SOVIET JUSTICE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-00926A003200020005-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 117
• Document Creation Date: December 14, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 19, 2002
• Sequence Number: 5
• Publication Date: May 3, 1951
• Content Type: REPORT

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CENTRAL liCITtLOGENCE AGENCY REPORT NO!
,
INForRJvIATfb1r REPORT CD NO.
USSR
SUBJECT Soviet Justice
PLACE
axi ACQUIRED
_DATE
6X1 ACQUIRED BY SOURCE
1
Fundamental Features oyemocratic Justice
Soviet Principles of Adxistering Justice
2.965Z1A
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NO. OF PAGES 2
NO. OF ENCLS.
(LISTED BELOW)
SUPPLEMENT' TO
REPORT NOI
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1. Relativism and Terro sm
2. Principal Protective Ieasures
3. Duties of a Denouncer\ Collective Responsibilities, Judging by Analogis
and the Backward Neration of Law. Worldwide Reach of Soviet Justice.
4. Soviet Humanitarianisnkand Justice
5. The Outgrowth of Extrat4udicia1 Justice
6. Espionage and Trotskyi6
7. The Justification of the Economic System
8. Conelkaens
III. Organizations Administering Justice
Techniques of Investigations. and C
4.. Judicial Organization
MVD
3. Methods of Arrests
4. Investigations ?
5. Prisons
6. Judicial. Channels
:
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IV. Executing Sentences
1. Kinds of Punishment
2. Death Cells
3. Deportation
4. Railroad Transportation
5. Deportation Prisons
6. Separation Camps
7. River Transport
8. Living Conditions and Work in Prison Camps.
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V. USSR Peoples Prison
I.It is Only a Change in Name"
2. Camp Org#nizations
3. Number of Prisoners
VI. Conclusions
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Tab'e of Contents.
J..Fundaiontal eatures of Deqlocr tic Justice
TI.Soiriet iLi,i?ls of Ad-ni'islein,, Thstice
errorisrn
inciLl ir)tective eaores
3.Dties of a De auncer,Colleotive Ae'po 31bilitie3,J7dging 1-y
Analogies ,and the Packward Ope ation or law.The World Wide
Reacil of Soviet Justice.
4.So-riet .111 anitarism and Justice
5.V-e Dutgrowth of Extra-Judical Justice
6.'spionage an Trotc-yism
7.The 'u3tification of tl,e T-]cononic -;ystem
C.Conchasions
III. .0r:anisations Administering Justice
Technics of investigations and court rrocedures
1.Judical OrgaAization
2. MVD,
3.MethoOs of Arrests
4.Investigations
5. Prisons
6.Judicals Chnnels
IV. Executings 3entences
1.Ki_ds of PunIshment
2.Death Cells .
3.Deportation
4.Railroa,4 Transportation
5. Deportation Prisons
6.Senaration Camps
7.1iiver Transport
8.Living aonCitions an Work in Prison Camps
V. USSR _Peoples Prison
1.; at is only a Cange in %aJne'
2.Camp Organizations
3.Number of Prisoners
I. Conclusionx
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Table of Contents.
I.Fundamental Features of Democratic Justice
II.Soviet Principals of Admi!Astering Justice
1.Relativeism and Terrorism
2.P incipal Protective lteasures
3.Duties of a De-auncer,Collective Re7po1stbilities,JAging by
Analogiesond the Backward Ope ation of law.The World Wide
Reach of Soviet Justice.
4.50-iet F?u-anitarism and Justice
5.T1-e Outgrowth of Extra-Judical Justice
6.Fspionage and Trotcyism
7.The lustification of thP Pcono-ric ystem
8.Conclusions
III. Oraanisations Administering Justice
Technics of investigations and court crocedures
1.Judical Organisation
2. MVD.
3.Methods of Arrests
4.Investigations
5. Prisons
6.Judicals Channels
IV. Executings Sentences
1.KiAs of Punishment
2.Death Cells
3. Deportation
4.Railroad Transportation
5.Deportation Prisons
6.Separation Camps
7.River Transport
8.Living Conditions and Work in Prison Camps
V. USSR _Peoples Prison
1.; It is only a Change in Name'
2.Camp Organizations
3.Number of Prisoners
VI. Conclusionx
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SOVIET JUL- 2I0E
.e.t..A'T
Fundamental Principles of Democratic Justioe
For a more accurate comprehension of basic Soviet jusice, it
is necessary to understand the basis of justice existing in democratic
countries. This is indispensable to obtaining a comparative back-
ground.
In democratic countries, the first and fundamental condition of
true justice is the principle, that justice must satisfy the follow-
ing stipulations:
1. The court is equal for all. It serves to administer just-
ice. It cannot be the tool of the governing group, nor can it serve
the interests of one social group.
2, The court is independent in both, its structureLland it's
activity, from the governing agent.
These two principles are the fruits of many centuries of trad-
ition, developed from the basic Aoman laws, modernized and bettored
as a consequence of .;kiriatian influence on our conceptions of morals
and justice.
According to the, the fundamental principle of L:hrietian just-
ice is individual freedom. Everybody is personally responsible to
God and earthly justice for all of his actions. He is answerable,
regardless of his social position, financial status, or connections.
He is not responsible to any private individual, but to clearly
formulated laws.
The law is the property of the community, and serves the com-
munity.
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The most vivid exu:nple of just such u conception of justice is
the United States of 21mericu, who in it's constitution separated
wholly the judicial authority from the executive. In this way, it
clearly guarantees it's citizens full freedom, since there is a bal-
ance between the judicial and executive powers. li.ny xlmerican citizen
can sue anyone, even the President and obtain a just verdict.
Other democratic nations have the same principles of law, and
if they differ in anywuy from the Ataerican, then it's only in minor
details whiuh ao not annul personal liberties of all civilized
countries.
Besides these principles, others exist, which in short are:
1. 2o judge, it is necessary to prove guilt.
2. The law must be humanitarian.
3. There is no collective responsibility.
4. It isn't permissuole to set a punishment as a frightening
example/it isn't allowable to judge an individual as an example to
others.
A
6. There is no crime if a law is not broken. 'The analogy is
admissable only in civil law.
6. The law is not retroactive. No one can be punishea for acts
committed prior to the enactment of a law prohibiting such acts. By
the same token, no one can be punisheu for a crime committed during
the existence of a law, if that luw has since been repealed.
7. It is not permissable to 'try- a person for the same crime
more than once.
The question is, do these same principles exist in the Soviet
law?
For the basis of analysis, I take the criminal code of the Union
of Soviet Socialist itepublic council. This was issued. in Moscow, in
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1941, by the IJaridiczeskoje izdatielstwo NILJ_Sojuza L,L,H1 (Lawyer's
Publishing Jo., Supreme jourt of the Lioviet Union), the Jri:Jainal
Conduct Jode rUgolowno Processualnyj ILodeks RSY1-fli,
and the conati-
tution of the USSR which was published in 1936 aria ib universally
known as Stalin's Constitution.
In.certain republics, different criminal coaes exist, out they
differ only in the number of articles, so that the code of the RbFL,R
is decisive for. all of the USSR.
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PART II
BOVIZT PAINUI2LE11)OF L ING JUL2IQL
aliiaTeat I
Relativeism and Terrorism
The foundation of Soviet justice,as it's entire system, is
rdlativtisr14. It manifests itself inuthe principle of Lenin, the
foundor'of Uommunism, that: 'The courts are the instruments of the
proletariat authority and the working eountry-man.1 'This motto is
the slogan in all court rooms, and is hung above the heads of tae
judges, for all to see.
On the other hand the continuous inconsistency of the standards
for dispensing justice, changing time atter time, depending on the
political lines and party tactics, confirms this assertion.
The famous - 'most progressive and liber 1 constitution in the
world' prepossesses thi,Li in the juridical sense that the first articles
of this constitution read:
Art. 1, The USSR is a socialist government of the wor414g and
peasant classes.
Art. 2. The political foundation of the USSR is breatea by a
working class delegates' council which grew and amassed,
with the resultant overthrow of the landowners and.
capitalists, and the attaining of a proletariat dicta-
torship.
The consequence of ellen principles of the uabil structure, and the
specifically quoted Lenin principle of justice, is the first article
of the R6Ft,R criminal code.
'The criminal legislation of the Rbb1.41 has as it task,
the protection of the socialist workers and peasants
ea order, from the
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socially dangerous acts practiced before individuals,
which having been committed, can be counLeractes with
measures of social protection listed in the aforemen-
tioned code.'
From the above articles of the constitution; and the criminal
code, is this clear issue: the principle of free courts does not
exist in Russia, but the worker-peasant class authorities have juri-
sdiction over ?J,dministering justice. There is no justice for anyone
other than the privileged class, justice serving as & tool of pro-
tection for the common group, and for that reason it cannot be said
that Soviet justice has for it's goal the discoveryof objective truths,
which is the principle of administrative justice.
In Soviet courts, no one appeals to anyone else for evidences of
truth. Investigative techniques and court prooeures depend on prin-
ciples of confessions of guilt, and repentance.
To the question of the accused as to why gx/ he is being charged,
the regulation answer is: "We will not tell you. It is up to you to
confess, self-accuse, and repent".
The Bolshevik courts are instruments of the proletariat and
worker-peasant in the battle against the bourgeois and capitalistic
world. The Russian government uses the courts as tools of terror
relative to class distinction. The entire judiciary and penal appara-
tus in the USSR is set up to exterminate enemies of the proletariat, and
above all, enemies of Russia. It's terroristic character depends on
this.
The above ideals and principles of law manifest themselves even
in court techniques, and the nomination of Bolshevik judges. Even the
lowest court judges are chosen or appointed for a short period of time,
and they are frequently functionaries of the IND, which is the invest-
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igating organ. Obviously, under these circumstances, the motions
presented by the public prosecutor, must reach the ear of a sympa-
thetic and obliging judge.
The terroristic character of Soviet courts manifests itself in
the total lack of discrimination between the categories of crimes
pursued by the public prosecutor, and those crimes under private
investigation. ,t necessary basis for judicial investigations, and
immediate application of preventive measures, including imprisonment,
is every informer's report, even though it may be anonymous.
This terroristic character of 3olshevik justice is more clearly
and realistically shown in the formulation of legislative compre#en-
sion of the crime of counter-revolution. This category of crime is
dealt with in ,Irt. 58, which is the most formidable of all the articles
in the Soviet criminal code.
This article begins in the following general formula:
'Counter-revolution is considereo to be every deed, directed to
the overthrow, uprising, or weakening of the authorative council
of the worker-peasants, and elected by them, on the basis of the
Constitution of the USSR and the constitution Of the governing
republic, the government of the worker-peasants of the USSR, uni-
ted and autonomous republic, or to rebel against or weaken the
internal security of the USSR and the principles of economic,
political and national conquerors of the proletariat revolution.
Through the strength of intainational solidarity of interests in
all workers, all such actions are also considered counter-revolu-
tionary, if they are aimed against any other worker's states,
even though they do not belong to the USSR."'
After this introduction in 14 paragraphs (paragraph 1 has 4 sub-
paragraphs', individual types of counter-revolutionary activities are
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defined, among which evident acts of treason and espionage can not
awaken any kind of reservations. On the other hand, paragraph 14 of
the aforementioned article has the unusual distinction of beine a
regulation in the Bolshevik cJiminal code which, in every instance
or circumstance, can be applicable to every citizen.
Here is it's contents:
Art. 58 Par. 14. - 10ounter-revolutionary sabotage, that is, a
conscious disregard of duties assigned by anyone, or purposeful
carelessness in their performance with the main purpose of weak-
ening the governing authority and the effectiveness of the state's
apparatus, has as a consequence - loss of liberty for a time not
less than 1 tear, confiscation of all or part of 'property, with
adaptations of more severe punishment for particularly extenuating
circumstances, to the highest medium of community protection -
death and confiscation of wealth.1
If it is taken into consideration, that in Russia, all phases of
life are under state control, all inaccurately performed dutiesAW
can be considered, and in practice are considered, as counter-revolu-
.
tionary sabotage, and are judged by par. 14, Art. 58.
In the administration of punishment, the Bolshevik code often
considers confiscation of property. If it is noted how difficult it is
to acquire anythingin Russia, such as a decent suit, a watch, to say
nothing of a little home or furniture, - then it stands to reason that
confiscation of property, notably of a family of moderate means, is
nothing more than application on a large scale, an easier form of
collective responsibility.
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1,1Sit II
PtinciplesUbasuree of State Protection
When we begin to consider principles of law, and the need to comply
with.athem and their punishment, then we com to the conclusion that our
ppinions regarding the reality of the punishment are dividec.. Some
people consider punishment as nothing more than a certain type of re-
quital or payment to society for breaking society's laws. Simply
stated, it is the revenge of society for committing an sot incomputiole
to morals and ethics of the society in which the criminal lives.
Others contend with the assumption that society does not have the
right to demand punishment on the principle of revenge. Society itself
is to blame because it did not give the offender the possibilityLito
live honestly. Instead of punishment they propogate the principle of
prevention and the education of citizens, and regarding offenses, to
adapt community protective measures. In the theory of law, this prin-
ciple is known as Fern's theory.
Both of these opinions have their disciples..Land their opponents,
in general however, there is a soundprevailing principle of applying
laws as a means of protecting society.
Russian law - in it's assumption - likewise steers itself to the
principle of community protection. livith it's peculiar 'drive', and
in consequence of it's exceeding giM ignorance of the 540 essence of
this theory, brings this principle to criminal absurdities.
In it's penal legislation, itussian law admits measures of -commu-
nity protection towards persons who have not commited a crime or offense,
but who can ox is in a position to commit an offense,
8.rt. 9 of the criminfa conduct codo plainly states when community
protective measures are applicable:
1. Prevention of new offenses which may be committed by persons
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who had alreadY perpetrated a crime.
2. Influencingnother wavering members of society.
3. Adjusting perpetrators of criminal acts to conditions of com-
munity life in a worker's nation.
Preventive measures are divided into 3 categories; a) community
protective measures with a judicial-corrective characteristic,
b) medicinal characteristic, e) medical-corrective, that is mixed. The
application of these measures are prudently set forth in suitable art-
icles of the criminal conduct code (Art. 20 - 25).
Community protection through judicial corrective measures adapts
itself thru: a) compulsory expulsion from the USSR as an enemy of the
working classes, b) deprivation of freedom in correctional work camps,
o) deprivation of freedom in prisons, and at last as the supreme mea-
sure of defense, d) a sentence of death before a firing squad. ' This
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last is temporarily suspended (at least in theory).iq
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In practice, the application of all these community protective
measures in 992 of the cases, leads to imprisonment in concentration
camps located in the remote regions 6f Siberia and Northern European
Russia, as well as a sentence of death.
When the punishment 'expulsion from the USSR' is considered, it
would be treated by the condemned not as a punishment, but as a highest
reward, if it were applied more often. Unfortunately, the history of
Soviet justice can boast of scarcely a few instances of applying this
paragraph in practice. They can be counted on the fingers of one hani:
The exile of Trotsky, a few Polish officials of the Ministry of social
welfare in 1942-3, and the latest banishment of the well know, through
her pro-communistic convictions, the American writer Anna L. Strong.
At first sight, it would seem that a similar ohapter for applying
preventive measures exists in democratic) countries. That is however,
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only 'at first sight'.
The democratic admidistration of justice sets as it's 44 aim the
disc;peure of objective truth. It cannot therefore, base the admini-
stnLtion of punishment, solely on the principal of preventive measures.
A condition fornapplying preventive measures is the removal of evidence
that the suspect is, or can become a menace to society. =ehis is a clear
out affair, and is readily conveyed, if it can be applied helpfully with
adequate legal medical advice, supported byAelements of professional
opinions. That is a stipulation of applying community welfare defense
measures, and even democratic law is extremely careful in the appli-
cation of this law. The American laws are especially careful, and in
many instances, stipulates that a measure for community protection can
be abolished in oases that have distinct symptoms of improvement. In
democratic countries, this theory applies only to criminal cases. It
is not permissable to apply this theory to an offense of an idealistic-
political nature.
Democratic nations are guided by the everlasting principles form-
ulated in the snort but full essence of the five freedoms. Beine guided
by them, they cannot conform to the theory of applying communitynpro-
tective measures without restrictions, as it couldn't be reconciled with
objectives, or with respect of personal liberty, or even with free
thought. The result of applying this principle is the compulsory res-
triction of czeativeness and individual development. 'woe know full well
that individual development is the foundation of humanity's development.
The application of this principle is possible solely in a dictatorship.
It is possibly only in boviet AU8Sia, where the theories of a proleta-
riat dictator, and the practices of a dictator's clique use the pretext
of justice, which they themselves define, as 'a toll of the regime in
powereand a means of protecting one class.' Only and exclusively, in a
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one-party dictatorship, in which justice is defined as being a tool of
the reigning political system, the theory of community protective mea-
sures may have - and unfortunately has - it's own application. The
very definition, that the 6oviet is a state of laborers
the basis for the courts to judge as to who is a danger
welfare,
The 'nextpoint in
Art. 9 expects to
and peasants, is
to the common
use punishment as a meansato
'strengthen wavering members of the state'. iiho are the wavering?
Well, let's try to define it: a wavering member is one who is subject to
doubt that all that is subnitted as truth uy the government - is right.
The next paragraph metes out punishment, not oeaause a person is
guilty, but to 'adjust offenders to life in a worker's state'.
In paraphrasing the legal terms, the entirety of this unusual
principle is as foilows:
tWe will educate -you as we see fit, and as is convenient to us. If
you don't like it, and if you show any signs of individuality, or betray
even the slightest capacity for argumentation, you will be sent to
prison.'
It is indicated again: Laws are the tools of terror, and subjective
education of the maaaea.
. The law had changed itself into a tool of collective revenge of
one class over another:
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Cniu.i LILA II I
Duties of a Jienouncer, Oollective Aesponsibility,
Judging by analogies, and the Aetro-active Operation
of Law. 2he world vgide Aeach of j3o1shevik Justices
In order to aid the machine that is responsible for terroristic
acts and the 'overseer' of it's tasks, the farsightea Soviet judioials
incorporated articles and paragraphs which practically force all the
citizens to cooperation with the investigating and judicial organs.
number of paragraphs exist, which make it imperative for the citizens
to act as policemen and spies, and the obligation of denunciation. Luck
of cooperation is punishel.
. Vindictiveness, the lowliest trait of people standing at the lowest
level of development, found it's place in suitable rules which seem to
make laws work retroactively.
The paragraph dealing with the right of judging by analogy, extends
the possibility of lifetime punishment.
So that there wouldn't be any doubt that Soviet law is the tool of
the rulers, and inexorably prosecutes all antagonists, there is a law
which authorizes Soviet justice to act over the whole world.
