CONDITIONS AT THE TKZS IN KROMIDOVO, PETRICH OKOLIYA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-00810A004101100002-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 7
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 25, 2010
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: September 24, 1954
• Content Type: REPORT

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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
INFORMATION REPORT
This Document contains information affecting the Na-
tional Defense of the United States, within the mean-
ing of Title 18, Sections 793 and 794, of the U.B. Code, as
amended. Its transmission or revelation of its contents
to or receipt by an unauthorized. person is prohibited
by law. The reproduction of this form is prohibited.
COUNTRY Bulgaria
Conditions at the TKZS in
Kromidovo, ketrich uxoliya
DATE DISTR. 4 September 195
NO. OF PAGES 7
REQUIREMENT NO. RD
REFERENCES
THE SOURCE EVALUATIONS IN THIS REPORT ARE DEFINITIVE.
THE APPRAISAL OF CONTENT IS TENTATIVE.
(FOR KEY SEE REVERSE)
1. When the cooperative farm, made up of several Party members and landless migrants,
was formed in Kromidovo (N 41-27, E 23-22). Petrich Okoliya, by order of the
Party, noneof the farmers regarded it seriously and considered it as a Party test,
During the fall of 1950, after a year of existence, as all expected, the cooperative
farm was on the verge of dissolution because of poor material. results.
2. However, instead of dissolving the cooperative farm, the Okoliya Committee of the
Party decided that it be supported and expanded. Since none of the peasants
wanted to join voluntarily, a strong and forceful campaign of agitation was begun
stressing the advantages of the cooperative methods of land cultivation and prom-
ising aid from the state.
3. In the summer of 1950, persistent efforts were exerted for the collection of state
quotas, back taxes, taxes, fines, etc. which the people were unable to pay. The
livestock of several farmers was sold at auction since they were unable to fulfill
their obligations to the state. In the fall of 1950, agitators hinted and later
openly said, that, all farmers who joined the cooperative farm would be excused
from paying back taxes and fines.
STATE ARMY X INAVY
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4. The Bulgarian Agrarian Bank (Bulgarska Zemedelska Banka) also assisted in the
collections effort. Previously, bank loan payments could be very easily deferred
by maintaining interest payments but during the collections effort, the bank sent
warning letters that it would proceed with compulsory collection of-their receipts.
At the same time, the agitators informed the farmers concerned that the debts of
those who joined the cooperative would be transferred to it. This was confirmed
by bank personnel.
5. Farmers who were half inclined to submit applications provided they were allowed
to sell freely some of their more expensive equipment or livestock, were promised
that property invested in the cooperative would be paid for at its real value.
Farmers who showed reluctance in submitting applications were threatened with
resettlement and concentration camps by the Militia and Party functionaries. Is
a result of this systematically conducted pressure, all of the farmers submitted
membdrship applications.
6.. Immediately after this, special commissions consisting of cooperative farmers of
long standing took the livestock, equipment, and fodder of the private farmers
and appraised everything far below the real value. The promises given previously
to some private farmers that they would be permitted to sell their livestock and
equipment were broken and everything was taken into the cooperative farm. As of
August 1953 nothing had been paid to any private farmer despite the low prices.
A hand written description of the land, its number of decares and location, signed
by the chairman of the cooperative, was given to the farmer. It did not contain
an official seal. Farmers were permitted to retain the deeds.
7. The cooperative farm is administered by the chairman assisted by the Farm Soviet
(Stopanski S -tet) which r, r.;sist,s of four members. This group meets every evening
to determine the next day's work. The Farm Soviet gives orders to the brigade
leaders who select the necessary laborers by personally visiting the cooperative
farmers at their homes and delegating the work. Often the brigade leaders are
as late as 7:00-8:00 a.m. before gathering and distributing their workers. Every
evening the brigade leader toured the fields of his subordinates and measured the
amount of work done during the day after which the brigade leader took this
information to the chairman of the cooperative farm who totalled it and reported
to the deputy chairman of the Peoples Council (kmetskiya namestnik). He9 in
turn, informed someone in Petrich by telephone as to the number of decares worked
during the day. This work accountability system was carried on not only for season-
al activity such as planting and harvesting, but also existed in the normal life
of the cooperative farm.
