAMAR's) which are roughly comparable to US naval districts.
Shore establishments are subordinate to the KODAMAR commanders
but come under the broad technical and administrative super-
vision of the appropriate directorate or department. The
only naval base of any consequence in Indonesia is that at
Surabaja, all others being small naval stations. Naval
headquarters is located in Djakarta. Five area commands
have jurisdiction in Eastern Indonesia. KODAMAR IV, with
headquarters at Surabaja, has jurisdiction over Bali and
the western Lesser Sundas as well as parts of Java.
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KODAMAR V, with headquarters at Makasar, controls the area of
south and southeast Celebes, and various adjacent islands.
KODAMAR VI' with headquarters at the Amboina Naval Station,
controls the areas east of Celebes and north and east of
Indonesian Timor, and includes the Moluccas and the eastern
Lesser Sunda islands. KODAMAR VII, with headquarters at
Biak, has jurisdiction over the West Irian coastal areas.
KODAMAR X, with headquarters at Manado, has jurisdiction
over north and central Celebes.
The navy has a small air arm which has primarily an
antisubmarine warfare mission. The personnel strength of the
naval air arm is 600; its inventory of 60 aircraft includes
28 IL-28(18 of which were transferred from the Indonesian
air force in late 1964), 3 Alouette helicopters, 13 MI-4
helicopters (for use in the ASW role or as transport helicopters),
13 Gannet 'aircraft (nonoperational), 2 C-47 and 2 HU-16 air-
craft.
The 16,000-man semiautonomous Marine Corps (KKO), with
main headquarters at Djakarta, is organized into a Fleet
Marine Force and Force Troops Command, with a total combat
strength of six rifle battalions. The missions of the KKO
have never been officially stated. In practice, however,
the KKO has been responsible for the development of amphibious
doctrine, for the training and maintenance of forces capable
of operating in support of naval operations or jointly with
the army, and for the conduct of guard and base security
duties at naval stations. If provided with adequate amphibious
shipping and naval and air support, the KKO is considered
capable of executing amphibious operations in the strength
of three battalion landing teams. Within the limitations of
its size, the corps is considered capable of employing three
to four rifle battalions for all types of internal security
missions.
Ship strength consists of 1 light cruiser (CL), 8
destroyers (DD), 10 destroyer escorts (DE), 12 submarines (SS)2 2 escorts (PCE), 3 patrol escorts (PF), 25 submarine chasers
(PC), 23 motor gunboats (PGM), 20 motor torpedo boats (PT),
12 guided-missile boats (PTG) (Komar-class), 6 fleet mine
sweepers (MSF), 10 inshore mine sweepers (MSI), 10 large
amphibious ships (LST and LSIL), 40 auxiliary ships, and 68
small amphibious/service craft.
Combat effectiveness is low despite an impressive
inventory of ships and equipment, a growing naval air arm,
and the development of a modest capability for mine and
amphibious warfare. This situation is in part a result of
the naval mutiny in February 1965 but is also attributable
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to the heterogeneous collection of ships and equipment in the
navy inventory, the poor and generally inexpert maintenance
to which they are subjected, and the lack of technically
trained personnel. In September 1966, a high naval officer
stated that budgetary restrictions were forcing 50 percent
of the fleet into inactive status, including destroyers and
submarines. Official observers, however, doubt that more than
25 percent of the fleet units were operational at that time.
Because of the diversity of types and origins of vessels
and equipment, as well as a poor supply service and inadequate
communications facilities, the state of serviceability of sea
police craft is low by Western standards. Marginal effective-
ness and low efficiency also can be attributed to the absence
of an effective training program and the consequent lack of
sufficiently qualified deck and engineering officers to operate
the vessels.
E. Police (AKRI)
The Indonesian National Police Force (AKRI) is headed by
the Minister/Chief of Police who is directly responsible to
the First Minister for Defense and Security. The headquarters
of AKRI, called the Central Department, is located in Djakarta
and directs 20 regional police areas and the Special Area of
Djakarta (the metropolitan area of Djakarta). From the regional
headquarters, authority passes through Resorts and Districts
to the Sectors, which are the smallest units at the village
or urban neighborhood level. The basic police unit is the
3- to 5-man patrol, which operates principally from the sector
police station and receives its instructions from the sector
police chief.
The routine police work of AKRI is performed by three
branches. The General Service Police control traffic, investigate
and prevent ordinary crimes, and patrol residential and commercial
areas. The Criminal Research Service (DRK) is a specialized
agency which deals with such crimes as fraud and forgery,
polices price controls and currency regulations, controls
narcotics, and handles offenses commited by or against foreign
ships in Indonesian territorial waters. The Police Women's
Corps deals with offenses by females, juvenile delinquents,
and other offenses in the social or moral fields. The Force
also contains four elements concerned with Indonesia's internal
security problems. These include the Mobile Brigade, the
Sea Police, and the Air Police, which are paramilitary units,
and the Directorate of Intelligence and Security which collects
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intelligence on dissident groups and extremist movements,
apprehends subversives, and conducts surveillance of foreigners.