The famous art. 58, par., O says:
'In the event of desertion of military personnel, and flight across
the borders, all members of his family who are of age, and have
aided in the preparation or completion of the treasonable act, or
who ktve ,bewn aware of it, ana have not informed the authorities,
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are sentenced from 5 to 10 years imprisonment arm confiscation of
all property: ,111 mature members of the traitor's family who have
lived with him, or have been supported by him at the time of the
offense, are liable to loss of voter's rights and deportation to
the remote regions of Siberia for 5 years"
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-re at not tally because it
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orders the denunciation of members of your own family, (democratic laws
allow the privilege of not testifying against relatives) but also because
it automatically calls before the bar, and sentences all members of the
family, whether guilty or not:
This is a typical example of collective responsibility that is so
characteristic of a totalitarian organization. Let's not forget the
perfect principles of German justice which sentenced millions to death
for being members of a certain race, nor forget the deaths of millions
of families, just because one member of the family fought against
Naziism. Such a law exists now in hussia, hussia adapted that law in
a somewhat different form.
We didn't want to believe this until the time that a great number
of soldiers had personally seen the brutality of camps like buchenwald
and Dachau, and we don't want to believe the reality about AU8Sia even
now. But it is a fact! A fact established by laws
An average person, accustomed to the orderly laws of a democracy,
cannot comprehend this type of lawlessness.which has a legal form. we
cannot believe, that for example, a person who had lived with his family
and had been a des ter from the army (in hussia, this is comparable to
treason), that his entire family, parents, relatives, and even aiozawataimers
a subtenant are sent to prison, tde family is for all tia.le separated,
and even infants are punished since they are denied parental protection
and are sent to orphanages where they are trained as robots, AO without
heart or soul, without sentiments and other habits of the 'rotten
bourgeois'.
Art. 58 is the most widely. used article in the Soviet. At least
8()4 of all prisoners are sentenced on it's basis.
Being an inmate of many prisons and labor camps, I often asked my
fellow prisoners the reason for their ueing sentenced. The answer was
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short: "family member". That is a very commonly met lerimet and isn't
even commented on by prisoners of Soviet birth, since that is a thing
taken for granted and isn't worth mentioning. This was strange only to
the estern peoples, as they couldn't comprehen this principle of
'justice%
Since being related to an offender is an offense in itself, and is
punishable by trial, it isn't at all odd that communistic zeal attempts
to apply these principles not only in the eourts ,but also in every
phase of life. lifter all, Soviet law expects and teaches the tirxter-
mination of class enemies'. Every right thing Uommuniat, every step of
official organs, and every office is authorized to practice the act of
extermination. In stusaia, there has been established a custom of
hereditary and collective responsibility which is not encompassed in the
framework of the code, but found in written orders from the ruling powers
On the information sheet of every prisoner or suspect, following
the general rubrics regarding name, age, and profession, follows a
question not found anywhere else in the world: social extraction
(aocproizehozdzenije). It isn'tafoilnd in countries half feudalistic,
but is is found in the country of 'social equality'. If a prisoner
finds himself in the unfortunate position of having a father who was any
aort of a proprietor or, God forbid, a state official, there is no power
which could wrest him from the clutch of the IND. hfter all, the law
defines him as being an tenemy of the classes'. Your father was an
enemy, so that makes you an enemy.
To this day, there exists in Aussia, a special class of tlicentees'
that is, scraps. There aren't many, it is true, because they were weedea
out by decree. These few are former proprietors, their families and
their descendants. They are deprived of all citizenship rights, and do
not even have the right to serve in the army.
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During the period of in'Genue liquidation of 'enemies of the state',
1930-32, the newspapers were full of personal proclamations in which
sons renounced their fathers, etc. Later these proclamations somehow
vanished.. Bvidently they didn't do any good.
The principle of collective responsibility in intern-tional
aspects is also seen in the Soviet code. I have already cited the oe-
ginning of- 4irt. 58. It's last sentence reds: '2hrouc:h thc mignt of
international solidarityAof interebts of all workers, counter-revolu-
tionary acts are also punished, if they are aime:i aizainbt any other
worker'3 states, ove,i thot_ f.re not encompasbed in the USSI-'.
2aragraph 4 of this artiele reads:
1-lavidence of any help to that p rt of international capitalis,
which does not recognize the ecuality of rights of the comL-,unio,ic
system which will replace the capitalisttc system, and hastens to
overthrow it, likewi-Je recognition of enemies of the USS
efficiency carries the possibility of loss of liberty for a peri,I)C,
of time to be not less i:han 3 years, on to the highest measeure of
state protection, death before a firing squad tocether with...etc.'
The prescribeu code -does not only concern Soviet citirLens, but
also all those who may at some time find themselves in a sphere of
influence of Soviet authority. Of course opposition to the organization
of a communistic structure iu punishaole. For example, the fact that
at one time you paid takes proves that you supported the capitalistic:
structure, so you are an enemy and subject to punishment.
In order to make certain that all opposition is unforgotten and
punished, the farsighted Soviet law has in reserve still another
characteristic paragraph, which like the others, conflicts with the
principles of democratic law. This is par. 16, 58.
It upsets the eternal and vighteous Aoman principle: 1Justice i8
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not retroactive' /lex retro non agit/.
This paragraph, translated in lay language for the better under-
standing of the reader, reads more or less as: If at any time you had
ever done anyt
American
ing incompatible to boviet law(eg. you served in the
therefore you upheld the capitalistic organization),
even though you had acted according to the laws of your country, you
were responsib
e to the laws existing in Ausaia. The excuse that you
knew nothing of this law, just as you are ignorant of the laws on Mars,
is not accepted. You will be tried, because after all, the laws are
written to be &,bided by. Par. 13 exists for all the world, and fore-
sees 'measures for community protection' in the form of death before a .
firing squad, with confiscation of property as an added possibility:
That isn' all. It may happen, that in spite of such far-reaching
laws already cited, a certain action may take place which will not be
qualified to be listed as an offense (despite the existanoe of Par. 14).
Could it be possible that there is a chance for the aocused to be set
free? Well, let's see what art. 16 of the criminal code of the IISFakt
says.
'If this, or any other act which jeopardizes community welfare is
unforeseen
for it is
in the code, then the basis and sphere of responsibility
etermined by those articles of the code which deal with
acts eimilar to the one in question.'
No other ofiminal codes in the world allow judging by analogies.
This stems from the spirit of the old itoman principle, that there le
crime if a law 1.8 not broken. Democratic law plainly states that a
person is subje7t to punishment, only if a law forbidding such acts,
exists during the commission of such an act.
If the -6o1reviks adapted this principle, it might happen that
many people would be freed from the threat of arrest. They don't want
no
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this to happen The law has to be feared.
Does thifysw have practical applications? Ouviouslyi
Personall, I was sentenced, among other reasons, that to the
question of tho! judge that as a polish soldier would I fight against
Soviet Russia J answered, "1 would have fought had I been so commanded".
That answer was underlined in my verdict as proof of my unwillingness
to adjust mysel to communism. Hundreds of thousands of 2o1ih offi-
cials were sentrnoed to years of imprisonment for performing admini-
strative funoti?ns in -Poland, during itre independence. .ehousands of
police were all? without benefit of trial simply because they were
police, and therefore, guardians of the capitalistic organization. For
proof of this Errement, I offer the name of one camp in which 5,000
police were imprisoned daring 19494440, from which none is left living:
Ostaazkow, near Vologd414
Punishment 4.s meted out for the acts of your father and forefathers,
and for the fact that you are living in a non-communistic world.
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0IIP1i IV
Soviet Humanitarism and Justice
The Bolshevik anti-humanitarian administration the justice is seen
the procedure with infants, children, and women,
the tiftment of political prisoners,
the irlation of the prisoner with regard to his family,
the procedure doaling with pardons from the death penalty,
the investigating methods, and
organization of prisons
Children !and youths do not constitute any
and slave labor camps.
special exceptions when
tion of justice is considered in the USSR, The criminal
devoting two articles
Art. 12 of Part III, entitled *General
the administr
code treats tire affairs short and concisely,
to them in it's general part.
Principles of Penal Policy', establishes that:
"Minors that have reachea the age of 12 and are ander suspicion of
P
committing robbly, perpetrating an outrage, doing bodily damage, crip-
pling, or committing murder will be 'subject to trial with applications
of all types of punishment".
Art. 25 (:)) Part IV, when speaking of protective community measures,
in the first place mentions:
"returning minors to the custody of parents, guardians, trustees,
relatives, if they have the power to restrain them - or other indivi-
duals or institutions",
More frightful than the letter of the law to sent9P,00 414494,,
is the actuality of the sentence. I'll return to that later.
Bquality of rights for the Soviet woman is seen in her treatment.
regarding the administration of justice on an equal basis with meas
result of this
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female prisoner, in methods of inveatigation, the brutality of admin-
istering punishment, and it it's execution. 2regnancy ana care of an
infant does not enter into the distribution of punishment. The penalty
of death is applied with the same ruthlessness in regaras to a woman as
a man, The sick and the ageh are tre-teu just as ruthlessly. ihe only
exception established for pregnant women ana those under lb year:, is
that the -death sentence can not be applie, to them /Art. 1,2 of the
criminal code/..
Alpolitical or counter-revolutionary prisoner of the ,,eviet is
treated a great deal worse than a common criminal.
.his favoring of
criminals Was not only establisheL throughhpractice, but it results from
the principles of collective responsibility. If the father of a crimi-
nal was not a proprietor, then by reason of his proletariat descent, he
is considered a victim of the capitalistic system, ana for that reason
merits leniency from the proletariat courts.
A prisoner in Aussia is denied the privilege of communicating with
his family not only during the time of investigation, but even during
his entire prison term. He cannot even let them know he had been
arresbed, or to what prison he is confined.
The Soviet prisoner has no possibility to complain of abbuses
practiced by the prison superintendent or the investigating organ.
3very complaint must go through the prison chief, and the prisoner can
not check whether it had been delivered. If it should happen that a
procurator visits the cell plocK, then no one will be so thoughtless as
to voice a grievance that had not gone through the prison chief.
Actual loss of citizenship rights uoes not start when a verdict is
handed down, out from the moment of arrest by the MVD.
During the time of investigation, the most brutal methods are used
to force a confession. These methods do not yield in anything, and in
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some oases surpass the notorious methods of Hitler.
Particularly glaring anti-humanitarianism is seen in the procedure
and treatment of the prisoner sentenced to death.
Anticipation of a
pardon while waiting for confirmation of the verdict may last months.
The prisoner is kept in the death cell all this while, in an atliosphere
conducive to madness.
So called reformatory labor camps, and in particular concentration
camps, - disregarding difficult climatic coniiitions - are SO organized
that only those prisoners that huveea strong physical construction can
survive in thew for any treat length of time. he main ta'A.c of these
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labor camps is the mass biological extermination of enemies of the
communistic party.
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OIL122-1,1 V
The Outgrowth of illxtra-Judicial Justice
The xsighted and far-rechi '3oviet law, which even forsees the
application of soviet laws on terrain not yet embrace with Soviet
'justice' is not the only organ of judgment in the usalI. tn institution
which is mightier and more formidable than the law and constitution
combined exists inmthe USSR. This institution is know as 'Ministerium
Wnutrennych Dial' - The Ministry of Internal ffairs - the last incor-
poration of the notorious 'Czekal.
In spite of rt. 112 of the Soviet constitution which eStaelishes
that 'judges are independent, they are subject only to the laws', the
court with it's rules is not the principal institute dispensing justice.
At least 90% of the 'justice' meted out to political prisoners is in the
power of the MVD, beyond the realm ofmthe court.
The MVD is the communistic vanguard of armed revolution and Soviet
rule, and keeps an eye on the political trenu of thought of it's citi-
zens, regardless of whether they are members of the communistnparty,
the military, or government officials. The MVD received legal recog-
nition from the Executive Central Committee of the USSR, which although
being unconstitutional, nevertheless in general practice has more
meaning and is more important than the legal courts. The practice of
extra-judicial justice is more wide-spread and more severe than the
legal kind of justice.
The democratic structure also has it's extra-judical justice - the
administrative. However, the administrative fines are so unimportant,
and comprise only a small categgry of offenses that only a small per-
centage of people are concerned with the existanoe and activity of this
organ. Minor traffic violators, inebriated disturber's of the peace,
and creator's of a public nuisance feel the activities of administrative
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laws through the payment of a fine, or a day of arrest.
The Soviet method of administrative justice is so universal and
handles such a wide sphere of offenses, that the greatest percentage of
the convicted is through the efforts of the IND, and these sentence
range for many, many ye-ars.
The practices of the MVD were never, in any place, publicly pro-
claimed and no one, with the exception of a small group of the
olit-
bureau and the heads of the MVD, knows their extent and what areas it
ooraprises. They are so extensive and so special, that they decide over
life in the USSR,
:Sven though no one has heard of, or doesn't know what these
practices are, it does not prevent the authorities from punishing the
people for their violation. 1,Ind that is flaw'. Soviet jurisdiction
does not say that in order to acquire legal power of authority it is
necessary to publish the ft.ct. Why should it?
Soviet legislation does not clearly define the difference between a"
law and a disposition or order. In the West on the other hand, a dis-
position must be supported by a law Binding the power, and must be
publicized.
The practical consequence of this principal of Soviet legislation
is that th.e entire administrative subordinate activitynis not objective
rule, but a poLitical aim.
The might of the IND, and it's terroristic character, is based on
these peculiarities of Soviet legislation.
It is clear that this activity is an illegal one which endows
Soviet justice, and the entire communistic system? an absolutelyre-
actionary,character.
We do not know the rules which the MVD follows, but we do know the
-results of their 'labor', and these enable us to put forward the aeeer-
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U t ki but -the livi) th
23
e main inetitution of
diepen8ing Jae-Lice*
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ESPIONAZ & TAOTSALYISM
The Russian L.uthorities came to the conclusion that it wasn't
enough to deal with espionage in the criminal code, so they inserted
the means of fighting it in their Constitution. Itrt. 133 of the
USSA Constitution (1936) reads as follows:
"Treason, breach of oath, going over to the side of the
enemy, causing damage to the military power of the
nation's espionage system, are punishable with the full
severity of the law, as the greatest crime".
Art. 58.,- par. 14 and 1B of the cyiminal cod,: states the maximum
punishment for crimes specified in i.rt. 1, 2, and 3 ta of the
Constitution. This is clear and understandable, and would need no
discussion were it not for it's applications in specific instances
during the existance of these particular articles.
The specific naming of the espionage and sabotage act in the
Constitution, and it's enforcement, created a special complex re-
garding ea otagd.-- The result of this complex is the indubitable
faet that in no other country in the world are there so many sentenced
_
for aabotage as in Russia. (i).nd, unfortunately, do we know as little
about any country as we know about Ausdia). Industrial sabOtage is
dealt with the same as the military, and there is no difference in
the punishment. This complex brought about the conclusion, that in
the eyes of the law, every alien who is not a s:.'iIICIftur, is at least
a candidate, and sooner or later, will become one. While innprieon,
I did not meet a single alien who did not have a paragraph dealing
with espionage affixed to his verdict. Nearly all Aussiaas having
contact with aliens, even accidental, are in slave labor camps as
spies. Personally I was sentenced ,=.J*,c?c-)('' ille(nd that because I was
a messenger of the French intelligence, together with General Si-
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korski's band, and in contact with the English-American counter-
intelligence (sio:0, strived to overthrow with force, the Soviet
organization". I personally knew a Soviet engineer who was im-
prisoned in a slave labor camp for many years, because he had
71
bought an arithmetic book from a German consulate official for
60 rubles (about 10 dollars). He was sentenced to 6 years tm-
prisonment. The verdict was motiv6,ted because 'the sum was so
Small, that there is no doubt that he must have given secret in-
formation in addition to the money'. He was sentenced by the M71),
and .the official charge was, 'suspected of espionage'. I could
name hundreds of such oases.
Another morbid complex of Soviet Justice is Trotskyism.
The official 3olshevik doctrine defines Trotskyism as a radical
leftist doctrine, depending on a program of permanent revolution,
supported on one side against oapitalis, and from the other side
against extremeunationalism. The theoretical difference between the
opinions of Trotsky and Stalin depende on this, that Trotsky held
out for the first plan for world revolution, holding Russia as an
example, internal strife in capitalistic countries. Stalin resolved
to create socialism in one country, which having been accomplished,
he Would have started a revolution relying on his army.
The interpretation of Trotskyism by the IND is very extensive.
For the MTD, a Trotskyite is not only a follower of Trotsky, but he
is in fact every Communist and non-Communist who 'does not adhere to
the political line of Stalin. All foreign Communists who do not
acknowledge the authority of the Cominform, or have no contact with
it, are Trotskyites, and sooner or later, at the earliest possible
time, find themselves imprisoned. I frequently met hundreds of Poles,
Oseohs, Rumanians, and Hungarians, who were true Communists, and
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Incidentally, I can add that Soviet legislature passes out
extremely high sentences for crossing the border, regardless of
whether it be leaving or entering Aussia. Leaving Aussia is con-
sidered treason, and can be punishable by death. Illegal entrance
into Aussia is punishable by not less than 5 years imprisonment
in a slave labor camp. More often than not, the sentence
5 to 8 years, which is tantamount to a life sentence.
This complicated Soviet justice is the reason for the Iron
is from
Curtain.
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0i1,1223 VII
The Justification of the Bconomic System
The practical application of all these laws, and above all, the
extra-judical justice is the C4asO of the imprisonment of from 10 to 15
million person in lila Soviet Aussia. This huge army of common slaves is
forcel to labor for the benefit of the organization, literally for a
piece of bread, und constitutes a great factor in the economic system of
the Soviet. It very radically solves many economic problems, so Irll
only name: a) the dumping of poliLical traffic on foreign markets,
b) the unemployment situation, and c) the development of backward lalas.
The cheapness of labor permits competition in the world markets. Since
it has been in force, modern slavery has helped solve 4 problem that has
always been a difficulty for capitalistic countries - the unemployment
problem. The lack of laoorers is being felt in Auasia, and they are
forced to an ever greater reach into the woman's reserve. iNomen are
employed in ever widening spheres of labor.
This great demand on labor would bring about a great migration of
laborers in a search for greater employee benefits and better pay, which
in reality constitute better living and climatic conditions. To avoid
this, Russian law forbids the voluntary change of residence and place
of employment.
The rules governing punishment for tardiness and absenteeism are
also very severe. The decree of 1940, with prudent foresight, states
the severe punishment for leaving a place of employment, or being late
for work. The law dealing with 'absenteeism' establishes the fine for
missing one day of work, without a legitimate excuse, at a loss of 25'io
.pay for a period of six months. ,t repetition entails a punishment of
six months of labor without pay in a labor camp. third 'absence' is
tantamount to an act of indlOW sabotage and is liable to J.,rt. 58
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par. 14, and theoretically is punishable with the full penalty, including
death, but in general practice a sentence of 8 years in a labor camp is
meted out.
