LENIN ON RELATIONS AMONG SOCIALIST STATES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-00809A000600280530-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 23
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 12, 2011
• Sequence Number: 530
• Publication Date: January 31, 1950
• Content Type: REPORT

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50X1-HUM
CLAS.>iFICATiON :`:C,Io ID~iT":iltti p, R.
AGENCY
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
INFORMATION FROM
SUBJECT Politic 1'-
PUBLISHED Blnroathly period_c:o..
WHERE
PUBLISHED Belgrade
DATE
LANGUAGE
TN 10 TN:OUNCNT CONTAINS INFORNATIOR AFFRCTIl9 ?Nl NATIONAL 00FlISt
OF TNS UN'TRO STATES -ITNIN TNR l1AN1Nt 00 RA0IORACL ACY S0
0. 0. C.. EI Atl0 ES. U At -In. ITS YRANSNII SION OR Till RRY1LAT10N
00 ITE CONTRNIi IX ANY IiAXWRR TO AF OSIUTMORIESO POISON IS FRO
RESIYRO ST LOW. ISPS0000IION 00 TATS FORN is PROXIi1TIS.
DATE OF
INFORMATION 1949
DATE DIST. Cl Jan 1950
SUPPLEMENT TO
REPORT NO.
THIS IS UNEVALUATED INFORMATION
The war which the leadership of the Ail-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik)
and the Soviet Union have undertaken against the Yugoslav Communist party and
the workers of Yugoslavia, and which appears, both oveitly.and covertly,' to be
a clash between the Cominform and the CC ;Certral Committee) of the 101J (Coin-
m mist Party of Yugoslavia), every day, with tremendous and uncontrollable force,
brings to the surface the very cesence of the clash; the gneotii.xi rf reiatioc*
smoug uoclalist states. It was also brought ^I..) the surface by the present situ.-
atioa itself -- the existence of a group of socialist states side by Ride with
an essential wcake0n3 of capitalism.
This basic source of the conflict :an neither be avoided nor concealed, for
it arose itself from the essential nocial changes -chat developed out of World
War I!. Actually. through this conflict a new stage ?zi international development
is coming into being. This new phase arose out of the ge.ieral conditions of the
age of imperialism, just as the October Revolution and the creation and develop-
ment of the Soviet Union represented a new phase in international development
within the framework of the age of imperialism. Typical of this new phase are the
spread of socialism, the creation of a number of socialist states, and an essential
weakening of world capitalism. Unlike the Soviet type of capitalist 'economy, a
socialist econoby develops in. very diverse forms. This new phase and its character-
istics can be described only theoretically, as Marxism-Leninism has not provided
and :snot give ready-,made formulas for it..
All the critics of the ICJ -- who suddenly changed into low and mean scan-r
derers of the proletarian party of the socialist revolution, of the buildirg of
socialism in Yugoslavia, of the heroic rgsolutions,-and of the history of the
Yugoslav people, and at the same in '.Lianged into shatterers of the international
solidarity of workers and into violators of tie equality of nations and states in
socialism and of labor movemIrta in general are trying by all sorts of means to
conceal and hush up the above-mentioned essence of the clash and to present it as
a etrnggle'againrt the "treason" of the YugcsLC: leaders.
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he know- c.:._Sio,e? .:? Ter.in regerdtag bourgeois nationalism), and yet
g1_ sr;_ ?sh;ch have no connection either with the Yugoslav
r ,_. 1._.=_ sitaatlcn, as proof of their condescending theses.
c, n.c nt ~ . sy ac*_uaily tried to give some sort of ".ideob;g-
i. r is order -t;3 ,over up the essence of the clash,
wi. ,e ,.i,.t.,r..,f n-nlisrn. The forms of the relations
and the method of regu_,tin the :mutual problems of so' 'all=tic countries, accord-
When and whether a nation shall secede from other nations and form its own in-
dependent country, or when, how lone, to what extent it will exist as an inde-
pendest cc;;.ntry, depends on whether this corresponds to the interests "of the entire
;ccio,l development and interests of the class struggle of the proletariat for social-
IL ,he ri lit of every nation tO exercise self -determinat]an, _._., state
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11 excrc.ino t. -ii;h?: and whet for,, ?:. ?ahat da-
t' arn-.ti :nai condi.t_ s,er,eraI. . cfleo of it
n:o: whether it? -nation ',Le nt
:c.d n;ly, ?.ec l oC sea o_.atton is dta xat?lr- to the nvo_
a;. ..i ??:,oL_, on the ban,; of a cor_?c:t apgxa.isai of internat.,.ona_. cite
nd hip 1 y ;.1` rea :ate ions a es and Italy, when the ideologies of
vn in Li in oci; the forms' ion of a world state; individual pro ,arian
part ccm..'e? e'y rri penien', manr,or, and the labor movement as a wa.oie, musk
1. ion whether t u:! ica for of So'_ialist. countries into, one state or-
'he de-r_ iopmen aiic t countries as separate state organisms under
the .. ._ ;e_ ao:tsibl and uni a imutual cooperation, corresponds to the interests
oA t,- ue'ieiol:ment of the e t.iuo _J. 'for socialism and democracy, in a time when there
is cur.r, struggle of for indepondeuce. In addition, one has to ask
the 'u?? !.ion "nether the fir.t or second method will strengthen cr weaken the
t.rug;l. -':; fox example, the trench, the Italians, the colonial nations, etc.