Total AKRI strength is estimated to be about 133,000.
Police personnel are recruited from all ethnic groups,
and training installations are located throughout Indonesia.
The educational standards for officers are high and can
usually be satisfied only by recruits from Java and, to a
lesser extent, from Sumatra and Celebes. As a result, the
senior officers, particularly those in the Central Department,
are usually Javanese. Requirements for the General Service
Police and for the paramilitary units appear to be identical,
and recruits are assigned to either according to need. A
substantial proportion of AKRI personnel have served in the
Mobile Brigade at some time during their service and so have
had some specialized training in infantry weapons and riot
control. All police are armed, but the policy is to avoid
the use of weapons in order to prevent a popular reaction
against the police.
2. Mobile Brigade (BriMob)
The basic missions of the Mobile Brigade are to maintain
internal security and to guard Indonesia's national borders.
It has been used either alone or in conjunction with the police
and the armed forces in the control of riots, combatting armed
dissidents, assisting the victims of natural disasters, and
in coping with the banditry and smuggling that is prevalent
throughout Indonesia. In addition to its primary security
functions, the brigade provides bodyguards for the president,
cabinet members, and other government dignitaries.
The brigade, with a strength of 22,000, is organized
into a ranger regiment and 37 infantry battalions and is headed
by a Police High Commissioner, who is subordinate to the Minister/
Chief of Police. The headquarters command is located in
Djakarta and in effect directs the Mobile Brigade. This command
can operate as an independent tactical unit, since it has an
organic ranger battalion, weapons support company, engineer
company, medical company, armored car company, and signal
company. These units may be controlled operationally by the
headquarters command or attached to the regional commands.
There are 12 regional commands, which can conduct operations
or movements independently of, or in cooperation with, other
police or armed forces units. A regional command has three
components -- a headquarters; a combat element normally con-
sisting of three infantry battalions; and the logistical,
administrative, and combat support elements. Support units
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of the regional command consist of signal, medical, ranger,
and engineer platoons. There are four commands in Eastern
Indonesia: IV Command Area, headquarters at Surabaja; IX
Command Area, headquarters at Makasar; X Command Area, head-
quarters at Amboina; and XII Command Area, headquarters at
Sukarnapura. These commands are not at full unit strength.
There is a total of eight Mobile Brigade battalions in
Eastern Indonesia.
The Mobile Brigade has been equipped largely by the
United States. It has a variety of weapons primarily of
British and US origin. The brigade is hampered by insufficient
or obsolescent communications equipment and vehicles and by
shortages of shipping needed to transport units and to support
operations in the multi-island areas.
Sea Police (BKP)
The Sea Police Division of the National Police was
established in 1951 to suppress smuggling and piracy and to
transport police from island to island. The division has
about 3,000 men and approximately 125 vessels that range from
sea skiffs to patrol boats acquired from the United States,
Japan, Italy, West Germany, and the Netherlands. The national
headquarters of the sea police and its main base are near
Djakarta at Tandjungpriok. The headquarters has no authority
over the craft or sea police in the provinces which are controlled
by the provincial police commanders.
4. Air Police
Little or no information is available on the third
paramilitary force, the small air police organization.
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F. Small Arms Found in Indonesia
1. Common Small Arms and Quantities
Weapon
Designation
Caliber
Reported
Quantity*
Country of
Manufacture
Pistol, TT
7.62mm
10,850
USSR
Pistol, PM
9mm
750
USSR
Carbine, SKS
7.62mm
12,500
USSR
Rifle, Sniper
7.62mm
S00
USSR
Assault Rifle, AK
7.62mm
24,120
USSR
LMG, RPD
7.62mm
3,845
USSR
HMG, DShK
12.7mm
USSR
HMG, SG-43
7.62mm
USSR
Pistol, M-52
7.62mm
480
Czechoslovakia
Rifle, M-52
7.62mm
2,000
Czechoslovakia
Rifle, AR-10
7.62mm
1,200
United States
Rifle, M-1
.30 cal.
67,113
United States
SMG, Madsen, M-1950
9mm
11,000
Denmark
MG, Madsen
7.62mm
5,280
Denmark
Rifle, FN FAL
7.62mm
20,000
Belgium
Rifle, BM-59
.30 cal.
3,000
Italy
SMG, Lanchester
9mm
2,000
United Kingdom
SMG, Sten
2,270
United Kingdom
LMG, Bren
United Kingdom
Rifle, Assault, G-3
7.62mm
15,000
West Germany
*The actual quantity may be considerably larger than indicated
as not all small arms shipments are reported.