Besides taprisonment in prisons and slave labor camps, there is a
widespread practice in Russia of forced migration of people, and even
entire populations, to Siberia and Uentral sia This action is dicta-
ted by two motives: national politics, and economic plans for converting
the Soviet into a compattEuro pean-dIsiatic nation. For the realization
of such a grelt rebuildinc, a vast terrain has to be colonized. The
needed colonists are recruited from the smaller nations as Poland, Lith-
uania, Lore, Usbeck, and above above all, the Ukraine. The official
statistics of the Soviet show ua,athat the lessening of the number of
Ukranians in the Ukraine from 1930-1940 to be greater than 10 million.
It is true that in those years about 4 million died from starvation, but
there had also been a natural birth increase, (one of the largest in the
world), so that it can be boldly stated that within 10 years about 12 to
15 million people had been forcefully displaced from the Ukraine.
History is being repeated in the mass displacement of persons acc-
ording to the examples of medieval and ancient times. The 20th century
is reliving the epoch of slave tr ffic. It is happening in the 'most
progressive nation in the world', which has the 'most liberal constitutionI
in the world', and the 'most humanitarian law'.
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Ca 'al' 11-111 VIII
' Conclusions
The conveyed analysis of certain points of the Bolshevik criminal
code, and articles of the iiussian constitution, which speak of the
organs for dispensing justice, gives authority to draw the following
conclusions:
The dispensing of justice in the USSR has nothing in common with
the democratic principles of justice since:
1. It has a judicial relative characteristic, and in practice,
above all, an administrutive one.
2. It has techniques of authorative execution.
3. It is a technique used for the realization of world revolution.
4, It is an activity regulating the demands of labor, indispensable
to the discharge of extensive investigating duties organized through
the state.
5. It is the reformatory-educating agency that has as it's aim
the attmatiNg adjustment of non-communistic persons to life in a
worker's state.
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2AAT III
ORGANL:AlIONS AD1INL6'2ERING JUL)iljE
Techniques of Investigations and Court Procedures
()HARTER I
Judicial Organization*
Art. 104 of the Soviet constitution:
'The final law court is the Supreme court of the USSR. It super-
vises the activities of all judicial organs in the USSR and the United
Republics'.
Art. 103 of the constitution:
'Supervision over all court activity is performed at the direction
of the people's assessor (narodnych zasiedatielej), exceptingin the
instances specifically set apart by law'.
Art. 112 of the constitution:
'Judges are independent, and subject only to the law'.
The autonomy of United Republic courts is preserved in the judi-
cial authority organization. This principle however, does not apply to
the appointment Of a prosecutor. Prosecutors of Republics of the union
have the right to appoint district prosecutors, and minor officials, but
only with the approval of the Supreme Prosecutor of the USSR. Bach
Republic has individual criminal codes. This 'individuality' is seen
in the numbering of the code with their identical contents in the RSPER
code.
The added table portrays the actual Soviet judical orgnization
TAiBIZ
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a
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\IS
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The Supreme Council of the Union or of the Republic, depending n the
degree of the hierarchy, selects the Supreme Court for a five year term.
Territorial courts (country, ablest, and region) are selected by the
proper councils of active deputies for a five year term.
Peoples' courts are established for a three year term by secret elections
of the citizen of the particular regions.
The Supreme council of the USSR appoints the Chief Procurator of the
USSR for seven years.
The Chief Procurator of the USSR appoints the procur
individual republics, countries and Wojevodstsfa for
of the
ars.
The Procurator of the republic with the approval of the Chief Procurator
appoints the Procurators of the districts, regions, end cities for a
five year term.
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Explana
The Supreme Council of a .u)paolic, depending on it's place in the
system, is-chosen for a term of 5 years by the Supreme Court.
Territorial judges (country, county, and district)
5 yed.r terms by a worker's 1)eputy Council.
Judges for public courts are elected by secret ballot in regional,
elections for a 6 year term.
The Chief Prosecutor of the USSR is chosen for a 7 year term by
the Supreme Council of the USSR.
The Chief Prosecutor names the prosecutor for each Repuolic to
serve 5 years.
With the approval of the Chief Prosecutor, the prosecutor of a
Republic names regional prosecutors for 5 year terms.
are chosen for
Independent from the above organization, are the military courts
which function ander the pretext of an administrative-military division.
Besides this, there are temporary Revolutionary Tribuials (Rewtrybunaly)
operating, accountable to the high_icourts.
On the other hand, 1.1.rt. 102 of the constitution presents special
courts in the USSR which were enacted on the recommendations of the
MR Supreme Gourt. It was this type of court that judged the case of
Tuohaczewski and his associates, the noted case of the 16 accused Polieh
repres'entatives of the underground government, and many cases of this
type.
If the above mentioned articles were the only articles of' the
,constitution, it wouldn't be possiole to help any reservations regarding
the organization of Soviet judicature, Other articles of this consti-
tution exist, which factually cancel the right of autonomous cour46 in
individual Republics, as well as court independence.
Aaatir
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,ArtePPPEW016 rfVfai9142N9Vikagi\-ROM-0944\90a2QQ020@05-the United
Republics or districts which are 'autonomous', are named by the ehief
USSR Prosecutor. It is clear then that this sham autonomy is but a
which confirms the practice of centralizing judicial duties.
The independence of thejudgee is also illustrated in the limit of
their terms (5 years, and in some cases, 3).
It was stated that judges are elected. Actually, they are appointed
since the selection of judges by the Supreme Council of the USSR can be
synonomoue with appointment by the party which has the deciding voice in
all things.
The election of judges for the people's court (the lowest court)
takes place according to the well known formula applied at the elections
of Soviet deputies. Acoording to it, eleetions are general, without
interVention, enaal, secret, but....you ohoose....only one delegate!
This is incomprekensible to democratic nations, but entirely natural in
Russia. Unions or organizations (in which the deciding factor is evi-
dently and solely communistic) present only one candid*te, and so it is
possible to hold general and secret elections. The party candidate has
an assured victory, since thereis absolutely no one to oppose him.
I repeat: it is incomprehensible, but universally practiced in the
USSR. Presenting the fact that Soviet elections are not real elections
is all that can be done - there is nocounsel to be given.
Another condition exists that permits the assurance that the so
called independent courts are not really independent at all. There is
another institution in Soviet auesia which has wide prerogative of
justive. This the the 1Ministerium Wnutriennych Diel' (MVD formerly
known 0.5
The practices of this institution are so extensive that they comp-
letely cancel the essence of rt. 112, at the same time
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There is no doubt: Soviet justice rests in the hands of two insti-
tutions, the Ministry of Justice, and the IND.
The competency of these two institutions is not clearly set down.
In any case, this can not be determined due to the indistinct wording of
the criminal conduct code. Fundamentally it can be accepted, that the
oourte _pronounce sentence for offenses listed An the criminal code, and
the MVD eliminateft individuals and groups that are 'dangerous or detri-
mental to the community'.
From reading the text, attention to certain articlesof the criminal
conduct code show that 'special orders' KM( give the functionaries of
the MVD special priveleges. These orders probably define the sphere of
activity for the MVD, but they are so secret, they are not known gene-
rally, and least known in democratic nations.
Establishment of any accurate boundaries is unlikely. Besides, it
seems.dthat this is a doubtful question even to the interested institu-
tions, We will have to judge by observation as to the who, when and
whyfore of Soviet arrests, investigations and convictions.
The basis that Soviet law is a tool of the revolutionists results
in the differentiation between criminal and political offenses. 48 a
oonsevence of this, different organs engage in their review.
Before discussing the techniques of the Soviet judiciary, it has to
be stressed that the most often encountered offense is counter-revolutions
which is of a political nature. Therefore it behooves as to discuss the
organization specifically appointed for the prosecution of these offense.
is
This essential for the comprehension of the background and dimensions of
? the political terror, constituting the true essence of national lifb in
the Soviets
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Existing without interruption since 19117, M. V. 14 is the
fourth in a series of names given to an organization which has
been in existance since 1917. The founding father of this in-
stitution is Felix Dzierzynski, one-time head of the Extra-
ordinary Gommission tOzerezwyczajnost Xbmisji 0411Zal; After
i
/0ZEK20, it was known as the WU /Glawnoje 2o1iticzeskoje
4/)
,rawlenijel. The name was then changed to NAL-TO INarodnYJ
omisariat Wnutriennych 'heir, only to be altered, after the
/
war, to the more /democratic' MVD IMInisterium Wnutriennych Diel'.
The sphere of activity of the Ministry of Internal affairs
is considorably"broader than in any democratic nation. The head
of the M. V. D., besides having the confirmed rights of a Minister
of Interior, also has broad prerogatives relating to the oharactlor-
istios of the legal administration. In 1941, the rapid growth of
the former NXVD, caused the creation of the Ministry of State Sei.
ourity, r?omisariat Gosudarewiennoj Bezopasnostit 144GB, This Mi-
nistry, formerly known as the Commissariat, undertook the task of
exposing counter-revolutionists, and offenses against art. 68 of
the criminal code, as well as safeguarding National and Military
security. , The fact that a separate Ministry had to be created to
guard against ecta aimed at only one article ofwthe criminal code,
gives as an idea to the great number of people involved in_sach
acts. The name of this Ministry is not as universally known as the
old name, therefore I will use the known name in refering, to the
organization executing control over life within Russia, combating.
revolution, and being the same as the arm of Stalin, the,party
or, who prefers, the proletariat.
_
Minister Berii was the head of M. V. D. until 1941 when
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-litio_leaaw took charge. He was however, directly liable to Berii,
so much so, that it can be said Bent is the big boss of M. V. D.
The main task of M. V. D. is their fight against counteretrevo-
lutioniats, and speaking truthfully, with all activities directed
against the absolute powers of Stalin. No one on earth has the
slightest doubt that Stalin is a dictator, and nee&sany explanation
of the statement.
Very often, I am confronted with the question: "'ohy doesn't
the Russian nation rebel against the Bolshevik party. It's not
over 3 million strong?"
never heard that question in Russia. This question can
only be posed by a citizen of a democratic nation, who does not
understand the mentality and ethics of the Russians. Being raised
in an atmosphere of freedom, he cannot believe many of the revel-
ations about the U. S. s. R.
It has to be understood, that in it's fight against counter-
revolutionium, the M. V. D. discharges it's duties remarkably well
because it has at it's disposal:
1. Soviet law,
2, An army of informers.
3. A special branch of the internal M. V. 1). army.
4, Private equipment to handle their own railroad trans-
portation, river traffic, and ships sailing under the
green and white flag.
5, Private telephone lines, independent of those in
,general use.
The management of these media creates a government within a
government, and possesses rights unheard of in other parts of the
world. Bven the Gestapo, had neither such means, nor such rights
at it' 251
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The wording of the entire c2imina1 code, and in particular,
arts, 9 and 58, is so ingeniously thought out, that fundamentally
every citizen of the U. S. S. R. can be arrested and convicted on
any pretext.
It must not be forgotten that 'the manner and confirmation
of arrests by the M. V. p.' together with 'the manner and super-
vision of investigation of those brought before the V.
consists of a special order specifically establisheu for thisfipur-
pose. 11.8 I mentioneu oefore, these special orders have not been
disclosed to the populace since they are as secret as all the
activities of the M. V. I).
Besides the courts normally subject to the Ministry of Justice,
the M. V. D. orders secret trials as decreed by the administration,
which is under it's immediate power. In 1935, when Jezow was the
officer in charge of 4,0/J, a special Tribunal of Three was insti-
tuted in MOSCOW for the sole purpose of hastening the destruction
of the "enemies of the people'. This was at a time when there was
an especially strong movement of terrorism, and the courts were
physically unable to handle their obligations. Up to 1938, this
Tribunal 4ad the right to pass a death' sentence, even at a secret
trial. -atter the liquidation of Jezow, the activities of the
Tribunal were curtailed, and the name changed to the Special College
'080boje Sowieszczanijel, hence the shortened OSF,O. It is still
functioning, but does not hand out sentences of more,than 8 yeare.
It does, however, take full advantage of it's power, and the
numeral 8 appears on most of it's convictions.
The MVD is given it's information as to whom shall be arrested,
by a large army of informers oalleu Iseksotyl, - Isekretnyj sotrud-
flier, that is, secret assistants.
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Art, 91 of the Soviet criminal conduct code says: 'the sources
used. to detect criminal Conduct are:
1. Declarations of citizens, associations, and organ-
izations.
2. Information of governmental institutions and govern-
ment workers.
3, Self-accusation.
4. Prosecutor's motion.
5. The knowledge of the investigating organization, the
presiding judge or the courts.'
The information is divulged at headquarters. Soviet judicial law
presumes that a person mentioned in an accuser's report, and there-
fore being ander suspicion, is guilty. These reports place the
populace in jeopardy. If the accused had not yet committed a crime,
he may have thought of committing one. Since the thought, and the
deed, are both punishable alike, the accassed is automatically
judged. The astringent application of the law acts as a measure of
prevention. It will always be a moot question whether a person has
the inclination to commit a crime or not. The Soviet courts do not
stop to consider this. Of course it is difficult to conjecture
whether a person wants to comthit a crime, endeavors to push his plans
to completion, or if that Limit the case. whether or not he had the
inclination to commit a crime. That is the crux of the mater.
In the Russian courts, the accused has to prove that he had
no intentions of crime. This is very difficult to do, therefore it
is pretty certain that once arrested, his guilt is a certainty.
As soon as a report is made on him, his not only is under suspicion,
but guilty as charged.
In Soviet Russia, informers are as common as lice.
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1.
The schools of Russia have courses on the subject of divulging
information. Children are raised in the belief that informing on
any one is a virtue, and a duty of a Soviet citizen. Art. 58, par.
12, of the criminal code pertains to all sources of information
dealing with contemplated or completed crime. Therefore a Soviet
citizen treats the giving of information as a completely natural
and justifiable act. 'If I don't inform, someone else will, and it
is entirely possible thatmthey will denounce met - is the normal
chain of thought of an average Soviet citizen.
The army of informers is counted in the millions. They are
recruited. from the ranks of voluntary informants, or the compulsory.
The voluntary ones are the ideal Communists, those that believe
informing is a virtue, or Weak charactered individuals.
The compulsory informers, without exception, are, hotel managers,
keepers of rooming houses, all factory management dealing with
personnel, captains of ships of the fleet, members of the worker's
anions, every third member irLomeomoluf the young peoples party, all
members of the'Communist party, political army workers, adminis-
trative personnel of the 'il.olchozow' collective farms, etc.
For the investigation of all possible proof of resistance, the
MIND has at it's disposal, speoial detachments of an ineernal army
not subordinate to the regular army. According to the estimates of
5ertain Soviet citizens (who at one time held highnofficeS, and later
were sentenced to many years of imprisonment with me, To mention
a few, a minister, a secretary of the Parisian embassy, a Cossack
General), the MVD army numbers More than 2 million persons. This
tWnatriennyje Wojuka MVD' constitutes a strong peace-time army against
which the Russian citizen will net rebel, as can be testified by the
insurrection in 1932, 1935/6 in the Ukraine and Caucasus, and also
in the war against GE51Xeirty in 1942/3. Experimental oonspiraoies
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are now being undertaken in the Southern-;aliatio countries.
Daring the war the ILL) was equipped with first rate machine
guns, flame throwers, 2anzer unite, and tanks, and had been aseigneu
the duties of boarder patrol ti prevent escapes, and to suppress
any rebellion. This may not have been universally known, but is
not and never was a seoret to the average Russian solaier. Neither
is it a secret that the reserve army is trained in the remote
sections of the oountry, and is unarmea. arms were dietrieuted only
for target practice. Rifles and ammunttion were brought in oy the
MVD, and taken uw,17 again after practice. Troops ordered to the
front, very often rode unarmed, and always without ammunition. Only
after crossing the protective UTD lines did they receive full battle
equipment. Obviously Soviet propaganda hid this fact very carefully.
This secrecy was possible, when you realize that foreign corres-
pondents were unable to oroes these lines.
Other detachments of this army perform duties as prison guards,
and guards in slave labor camps.
Full liberty of operations, independent of other administrative
agencies of state, as well as certain connections are assarea the
'MVD by; private means of transportation, private telephone lines,
and numerous radio stations.
The WO handles the administration of prisons raarzad Glowny
Wieziennictwal, camps !Gulag% and politioallyatende displaced
persons rzeulanieml.
The ittt 'Raboczo-Kreetijaskaja Xrasnaja Miliojar, which is
equivalent 'to. our police force, is under the jurisdiction of the
MVD. Obviously, it's duties aren't a fraction as important as the
MVD. These duties consist chiefly in keeping public order, and
apprehending criminals. In many criminal cases, for reasons un-
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known to me, the MVD will conduct criminal invefiltigations without
the aid of the police. The police never investigate political
cases. These are investigated by the MVD, with 80A of them going
thru the OSSO.
Before the MG B Was eliminated, it was responsible to the MVD
for the purpose of training spies for duty in foreign military and
political parties. This was the most extensively organized system
of spies in the world.
Who is the MVD subject to?
According to the letter of the law, control over the MVD ought
to be handled by the high counsel of the USER, but that isn't so.
Contrarily, the members of,athis counsel are subject to close obser-
vation by the organization which theoretically the control. Actually
the MVD is responsible to no one but Stalin.
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011.212,LUit III
Methods of Arrests
The arrestsof individuals suspected of committing a criminal off-
ense are performed by the militia. The foundation for such arrests-is
Art. 91 ?cc. The formalities associated with these arrests are more or
less similar to those in democratic nations.
Arrests performed through the EVD present a different picture.
In these oases, the binding factors are 'special orders'.
An order for arrest is not necessarily attributed to the completion
of an attempted act. It is universally known that there were instances
of persons being arrested who were unknown by the EVD. In Soviet occu-
pied countries (Lithuania, Latvia, FAstonia, Poland, etc.) there were
mass raids on the streets, and in public places, in which all parsons
were arrested and after being transported to the MVD headquarters,
segregation took place. It was customary to hold all that dia not
possess personal identification, together with arrivals from other
localities.
Arrests of individuals were also performed. This was usually done
by either uniformed or non-uniformed agents of the EVD accosting pede-
strians who had stopped to conver-e. They would be individually ques-
tioned on the topic of their conversation. If their answers were the
same, they'd be told to move on - if not, they were arrested. The reason
for arrest was that theynhad been carrying on a counter-revolutionary
conversation', or complaining or existing conditions or conspiring.