8. The same information is applied to the bookkeeping department which computed the
k d
wor
ays. Brigade leaders could credit work days for their relatives and friends
and reduce the work days of the other workers. This was particularly easy because
many of the farmers were uneducated and had difficulty in figuring their work days.
Also, the manner of c la:ssification of work done was unknown to the workers.
Every month the work days were computed, but often the cashier lacked the money
and failed to make the payments until several days had passed. Advances were made
only during the winter and'in fixed amounts. when 25X1
cooperative farmers sought money to buy flour or other foods, they received instead
food for sustaining their families. A few old people in the village who were with-
out fam'.ly or friends received a minimum amount of food from the cooperative. This
was done because there was an order from the Party that no one was to be huni
r
in
y
Bulgaria. g
10. Members of a household were responsible for their own livelihood. Each farmer pro-
duced his own vegetables from a garden plot of about one decare which was left for
private use. Other necessary products were bought from the cooperative store which
sold only for cash. Food expenses were high because family members were separated
during the work day and had to carry their own food. There was a rumor to the effect
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that a general bakery and mess hall were to be established, but this had not been
done as of August 1953.
11. The farmeres food was much worse than before the formation of cooperatives.
Villages were without chickens because of the lack of feed. Eggs, which had
previously been a regular food item became a rarity.
15. Before, an animal was slaughtered every week which provided the villagers with
meat. Since 1350, meat has been scarce and was distributed at the rate of about
200-250 grams per person and only on important holidays. Buts, even on Easter of
1952, meat was not issued. On rare occasions one could find meat if an animal
were sick or injured.
16. No one
17. The poor food of the workers has changed their outlook on things. All the children
look undernourished and thin. There are no fat people.
18. The clothing situation was particularly difficult.
and cotton, each
under clothes, 3- sets o outer clothes? and rs.lur
is etched and few have - r,_ ""' '.~.-- 1 V va.u uxiiiiP- . 11a5L cloT,n].n
p a good clothes left for holidays. Families were financially
unable to set aside dowries for their daughters,
efore, from one's own wool
family had-6 pairs of
This situation existed for many 7,,r-ker ;,, a fact which
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21. All the houses of the vlIlagesl were in urgent need of 25X1
repair. Broken window glass was replaced by gluing paper to the frames. This
was something which had never been done before.
22. The daily farm activit` was directed and controlled by organs of the Okoliya
Committee A 25X1
man sent from Petrich was in the village ~. ces of the cooperative every ay.
An agronomist, who spent most of his t ime in the office and very rarely visited
the crop fields also came often. Specialists from the Sandanski (formerly Sveti
Vrach) MTS toured the area on motorcycles (motoretki) in order to determine the
time when ploughing had to be done. Because of a lack of work animals, two old,
smalls and extremely insdqquate tractors were assigned to th" -ri'.laees of
Khdrsovo (N Ll 28,E 2323), Marikoatinovo, (N 41-269 E 23-21), and Kromidove
(N 41-27, E 23-22). The ploughing was always .lat It was also always shallower
than was necessary and., as a result, many times inferior to that previously done
by private farmers.
23. The tractor driver (traktorist) had to plough 60 decares daily. This was impossible
in the small-sized and uneven areas. There was constant friction between the TKZS
and the MTS because of the poor., delayed, and expensive cultivation. 25X1
inadequate tractor tillage of the :sail as the first and most important
reason for the low yields. Sowing eras always is te. The work done by hand was 25X1
always behind schedule because the ploughing was done very poorly.
2L1.. If a member of a cooperative is sent off to plow small area or to irrigate,
he can rest whenever he wants, but, when :b works in a group, the rest signal is
given by the group leader ~Izv= ovod, grupovod). Neither the adults nor the youth
of the cooperative liked the group work because they were directed by Party members,
had to work under orders., and could not talk for fear of being overheard. The
chief reason for hating group work was, in particular, working under the orders of
simple, lazy., unresnected peasant Party members. Generally. the strinFins~l rf
tobacco was performed by the women.,
25. There is no evidence of sabotage in the TKZS. The age-old sentiment that -'there
will be goods., if there is no dent, uc,-,icn" has not disappeared.