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2. Other Small Arms (Quantity unknown)
Weapon
Designation
Caliber
Country of
Manufacture
Pistol, Colt, M1911
.45 cal.
United States
Carbine, Ml
.30 cal.
United States
Carbine, M2
.30 cal.
United States
Rifle, Sniper, M1C
.30 cal.
United States
Rifle, Browning Auto.
M1918
.30 cal.
United States
SMG, Thompson, M1928
.45 cal.
United States
SMG, M1A1
.45 cal.
United States
LMG, Browning
.30 cal.
United States
MG, Browning, M1917
.30 cal.
United States
MG, Browning, M1918
.30 cal.
United States
MG, Browning, M2
.50 cal.
United States
SMG, M-24 M-26
7.62mm
Czechoslovakia
LMG, M-52
7.62mm
Czechoslovakia
HMG, Type 54
12.7mm
Communist China
SMG, Port Said
9mm
Egypt
Rifle, Lee-Enfield,
SMLE
.303 cal.
United Kingdom
Rifle, Lee-Enfield,
No 4 Mk 1
.303 cal.
United Kingdom
MG, Vickers
.303 cal.
United Kingdom
Rifle, Mannlicher
6.5mm
Germany
Rifle, Kar98k
7.92mm
Germany
SMG, Schmeisser
9mm
Germany
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Weapon
Country of
Designation
Caliber
Manufacture
SMG, Owen
9mm
Australia
SMG, Beretta
9mm
Italy
Pistol, Browning Hi-
Power
9mm
Belgium
Rifle, FN (SAFN)
M1949
.30 cal.
Belgium
LMG, Madsen
6.5mm $ 8mm
Denmark
SMG, Madsen, M-53
9mm
Denmark
MG, Madsen/Saetter,
Mkll
7.62mm
Denmark
Rifle, Arisaka
6.5mm
Japan
G. Portuguese Timor
Portugal maintains a garrison force of about 1,800
Portuguese troops in Timor, supplemented by 3,000 native
troops. All are under the command of Portuguese officers.
An additional 20,000 natives, officered by Timorese, have
received 3-month military training as a result of conscrip-
tion. The Portuguese troops are said to suffer poor morale,
and the local conscripts are of doubtful quality. There are
no naval or air forces. Little information is available on
the police force. About 1,000 locally-enlisted men are
reported to be organized in both the enclave of Ocussi and
the eastern part of the province.
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READING LIST
1. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, chap I, "General Survey,"
2W 1966. S/NFD.
3. DIA. Airfields and Seaplane Stations of the World,
vol 26, 1 Sep 1966. S.
4. DIA. "Listing of Air Facilities in Irian Barat (West
New Guinea)," Djakarta, no 1845005965, 11 Jun 1965.
U.
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X. Survival Factors
A. Food and Water
1. Plants
Throughout most of Eastern Indonesia a wide variety of
edible plants offers the traveler living off the land an
abundant source of food. Wild fruits, including plantains
and bananas, bignay, durian, rambutan, breadfruit, and mangoes,
are commonly found in forests and near villages (see Figures 166
through 168). All grass seeds are edible and their grains can
be eaten raw, parched, or pounded into flour after roasting.
The young unopened buds of wild sugarcane may be cooked and
eaten; the underground stems and roots and the heart of the
young shoots may be peeled and eaten raw. The tender young
shoots of bamboo provide an excellent supply of food (see
Figure 169).
Palms are a good source of food. The coconut palm and
nipa palm, common in coastal areas, have relatively soft-
shelled fruits that can be eaten (see Figures 170 and 171). The
fruits of most other palms are unsuitable, however, because
they are either too hard to break or they contain irritating
substances that make them inedible. The terminal bud, often
called the palm cabbage, of most palms is edible either cooked
or raw. The soft interior part of the trunks of many palms
such as the rattan, sugar, and sago may be sliced, boiled, or
roasted and then chewed until the large quantity of starch it
contains has been removed (see Figures 172 through 174). It is
best to remove the soft inner part of the trunk of a mature
palm before it begins to produce flowers and to dissolve it
in water and allow the starch to settle in a receptacle.
The inner bark and terminal buds of many trees other than
palms also are edible, as are fern fronds and stalks (see
Figure 175). Moist forested areas contain a number of plants
that have edible roots and tubers, including arrowroot, cassava,
taro, and yam (see Figures 176 through 178). None should be eaten
raw because many contain toxic materials. Cassava, for instance,
contains cyanide. All roots and tubers should be cut into thin
slices, crushed, and cooked in several changes of water before
being eaten.