Conspirators usually agreed before hand, that in the interruption by an
agent Of the MVD, they would each say that they had been discussing a
film. Incidently I'll add, the 3olshevika were astonished at the interest
shown in films by a large percentage of the citizens in occupied countries
Generally 'the arresting agency hastens to explain that it operates on
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the prinsiple of law and presents the arrested person with an order for
arrest signed by the prosecutor. It is a common practice however, to
have a delay of many, weeks, or even a discontinuance. This can be
called an 'accidental' arrest.
From ouserving the activities of the NAaL), either in -.Kiviet
or in Soviet occupied countries, depenaing on the political situation,
arrests are performed by a specific plan prepared oy the higher-ups
for any eventuality. The domocratic interpretation of the law remains
the same, but in AUSSiu the laws are flexible and elastic. This elas-
ticity is endowed through .,1rt. 16 cc which introduces trials by analogy.
The.:MD always has a prepared list stating who shall be arrested
for any cause. Taking into consideraldon the period of 1936-7 as a
time of specifically intense terror, we can risk stating that the keys
to arrests are : Trotskyites, mz,.lef-cl,ors, spies, and persons having
any contact with friends or relatives in other countries. 41.8 I pre-
viously stated, the Trotsky idea is as widespread in .aussia as malefac-
tion and spying. It is no wonder then that for every 'Trotskyite' or
other 'spy' a great number of persons find themselves on the road leading
to prison. This isn't at all illegal for Soviet law, through cc ,rt. 7, 1
permits the application of punishment not only 'to persons that have
committed an act detrthental to public safety', but also to those that
present a danger' through their connections with a criminal environment
or for past activities.
The moment of arrest depends on the political situation.
The MVD, working on the assumption that Ws activities ought to be
secret, performs most of it's arrests under cover, preferably at night.
The ingenuity used in camouflaging it's activities is very great and is
applied espeoially in the methods used to combat anti-communism, .an
Individual that is under suspicion is usually called into an office
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apparently useCk for official business , genei- ally the M1litia office,
and. finds an agent of the MITD vi,A. tint; .for him. In the same way, diplo-
matic attaches and persons in the public eye are recalled to Moscow
If an arrest takes place at the home of the prisoner, , he a.gents
of the ME) usually atter.apt to reassure memuer:.-; of the f.,:mtly ttati.t the
cause of arrest is minor and, that after explanations are given he will
be releasesd. Evidently no one believes this, but every-one ha a ray
Of hope that in this particular incident, the LiVj agents re speaking
the truth.
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INVEISTIG:tTIONZ
In every democratic country respecting de jurtand de facto
independent trials, investigations are for the purpose of deter-
mining the exact facts. The way to this, is the gathering of evi-
dence to incriminate the acoueed, as well as to helping acquit
the unjustly accused. Only after gathering all the evidence, do
the investigating officers present their accusations. If there is
nonevidence, the case is dropped, and the accused is freed. The
trial itself, is the result of an accusation, and has as it's aim,
the establishment of the facts of criminal offenses. The court
works freely and independently of the investigating officers, and
only judges by the facts and evidence collected during the trial of
the accused. The avoueed is judgeu only after all evidence has been
collected and presented.
Similar precepts may be found. iLlathe Soviet criminal conduct
oode, and similar practice in Soviet courts wnichepreside over
criminal cases.
However, Soviet justice works in an entirely different manner
if the case is of a political nature.
In these instances, the Soviet investigation is a function
which has as it's aims:
a. The uncovering of an offense.
b. Incriminating people that aren't necessary to the regime.
a. Convince the accused that he had committed an offense.
d. Force a confession from him.
2repare
e. y#1940 the writ of accusation.
There is a popular Saying in Aassia, "to attach an article".
The criminal code is attached to the guilty as well as the not guilty.
The result of this is that the 'arrested is always guilty'.
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When ingestlgator can not find proo if guilt, he looks for
other incriminating acts which suit his own convenience, and later on
he will send it to a superior court or the Special Uollegium MVD
(OSSO).
The superior court relies on the act of accusation and enueavors
to prove the prtisoneris guilt. A guilty plea is unquestionable proof
of guilt, and is the basis of sentence., The OSSO always relies
exclusively on material evidences of investigation, and pass judgement
in absentia administratively.
When there is no proof of guilt, the accused has to provide, and
prove, his own alibi of innocence.
The real spirit of Russian justice gives rise to many Known
Russian anecdotes. Nothing is more characteristic of tae social and
political life, ?is an anecdote. Here are two of them.
In the bath-house of a town, a technician of an electrical
appliance shop was robbed of this clothing. The thief left only a
vest, and tae Soviet police had no success in finding the thief,
However, the victim's vest was thoroughly examined , tnrough force of
habit, with the result that one of the policemen found a piece of
copper wire. The workings of his mind were channelled thusly:
?Technician - working in a shop - he stole the wire, which is the
property of the Socialistic country. Therefore a crook'. AesuIll
the arrest of the complaining victim. (zoszczenko stories)
Another one.
A soviet bunny ran away and didn't stop until he was well be-
yond .the iron curtain.
"Why did you escape?" asked a ram
"Because they castrate horses"
"But your a bunnyi"
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3.
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and then prove your not a horse".
The above anecdotes illustrate not only the sporadic chance
stupidity or the misuse ofathe organs of investigation, but also the
ruling system.
There is a dominating tenuency of self-accusation in the Soviet
system of investigation. Through regulations, the inquisitor does
not give the arrested person the reason for depriving him ofAhis
freedom. The investigator demands that the accuseu define his crime
personally.
Between the time of arrest, and the first hearing, the arrested
person's thinking processes are aimed at trying toAfind out the
reason for his arrest. .m person having unlawfulicontacts gives the
Soviet authority a confession, since he knows what he has been
arrested for, but the 'righteous' search their memories for recol-
lection:_, of instances in their activities which might be the basis
for what has happened. He makes an 'examination of conscience',
mentally reaching back, finding lights and shadows. In a certain
instance, he finds some small, inconsesuential foffense' - but isn't .
yet certain whether that particular reason caused his arrest.
Through these thought processes, the investigating judge hopes
to gain a confession of guilt from the arrested party. The moment
of self-accusation is also the moment of pleading guilty as charged,
and that is tka of coarse what the investigators want to come to
pass. Therefore, imathe first phases of operation, the investigator
attempts to explain to the arrestee the necessity of self-accusation,
and to convince him that only a voluntary admission of guilt will
help lessen the verdict, and who knows, whether or not, it may
gain his freedom for him.
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The eventual adi.Lission of guilt, is not ulivrLq-b reason enough to
()lose an investigation, and prep-.Lre a writ of accusation. It may
happen that an accused person may have more un his conscience, and
the admission of guilt must be forthcoming in the sale mL:.nner. L,uch
is the attitude of the investigtin organs. he process of pro-
curing a confession starts anew. Only after all means of ootaining
a confession and self-accusation are exhauste, does the investigator
formulate his own more or less fair charge. =.gain the investig- tor
tries - without telling tile accused what the offense is - to urinE
about a confession and ac.knowledge his guilt. If the accused denies
the accusation, the investigator demands material proof (try tc prove
your not a horse). In the event that an accused person can furnish
proof of innocence, the investigating organ will put forwu.rd new
accusations until the accused resistance is finally oroken. More than
once investigations of this. kind lasted from 3 to 4 yours.
Tendencies to attach articles of the criminal code dominate the
entire processes of investigation. In case it is impossible to
ascribe the commission of a crime to the accused person, it is im-
puted that he had endeavored, or at least. thought of, committing an
offense. In such oases, it is difficult for the accused to gather
evidence of innocence.
If it is difficult to formulate a charge, the MVD tries a method
of investigation based on a 'life-sketch'. The accused is obliged to
present, truthfully and in detail, a certain period in his lice. He
repeats this a number of times, at different intervals of time. The
finding of discrepancies establishes, in the understanding of the
investigators, proof of hiding an offenbe. That is an important point
of provocation in the process of inducing the arrested person to a
Lull confession (ma razkajanija).
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Fundamental oviet law prevents the presantation of proof of
guilt to the arresteu person. This is due, in many cases, to the
lack of evidence, but mainly because the investigators strive for
a confession and repentance. The aim of the investigators is to
physically break down a person, and to convince him that he is a
great sinner against the socialistic nation.
Many different means are applied to reach that aim.
Art. 136 of the criminal conduct code reads:
"The investigating court does not have tue right to demand a
confession or admission of guilt from the accused by violence,
threats, or other similar means".
This article does not pertain to persons suspected of political
crimes, as the investigations are conducted by the MITD which profit
bymthe 'special orders'. In general, the impression is given, that
the points that are 'forbidden under art. 136 of the criminal conduct
oode are the means which are allowed the MVD.
If in spite of strenuous inducements and persuasions, the pri-
soner still stubbornly maintains his innocence, the investigating
judge reaches into a great arsenal pf such 'forbidden measures'. He
does this with a clear conscience beeaUse after all 'the accused is
always guilty'. He is not arrested 'for nothing'.
A large file of these measures are available to the investigator
for forcing a confession. The soviet judges have certain steps they
usually follow when applying them.
After exhausting all means of persuasion, and all promises, they
apply threats. The first one is generally a threat to the family of
the accused. The judge presents the accused with the possible fate
of his family, their probable arrest, deportation, etc. The prisoner
normally knows that this is entirely possible. Next,is presented,
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of his continued denial; loss of freedom for many years, separiktion
from family, ets., and then he is threatened with violence.
The morale ofithe accused is then lowered. It is a known fact
that a prisoner undergoeS physical depression and nervous tension.
This transpires to lower the organic resistance and the weakening of
the will. The change from the normal way of life, hunger, the
curtailment of many comforts and customs of everyday life, the
restraint of free movement, and many other reasons, are responsible
for this break in morale. Furthermore, the crowded Soviet prisons,
and the primitive level of hygienics, increase the prisoner's dis-
position to nervous shock.
The investigating judge endeavors to use this taut, nervous
condition to gain his end. Therefore, during the time of examination,
he tends to use every availaule means to aggravate the nervous system.
Roughly speaxing, it can be compared to the so called 'third degree
examination'. 1* so happens, that a few investigating judges
steadfastly stare at the prisoner. This lasts for an hour or two.
In the meantime, the accused is questioned, and the judges study his
reactions. Another method is to have a number of persons (not no-
.
oesearily judges) pass through the room where the inquiry is taking
place. These persons stop before the one being questioned, look at
him, throw questions or sarcastic remarks at him, or frequently limit
themselves to a significant grunt. Thisudisorientated tde prisoner
and distracts him. It may also happen that a prisoner is brought
into a room, presumably to be questioned, but no Question is put up
to him. During this time, the investigating judge is busily reading,
and ignores the prisoner. The inquisition doesn't start for a few
hours.
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The investigators also attempt to counteract the sentiments of
the arrestee. They laugh at and defile the ideals for which he is
being investigated., try to stifle family ties, use invectives that
are insults to personal dignity, and deprive him of hope.
When ,fear and terror do not break down the prisoner, physical
torture ensues.
It is difficult to enumerate all of their methods. Many of them
have been mentioned in publications on the bestiality of the GPU.
We can only state, that thee writings are not exaggerated, nor do
they drain the repertoire of the MVD.
In a conversation with a Soviet prisoner - at one time a high
Soviet dignitary - we spoke of the methods of the Gestapo and it's
bestiality. At the close of our conversation, he said with Communis-
tic pride, "Bah, what iX1 theynknow, they know from us, and they
could never readh our heights".
It is not my intention to write about the horror of Soviet in-
vetigations, but I cannot resist the will to publish the tortures
which I suffered, or which I had witnessed performed on my colleagues.
One of my hearings lasted continuously for 90 hours. All this
time, I stood in a corner, without sleep, food, or drink (Prior
to this, I was fed some very salted herring). After 2 days of this,
I was tempted with the prospect of receiving water and rest. When
this didn't help, the judge fell into a rage, and 'by way of beginning
the expected torture", knocked out 3 of my teeth. The only words 1
heard from these 'judges' were the two 'skazy prawda' (tell the truth).
Exhausted, I didn't answer them, so a horn was made, by rolling up
'Prawda' (a well known Soviet newspaper), and yelling into my ear.
The effect is partial deafness which bothers me to this day.
The next torture applied was what is knon as fa barrel of
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laughter". It is an ordinark wine cask, set in a position for
rolling, over which the prisoner is draped in such a manner that
his stomach is pressed against the walls of the barrel. Then the
barrel is struck with a hard rubber club. The result is entirely
unexpected; the resounding of the barrel induces vomiting, and the
longer it lasts, the stronger is the reaction. After a half hour of
this, the. prisoner feels completely 'turned out' giving up the re-
mainder of the gall and blood.
Another popular torture is to have the prisoner sit on a bottle
for many hours, so that the neck of the bottle sinks deeper and
deeper into the anus. It wouldn't do to mention small tortures, as
then one would become boring. Is it worth writing.,about each common
practices as forcing needles under the finger-nails, or standing on
hirt iron? These methods are so widely known among Soviet prisoners
that it doesn't pay to mention such small tortures. Justas nothing
is mentioned about such normal everyday activities as breathing and
walking, so is nothing mentioned in Soviet prisons about each or-
dinary dorms of torture as clubbing or slapping one's face.
Applied torture is not the rule of Soviet investigators. It is
a system whilis applied by investigating judges then, when all
means of the criminal conduct code are exhausted. Then it is applied
without mercy and is always applied to members oflAisclosed secret
organizations of a political nature.
Professional preparation for Soviet investigating judges is mot
very high, and doesn't call for - as in Oapitalistic countries.- long
years of study. Through the general lack of specialists in itussia,
professional standing does not play a high roll. Membership in the
(Zomsomol) constitutes a better chance of attaining a position of
responsibility than do studies of law. The same applies to judicial
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duties. In general, investigating judges, judges, and lawyers base
their standards'of learning on 10 years of elementary and preparatory
studies, and 3 years of study in law. There are some judges who have
had only a few months of law, while still others have no professional
background at all.
? 'Investigating judges of the MVD can be separated into 3 groups,
if the subject of ways of oondacting investigations and professional
standing is considered.
i. Those of little intelligence, unlearned, conceited, and vain.
These handle matters of smaller worth. Lack of schooling is covered
up by lengthly written protocol and delivering extensive propagan-
distic reports on the benefits of the Soviet organization. They tend
to run the gamut from surgary affabilitynto ordinary beatings.
2. The intelligent. Mostly professional routine. They are
more inclined to gather evidence of crime, and use means of convin-
cing the victim of the necessity to confess and acknowledge their
crime. They are more enduring and stubborn iniatheir beliefs. They
try to perceive the psychological make-up of the accused. From this,
they decide what methods of torture to use, whether moral or physical.
They are cruel and ruthless, and do not flinch before the most re-
fined torture. .mmong the, the specialists in cruelty are- - women
judges.
S. The eminently qualified. Often a party agent. Grave phi-
losophical studies (in the spirit of dialectic materialism). In
contrast to young wards of :Joviet schools, they orientate themselves
to capitalistic ways of life. They handle matters of great importance.
They avoid applying torture (not always - some are true sadists).
They attempt, via dialectic demonstrations, to force the accused to a
confession. The characteristics of this group of judges were shown
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very faithfully in Arthur .oestler s bOOK r ness az voon .
Do the investigating judges attain their goal? It may be
maintained that they do. Let's take for an example the results of
Moscow processes, when people that were used to ruthless warfare,
themselves rabid Communists that were able to resist the Czarist
ruffians, stood before the bar. At the trial, they ardehtly made
statements of self-accusation and repentance. They showeu greater
eagerness than the hardy predicted. All admitted to guilt. The judge
was the supreme procurator of the USSR, comrade Andrew Vishinsky.
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Investigative Prisons
The picture depicting investigations would be incomplete if We had
forgotten to describe investigative prisons. Fundamentally, these are
no other prisons in Russia except the one's for persons under investi-
gation. Theoretically a penalty of imprisonment exists, but it is
seldom applied and 99.4 of the inmates are there because of investiga-
tions.
In spite of this Russia is thickly covered withnprisons. 'Every
military post has it's place of confinement, and almost every large
city has one or more prisons.
There are a few model prisons in Russia, or I would say, extra-
ordinary ones. They are administered in a truly exemplary way. The
famous Moscow prison liabianka7 is one of these. Rules in these prisons
are followed severely, but are observed scrupulously as well by the
prisoners as by the prison guards.
A prisoner has the right to play games (dominoes, chess, draughts
which are supplied by the prison authorities. Games of chance, and
especially cards, are strictly forbidden. The prison library supplies
books (one a week),. The prisoner has the privilege of buying sundries
and tobacco up to 75 rubles worth a month. He can write requests and
complaints to the prison authorities.
While in their cells prisoners are not allowed to; speak loudly,
sing or whistle, approach the window or door, sit or lie on the bed
-
during the day, do any writing, or possess any metal objects, shoelaces,
-
belts, etc. During the night the prisoner must sleep with head and. amri
uncovered, and under no circumstances should a prisoner unscrew - a light
bulb from the constantly burning electric lights. He is obliged to per-
form all duties assigned by the prison guards.
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Any infringement of prison rules is threatened with punishment
such as: solitary confinement up to 20 days, depending on the offense,
monetary fines to cover the cost of damaged state property, and
finally, ordering a new trial if the offense is serious.
The most frequent offense committed in prison is counter-revolu-
tionary agitation (Art. 58, par. 10). The Soviet interpretation of
the inimical idea of agitation is very broad, for example, every
assertion of fault finding in the USSR structure, or comparison bet-
ween a capitalist country and kioviet Aussia which is unfavorable to
Russia, is an offense.
Prison guards are usually uncommunicative. -beyond necessary
expressions, they do not engage in conversations with prisoners.
During the course of a day I noticed that guards uttered only 20 or 30
words in conversation with a prisoner. In the event e prisoner is
called for a hearing, he is acoompanieu by two guards who hold his
hands in the rear.
A complete isolation of cella exists. A prisoner that is removed
from his cell hasn't the right toumingle with prisoners from other
cell blocks. During the course of the daily i hour exercises, pri-
soners of one cell are separated from prisoners of other cells uy high
walls or fenced in enclosures. The walk is completed in a circle,
singly or in pairs. Talk is prohibited.
There only are a few of the above mentioned prisons in Aussia,
i repeat, these are model, show-piece prisons.
In the other bovietnprieone, which can be numbered in the thous-
aids, conditions of prisoner treatment present a completely different
picture. .0espite the absclute centralization of executive authority
in Russia, prison rules are not observed equally in different prisons,
although their text, are identical. All prisons have posted iprawila
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&lazaklaczonnyo 1, rules for prisoners. ihelr interpretation however
bow to local conditions and to the individuality of the prison warden,
as well as the convenience of the prison administrators.
Old prisons ouilt by the czar are used as investigative prisons.
The number of these old prisons was entirely inadequate for the Soviet
system, so they are using other structures also, such ae, cloisters,
churches, institutions,schools, and new structures especially built.
as prisons by the NZVD.