26. Because of the low yields obtained from the farm, the labor there is all the more
looked upon as compulsory. For that reason, all the work assigned is carelessly
performed. The system of payment by norms also urged the cooperative farmers to
work more rapidly and less efficiently which harms or damages, cultivation. The
bad quality of cultivation is apparent particularly in the hoeing of crops such
as cotton., sesame seeds, tobaccos and vegetables, as reflected by the poor yields.
A reason for the poor results was also the organization of labor. Previously,
most of the work was done early in the morning between sunrise and noon. Now,
normally, work starts about 8 a.m. Working in the hot sun decreases the workers'
efficiency and the quality of the work performed.
27. As a possible way of committing sabotage, informant proposes the burning of
fodder storehouses. This could readily be done because they are outside the
villages easily ignited, and difficult to extinguish. The damage., however,, is
comparatively small and the crops are easily replaced. As a convenient form of
carrying out sabotage., informant refers to the flooding of sown areas at a time
when they are not in need of water. The opening of irrigation canals could be
done easily and unobtrusively in the evening on the way back to the village.
This would be unnoticed until the neat moornng. The flooding of cotton, tobacco,
and other seedlings, if done at a time unfavorable to their cultivation would
destroy them completely and inflict a huge loss on the economy.
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28. Burning the offices of the cooperative is relatively difficult because they are
located in the middle of the village near the town hall (obshtina) where there
is a guard. The buildincs are flimsy and could be ea
sily burned.
25X1
n fire-fighting equipment. Destruction of
the account
ledgers would
25X1
disorganize the cooperative to some extent. But, as the work days are brought up
to date and computed on a monthly basis, and can also be renoted from the books
carried by the brigade leaders (brigadirite), the records kept on cooperative
farmers by the administration would hot be perceptibly affected. No matter what
kind of sabotage was carried out in the cooperative, it would be favorable to
the morale of its members although, indirectly, all would be affected materially.
the TKZS leaders are alarmed by the lack of personal interest
on the part of the cooperative farmers in the farm work. He explains that the
lack of interest results from the failure to receive an income from the TKZS which
would stimulte labor. On the other hand, because farmers are unable to support
their families, they became apathetic toward the farm.
30. The relations between the managers and members of the farm are governed by a
silent and constantly gf'owing hatred. The basis for this feeling is found in the
irregular and unjust payment for labor. The chairman of the TKZS is a man without
ability, experience, or knowledge. He was appointed only because he was a partisan
for three days and a member of the Bulgarian Communist Party. He received pay for
450 work days plus bonuses, travel expenses, and had possibilities for embezzle-
ment. A cooperative farmer with three working members in his family can receive
a maximum pay for 300 work days per year. The fact that TKZS members see in the
person of the manager the protagonist of the policy which turned them from private
ownership to half-starved slaves, has increased their antipathy. According to
informant, the cooperative administration was extraordinarily attentive and kind
to the cooperative farmers.
31. I the cooperative way of land cultivation has destroyed the
basis for training Bulgarian youth in the patriarchal spirit and belief. Before,
in harmonious family life, the father distributed the work among members of the
family and controlled its fulfillment. He imbued his sons with Christianity,
humaneness, and virtues. With the sons and wife sent to work in various places
and receiving salaries of their own, the father, a former owner and family head,
.is now only a member of the family. As such, he lacks sufficient authority as a
result of which family relations have become very poor.
32. Before, under the old custom, no one could eat alone nor before the father had
eaten. Now, dispersed to different places, spending the evenings at meetings,
each eats when he returns. Before, it was the custom for young girls to go home
"when the lamps were lighted." Now, the possibility for friendship with young
men has increased as the girls spend each evening at meetings and amusement
places and come home late. This has had a continuing bad effect on morals.
33. Previously, religion and the church occupied a very substantial place in village
life. The day began and ended with a prayer. Attendance at Sunday church
services was an unbreakable rule. The priest was a person of authority and a man
of influence in the village. Numerous church holidays and customs were strictly
observed. Now, only old men and women go to church. According to informant, it
is characteristic that the wives of all Party members regulary attend church
services. The Communists publicly ridiculed the men and youths who attended
church, and fearing future retaliatory measures, they have avoided church
attendance. The priest and the church were the targets of incessant Communist
attacks, for which reason they lost, to a great degree, the advantage of their
influence.