Native gardens normally contain rice, sweet potatoes,
corn, or sago. Wetland rice is the most common subsistence
crop for most of the population of Eastern Indonesia, but
maize and sago are more common in the southern Moluccas and
Eastern Lesser Sundas, and cassava, sago, and sweet potatoes
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Figure 166. Plantains. Plantains are cultivated in Eastern
Indonesia but also grow wild in rain forests from sea level
up to 4,000 feet. They never soften and must be roasted or
boiled. Roasted plantains are very dry and mealy. Large
coarse ones can be dried when green and later boiled as a
vegetable. The dried fruit can also be made into a meal,
which has the color and consistency of graham flour and
which can be used to make porridge or round flat cakes for
frying. Bananas closely resemble plantains but are more
nourishing. They can be kept for a long time by being sliced,
dried in the sun, and thoroughly smoked over a fire.
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Figure 167. Bignay. The bignay is frequently cultivated
but also grows wild in open places and in secondary forests.
The fleshy currant-like fruit can be eaten raw.
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Figure 168. Breadfruit. Breadfruit trees are frequently
found near human habitation. Ripe breadfruits can be eaten
raw, but they should be scraped lightly with a shell to
remove the skin.
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Figure 169. Bamboo. Bamboo is found in clearings, around
abandoned gardens, in the forest, and along rivers and streams.
Young bamboo shoots appear in quantity during and immediately
following rains. They are edible; the tough outer sheath
should be removed before cooking. The seed grain of the
flowering bamboo may also be eaten if pulverized, mixed with
a little water, and pressed into cakes. It may be boiled and
eaten as one would eat rice.
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Figure 170. Coconut. The coconut palm is widely cultivated in
Eastern Indonesia but also grows wild near seashores and is
occasionally found some distance inland. Edible parts include
the palm cabbage, the flesh of the nut, the sprouts of ger-
minating nuts, and the spongy material inside the nut. The fluid
from green nuts may be drunk in quantity without ill effect, but
the fluid from mature nuts should be allowed to stand until a
harmful oil settles out. Coconut oil, obtained by exposing the
grated coconut meat to slow heat, can be used as a cooking oil,
an insect repellent, and a preventative of salt-water sores.
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CROSS-SECTION
OF EDIBLE SEED
Figure 171. Nipa Palm. The nipa palm grows only along tidal
streams and bordering mangrove swamps within the influence of
brackish or salt water. Potable sweet sap may be obtained by
bruising a stalk that is carrying a fruit. The stalk should be
cut through above the bruise and a bamboo joint or similar
vessel attached to catch the juice that runs out the cut end.
The seeds and cabbage of this palm also are edible.
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Figure 172. Rattan palm. Climbing palms grow chiefly in
the rain forest. The slightly swollen basal part just above
the surface of the ground contains a considerable amount of
starch, which may be roasted and eaten. The seeds of some
species are surrounded by an edible gelatinous pulp. It is
possible to obtain large quantities of drinking water by
severing the long stems of rattan palms.
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CROSS-SECTION
OF PALM NUT
EDIBLE
PALM NUT
Figure 173. Sugar palm. The sugar palm is cultivated near
villages but also grows wild in forested areas. It produces
edible starch, sap, sugar, palm cabbage, and nuts. To tap
the sugar palm a flowering stalk should be beaten with a
stick for a short period each day for 2 or 3 weeks, as
wounded tissue stimulates the flow of sap to the wounded part
of the palm. A thin slice should be removed from the wounded
end of the stalk once or twice a day during the period of sap
flow to maintain a steady flow of sap. The stalk can be cut
off at the base of the flowering portion, and the exuding sap
can be caught in a hollow joint of bamboo.
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01-1
SMOOTH-STEMMED SAGO
34 fT.f
Figure 174. Sago palm. Sago palm is common in moist lowlands,
especially near bodies of water. One sago palm trunk cut just
prior to flowering time will yield enough starch to sustain a
man for a year. Starch may be extracted from the trunk by
cutting away the bark lengthwise from the lower half of the
tree and pounding the soft, white inner parts as fine as
possible. This fine pulp should be kneaded in water and
strained through a coarse cloth; the escaping water will carry
the edible starch into a container and the fine, white sago will
soon settle out. Pour off the water after several washings.
Knead the remaining water from the sago and roll the sago into
balls and dry them over a fire or else in the sun. After this
it may be wrapped in palm leaves and kept indefinitely.
The core of the upper part of the trunk does not yield
sago, but it may be roasted in lumps over an open fire and
eaten. Young sago nuts, growing shoots, and palm cabbage can
be eaten.