2rimitive arrangements, lack of an adequate sewage system and
water-supply, dampness, and bug infestation constitute a characteristic
attribute.of these buildings which are surrounded by high wall provided
with turrets, where armed guards hold watch.
Prisons are normally built in the shape of a huge several storied
nave, presenting tier upon tier of cells. it, stron net of rope is hung
between floors tq thwart would-be suicides from plunging to the stone
foundation of the nave.
Cells are locked on solid kamaps hasps and locks. Within each
cell is found a small night stand in thich the prisoner places his
wooden bowl and utensils, a pail or pitcher for drinking water, and
a covered bucket for excrement which is taken out twice a day during
the time prisoners are immt let out to the water-closet. 3eds boasting
Straw or shaving mattresses are found in some prisons, but not in all.
A small barred window is set very high and is usually covered from the
outside with a metal or wooden casing which when opened, allows a.small
view of the sky. Cells that are designated for children under lit do
not have this casing.
lhe possibility of visiting a prisoner under investigation is very
slim and depends on the investigating judge. 11. prisoner is permittea
one parcel of food or clothing a month. Of course, that is subject to
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revision. rrik? ere are al These
privileges can be limited or taken away by the investigating judge.
b. prisoner under investigation receives a daily ration of: 20
ounces of black bread, 2/3 ounce of sugar, besides three daily meals.
These meals consist of: breukfast - cup of warm water dyed by the use
of bread crusts or dried fruit extracts to the color of teat dinner -
one pint of thin soup and a none too full spoon of barley, supper -
one of the dinner dishes, either soup or barley. .per sentence has
been pronounced, the prisoner gets an additional ration of 3 ounces
of bread and 1/8 ounce of sugar.
Emery ten days, a prisoner should have a bath and have his clothes
disinfected. At the same time hair and beards are trimmed, but shaving
is prohibited. Eaoh prison should have it's own laundry, and bed linen
should be changed every ten days. .his is not practiced due to the
overcrowded conditions of the prisons, and sanitary measures are per-
formed in a !relaxes' tempo once a month or even leas often. Personally
did not receive a change of underclothes in 8 months, that is, after
they were completely worn out.
As a rule, Soviet prisons are unbelievably crowded. rrests fill
the prisons beyond their foreseen capacity. Uells that were built for
one prisoner frequently hold up to 20. Prisoners actually sleep on the
floor, feet to feet, and it space is lacking, they take turns sleeping,
either sitting or standing till it's their turn to sleep. Prison regu-
lations do not mention area standards or cubage for each prisoner.
Complaints against over-crowding bring no results.
The over-crowding of prisons and the continuous stench creed lice
and other insects, which result in frequent epidemics of typhoid fever
and bloody diarrhoea.
Every large prison has it's hospital, most always kept clean it's
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true, b aliiiiE"rtge1816ttarVitai4ki aillif4184A011kM.200WW-lo f treatment
are primitive, freouently the only medication available being aspirin
or iodine.
The relationship of prison guards to the prisoners is non-uniform.
In general, they are indulgent towards ordinary criminals and minors,
and are ruthless in regard to 'counter-revolutionists'. Common criminals
are separated from the political prisoners and have almost no contact
with the 'Western plague'.
thick web of MaD confidants exists in every prison. These con-
fidante not only inform on their fellow prisoners, but very often ,act
as instigators and sometimes appear in court as witnesses for the offense.
The time spent in investigative prisons is not pre-determined. It
all depends on developements and progress of investigation. A common
criminal spends less than 6 months in this prison.. A political prisoner
rarely spends less than I year, and I have met prisoners that have been
under investigation for 3 or 4 years. I personally spent 14 months in
.
this type of prison, 8 months of which were in solitary confinement.
Every prison has it's lockup. 'This is a 'prison within a prison'.
It is a small cell 6' by 4', and is usually built ander the prison. The
4
only utensil is a bucket for excrement. Dampness and infestation is
more prevalent then in the regular cells. The one window is covered with
ii
sheet metal punctured for ventilation. It is never heated so that i
the main factor causing the death of many prisoners. During the day a
heavy gloom pervades, and a strong electric light burns all night. The
only sustenance given a prisoner in solitary is 12 ounces of bread and
1* pints of warm water three times daily. The water has tobe drunk in
the presence of the guard. The prisoner has only the clothes he wears
and is even denied a handkerchief If a prisoner causes a disturbance
or becomes violent, he is restrained with a strait jacket.
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Solitary confinement i meted oat aa punishment for infria6ement of
prison regulations, or on the recommendation of the investigator as a
reprisal for refuaing to confess, and for other reasons. I spent 20
conaecutive day in confinement (in 2eb.) for 'staging an anti-oviet
demonstration' which consisteu of refusing to eat in orUer to force the
judge to hasten the investigation and to announce the accusation. he
effect of this 20 day 'fast' was complete weuXnethi Elau ina6ility to waiK
ander my own power.
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Judicial Channels
At the close of un investigation,.,the accused is informed (Art.
200 occ), and is given a form that he is obliged to sign. This form
lists all articles and paragraphs of the criminal code on which hinge
the accusations of the investigators.
The normal course of action at the close of an investigL..tion is the
act of accusation which is given to the accused a few days before the
trial. Exceptions are made in instances mentioned in the following
Arts. of Part VII of the coo.:
"Art. 466. Investigations in the affairs of terroristic organiza-
tions and terroristic acts aimed against the worker's council
(Art. 58 par. 8 and 11 cc.) should be completed within 10 days."
t"..rt. 467, he accusation writ is presented to the accused 24 hours
before trial".
th I
uRrtt. 468. Trials are conducted without participation of uoth sides)"
"Art. 469. No grievance for a court of appeal or pleas for clemency
are allowed".
ft.Art. 470. The death sentence is carrieu out immediately after the
verdict is read".
The monstrosity of Art., 468 lies Ln the probability of it's being.
the only one of it's Kind in the history of law. he foundation of it's
existence is based on the bill pasaeu .Jec. 1, 19.4 and published immed-
eately after the murder of Alexander Kirow, committed that same day uy
a little known youth named Nikolajew. Many i4issians are of the opinion
that this murder was arranged uy Stalin who was looking for a pretext to
destroy right and left wing oppositions in the party. The fact is that
Nikoajew committed suicide right after the murder, an it was never
established as to who he actually was.
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auou.8?_Ition is prepared oy.tne prosecutor. J10 the accused.
The writ of
remains the possibility of defense, having had a pudic defender assigned
to him, lie can hire a private counsellor if he has any material means.
The defense attorney acquaints himself with the ease and can demand to
see his client.
2he competency of the court depends on the type and maximum puni-
shment of a crime. (Jourt procedure on the average is very short. for
example, in igay and June of 1941, there were many cases before the
people's court concerning hooliganism (n.rt.. 74 cc). .-L"his 'hooliganism!
consisted. of the usage of a curse commonly used in .-.1188ia offensive to
motherhood (yielding to doubts as to motherhood's virtues). from the
moment of arrest, to the verdict of one year imprisonment, the time
elapsed was usually 12 hours.
14. more serious offense, mainly a political one, is handled by dis-
trict courts in a normal procedure (accusation, defense, ana verdict), or
by the L,pecial Jollege (03130) which pronounce sentence in absentia in an
administrative manner. he prosecutor chooses either one of the two
institutions.
In practice, that depends on the findings of the investigation. J2he
district courts receive only those cases that do not present doubts as to
the gu.ilt of the accused. ,L11 others are handled b, the OS O. he
political prisoner has only these two roads open, the district courts or
the OSa.), where is no third road. It never happens that anyone under
suspicion of 'counter-revolutionary activities' is freed.
Under these circumstances, the defending attorney limits himself in
political cases to: a) facilitating a reunion with the prisoners
b) in his speech, saying in effect, that although the prisoner e is a
great sinner in regards to the .doviet, he has hopes of reform, a) pre-
Senting an appeal, and d) in the event of a death sentence, he presents
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From the maxim of Lenin, written in gold. lettere and. hung in each
court, (laws are tools of the proletariat and working classes) arises
the already mentioneu 'iJoviet judicial relativeiem and it's stamp is
placed on every verdict so that that principle is found even in court
procedure. Not only jurists, but also laymen present at trials must
observe that similar to investigations, the court does not seek the
truth, it only wants a confession of guilt from thi accused. How indi-
scriminating this can become can be attested by the exaatples from the
notorious Moscow prosecations at which time the accused confessea to
things that were physical imposeibilitee, L.E. the accusea David ,indi-
cated the place of meeting the already deceased Trotsky in a Norwegian
hotel, Nathan Lurie received instruction in 19o2 from the still unfounded
Gestapo, and in 19a2 jermann conspire with a i4186itql emigrant that had
been dead since 1925. A similar conspiracy with this deceased person
had been confessed to by professor 'Aamein, and Piatakow flew from aerlin
to Oslo with a phantom. The dourts didn't question any of these
confessions.
Trials drag on for many days, witnesses for the prosecution and for
the defense are questioned, the prosecuting and defense attorneys have
their say, but the voice of the state prosecutor predominates. "The
court is the tool of the proletariat and working ciadzen' and not of
justice.
Representative trials of undoubted cases of organized, armed counter
revolution, terror, sabotage, etc., are from time to time held publicly.
They are nothing more than demonstrative propaganda. Military tribunals,
district, or appelute courts usuallyaorganiZe them. The prosecutor's
voice aominates, his speech is usually of a political nature, and is more
suited for an auditorium rather than a court-room. fter the Moacow
ekperience, soviet courts avoid organises_ public trials if there is any
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doubt as to the Lunt of the coued.
From observations of further prosecutions that took place i Moscow
in 1935 with the result that all opposition inside 6he 2rty ( inoview,
Xamieniew, jucharin, ycow, adeic, 2iatkow) and the army (2uhauzewt-:ki,
Uborewicz, 4prk, -74?idcmann, Zeldman, 2romakov, 2utna) v comp-
letely destroyed, we can draw our conclusionsabout the teuhnicues set
up by propaganda processes. ie should as ourselves what j the aim
of-this process.. 'Li it only for 'influencing- other wagering r:emuers of
the community' which is aiseussea in 9 cc.? If so, in v.11.1. sore?
To frighten the disooedient is, and was, a maxim of ussian judi-
cature. That is how we understand this 'influencing wavering memuers of
the community'. It cannot oe forgotten that just as for centuries courts
have been the tool of the czars, they are more so tools of the proleta-
riat authorities, and to be truthful, tools for E?talin. he propaganda
process also has many other aims. One fundmental is to influ once
public opinion as to who is res2onsible for all the misery which is
tumbling down on Lhe Lioviet Union. This statement can be oetter illus-
trated through the concrete example from the prosecution of adek (Jan.
1967) during which t1.ie the accused Lifszyc rocited in one oreath, that
in a five year peribd (19j2036), he was rebponsiule for 10,3d0 railroad
accidents, or 5 per day. 2he courts actually treated this recital as
proof of evident repentance, out the nation finally lerned who shoulders
the blame for saootage. /4,L sharp sidelight was my meeting Lifszyc in
Uchice during 1941, where he held a good position in the uureau of
planning, J.s the head of the statistical group, where he wasn't treated
as a prisoner., I aw him almost everyilday but other than a knowing smile
I couldn't learn anythin from aim/ bimilar confessions can uo counted
in the hundreds. If they were true, there would have been enough damage
dome to dcstroy the whole world.
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mentioned two of the propaganda processes. The techniques used
are as follows:
A notice appears in the papers one day, that a well known dignitary
is spreading the ideas of Trotsky, or that his opinions deviate from
course
Stalinism, which ,as we know is one real mum of Tiolshevik philosophy.
The next day the papers and rio announce the arrest of the dignitary
on the charge of suotage or espionage. Then the names of his compa-
nions, who have also ueen arrested, are released. Newspapers, radio,
films, and agitators Use great pressure against the people's enemies
and a large worker's gathering demands the severest punishment for them.
This pressure lastaso long until the investigators have 'prepared' the
accused for a public confession before the courts. First then is the
date for a real paulie trial announced. It often occurs that crowds of
workers stage demonstrations against the accused uefore the court build-
ing. t the beginning.of the trial, the accused requests the dismisal
of counsel, since they only hinder them in their avowals of guilt. The
court grants their request, and now the accused have full freedom for
their self accusSitions, which they fervently perform.
Should the accused show no signs of remorse his trial is held
behing close- doors, which is exactly what happened during the prosecu-
tion of Tuchaczewski and other generals.
It sometiAles happens that a district or appelate court will free
someone mentioned in a collective accusation. If it is a political
accusation, he is returned to prison and his records are turned oyer to
the. 0850. The 0660 has never found anyone to be not guilty.
Many officers of the NlaJ can be found in the judges ranks. Often,
they do not take the trouble to change uniforms but leave the investi-
ting hearings and go directly into the court rooms.
the
At the end of the trial, on the ?recommendations of the prosecutor,
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the verdict is read to the accused.
After the verdict iS read, the prisoner does not return to the cell
he occupied during the investigation. He is t,ken to a cell occupied by
other sentenoed prisoners where, reg.ardless of any appeal he may have
made, he awaits transportation to a corrective labor camp.
A prisoner that receives a death sentence is taken to he death
cell. It is characteristic that should a prisoner refuse to sign a writ
of appeal, the prison authorities try to force his signature. If he
persists in his refusal, the public defender issues one on his behalf.
The organization authorized to grant appeals IE the USSR supreme Uouncil.
It is not known However, why the prisoners alAays say among themselves
"1 wrote a plea to btulin".
The prisoner awaits a decision of life or death for about 3 months.
Is it a formality, or a wish to definitely smother any remaining oppo-
sition in a prisoner sentenced to die?
Legal procedure - if it can be so called - in matters determined by
the OSSO are seen in a different light. .as it had been mentioned prev-
iously, the OSSO is called to handle political prisoners shose guilt is
in doubt, especially those that had been released by district courts.
The OSSO handled 5/6 of the political cases. This doesn't only greatly
lighten the work of :-doviet courts, but it is also a perfect _camouflage
for the N-417D since the findings of the OSSO are never published.
(nevertheless almost eveyyone knows of them).
Procedure is very simple.
Jsfter the investigation and Arit of accu84ttion are completed, the
reoords of the entire procedure are forwardeu by the investigators to
the NLVD pecia1 College in Moscow. -after a few weeks or months have
elapsed, the prisoner is called to the office or maybe only to the prison
corridor where anon-commissioned officer of the NLTD or a civilian
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2ART IV
EXEOUTING 6BNTP,NUE.6
UHAPTBA I
Inds of Punishment
The name 'community protection measures' emanates from the broad-
ehing conception of guilt independent from infringing on objective rule
but damaging to one category of individuals in relation to interests of
a proletariat state. We spoke of that earlier.
Soviet jurisdiction interpretes crime as being a characteristic of
a certain category of people who stand guilty due to their existance as
individuals 'dangerous to the community'. In relation to them there-
fore, it is necessary to adapt 'community protection measures'.
Defining punishment as a "communitynprotection measure' also stems
from the desire of investing Soviet justice with a humanitarian semb-
lance. The adjective 'communal' is repeated often in the criminal code.
Soviet jurisdiction does not differentiate between transgressions,
violations or crimes, cut calls them in general 'acts dangerous to the
community', anywv, after these words appears the definition 'offense'
in paranthesis.
The elimination of the word 'punishment' from the original edition
of the code also had as it's aim the stressing of the protective-edu-
cative or huAanitarian character of the measures adapted in relation to
an offense. But already in the resolutions of the Executive Central
Committee and the 1.18it Reople's Commission Council, beginning with the
resolution of May 8, 1934 on supplementing the law about state offenses
with articles on treason, instead of using the term 'community protect-
ion measure' which has aljudicial- corrective characteristic' the term ,
'punishment' (nakazanije) is used.
And so, a 'community protection measure' is.....punishment:
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The Soviet criminal code mentions a few types of community pro-
tection measures which have a ljudicial-corrective character' as:
1. loss of political rights
2. confiscation of property
3. publication as an enemy of the worker
4. deportation to the remote regions of ':Aberia
5. loss of freedom through:
a) imprisonment
b) location in a 'corrective laeor camp'
6. publication as an enemy of the worker and exile from the USSR
7. death before a firing squad.
It would be right to also mention the punishment of 'disappearance'.
It isn't mentioned in the criminal code and it is doubtful that this
punishment is mentioned in the 'special ordurs' regarding the legality
of the N.OTD. It is one of the forms of judgement outside the court.
People that are inconvenient to the regime but who enjoy national popu-
larity disappear quietly and without trace from the horizon of soviet
life. The USSR citizens have become accustomed to this. Vvhen all
talking and writing about Litvinov stopped in 1939, questions about him
were answered by the -Aussians with a charJ.cteristic gesture from which
it became clear that this dignitary shared the fate of seeds that have
been picked up by the winds. It isn't a secret that ,.dmiral Urlov,
Marshal Jthlacher and many others 'vanished' in an unexplained way and
from this it seemed apparent that Litvinov shared their fate. far
as Litvinov is concerned however, the people were mistaken. He was
still active in Aussian politics.
Loss of freedom through sentence to a corrective labor camp is most
often adapted.
Confiscation of property, loss of political rights and publication
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as an enemy of the worker are applied as punishment in addition to lobs
of liberty or death before a siring squad.
Death before u firing squad is the highest means of community
protection, likewise publication as an enemy of the workers and exile
fro:a the jS3H.
As I have previously mentioned, this lust measure of communal
protection is not generally adapted and-.,oviet judicial history knows
only a few instances of the application of_this paragraph. One thing
is certain - if this punishment 'ere applied it would Oe received by
99./L of the convicted not as a punishment but as the highest reward.
The criminal ode, with strong rules, stipulated the soviet boundaries,
and propaganda asserts that coOplete isolation of the nation from the
rest of the capitalistic world is one of the best guarantees of national
defense.
How does the execution of different types of punishment, namely
?
execution, exile, and detention in a corrective labor camp seem .to
appear in daily life?
.art. 9 0.0. states that:
"Oommunity protection measures cannot have as their goal physical
suffering or the lowering of personal dignity, nor do they have the
power to fine or punish".
Apart from the fact that u measure for communal protection is
called a penalty, consequently if we tried to apply uniform terminology
we would get such nonsense as - 'penalty does not have the pOvier to
penalize', - we will demonstrate that the above cited art. 9 c. c. is
only a hollow, although pretty, jingle.
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Death Gelle
A prisoner condemned to death is placed in the death cell. In
principle, he has a cell to himself. Double-locked doors, solidly
secured window, and addition guards preclude dreams of escape. .mt
least once a day the prisoner can expect an inspection by the guards
This inspection is to safeguard against escape or suicide. tivery two
minutes the 'Judas' window 18 opened. The guard observe watchfully.