34. In spite of fear, working on holidays, and fatigue, religion still has not lost
its place in the Bulgarian village. in Ovillage only 25X1
the homes of one or two Party members o not have an mage-amp (kandilo), and,
D up to the present only one married couple did not have the church's blessing. 25X1
Also, only one child--the son of a Party member--was buried without the church's
burial service.
35. Fast days were observed, but the men seldom went to confession. Some went to other
villages for confession.
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36. In case a cooperative farmer becomes ill, he can go to Petrich without seeking
permission from anyone. If very ill, an ambulance can be called to take him to
the hospital.. Both the ambulance and medical service were absolutely free. It
was rumored among the peasants that the doctors were very careless now in their
work,. Therefore, they preferred to be treated by private doctors rather than
to avail themselves of the State's services.
37. Going to the market during the winter and at a time when there was no heavy work
at the cooperative farm was permitted because the cooperative farmers would not
work a full day anyhow. One could go to the market during the summer and work
season if one had permission from the manager, brigade leader, or chairman of the
TKZS. Normally, verbal permission was granted. If a member went without permission
or in spite of a refusal of permission, he could be fined up to five work days, and
from 10-15 work days for repetifi.on of the offense. Fines of this type were often
imposed
384 Visits to the market were very rare since there was nothing to be sold and the
villagers had no money with which to buy, Visiting relatives outside the village
was done under the above mentioned conditions. Because of the ]ack of means,
going on visits even for holidays. and weddings noticeably declined. Everyone knew
that in his friend's home there was the same poverty as in his own home. The
fact that they could be accused of conspiring during their gatherings also held
the people in check. weddings as a characteristic case,
Previously, a wedding normally lasted at least three days beginning at noon Satur-
day until Monday. Now they last a half day, from Sunday noon to evening..
39. Whereas before, men went to the funeral of a close friend even in the busiest
.season and even to other villages at a distance of 30-40 kilometers, now
they avni(
going to funerals even in their own village
Forced distribution of Communist newspapers compels the people to read them, but 25X1
there is. no interest in them, and if the people were free to
choose, no one would buy them. ]Communist influence on adults is insig- 25X1
nificant because they remember the past and see the present. Newspapers and
Communist propaganda have exerted influence on the youth. The daily reading of
newspapers and listening to the radio (loudspeakers were installed in every house
in the village) distracted everyone's attention from the hard life and introduced
new concepts and words into the peasants' speech, The high Soviet yields, which
were regularly described in the papers, were the reason for constant jokes. In
this connection, the peasants said that everything about the USSR must be true since
there they neither had a meter (metur) with which tb measure the d.ecares nor a
weighing machine (kantar) to weigh the yields and everything was done by eve. 25X1
42..
s o re urn
to the cooperative farm stables in which they have lived for one or two years, but
instead go to the homes of their former private owners. These indidents were
common and always had a.profound effect, not only among the members of a family,
but also on the entire village
As incidents'characteristic of village life those such as
the livestock--oxen or horses--who, on being released run off and An n t t
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43. Because of the peculiar character of the locality, the peasants know their own
fields, and they are awaiting the return of their lands in the event the cooper-
ative is dissolved. As for future cooperatives If only honey 25X1
and butter flowed from them, a peasant would not have to ponder, but we see that
the old proverb 'For ever three who are eating well, there are three hundred who
are gaping' is true. 25X1
I}hn The coming war was the single and continual theme of conversations between relatives
and friends in the cooperative farm. In all of the regime's activities, such as
the compulsory planting of much cotton, the hasty gathering of the harvest and the
summons to military training, the people saw signs of an approaching war. No one
expressed the least doubt as to the outcome of the war. The destruction of Com-
munism was pointed out as the only possible outcome.
45. the village's misery was introduced by the 25X1
formation of the cooperative farms., New and clean houses were not seen; singing
and laughter were not heard. The men did not shave and the women did not attend
to their personal appearance. Whereas previously there was a folk dance every
Sunday, now only the children dances
46, In the taverns, which before were always full of gay and mirthful people and the
echoing of songs, now the patrons appear silent under the observant eye of the
peasant store keeper (an agent of the Militia). The horn of plenty was exchanged
for semi-starvation. Free peasant labor was replaced with compulsory work. The
songs and laughter of the young ones was succeeded by the noise of the loudspeakers.
CO.NFTDEIIVTTAL
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