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Figure 175. Edible ferns. Ferns are common in Eastern
Indonesia in forested regions, in gullies, along streams, and
on the edges of woods. Ferns might easily be mistaken for
flowering plants, but the bottom surface of fern leaves is
usually covered with masses of brown dots, which themselves
are covered with yellow, brown, or black dust. These dots
are actually filled with spores and the presence of these
spore structures easily distinguishes ferns from plants with
flowers. No one who is not certain that he knows a true fern
from other delicately cut leaves should venture to eat the
smaller kinds of ferns. Many poisonous plants have delicately
cut leaves that resemble ferns.
Young stalks should be drawn through the hand to remove
the wool. They will become tender after being boiled in salt
water or steamed for thirty minutes to an hour. Older stalks
are edible, but retain an unpleasant sticky quality.
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Figure 176. East Indian arrowroot. The East Indian
arrowroot grows wild in forested areas of Eastern
Indonesia that have high rainfall. It is also cul-
tivated and may be found in gardens, in abandoned
fields, and in wet places along roadsides. The
edible tubers are very bitter when raw but become
sweet when boiled. Flour, useful for making bread or
pancakes, can be made from arrowroot. Peel, wash, and
dry fresh tubers and rasp the tubers directly into a
container of water. Let stand until the milky water
becomes clear again. Pour off the water and save the
white starch. Repeat the washing process several times
to remove the bitterness from the starch. After thorough
washing it should be dried in the sun.
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Figure 177. Taro. Taro grows in moist, forested regions,
but may also be found near abandoned villages, along streams,
and in ditches. The tubers can be boiled to destroy very
irritating crystals, and then eaten like potatoes. Young
leaves also must be boiled; they make a good substitute for
spinach.
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Figure 178. Tropical yam. Several varieties of tropical
yams grow.in Eastern Indonesia in.abandoned gardens, in
clearings in forested areas, and in forests that are not
too dense. All kinds must be cooked prior to eating because
of the irritating properties in the raw tuber.
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are important subsistence crops in West New Guinea. It is
usually not advisable to attempt to steal from natives,
although their gardens might serve as a source of food in
emergencies. Extreme caution should be employed in approaching
gardens or fields, preferably after dark and from the down-
wind side, because dogs and guards are often used to protect
crops from predators.
In general, it is safe to try plant foods that are
eaten by birds and mammals, as food eaten by rodents, monkeys,
baboons, and other omnivorous animals is usually edible by
humans. Anything with an unusually bitter or otherwise dis-
agreeable taste may be harmful, and unknown plants with milky
juices should be avoided entirely. Large quantities of a
strange plant food should never be eaten without testing it
first by eating a small portion. A small quantity of a poi-
sonous food is not likely to prove fatal or even dangerous.
Crustaceans, mollusks, turtles, and fish are among the
best sources of food, because they are easy to catch and are
generally abundant. Most crustaceans, mollusks, and turtles
can be caught by hand. Fish can be caught with the fishing
equipment in standard survival kits, with improvised equip-
ment, or by spreading poison on the water. Fishhooks can be
made from pins, needles, wire, wood, or bone; lines can be
fashioned from bark, roots, or the leaf and stem fibers of
various trees and plants; spears can be made from bamboo or
saplings. Poison can be obtained by crushing any of several
types of plants (notably the tuba) that are not harmful to
man. Lime, obtainable by burn ni g coral or seashells, will
yield a similar poison.
Insects are an abundant source of emergency survival
food for the psychologically prepared traveler in Eastern
Indonesia. Grasshoppers, termites, and the larvae of many
insects (usually found in rotten logs, in the ground, and
under the bark of dead trees) are edible and are quite
nourishing. Caterpillars should not be eaten because many
are irritating and some are poisonous.
Birds, mammals, and large reptiles (including snakes)
are edible but are not easily caught . Most of the animals
of Eastern Indonesia are more active at night than during
the day. The best places to set traps or to hunt for birds
and mammals are at the edges of forests, along trails, in
forest openings, and along streams and ocean shores. It is
best to cook all animal food thoroughly before eating, because
many animals carry dangerous intestinal parasites. The venom
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sacs of poisonous snakes constitute a risk that can be avoided
by simply eliminating the head.
Honey and the eggs of birds and turtles can occasionally
be found. Many small animals cache fruits, nuts, seeds, and
roots under rocks, in hollow logs, and in similar hiding places
that are accessible to a diligent searcher.
Water is generally available in Eastern Indonesia,
although it becomes scarce in the Eastern Lesser Sundas and
southern Moluccas during the southeast monsoon (May through
October). Extreme care should be exercised in obtaining
drinking water; all water should be regarded as contaminated.
Dysentery, cholera, and typhoid are the commonest water-
borne diseases; blood flukes and various types of worms also
are transmitted through drinking water.
If surface water is the only water available, it is best
to take it from sites as far upriver from human habitation
as possible. The most dangerous sources are slow-moving
bodies of water downriver from native villages. Surface
water should be purified by using chemical purifiers or by
boiling for 20 minutes.