Every creak of a door, or every titLe a prisoner is removed from
his cell to the corridor can be - death. The nights are especially
nerve wracking. Inspections of cells usually takes place during the
night. The condemned never knows but that this time the guards maybe
taking him to the place of execution. I don't know if it is a general
practice or only the 'private initiative' of the guards, but freguently
the guards arrange their 'joke' during the night by purposely stopping
near the death cells and raising their voices so all the prisoners can
hear one ask another: 'is it this cell or the next one?'.
had occasion to hear this eyery night, and that not only once,
but many times. I spent 8 months in a cell adjoining the death cells.
An appeal for clemency is handled through Moscow. The usual length
of time spent in waiting for a reply is not less than 6 months. The
psychical agony grows with each day of waiting.
Executions take place in a prison cell, usually an underground one.
A ;libber ball is placed in the condemned man's lips and he is shot
through the bac x of the head at close range. Gage were brought into use
after the executions followingthe Moscow prosecutions to prevent any
protesting shouts by the condemned. Many soviet political prisoners
state the Tuhaozewski shouted "Down with tyranny? Long live Communism!"
before his execution.
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The author of this work had the opportunity to ooserve condemned
persons immediately after the writ of clemency had been read to them.
These persons were unable to give their names, their arms and legs
trembled, and their teeth chattered as though theynwere Buffering an
attack of malaria. These had been awaiting death or clemency for 95
days: One was my partner in arrest and had refused to sign a plea for
clemency. 1141p1ea had been sent in his name however, to the boViet High
Gommand, without his knowledge. He had been s valiant and courageous
in any event and yet he suffered a complete breakdown while marking time
in the death cell.
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Deportation
The penalty of deportation is a carry-over from the times of the
czar. 3y keeping this penalty the'-oviet government had in mind not
only the separation of criminal elements, those not giving a pledge of
loyalty, and the scum opposing the political trend of the coantry, uut
also the .colonizing of Siberia. .0eportation is one way for untangling
a difficult national problem. Siberia today presents 4 highly_colorful
mosaic of nationalities consisting of deported groups of 'nationalists'
from the Ukrain, Poland, Orman, etc. J2here is alLo no shorta.ge of
ehinese, lioreans,,and Japanese, creating a veritable tower of _dacel which
isn't threatening to the USSR since the NLVD foments unofficial race
hatred and prejudices which conforms to the so unproletarian device:
divide et impera.
Materially speaking, the governmentbenefits in two ways: it proteats
itself from unwanted classes and it profits through exploitation of these
classes for necessary labor. Siberia As the Soviet Arctic, and the
boundless expanses of Soviet Jentral Asia, hide within themselves a vast
natural wealth and the only way for the governmentnto avail itself of
this wealth is to populate these areas. It is a well known fact that
deportation does solve this problem completely. Experience shows that the
natural increase of d(:portees is lowered to a disadvantageous degree.
This is due to climatic changes, unusually severe ltving conditions, and
the large number of deaths among women and childre, so much so that this
is a deciding disadvantage to the rest of the political population of the
remote Raeaian,regions. These circumstances do not tend to decrease the
number of deportees since tae first aim of this act is to separate
unwanted classes as a community protection measure, from the rest of the
community.
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The MOO handles the deportation problem on a scale that surpasses
anything done in the tine of the czars. Voluntary emigration often takes
place. Only a formality makes it voluntary. It happens that Just Before
boarding the train, the deportees receive a declaration of voluntary
emigration for signing which states that they are leasing of their own
free will. This brought about a new phrase in Russia: voluntary deper-
tation. 'Voluntary' because the deportee is leaving of his own free
will and 'deportation' because he actually must leave. Fundamentally
no one resists the persuasion of the N.OLD to this 'voluntary' emigration
fornit is clear that if theynrefuse to leave they will be issued decrees
forcing them into exile. They would rather be voluntary emigrants than
compulsory ones for the plight of the latter is a great deal worse since
all their activities undergo close observation by the NXVD and they also
lose all political rights.
The remote regions of Russia are now inhabited by a large mass of
voluntary and compulsory emigrants. Their material conditions are the
same. As pioneers of Russian civilization theynare oblige to build new
colonies in the L'iberian wilderness, to begin everything from scratch
with only the primitive tools given them. Tailors build houses, mecha-
nics cultivate the land, and women dig-ditches for drainage. That is the
picture of the material wealth of the deportees. Those who after a few
years are still alive vegetate in pitigul farms or in collective houses,
They labor in cooperativesJorganized by themselves or, if this happens to
be an industrial camp, in mines or in factories, and when their tanks are,
thinned out by death a new party of deportees comes in which is a little
more lucky since they come to a place 'all ready prepared':
Their vp.,,Lr of life can best be attested to by the existanoe of a
system of trade. lloney has practically no value,
shirt taxmaxim may
be traded for a sack of potatoes, used or torn underwear for a lamp wick,.
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If the 0erilYr".5081M2n2M14, : RtftM89.12111kP?Mtel de trth f
essential articles, if specu1a-6ion - even though it is unmeruifully
hounded - flourishes there on a scale not found in any capitalistic
country, how can goods be shipped over the trackless Siberian tracts.
SO that there wouldn't be any misunderstanding let me state that the
rolling stock of the Soviethis very good but it isn't adequate enough to
serve the 21 million Kilometers of the us:z. For this reason the new
colonies are forgotten and their needs are placed on the bottom of the
list for Osny appropriations. Only one thing comes regularly - propa-
ganda. Protective measures have the task of euucation. In labor camps
and in colonies Soviet propaganda strives to convert the deportees into
enthusiastic Bolsheviks and followers of the teachings of Stalin.
?a few comparisons and the daily papers can attest to the huge number
of political Bolshevik deportees.
Over a period of 55 years, 1823-1887, the oaarist government de-
ported. about 59,000 persons to Sieeria. From 1939 to 1941 the Bolshevi4.
government deported from occupied eastern Poland, which was tkm in the
lOurzon line, 1,692 thousand persons from which 990 thousand were sche-
duled for emigration. (These figures are from the official publication
of the Polish authorities who are opposing Oommunism)
During the building of one port on the Black Sea the NIND deported
40 thousand persons with 24 hours for istrategic reason'.
Not too long ago official Soviet sources disclosed the liquidation
of the autonomous epublics of ILomi? Oreimean .artary, Kabardynk and
Kalonyk. These republics had a population of a few million people. The
majority were deported to Siberia.
It is not definitely known where the million people of the republic
of Tannu-Tuva had been deported in the last year. (1948)
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Railroad Transportation
The most common icommunity protection measure' is the corrective
labor camp (Isprawitielno Trudovoj Lagier). Before I relate the living
conditions in these camps it would be better to become acquainted with
the techniques of transporting the accused from prison to the labor camp.
The most common means of transportation is travel by rail; The
prisoners are brought to the station in prison vehicles or, if there iS
a scarcity of cars, they are forced to march to the depot. .i.fter the
columns have been formed in front of tne prison, the transportation
officer (usually an DIZITY) man) warns the prisoners with the following:
March one step backward for every two forward steps. The escorting
guards have orders to shoot without prejudice/. This means, in effect,
that one false step is reason enough for the escort to use rifles. In
every instance where .he marching columns halt, the prisoners are force&
to sit on the ground without regard to mud, sand or snow. Under no
circumstances can a prisoner stand up without first being commanded to
rise. Besides guards, military dogs which are descendants of .i1.1zac
wolves, help watch the prisoners. These measures are always used in
oases of marching prisoners.
Soviet iiusaia is probably the only country in the world that uses
special prison cars in railroad transport. These prison oars retain the
name of (8to1ypinka' from the czarist reign and differ from the ordinary
railroad oars in having barred windows, hazy instead of clear window
panes, and instead of ordinary walla a metal grill is used. The guards
remain in narrow corridors which enables thew to watch the activities of
the prisoners. Since the number of these cars id limited, they are
usually attached to passenger or freight trains.
? The principle means of transporting lagge groups of prisoners (800-
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2000 persons) are covered vans fitted with primitive measures for human
use. Two rows of wooden beds on different levels serve as sleeping
places and a small hole in the floor fitted with a tin pipe is uLed for
sanitary purposes. In the winter months a small iron stove in the center
of the van provides the prisoners with a little warmth. On the platform
of each :van stands a guard. ,kseperate van is used by the staff con-
sisting of the commandant an Ni man, his assistant, a non-co=issioned
mess officer, a sanitary officer and the rest of tne transport crew
including dogs trained to trail humans. .
The individual convoy guards are linked by telephone to the van of
the commandant and with each other. In the event of damage to the tele-
phone equipment the guards use a bell alarm oy pulling the ccrd that is
strung near the ceiling of each van.
During the night the way is lighted by flares fired every few
minutes and while passing through fields or forests the flares are fired
one after another.
While the convoy halts, the walls and floors are pounded with wooden
mallets to ascertain whether or not they have been weakened in an effort
by the prisoners to escape.
In transit the daily ration for the prisoners is about one pound of
bread or i poung of biscuits, one herring or other sallted or smthked
fish, and each should receive about 2/3 ounce of sugar. However the
sugar is usually kept by the men in charge of the convoy, ,--ccording to
orders each prisoner should receive one hot meal at least every third
day. In general practise however, these orders are not followed.
traveled as a prisoner a few times. One of these tripsnlasted more than
a month and I didn't have a single warm meal during the entire trip.
The greatest agony endured is thirst. The guards issue one or two
buckets of water daily to eadh van holding about 50 persons. It doesn't
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go very far and is the cause of frequentfights or even death among the
prisoners. If the transport is during the winter months many prisoners,
tormented by thirst, lick the hoar-frost formed on the iron fixtures of
the van. There can be no mention of washing or other bourgeois devices.
This is the typical transportation of prisoners. There may be some
slight variations from the account given. In the event of a particu-
larly heavy use of transports, the conditions are much worse since the
vans are loaded with twice as many persons and it often happens that
many persons suffocate due to the luck of ventilation, especially during
the summer months.
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Deportation Prisons
The first stage of deportqtion are the deportation prisons. This is
a pointnwhere prisoners are massed together for the purpose of organizing
convoys for transport to individual camps. There are several of these
points in Russia. They are centrally located to be able to handle a
certain number of prisoners. These prisons receive and discharge a few
thousand persons daily.
After the prisoners leave a train they are taken in prisonvans, or
mar* on foot, to the deportation prison. This usually takes place at
night. The MD cares about appearances and strives to do everything in
secret. It isn't at all unusual for Aussian prison vans to seem to be
passenger busses. Drapes and curtains (sic') present a good illusion.
The inside however, is completely darkened and strongly safeguarded.
After alighting from these cars the prisoners are taken to be questioned
after which they bathe and have their clothes disinfected. Depending on
the prisoner's luck he his quartered in a cell, or if the prison is over-
crowded (and they usually are) he is quartered in the hall, in the loft,
on the stairs, or even in the prison yard. In Nov. of 1940, together
with about 5,000 other prisoners, I spent J weeks in the prison yard.
For the first time since his arrest does a political prisoner mingle
with criminal convicts.
It is also noted that from the time of confinement in a deportation
prisons the prisoner lives by the rules of the jungle, the right of sur-
vival in an enclosure. From this time on survival will be the prisoner's
one aim daring transport , and in slave labor camps.
The administrators of these prisons keep an index of camps needing
laborers and as soon as a large enough group is assemblea they are organ-
ized into a convoy for further transport. For this reason a prisoner may
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be in a deportation prison a few hours or a few months. xias depends on
Whether transportation isdready for a certqin group Or whether a definite
quota hasn't been filled and they have to wait for another shipment of
prisoners. Frequently a long period of waiting in a deportation prison
is due to faulty administration. In short, a prisoner may be forgotten,
his papers lost, or the papers may have been included through error with
those of another transport. There is a sealed envelope for each prisoner
containing the records of the trial and the characteristics of the pri-
soner. The outside of the envelope carries a photograph of the prisoner,
personal data, the c.c. 1-rt. number, and the length of the sentence-. The
an
envelope is opened only at tde labor camp. If it happens that itm enve-
lope is erroneously sent with the wrong transport, the prisoner remains
at the deportation prison until the authorities uncover the error.
Deportation prisons are the beginning of the real torture of a pri-
soner. bleeping on bare floors, stone steps, or in the rain or snow under
the skies, stench and lack of space, the complete ignoring by the autho-
rities of even the most primitive hygienic installations, the constant
threat of being stripped to the skin by degenerate juvenile criminals and
the brutality of the prison guards - all tividly oppose the nicely worded
CO art. 9: "Community protection measures cannot hagt as it's goal the
physical discomfort or the degredation of human dignity
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011,1,-2M.' VI
Separation Camps
From deportation prisons the prisoner is sent by rail to a separation
camp. The conditions of travel are the same as those praviously mentioned,
In the as event that the separation center is too distant fro- a railroad,
Vransportation by barge, ship, auto or marching is urought into usel.
Usaally however, these separation centers are in the vicinity of a rail-
road right of way or at it's terminals. I had the lluck to become acqu-
ainted with all modes of travel.
Separation centers are, just as deportation prisons, points of or-
ganizing prisoners sentenced to concentration camps in specific regions.
Dabor camps are organized in r.assia according to l_systems1. hese systems
are usually within the uoundaries of tdo individual countries or regionsl
,A Separation center serves one or more of these systems.
The lacor camps send their employee requirements to a separation
center and, depending on the namuer of persons in the camp, the separation
center organizes a convoy for transport to the labor camp. These sepa-
ration camps are nothingAmore than a type of slave market. I use the name
appropriately for it is the most suitable and theacloseat to the truth.
How else can you call the general practices of camps that send special
delegates whose sole aim is to pick out the healthiest and most efficient
workers. As an example I can cite my own case. I waa assigned to a camp
and was ready for dparture when an engineer of another camp found out
that I had stated that I was a drilling specialist. He therefore had
arranged with my IDOS61 for a trade, giving him another prisoner, a few
packages of cigarettes plus my coat.
Separation camps therefore, function as labor exchanges and regulate
the flow of labor.
The number of prisoners in a separation camp usually is in the tens
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Of thousands, This necessitates separating the ca,ap into zones, each
zone beingnisolated from the others by barbed wire. This type of wire
encircles the entire camp. at 100 yard distances stand high towers t
from military guards called 1Wochry' (giojennoja Ochrana - subject to
the NXVD) stand a 24 hour watch. The entire camp is bathed in strong
reflected light all night. Dogs also help in guarding the prisoners.
Prisoners :ire forbidden to loiter near the fences, and anyone found too
close to the fence is immediately shot.
Prisoners are quartered in barracks, tents, or even under the
skies. Due to the overcrowded condition of the camp it is impossible to
house all the prisoners in covered buildings. 'Sven during the winter
months many prisoners live outdoors, sleeping on the snow covered ground
around campfires. All types of prisoners are found in these camps so
that there is no differentiation between political and criminal offenders.
The theory of might over right reigns in these camps. Guards that
enter the coapound arm themselves with long poles used to disperse a
crowd of criminal offenders that are robbing or even murdering political
prisoners and those from the west'. In many instances however, these
incidents are overlooked.
Body lice become inseperable companions of the prisoners. It isn't
at all unusual then for epidemics to occur and the death rate is unu-
sually high. The prisoners dreamaof a quick release from these camps to
a definite labor camp were organization and discipline, together with
seizure of disquieting persons, presents a small guarantee of personal
safety and the housing problem is a little more bearable.
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011.....e2&1 VII
WTS.Lt 2R.,14L)OAT
Further transportation for the prisoner, depending on the cir-
cumstances, excluding the railways are: trucks, barges, ships or more
marching.
The routes that are especially difficult for the prisoners to
withstand are: a) Kotlas-Vbxkuta, b) Krasnoyarsk-Midinka, (c) iiharkov-
Vladivostok, and d) Bukhta Nakhodka-dblyma,
Kotlas lies at the point where the Vychegda and Dvina rivers meet.
This is an enormous segregation center that supplies several camp
system that exist uetween the Dvina river and the Urals. The most
easterly system is Vorkutstroj with it's mining operations. The route
Zotlas-Vorkuta is either by land following the course of the VycheEda
Ussa
river, crossingulthe Pechora river, following-the jimi river to it's
source or by water transport using barges over the Dvina river to Arch-
angel, then uy ship across the ithite and Barents seas to the Naryan-Mar
port which lies at the mouth.of the Pechora river and then by barges up
Usda
the Pechora and AW rivers.
In the case of travel by land the prisoners are shipped in closed
freight cars or open flat-cars over the newly 'milt railroad leadin to
Vorkuta. This line was completed in 4.pril of 1943. .defore it's com-
pletion transportation of prisoners was accomplished by combining land
marches and water systems. Marching Was resorted to all year round
which accounted for innumerable cases of intense frostbite and eventual
death. Almost every year severe blizzards caused the deaths of many
transports consisting of thousands of prisoners with convoy. .ccording
to orders camp authorities are obliged to supply the prisoners that
(nose into the polar regions with special uniforms out in general prac-
tice the prisoners are usually clothed in their own outfits. You can
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imagine thPePric3n/kr iettee29,31,q3651:J9NREE8OW49901kt3i2P9M995-gn Lwow daring
.
May and June of 1941. The white death reaps a good harvest and is a
constant companion of every transport.
The river route of Lotlas-Vorkuta is a great deal worse than the
landed route. barge holds about 2,000 prisoners jammed into it's hold.
They are allowed on deck only during the day and that only with permission
of the escort. This permission is granted only for physical conveniences.
The lack of adequate facilities results in long clueues of people standing
in narrow halls for many hours. -Sven during the night many stand in line
waiting-their turn. Many that are unnable to deny nature use a conven-
ient corner which further pollutes the air and creates breathing diffi-
culties. i)uring tne night bands of thieves rob their more peaceful com-
panions, murdering those that give them opposition, and practice sex
perversions. The guards do not take any notice of these practices since
they share in some of the loot and barter with bread and cigarettes for
the rest of it.
I know that .what I have written may seem unbelievable, but we must
realize the severe shortage of material in Soviet Russia. Every scrap
has a big price on it. 4L well dressed foreigner cannot count on mercy
from thieves or even administrative personnel who themselves organize or
provoke att..,:cks on better dressed .'westerners. Sometimes po7itical pri-
soners are capable of banding together and morebr less successfully,
defend themselves. In these instances real battles ensue among groups of
prisoners and the mortality rate on both sides is high. I had partici-
pated in just such a battle on this route which resulted in about 20
deaths and about 100 badly injured persons. Unfortunately the majority of
the victims were political prisoners who normally are unarmed while the
bandits have some sort of weapon, usually a hand made knife.