Sometimes it is practical to dig for water, especially
in low spots where drainage from the surrounding land tends
to concentrate or near the coast where the water table is
close to the surface. In digging for water near the sea-
shore, fresh water will be found first because it is lighter
than salt water. This water may be brackish, but its salt
content is not high enough to be harmful. Elsewhere, it is
generally best to dig for water where the vegetation appears
to be greener or markedly different from surrounding types,
where the sand appears damp in'dry riverbeds, or in other
low areas.
The movements of birds and animals are often clues to
the presence of water. Most birds fly to water at least
once a day. Pigeons and parrots usually feed in dry areas but
fly to water in the late morning and afternoon. At the begin-
ning of their evening flight, bats always fly to some place
where water is available. Game trails generally lead to
water.
Various plants are sources of water. The leaves, stems,
and roots of many succulent plants and the stems of many vines,
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climbing rattans, young banana plants, and bamboo contain water.
Vines should be cut into 2-foot or 3-foot lengths and allowed
to drip (see Figure 179). Water can be drained from large bam-
boo shafts by cutting into each segment just above the joint.
The flower stalks of palms contain a drinkable sugary sap,
and the green nuts of the coconut palm yield a fluid that
can be drunk in quantity without harmful effect. The milk
of ripened coconuts, however, contains an oil that may cause
diarrhea if taken in large quantities. The milk can be drunk
without harmful effects by allowing it to stand; the oil will
separate and can be drained off. Many plants catch and store
rainwater in natural receptacles, such as their leaves. Water
also may be obtained by chewing the fruits, growing tips,
leaves, stems, and buds of many plants.
B. Environmental Hazards
1. Large Animals
Few potentially dangerous large animals are native to
Eastern Indonesia. Water buffalo are not found east of Sumbawa,
and tigers are found only on Bali. Smaller animals, such as
deer, wild pigs, and monkeys -- essentially not dangerous to
humans -- are much more common than large animals. There
is always a remote possibility of encountering a rabid animal,
but in general, animals are not a significant environmental
hazard.
2. Reptiles and Fish
Reptiles are plentiful in Eastern Indonesia and some con-
stitute a real source of danger. Poisonous snakes are not as
numerous as nonpoisonous species, but all snakes should be
regarded as dangerous, especially those found swimming in
coastal waters, and caution should be exercised in order to
minimize the possibility of snakebite. It is wise to form the
habit of stepping and placing one's hands with great care and
of hanging clothing and equipment on tree limbs rather than
letting them lie on the ground. Sleeping in a hammock or on
an improv.ised sleeping platform is a much safer practice
than sleeping on the ground.
Crocodiles are found in coastal swamps, inlets, and
tidal rivers throughout Eastern Indonesia. They are very
dangerous and should be avoided. Although the monitor
lizard of Komodo and Rintja Islands may attain a length of
10 feet and weigh up to 300 poinds, none of the lizards of
Eastern Indonesia constitute a real danger to man.
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Figure 179. Obtaining water from a tropical
vine. A deep notch is cut in the vine as
high above the ground as can be reached. The
vine is then cut close to the ground. When
water stops dripping from the lower end,
another section can be cut off the top and
more water will drain out.
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The puffer, porcupine, trigger, and parrot fishes have
poisonous flesh and should not be eaten (see Figures 180
through 183). Symptoms of fish poisoning, which appear from
1 to 6 hours after eating, include nausea, vomiting, diarrhea,
itching, cramps, paralysis, and a metallic taste in the mouth.
The handiest antidote for fish poisoning is sea water in
quantity sufficent to induce vomiting. Drink sea water to
force yourself to vomit as soon as symptoms appear.
The scorpion fish and the stone fish frequent coral
reefs, where they may be accidentally stepped on. The flesh
of these fish is edible, but they should never be handled
with bare hands. They have venomous spines. Stings from
these spines usually cause severe pain and swelling, followed
by prostration (see Figures 184 and 185).
The stinging sea anemone and spiny sea urchin are also
common. Other potentially dangerous or troublesome aquatic
animals include barracuda, electric ray, jellyfish, moray
and conger eel, shark, and stingray.
3. Insects and Small Animals
Centipedes, insects, leeches, spiders, and ticks abound
in Eastern Indonesia. Most are no more than a nuisance, but
some are a serious hazard. Mosquitoes, for instance, tran-
smit malaria, dengue, and filariasis. Malaria-bearing mosquitoes
are most prevalent in coastal areas and in poorly drained,
sunny, interior lowlands. Smaller numbers of disease-carry-
ing mosquitoes also are found at elevations up to 5,000 feet
where they breed in mountain streams. A traveler in mosquito-
infested areas should wear suitable clothing and netting to
keep exposed skin to a minimum, particularly after sundown,
when mosquitoes are most likely to bite.