Besides the plague of bandits, the prisoners are tortured by hunger,
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thirst, sickness, and heat. It seems paradoxical but It's nevertheless
true that in the waters of the North sea, north of the polar circle,
prisoners die en masse from heat prostration.
The tromplete water trip of 1Cotlas-Vorkutai including stops in transit
camps at .1rchange1 and Naryan-Mar lasts months. This is in addition to
the delays met in the event the 2echora river is frozen over. In these
cases the escort cannot contact supply points, therefore, in order to
stretch their food supply, they further decreaee the already inadequate
food rations. InAhese instances the marauding of the bandits reaches
unheard of heights. They steal the feed of their companions Thich causes
the death ey etane tioa of these unfortunate peeple. Corpses are threwn
into the water.
The route between ?rehangel and Naryan-Mar has still another hazard.
Ships frequently sink as a result of storms or icebergs.
The route Zruenoyarsk-Dudinka presents the same picture of the barges
or ships on the Yenisiy river. It is about 1,500 miles long.
Bukhta Nakhodku, near Vladivostok, is similar to Kotlas as a begre-
gation center and serves all systems lying beyond the A4:imur river, .Kolyma,
Kamchatka peninsula, Sakhalin Island, the district of Yakutck, ana
Virkhoyansk, and the L;hukotka Peninsula. kmpa Specially equipsed ships
ply these many sea lanes, making continuous trips.to the many points
served. Two route, are never to be forgotten by the prisoners. These are
Bukhta Nakhodka-Magaden (on the Ukhotsk sea) and .dukht Nakhodka- 3ering
Strait - .&irotic Ocean - and Lower Kblymsk.
Magadan is the second segregation point on the far Bast. It is the
gate to the enormously big territory of slave ealeps which are densely
situated on uoth sides of the Lolyma river. iJue to the climatic condi-
tions, (Verxhoyansk is the coldest region in the world), only the hardest
criminals are sent there. In the Soviet mind a sentence to that point is
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equivalent to a doath sentence. Tite route leads through the Japanese
and Okhotsk seas. During; passage through X the La Perouse btrait many
prisoners perish from suffocation. This btrait lies between the balcha-
lin and Ye zo Islands and. tue Japanese had. the opportunity to photograph
Russian prison ships. They were probably quite well informed on the
number and destination of these ships. It was the duty of the N.71) to
keep secret the politics of tne biological extermination of counter-
revolutionary elements. .0'or this re-son all companionways leading to
the decks and all portholes were hermetically sealed before reaching
this strait to prevent escapes. It had previously happened that pri-
soners being releseci upon dock to use toilet facilities had noted the
nearness of the islands and had. jumped overboard.. Japanese fishermen
willingly helped them and obtained information from them which circum-
stances didn't enter into NAND plans, therefore stringent methods were
put into use which costa number of lives but which made impossible the
divulging of boviet information beyond. it's borders.
Further transportaion from Magadan to Lolyma is ..by trucks for a
distance of 300 to 750 miles. Prisoners are forced to sit in cramped
positions one against the other. Talking and movementnis prohibited.
l'he slightest infractions of the rules if. met by death at the hands of
the guards This territory is ruled by the harsh "Kolym& laws" which
permit immediate reaction of the guards who understand only one way to
obtain submission: aimethashots ? It is natural to assume that frostbite
and, death are normal occurances under the climatic conditione. Upon
reaching the Zolyma river the prisoners are transferred to barges during
the summer time, but during the winter (which lasts about nine months),
the journey is completed on foot.
Transportation from Bukhta Nakhodka to the Uhichodka Peniasula
and to Lower Kolyma uses a longer sea lane since the ships have to sail
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through the Beriag Strait and. contend. with .ics floes in the 4-,retio
Ocean. 2here is no transportation by truck. The journeys from the
ports to the interior, in many cases several hundred miles, i made on
foot and. the trail as usual, is strewn with corpses.
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vil
Living Conditions and Labor in Prison Camps
According to Soviet assumption, a correctional labor camp should
serve as an educational institution. The educational measures are labor
and propaganda. Labor is the topmost duty of every citizen and carries
with it ennobling qualities so that every prisoner is obliged to perform
either physical or mental labor, depending on his qualifications and
physical capabilities.
On entering a labor camp, each prisoner undergoes a physical exam-
ination to de-.ermine his degree of fitness for labor. There are five
official classes of adaptability:
1. Fit for all labor
2, Fit for 'moderate labor",
3. Fit for light labor.
4. Invalid let degree.
5. Invalid 2nd degree.
Special orders specify the types of work to be performed by each
class.
A different commission studies the prisoners' records to determine
what type of work the prisoner did in civilian life and to separate
the specialists.
In practice however, any recommendations placed in the prisoner's
files by eithe commissions is disregarded and no difference is shown
to the different classes, and speoialistawork with others on 'general
jobs' (obszczije raboty). The true standard for placing prisoners is
the type of offense they are committed for, and the action of the pommO
issions is only a formality. A political prisoner is seldom allowed to
work imAlthe administration offices of the camp which is asuailywinmthe
hands of professional criminals. The only exception to this rule is
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made when no other prisoner can be found to be capable to handle this
function. In this ease even a political prisoner may handle affairs
dealing with camp administration.
An invalid let degree is ooliged to do work inside the compound.
Invalids 2nd degree are not obliged to work.
These rules are fluid and
can be changed by the administrators so that an invalid let degree is
obliged to perform 25% of the normal daily output while a End degree
invalid is expected to produce 10% of what a healthy prisoner putsout.
This disregard of orders and the difference between theory and
practice is brought about byS a) the specific atmosphere of soviet life
whose argument 'everything for the socialistic country of the laborer
and peasant' nullifies the law of personal dignity giving the admini-
strators the authority to practice /louses, b) the requirements of the
Soviet party plans which must be completed without regard to choice of
measures used by the manager.
Ga,bp authorities, on every rant of the
organization, have plans forced on them which have to be completed if
they do not want to share the fate of the prisoners they control, and
since the plan can make this possible,
tation of the prisoners without regard
out regard to cost.'
A standard is set by the economic
enlarged plan it is necessary_ito set a
or a brigade of prisoners should do to
they tolerate the maximum exploi-
to murderous conse-uences, with-
plan. In order to
complete this
standard as to what one prisoner
guarantee completion,
exceed the plan. No one seems to be concerned with the fact
set standard is oeyond the limit of human capabilities, that
Organism holds a limited amount of energy, that the standard
0E13.
or even to
that the
the human
is murdsr-
The press and. all propaganda stresses the completion of the eco-
nomic plaa throughout the entire nation. Factory and. business directors
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Of the state adopt by means of professional alliances the reeolation to
take the obligations upon themselves to see that the plan is dompleted
beyond the expected standard. The same thing happens in labor camps.
A practice has arisen to accept these resolutions, so that after the
given time limit, widespread justifications for the unfulfilled pro-
mtses could be published. Such justifications could be sent by a dir-
ector of a business that hires it's employees but never by a director of
a camp using prisoner labor, as such plans must be completed. If, in
spite of the killing pace set for the prisoners, the plan is not com-
pleted, the director falsifies the report in order to &Void responsi-
bility for sabotage (art 68, par. 14 o.c.). He turns to this measure
only when the fatalities are BO great that he may in turn be ander
suspicion of lconscious counter-revolutionary sabotaget. The position
of a director of a labor camp is extremely difficult, it is always
between the hammer and anvil, and is held for ae long as he is able to
carry on an intrigue. 41. commission from Moscow very rarely visits a
camp. The director usually hears of an impending visit from trustful
friends employed in the highest echelons of the organization, which
enables him to put the camp into some semblance of order in order to
satisfy the demands of the dignitaries who do not observe many things,
and who choose to ignore a whole lot more.
The weight of the plan falls on the prisoners. Human material in
Russia is squandered lavishly, in labor camps - prodigally.
The standard of labor is strictly prescribed. The table of stan-
dards takes into account even the minutest details. These tables are
continuously changed to the detriment of the laborer, growing to un-
attainable heights, to the recorded heights of istachonitest. These
records are fraudulently determined. Physically strong laborers,
prepared for the test by the camp director thaving the best tools, the
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best material, te ine standard
of labor in a few days, which is enough to set a precedent to increase
the general binding standard.
In order to for the prisoner to work, the quality and quantity of
food served is in accordance to the pereentage of work performed acc-
ording to the standard.
The food in different camps is not the same. It depends on the
place and time. In the past, there were instances when the menu was
inadequate and hundreds perished from starvation. A reform took place
in 1938-9, Prisoners that were in camps at that time tell that during
this period no one had died of starvation. Evenmthose that were on
penalizing rations existed from scraps off the tables of the stachonites,
The year 1940 however, saw a change for the worse and conditions became
so bad that from 1941 deaths due to starvation and emaciation be am a
common and everyday affair.
A general rule governing the policy of nourishment is to keep the
people half starved so that they would exert more energy when promises of
better nourishment are given. Hunger, in these cases, is a very effect-
ive measure.
There are different degrees of rations. During 1941-43, Northern
'European .Lussia had the following list:
Prisoner category Daily Rations
black
Itgatit%xmtx4tmmtmxtxmaixeittim About 13 ounces of bread and twice
Less than 99A of atbandard and
End degree invalids
daily l pts. thin soup (400 grams)
100-114A of standard and office
clerks
11 lbs bread, morning - thin soup.
noon - 2 oz white bread, evening-
thin soap, bowl of barley.
115.123% of standard operations Same as above plus lb bread)
251A,
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administrative par sonnel aame as above plus 1 11) ? more
bread, occassionally some meat,
and vegetable oil.
Less than 337 of standard 9 oz. of bread and twice daily
ani disciplinary cases cabbage or oat soup, /practically
nothing more than water.
In 1942, probably due to the war, the food rations, particularly bread,
suffered an abrupt 4O> decrease_iwith the result that u large percentage
of prisoners began to die at a rapid pace. Oertain camps that were
doing war work (extraction of naptha oil, cold mining, building of
underground and above ground hangars, etc.) felt only a small decrease
of rations, but the scale of labor and hours increased. Favidently this
increase was fvoluntary' as a result of a spontaneous resolution by
some prisoners who wanted to contribute their efforts for their beloved
Stalin and party. Those prisoners in the polar regions were fed a
little better than those farther to the bouth. In this respect the all-
powerful authorities created unusual pictures. eg. two camps, lying
about 2 klms. (1 1/3 miles) from each other, doing the same work, and
having the same scale of labor receive different rations because one is
in the polar circle and the other is outside the circle.
Practically speaking, the increase in physical fitness br,)ucbt about
by a better diet does not compare with the increase of effort and the
calories expended in labor completely cancels the caloric increase of the
daily rations. This causes the human organism to weaken, and finally
emaciation. For this reason the more sensible prisoners do not attempt
to increase their efforts at such a heavy price and if they cannot gain
better welfare conditions through various subterfuges, they only expend
enough energy so as not to be accused of sabotage. They have a valid
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reason for this for they /mow that whether %ey are ste.cnonitee or not,
the same fate awaits them - slow death by starvation.
' Workers that completed more than 1250 of the scale had the right to
buy between two and 'three hundrec. grams of bread and 2 oz. of lard. They
had the right, but not always the possibility. The luck of fats was felt
by all strata of society and the guards, just as the prisoners, were
lieeted to a certain amount of fat.
Prisoners that refuse to work (otkaz) are sent to the lock-up.
Systematic refusal to work results in an aceusation of sabotage and the
punishment is isath. after three refusals this paragraph is applied
(for the prisoner shows no hope of correction - the verdict usually booms
out).
Under these eircumetances the prisoners rapidly approach a complete
physical breakdown. 3esides hunger, they are plagued by various diseases
peculiar to the extreme North as : scurvy, nyetalopia, aed otherw which
are caused by the lace of vitamins and the extremely cold climate.
In general, among the prisoners exists a conviction that the only
means of enduring a sentence to a labor camp is to be sent to one located
in tne interior zone where, through organized IblateT, living eonditli,ons
are more bearable. Iblat' is a specifically Soviet institution. It is
a chain of eontects that guaranteee mutual help and support at the ex-
pense of misusing and eluding prescribed laws. The. boviet adage iBlat
wysze Sownarkomal (blat is higher than the Peoples Official Council)
gives the best eharaeteristic of this institution.
Others that are unable to organize a Iblatl usually come to the same
end - death oy emaciation. This occurs sooner or later, depending on the
individual prisoner's state of health on entering a camp. When exhausti'or:
is so great that the prisoner doesn't have the strength to work, he
remains in the camp and is completely indifferent to the fact that he may
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be sent to the lock-up. His onlyndream is to lie Llietly in warm
nook where he wouldn't feel his slowly ebbinr strength ;.ni the flicker-
ing of the flume of life. In camp jargon such persons are called
approacher's from the word 'approaching' or nearinr one's end.
The issue of clothing is particalsrly isiportant in the Northern
regions. 2risonere receive cotton jackets, and andFJrciothes that are
generally ssuitsble against the cold.. The gloves that are occasionally
issued are entirely inadequate and are no protection asainst the bitter
cold. Leather shoes are soaroe and the prisoners do not at any time
receive them. The NINJ and administrtive personnel receive porous
pigskin shoes and high boots havein mie sneep-wool snd camel or
cow hair which keep the feet warm. The prisoners normally receive
awkward clogs made from tire coverings, These injure the feet and do
not give any warmth. L,ometises they receive bast-shoes woven from
linden.. Normally the prisoner winds old rags around his feet as a sort
of protection. These get soaked however, and a. crust of ice forms over
them. It isn't at all oddsithen that many hundreds of prisoners have
their feet or fingers amputated as a result of severe frost-bite.
The housing of prisoners depends on the degree of Icolonizationl
Of the camp that the prisoner is sent for lauor. Generally the pri-
soners are housed in wooden barracks or in caves that are frequently
unheated ;paradoxical because the forest is all around), and those
working in mobile units, i.e. laying track, building roads, etc.,
bivouac under the stars or in tents. On their own they often uuild
themselves huts from branches.
The manner of establishing a camp is very 3j.rr,ple. group of
prisoners is taken into the deep forest. lit the beginning there is only
a slab with the name and number of the camp. "Strojtie ziza" (build
your future), orders the convoy commander, and the prisoners fell trees
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for building oarracks in the meantime bleeping Linder the skies or in
huts.
The lot of the mobile workers is particularly difficult. Uonstant
traveling makes it impossible to organize a camp, conveyances very often
bog down (snow drifts in winter, mud in summer), the field kitdhen isn't
in any condition to properly prepare hot meals, and the prisoner is de-
prived of a warm abode where he would be able to rest even for a little
while after a hard day's work. Under such conditions you can't even
dream about hygiene or any type of sanitation. The prisoners sleep
around camp fires and frequently many contract pneumonia whioh their
weakened bodies cannot fight. Normally, about 90p of those have
pneumonia die of the disease.
During the summer months, besides scurvy and pellarol hemocolitis,
the prisoners suffer from stomach disorders brought on by the greedy and
indiscriminate use of mushrooms and wild berrys.
The medical welfare of the prisoners is in the hands of so called
sanczasts which is a division of tne sanitary dept. having it bureaus
in every camp. The organization of a division of health for a camp has
been well planned. However, the prisoner's health and life in the camp
as compared to the completion of the economic plan is of no importance
so the.1NXVD limits the usefulness of doctors and force the laborers into
one plan after another, and limit the amounts of medication. Doctors
usually are prisoners. They try to alleviate their comrades' suffering
but are hindered by,.the limitations. according to specific orders, a
doctor has the right to designate not more than Eii;) of the prisoners as
ill when in reality at least 84-/i) need medical attention. The medication
on hand isn't toommuch help since it consists of aspirin and iodine with
an occasional shipment of cod-liver oil and Vitamin d, camp doctor
can sugEest that a prisoner be sent to a special camp oalle TeanEorodoky
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(sanitary town) where the conditions are better than in the camp infirm-
ary. These hospitals are usually clean and warm. he food is prepared
with enough fate and the doctors are usually learned men whose fate and
Stalin's order had placed them in prison.
The theoretical aim of the camps, as I
educate through work and propaganda.
Blerybody is obliged to labor but only
paganda. In this case there is a sharp line
criminal offenders. From the fact that camp
speeches only tram for the common prisoners,
that the Soviet authorities do not believe a
have already stated, is to
the elect benefit from pro-
drawn between political and
authorities hold propaganda
the conclusion can be drawn
political prisoner can be
induced to mend his ways, and from the beginning they feel that he is
lost completely and as such, it is only right that he die in a camp.
Because of this, it never happens that a lkintrik, (in camp jargon, a
political prisoner) is free to leave a camp after serving his sentence.
Just a few days before he is to leave, he receives _notification that the
OSSO has reached a new decision and the prisoner receives another 5 or 8
year sentence. The whole setup for Icounter-revolutionistsl, the system
of chicanery, and the limited rights generally guarantees death before
the first term is finished and only individuals of unusual health and
strength or those exceptionally clever can have the personal satisfaction
of receiving the information of a new verdict.
The preparation of propaganda in the camps is handled through the
cultural educatchre (ulturno Wospitatielnaja Ozast). The work of this
group is broken down into the following classes:
a) agitation for more effort .in labor
b) educational propaganda influencing criminal offenders, and
0) organizing theatrical and recreational pageants.
Bvery camp is plastered with huge propaganda posters carrying mottos
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and the golden thoughts of Engel, Lenin, and above all, Stalin. These
posters call for greater efforts of labor, for 'socialistic professional
cooperation', the davelopement of stachonite activities, ets., and with
extolling,the happiness and freedom of the Soviet citizen (even Here!)
Large bulletin boards list the percentage of the set scale performed by
different brigudes and various Istachonitesl. From the camp gazette
(posted on the.mall) the prisoner has the opportunity to read.the names
of all prisoners refusing to work and at the same time he can learn of
the dismal conditions of the life of the English and limerican laborers
who are exploited by the Oapitalists. This type of propaganda is acc-
essible to all..
The education of criminal offenders hinges on acquainting him with
the peculariaties of his actions which, when compared to 'counter-revo-
lutionary acts' of the political affenders, are attempted to be shown by
the iAlfC as temporary forgetfulness. Similarly, a corrupted picture is
painted of the caluminous crime of the lkontriks' and it appears gene-
rally dark for this group of prisoners. The XWO which stands ready to
serve the NZATD'Isekretnoj czastil recruits from the ranks of the cri-
minal offenders a host of confidantes by deluding them with pictures of
better living conditions and promises of shorteningtatheir sentences.
Since in :the comprehension of the Mai) a citizen is a loyal and useful
member of society when he knows how to worship Stalin, it is blind to the
faults of the Structure, and what is more important, to informers. It is
seldom that a criminal offender leaves a labor camp before his sentence
is served and becomes a'really valuable' Soviet ditizen, having received
a previous leduc_iuionl which guarantees him the above mentioned virtues.