Flies vary greatly in size and in the discomfort they
can cause. Some are vicious biters; the larvae of others
infect wounds or even unbroken skin. Near infested villages
they may carry communicable diseases and contaminate food.
In general, protective measures used against mosquitoes
will be effective against flies, although some flies are so
small that they can pass through ordinary mosquito netting.
Many such pests are limited in range to short distances
from their breeding areas and can be avoided by moving out of
the infested area.
Rats and other rodents are likely to be infested with
fleas and lice-, which in turn may carry several diseases,
including typhus and plague. If it is necessary to eat rats,
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PORCUPINE FISH
ABOUT I FT.Y
Figures 180-183. Poisonous fish. The flesh of the puffer,
porcupine, trigger, and parrot fishes, common to coastal
areas, contains a toxic substance that is not removed by
cooking.
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SCORPION FISH
STONE FISH
(about 15 in.)
Figures 184 E 185. Poisonous fish. The
spines of scorpion fish and stone fish
can inflict poisonous stings that cause
severe pain and swelling.
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they should not be handled until cold; fleas quickly leave
a dead body. The use of louse powder, exposure of clothing
to direct sunlight for a few hours, and frequent washing in
hot soapy water are good precautions against lice.
Ticks and mites are carriers of scrub typhus and may
cause secondary infections (tropical ulcers) if improperly
removed from the skin. They can usually be dislodged by
touching them with lighted cigarettes or dehydrating sub-
stances such as salt, iodine, alcohol, or dry ashes. If
this does not work, a sterile instrument should be used to
extract them.
Ants, centipedes, spiders, and wasps are numerous.
Although their bites or stings are painful, they are not
normally fatal, but care should be taken to avoid secondary
infection from such bites.
Bloodsucking land leeches are common in the moist areas
of Eastern Indonesia, especially during the rainy season.
They cling to vegetation and attach themselves to passersby.
It is very difficult to avoid them because of their ability
to pass through very small openings -- even through coarse
stockings or the eyelets of laced shoes. Although their
bites may cause discomfort and a serious loss of blood they
generally are painless, and often the leeches are discovered
only after athorough search of the body. In leech-infested
country the body should be examined regularly, and leeches
should be removed very carefully to avoid secondary infection;
they are best removed by applying a burning cigarette or
dehydrating substance. The wound may become infected if the
leech is pulled off by force.
C. Climatic Hazards
1. Temperature and Humidity
Although the high humidity of tropical lowlands con-
tributes to the rapid growth of fungi and molds that cause
rapid deterioration of cloth and leather, it is the constant
high temperature that consitutes the greatest climatic hazard
in the lowlands of Eastern Indonesia. People tend to perspire
freely in most of the area and can easily lose too much salt
and ascorbic acid. This loss can be replaced by eating extra
amounts of salt and citrus fruit. If salt is not readily
available, several swallows of ocean water each day will not
be harmful provided enough fresh water also is consumed. In
general, it is best to avoid exertion during the hottest hours
of the day, as overexertion may result in heat exhaustion and
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temporary disability. Failure to wear protective headgear
when exposed to the sun.may result in sunstroke. Young men
in prime physical condition who have an adequate diet usually
become acclimatized in 1 or 2 weeks.
The cold windy highlands of West New Guinea are uniquely
different from most of Eastern Indonesia and require special
precautions. Clothing should consist of a number of light
garments that can be taken off and put on to regulate body
temperature as required. The control of perspiration is
essential; wet clothing conducts heat from the body and helps
to lower resistance. Even if one is equipped with windproof
touter garments, it is best to take shelter from cold winds to
conserve body heat. Dry grass, moss, or feathers placed
inside shoes or stockings provide insulation against frost-
bite.
2. Precipitation
Most of Eastern Indonesia receives maximum precipita-
tion during the northwest monsoon (December through February),
but torrential rains capable of temporarily halting cross-
country movement may occur at any time throughout the year.
Sleeping accommodations should be adequately insulated against
ground moisture and protected against night rains. Campsites
should be well above stream level because rapid rises in
water levels are common during heavy rains. Fording of streams-
is hazardous during and immediately after heavy rains.
D. Cultural Factors
On Celebes and on the islands of the Lesser Sundas
and the Moluccas, most of the people live in coastal villages;
interior villages are few and far between. Coastal villages
also are common in West New Guinea, where they are usually
located near river mouths, but most of West New Guinea's
2ffulation lives in mountain-valley villages of the interior.
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E. Medical Factors
Very little medical information exists for individual
islands of Indonesia east of Java. Therefore, disease problems
are estimated largely on the basis of climate, assuming that
those diseases prevalent in jungle areas of Java and Sumatra
are similarly encountered in other jungle areas in the chain.