The last duty of the :IOC 9 organizing theatrical and recreational
pageants - stands at the lowest level. The essence of the theatrical
presentations are shallow and are written by worthless agitators as so
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maoh propaganda. If the play is presented in a clubroom - usually
housing prisoners - the only benefit that the offender can gain from the
performance is, when ander cover of darkness, he can steal some clothing
from a fellow prisoner. From time to time ',oviet films which commend the
Soviet life are shown in these clubrooms.
having women inmates also arrange dances.
information.
Since I made mention of women, I think it's just as well to mention
sex life in the camps. It exists tabikkaxiamext to the point of deEeneracy
in all-male or all-female camps. It doesn't mean that in coeducational
camps the sex life was sound, it was only a little more normal.
The favours of women were gained mainly by the administrators of the
camp since they were aole to pay for such services. Normally, the women
became mistresses of the more prominent criminals, but this didn't pre-
vent them from acoepting money from the other criminal offenders. Poli-
tical prisoners rarely met the camp prostitutes for the simple reason
that they were too weakened and emaciated to take much interest in such
things. If that weren't reason enough, then the boviet prostitute feels
it to be her duty not to cater to an 'enemy of the people'. In camp
jargon women are knOwn as the criminals 'delirium'.
The picture of camp life wouldn't be complete if we had omitted the
role played by the 'arks'. This name is applied to thieves and bandits
It is claimed that cimps
I was unable to confirm this
that havebeen waifs of the streets
from childhood.
lUrks' are the plague of every
and have been aesociatea wita crime
prison and camp. In camps_they are
Organized in special labor brigades, they act with a great deal of li-
berty and steal and plundnr from the more peaceful prisoners. The whole
administration of the camp is in their hands. 11 officials, froi,-, labor
leaders to the chief administrator, foster the TUrksl. ,Idequately edu-
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cated by the XNC and indebted to it for their lucrative functions, they
terrorize the other prisoners. This is especially rough on the political
prisoners. Urks allow only their colleagues to enlist in a Iblat' and
for that reason only a very few political prisoners can avail themselves
of the benefits of a 7blatl. Those who are not in a blat or those who
do not know how to get into the good graces of the Urks will seek justice
in vain from the camp authorities. Such is the role of the lUkret on the
side of the NXVD that they constitute a grave menace to the millions of
counter-revolutionists' that in every instance of rebellion, they are
eliminated by the tUrks' without the slightest scruples.
"Urkstare the elongated arm of the in the camps which presents
this curious paradox: criminals stand as guards of Soviet justice.
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PART
USSR.- d6802LES PRISON
OHAP24h I
lit Is Only a Uhange in Name'
Lenin's words, "Russia - people's prison", didn't lose any of their rea-
lity today after more than 30 years of rule by the 'labor-peasant council'.
Ozarist Aussia, expanding it's empire, encountered opposition from
the nations standing in the way of expansion. This opposition was broken
bymthe Russian armies and authority over the occupied territory was taKen
over by czarist administrators. Using the unfailing threat of prison and
deportation, they held the conquered peoples under ruthless submission.
Lenin, speaking of the 'peoples' prison', had in mind the oppression
of the minority groups by the Aussian empire, expressing himself from a
deportation prison.
If there is any change today, then it is only in the scale of tenor
and rankness in the smouldering class war of the penitentiary system.
Where the czarist regime was ruthless against tens of thousands who were
political adversaries of the 'autocracy', Stalin's regime destroys
millions.
This assertion isn't an ostentatious phrase. Sy political adver-
saries we mean not only opponents of the social structure but also the
representatives of the individual nations resisting ilussian rule. I had
already mentioned inmthe preceding chapters uuout the ruthless fight
against national ideals of the people living in territories ruled uy the
Bolshevik regime. I had also mentioned the mosaic madeup of many
nationalities in prisons and camps. _These clues give some picture of the
true 'brotherhood of man' that is praised and golrified by =,oviet Propa-
ganda.
It is difficult for me to give an accurate proportional percentage
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of the nationalities making up the prison population. One thing is
certain, the greatest number of prisoners is recruited from the so-called
minority nations. 4L phrase that is most unusual in the state is
"quality of nations",
I made the stutement that the Soviet regiLie destroys millions of
it's political opponents. This statement isn't an exaggeration and can
be verified to a relative figure from direct comparisons.
Russia remained true to it's traditions.
This observation was made
in 1920 by Joseph Conrad when writing the prefacd to his novel 'In the
Eip3s of the west'.
"These revolutionists aren't able to perceive that all they can
attain is only a change in name, aussians are oppressors and oppressed;
the world again sees the truth that a tiger cannot change it's stripes
or a leopard it's spots."
In his extensive work entitled 'Corporal Punishment in aussian
Judicature and Lldministration', the Aussian martialiet N. Jewreinov
btates:
"A Aussian is too conservative to rid himself of deep-rooted spiri-
tual convictions only because public opinion created a break in punish-
ment estimates".
Immediately after the revolution, the government council solemnly
renounced the czarist method of imprisonment. Convictions were cancelled
and houses of correction took the place of prisons. This idyll didn't
last very long. It took only one attempt on Lenin to answer the 'White
Terror' through the laed Terror' on a much greater scale. Czeka, GPU,
and then the WTI) developed to the point of absurdity and when there was
a lack of true enemies of the revolution, since they had been utterly
destroyed in the first 10 years of the existence of the USSR, the heavy
bureaucratic machine of Stalin's 'autocracy' seized apparent 'leftist'
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and 'rightist' enemies and even communistic enthusiasts whose only crime
was the fact that they could perceive the warped ideal for Which they
suffered.
Bsychology of 'capitalistic environment', continual rear of an armed
bourgeois crusade against the USSR, the mania of espionue persecution,
impetuous rebuilding of an organization and the impassive resistance of
a farmet'to leave his land commanded a search for, und extermination of,
ever new 'enemies of the people'. ?aves of mass errcuts swept the
country with the force of a hurric ne, prisons became overcrowded, and
labor camps were develop d. .--,oviet authority eidn't ereLte --ny new
methods in the penitentiary system. It took the line of least rf.. 4tano.
It added on to the institutions inheritel from czarist ussia,ionly im-
proving the organization, and above all, chancred the name. Hard 1._bor
was named 'correctional labor
labor'. In some cases however,
ture, and today, just as during
'dungeons' and 'deportation'.
p and prisons ' homes of compulsory
there is a return to the old nomencla-
the reign of the czars, there exists
he term 'correctional laeor camp' was
kept laza without change ana the fact is that the contents and scope
remain the same, that is, eoltermination. xtermination on the enormous
Soviet scale.
. For "cruelty, spiritual destruction, and the state of moral collapse
of a particular nation can be explained through the measures that helped
to keep it on a leash through the past century of it'' historical exist-
ence which, through habit, became for it a second nature." (N.Jsewreinow.)
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OHLMA II
Camp Organization
Oorrectional labor camps take up more than 1 of the land in the USSR,
Thesr, camps perform an important tole in the economic plan, they build
roads, railroads, dig canals, mine coal and other types of ore, extract
naptha oil, build factories, etc.
It's Li. well Known fact that there aren't many phases in the economic
life of the country in whicn prisoners did not labor. Huge enterprises
are built on slave labor just as the irrigation system of ancient Bgypt
was built by sl_ve 1.-bor. On the other hand these facts emanate from,
and are tied in with penitentiary poUtics which puts a great number of
persons at the disposal of the various state organizations. The violent
rehuilding of the USSR community structure, forecast and realized in the
framework of each 5 year plan, results in overcrowded prisons and labor
camps. From the point df view of boviet politics, the benefit of this is
that doubtful elements are denied contact with the rest of the community;
it is separated, but for state economic effects it seems rather dis-
adVantageous for it denies a great number of factories many laborers
which causes critical delays in completing a plan. In reality however,
this handling of personnel helps solve the unemployment problem (event-
ually, all unemployed become prisoners), but the transfer of labor
personnel from all over the country to the newly created capps in the
North creates a pruve transportation problem. Under these circumstanceS
the weight of making up the deficit in the economic plan falls on the
prisoners. It i beyond a shadow of a doubt that these camps are a nega-
tive phenomenon in Soviet economics but it doesn't alter the fact that
their main tasK is to help rebuild the USSR structure,.hence the ruthless
biological extermination of undesirable elements.
Observing the growth of boviet state slave labor by prisoners, we
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come to the conclusion, that in spite of adapting such radical measures
of correction, the number of prisoners in Aussia doesn't lessen but
grows greater and penal politics doesn't disclose tendencies to restrain
mass arrests.
- It is characteristic that as camps in Aussia grow, they
come more decentralized, but the opposite is true; they tend
inward to the center of the USSR. The process of separating
should be-
to spread
'counter-
revolutionists' began from the Northern Islands and the New Land. In
proportion to the ever growing ranks of prisoners, new camps have been
founded, beginning from the tar North to the South, and tightening the
circle around the -center of the USSR. There are labor camps in the
vicinity of Moscow and Leningrad, and powerful systems were built in
Kujbysz and Adak.
This centralization of camps is also caused by economic reasons.
Shortage of labor in the center of the country created the necessity of
replacing voluntary employees with the slave labor of prisoners. ."1-
ready today the economic plan: weighs heavily on the policy of camp
establishment and just as in prisons, deportation, and 'camps' the
atmosphere is heavy on the central life of the free citizens for it is
a rare Russian family that Hasn't at least one ofnit's members sacri-
ficed to
the 'corrective' measures of boviet justice.
The highest institution in the lioviet system of prison camps is the
'Gulag'. It is the contraction from IGlawnoje Uprawlenije Lagierer
Chief Camp Administration. It officiates in Moscow.
Gulag is an institution arising fromAhe Peoples Commission on
Internal Affairs and is subject to it. It is divided in groups for
specific tasks such as: planning, personnel handling (oddiel Kadrow),
security, administration, sanitation, culture, education, etc. These
divisions are maintained in every degree of camp organizations.
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The entire system of camps is divided into specific camp systems
which handle a certain phase of the economic plan. e.g. the camp
system of 73ezymienlagl (an unnamed camp) in the Kujeysz region has been
assigned the task of creating a large war production center.
Camp systems are divided into regions - (otdieleflija). Those
connected with railroads encompass from a few to about 20 camps ('lag-
punktowl) excepting the mobile camps of working columns.
Ilagpunktl
has from a few hundred to a few thousand prisoners - a column from 800
to 2,000. e.g. Iagpunkt No. 4 in Uchtimlag had about 6,000 persons at
the time Nr. ii Prommgrap had about 700.
The larger camps have several 'branches called Ipodkomandirowkal
(sub-committee).
Prisoners are divided into labor brigades of about 26 people or
sometimes more (40-60). At the head of each brigade is the brigadier-
prisoner who directs the work to be done, together with the counter who
calculates the percentage of work completed. The brigade works under
the supervision of an armed guard (strielok), who has the power of life
or death over the prisoners.
It is proper to mention, that just as all boviet life, camps suffer
from excessive bureaucracy. Beginning from camp points down to
lotdielenijef and the system management, a multitude of different types
of 'planners', 'statisticians', 'bookkeepers', 'work accountants', etc,
work in the various offices. The chart gives a typical pictar of the
organization of camp administration.
Administrative functions in the camps are handled by the prisoners.
Only the head of the camp and the director of education are free.. As I
previously mentioned, criminals have priority for these positions.
Besides the management, there is the large personnel of the FM
which has charge of guards and who preside at trials in the event a
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prisoner commits a new offence.
On the map of camp systems in the USSR, which is added to this
publication, are listed only the systems whose names have been verified
and about which I have been able to rive many details. (Ihave bean in
some of them).
emphasize that these are 'systems' and not individual camps.
Bach system numbers a few hundred camp points.
The territory encom-
passed in a system is not inhabited by prisoners exclusively. The
farther South the system lies, the more.camps are mixed with settlements
in which live the free people. Free in the L'oviet system of freedom.
The map is based on original Soviet documents and supplemented by
statements of prisoners who had been in labor camps from 1939 to tkAt
1942.
It isn't complet; it is based only on accessible documents. Labor
camps that are not included in the the camp systems, but which are found
all through Western and Southwestern ,Aussia, Oaucasia, and the Republics
of Oentral Ilsia are not listed on the map. Moscow, which has a number
of camps, is not listed, neither are the railroad construction camps
which range from the Western town of Tajszek to Vladivostok listed on
the map. The map doesn't show many camps because there isn't 100/, proof
of their existance.
Besides the camp systems mentioned, there are many camps as I
already mentioned - numbered in the hundreds, which are ander direct
administration of the N.ilVD and do not enter the general camp systems.
e.g. in the.Aerritory of Donbas, every business venture, every mine,
employs prisoners from camp points. This same picture is observed in
all of Russia; in _quarriJs, airports, road, and fortification building,
etc.
Factories which are built near the prisons, utilize prison labor
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the wrought iron furniture company in Odossa). Moreover, there
exist a number of work colonies which are designaued for youthful
offenders, who after receiving sentence, are subject to special edu-
cational measures according to established rules in 'labor colonies of
correction for juveniles'.
In the central orisons of Odessa and L%harkov, I have seen hundreds
of youths between the ages of 7 ( seven) and 16, grouped in separate
cells. The degeneracy of these poor creatures is beyond human compre-
hension. Each group is under the care Of. a leader picked from the group
of criminal offenders, many of which are professional bandits. When
minors receive sentence they are placed in labor colonies where they are
obliged to work and study under NKVD instructors. In most oases, they
leave these colonies as the most tyrannical exponents of the bolshevik
system. Many soldiers in the internal detachments of the NKVD are
graduates of child labor colonies. They are extremely proud of this.
I must add that former inmates of dthese colonies are the most cruel and.
ruthless in regard to political prisoners.
From the list of camp systems, it is interesting to note the
grouping of more than 30 camp points in the.dre#ion of Potma Lan
Marijan US), which are for women. ',nether known group of camps for
women is in the Akmo in region. There are about 25 camp points which
are organized exclusively for 'wives.' The term 'wife' in this case
doesn't refer to the marital status of the women, but is a type of
offence. The women in these camps belong to the families (mainly wives
and daughter) of the Trotskyites that have been sentenced on the
strength of Art. 58, par. 1 (dealing with collective responsibility)
and. Art. 16 (analogies). Conditions in these camps are a little more
bearable since the majority of the prisoners are intelligent and do not
tend to harass one another, and. try to make the best of their community
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The system of camps near Magadan rates special attention. It holds
a few thousand - cripples'. These are prisoners who have lost an arm or
a leg as a result of the severe cold in Northern ILolyma and other camps.
In the narration, I mentioned only the main ecomomic tasks of the
camps. Every camp also handles other tasks which are tied in withuself-
dependence such as: farming, livestock breeding, building of. barracks,
administration, etc.
The listing of camp systems inmthe territories of L;entral sia, and
in particular, Northern Liberia, isn't an easy task. It is know, as an
example, that Northern biberia is considered off limits, and even
native hunters, living in this area, have specifically fixed boundaries
beyond which they dare not enter. I am far from being able to dream of
the fantastic conjectures on what is being done there. This region is
marked with a question mark on the map. I tried to unravel this riddle
through questioning hundreds of prisoners, either -xtussian or Polish.
I know that this region isn't as deserted as it would seem to be. It is
known,tkt that during 1940-3,,a railroad was built there which was to
link Murmansk (through archangel and VOrkuta) with the Bering trait*
This is only a presumption, but Ance trials to organize a sailing route
over the 41rotic Ocean failea, the Loviet authority may have decided to
build a railroad for strategic purposes. This would also indicate the
building of a railroad branch linking IL Jakuck-Magadan-Ozukczow
peninsula-Bering :3trait.
One other thing: these territories are the closest - by air - to
America, and the aviation activities in these areas is unusually great.
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ORA2TE2 III
Number of 2risoner8
The question is: how many of the USSR citizens that live in camps
are prisoners? Publicatione of all types list these numbers variouely
and very inaccurately. Generally the numbers given are from 10 to 30
million.
Accurate figures can only be given by the 'Gulag'. ne oan'only
avail ourselves of arithmetical possibilities, Soviet prisoners inti-
mate that during the period of intense Arrest (1966-37) there were more
than 40 million prisoners in Aussia. Zais figure is undoubtedly greatly
exaggerated, but it isn't less characteristic that Polien prisoners who
were deported to Auseia in 1939-.42 were confronted with the st4,tement of
gaarde who were proud of the greatneee and might of the USSR to the
effect: "Poland has a population of about 35 million while here in the
Soviet alliance we have that many prisoners".
Let's try to establish, through the use of round figures, the basis
of arriving at a sound figure. A camp pointmhas an average of 1,20012
prisoners (my figure is small). zone (otdielenije) averages about 10
camp points, and a camp system is made up of at least 20 zones (again I
use conservative naMberel) 1,200 X 10 X 20 = 240,000.
.Thie estimate is more than conservative. I know for certain that
the system of 1Bezymianlagl had about 300,000 prisoners in 1942, and
there were at least 2,000,000 in Lolyma. As a precaution however, let's
say that the average system has a population of 250,000. On the map I
have indicated. 38 systems. 2he round figure for the camps listed
aMounte to 9,500,000 persons!
I emphasize: this is only inmthe systems that I know about and that
I have proof of-itheir existence. One or the reliable public,J,tions tells
of 136 systems giving their names and locatione. If we add to these the
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hunarede of camps not encompaaaed in a vatem frid the number ofpri-
sonars ander inveatigation, it won't be an exaggeration to state that
figure of 15,000,000 is a really conservative estimate.
Compared to democratic nations, this number in unproportionally
high.
Let's look at the figures of the 'bourgeois' democratic nations.
0002aY
AA).
M
.eRISuisiLR
F TUL4I,
U.S.A. 1948
147,000,000
146;976
6,588 152,564
.11
Italy 1938
434980,000
52,018
5,553 57,571
.13
:Switzerland
1938
4,186,000
1,963
382 2,335
*06
France 1931
401835,000
17,699
2,708 20,406
.05
Poland 1938
34,500000
62,367
5,641 68,008
.1,9
USSR
194,000,000
- 15,000,000
7.73
Biery 13th citizen of the USSR is a prisoners
And that is the truth:1i
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2.141T VI
? QUNULUI-;ION
The goal of the communists is to cause a revolution and to create a
world organization based on communistic ideology. %;ommunists under the
banner of Trotsky, as well as those under talin, are striving for that
goal. They believe that the end result of the war between oommunisql
and democracy will be the reign of communism over the world.
Together with this communistic ideology, the communist laws will be
enforced.
have shoNn you what these laws are, as they are on paper, and az.
they are in practice.
If they appeal to anyone let them support communism, let them fight
for the realization of a paradise on earth.
\Ki
11 IA ?""kk. ?
/1
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