The most important considerations in small force operations in
jungle areas are: personal cleanliness; camp cleanliness;
adequate prophylaxis plus competent medical support; and common
sense in dealing with natives or native villages which are
known to harbor specific diseases.
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Approved For Release 2007/03/03: CIA-RDP80-01444R000100070001-1
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Approved For Release 2007/03/03: CIA-RDP80-01444R000100070001-1
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READING LIST
1. Air Force. Survival, AF Manual 64-3, Training Ed 1956.
U.
2. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 21, "Military Geographic
Regions," Apr 1956. C.
3. CIA. NIS 100, Indonesia, sec 24,. "Topography," Jan
1956. C.
4. Craighead, F. C. and J. J., How to Survive on Land and
Sea, Annapolis: US Naval Institute, 1962. U.
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Approved For Release 2007/03/03: CIA-RDP80-01444R000100070001-1
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Approved For Release 2007/03/03: CIA-RDP80-01444R000100070001-1
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Approved For Release 2007/03/03: CIA-RDP80-01444R000100070001-1
Approved For Release 2007/03/03: CIA-RDP8O-01444ROO0100070001-1
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SECRET
_ J
EASTERN INDONESIA
AIRFIELDS AND SEAPLANE STATIONS
K f PIIt AUAK
1A1 AIt D
Approved For Release 2007/03/03: CIA-RDP80-01444R000100070001-1
Pell,
Ga44r? P,+a,W0-0
M.I.
?
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D1AIlOtO,!`"# Mol.FOboku
SM,DOIEBUP
Ki PULAUAN
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AFM AN
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o.e1
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Nomleo F k'
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LIANG?? AMA At
an T?NARUKU
Nohlpp0
PATTIMURA
el I AI-ULAUAK
^AUDA
1? ULA
k a.m.,
SECRET
INDEX Et)P
Ilagn ;201
A t?T??n;,p ;22: irnrokebo 17.
Sapo,?. It. Jilo (23)
15'.09. i 17 Jimbo (29)
B,da, !131 Kngime 30,
Gcgw,am .4 Kofopaku IJc
E,?,, I8 K. -in 36
w,;.:, 43 Kel.r II
N,+ohpo 1 S M, rg. 2
Nr ..Il MnguUO 1'
It,nl.1 38 Mamie ;311
m ANOAWAkf MUnokr'A'
rkB?, ORNA50AFti -,.r
Al,
KAMM Soi,do
Aruwo\u ?MN,{pmbo Nnm t.e? MUKMER
Soe.en. M ? bpP~k?>>F
~em,lok neo" }RANSrI r%w
Me?do,? ? W
C
d
LANGGJR 010,1
-Uf AU P01 AU ~N.
rA,AUDU 1A AN
LfyI 'Air
I
? Major airfield (2000 ft. or morel
? Minor airfield (less than 2000 fu
t Seaplane station
KOrf NA,;
A met -
T,moko
DOKABARATq APu
Dolor Boron Old
*Ta1)POLAUTEMAoA3- \ AIPUI AU An
? ~F Uf/OR~ `t'
A.ir(A'
.ir CoN tore
0 ?IOUEOUE
I R T U O L1 Ii SE
TIMOR
Al-ULAUAK
RAEAA
SE IAR?
SOURCES:
AA4.J -.4 Se 0 Se.eron..4 Je V.ld? Va, b,
.nd 'N01 w M.o,ryA Ckk.k.? ,Q6
Cu R.p.n N.A,M. CSLT.3, / w6ao 63 s+.-. , . _. xo
WA Rrop.rr N...&.. 1MAoosp6A. !.. ;.ra
K AIMAN?
?
Okubd' i
~ o\l NMy.;'Ko+ropo -
A.'. Aboho,t !~oM
Fero ~ama r ?
P,r?mapo.on? IANANMETAN ?
M'nd,Prona
N E W G U?Kt N E (A
TK3IIT TEE0.
0NEW liNEA
NUMBERED AIRFIELDS
Mid, Mopmduma (26; Sa,,ak (27i
Moana,nonl (5, 5dlmo (24;
Modio (2) Swart Valley ;32
Mulio (28) Tag, (411
obono 110..., T,n,nn,., U8'
Ogon, 8, T,g, 16,
Pats Volley 09, Timrppo ! 3
Pa, P,.e, 21, 1,10 i34
Pcpapa 4 Wandawc, 125
Prangkoli 44. Wwot (401
Pugimo 142- Wleuelmeren 191
Pyrom,d 39 Wyee 1471
So.n ? ?WAKDE
BOKONDINI
IA.w.N.l
SU. ARNAPURA