tue dece,i.otscrnt of indoviQ-ual sociai_at countries, one must ask and solve the question
of +1 'mifrral:ion of socialistic countries tote one state organism, or as to their
separate, _r:ilcpLndent state ife, _e..ause tiu.s 1- rot, a!rl cannot be a p_1.:?nry and
d.ec is;ve cite `.?ion. O primary ant accisr;e importance is the =trengthe,ning of
ccoo alisn and the -.-evolutionary and democratic movement as a whole, out the question
as to this o1 that form of state rela`?icre amo..g socialist countries, as Lenin often
expressed .`- y, is -a S,,Cond-rete, no t,_nth-rate, :1v--s-ion subordinate to the develop-
at of themc:emsrt as a whole,
The right of eelf-determination is not in the least endangered by 0:: tOOct
attitude o* the proletarian patty. i:!_ 3uesti^r. it not, acco_din,i; to 1.. i_ whether
its secession corresponds o the interestsof *'ac movement as a whoia, as well '3 of
the nation itself, b-cauee, according to Lenin; the actual interests of ono nation
cenrot b, cn a"ary to tue interests of other oor?.ialisi, nations. If the sorrengthen-
ing of sorie?_'.;m, or the further weakening of impo_rialism, demands it, rations can
separate into independent countries, and also enter into state unions which would
tc;t .; os-cop nd in i given situation to inc interests of the development of the
iovement in general a:; well as to thy interests of the rations concerned.
According to Lenin, the party must individually and concretely tape a stand in
every individual case, and enter into agreements based on the principles of free will
and e4ualfty wi':,n n--lr:r parties.
Going by these principles, :,enin, Lecsuce he was .. consistent iniernationalxst
any an irrecor.cilitle enc,ny of every national intrigue and of all deceit of working
people, allowed the possibility of secession of i.ndi-+idual nation:; torn separate
socialist countries. i_zr_in allowed this possibility not only for nations outside
01 fr.arist :ussia, but also for the people, of ,zarist Russia itn;olf.
n h_c.. `Le`t ^ to the Workers and Peasant, oY +.-le Ukraine fodardiof. ',.hr. /a.ctory
Cv_. J.ni'cr!" w?'ir.,_n ,i1, the z.,__ of 1911, Lenin .,,y.o? "Until the Okra, no is completely
er fro: i nik s, _te governmcn+ i'he All-Strains Oor.g;racs ni s..,ets the
ail-U Rrv', lutnene: Coasaitsce, the fill-:Ilea _n= Revkom. In thin ren?olutionary
o Ltkrair.iar. -1-01-Ccr!nanist;, Ukrainian 5orot"._,t Com-
v :_. _ .. ." t -re 30 i,;=oilers of go?erw.e:_t , he orot' : st are mair_y
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oi:+ti.t:;ruishedfrom bolsheviks in that they defend the uocor.d.itional independence of
tile t .rai_e. The Eo1?.hev;;k; do not regard thic as a reason for schism and disunity,
they do nor see in tic a hir.dre'ce rrevenl'ing the proletariat from working harmon??
cly. In the .e ..-'iC,o1c main;:` the capitalist yoke, let there be unity of the pro-
lct.ari,r, dictators',"',?, :,u- are not to split on question, of national
bot.nde.ri_,., or federal or ether e rnneccions among countries. Among t, e Eolsheviks
there ar^ those who advocate (1) comlglete independence of the Ukraine, {2) e more
"P- ,Ti.7t. beoaue.c of er.ch cViestions is no=. permitted. These questions will be
yoke" __ ''i_e bo-ac task, heLin i> the above letter .,howed the Great Russian and
TJxrai'.i.ar vornere the dangers of nationalistic dislocations which could seriously
end:, ger. this unity. The insistence of Great Puecian Corm unists on "the merging
c:f the Ukraine with Russie" can rrovoke the suspicion among Ukrainiae. that the
Great Russians are not doing so for the sake: of "unity of the proletariat in the
struggle against the capitalist yoke," but bocauce of Great Russian imperialistic
The insistence of Jkainian communist on "':he unconditional independence of
the Ukraine" can provoke the ,_is^icior, esont the Great Russians that the ilkra'_nlans
only dr, s', "because of petty bourgeois, peculiarly national prejudice." The task,
obviously, consists of the following: The Great Russian Communists should let the
Ukrainians themselves arrange their relations with Russia, and the Ukrainian Com-
munists should not allow the destruction of the proletarian "unity in the struggle
against the capitalist yoke". This is the kernel of the entire question. Accord-
ing, tc Lenin, neither the Ukrainian nor the Great Russian Communists can or should
yield on this question. However, as far as the question of the form of the state
relations between. the Ukraine and Russia is concerned, the Great.Russian Communists
shore. yield.
About this Lenin says: "The best mains for this is united effort in defense of
and capitalists of all countries, agairst their attempts to establish their omni-
potence. Such a united otruggle 'gill clearly show in practice that the Great ;laicals'.
and Ukrainian workers urE-ently need. a close military and economic alliance for the
sclutii6n of any problem regarding national independence or state borders, because
otherwise the capitalists of the "Entente," that is the alliance of the richeri.
capitalistic countries, England, France, America, Japan _.nd Italy, will er,:.angle
and choke us one after another.
"For that reacon we, the Great Russian Communists, must with greatest vigor drive
out of our midst even the smallest manifestation of Great Russian nationalism, because
these manifestations, being in general treason against Communism, cause great damage,
separating us from err Ukrainian comrades and thus playing into the hands of Denikin
and his sympathizcrr.
"For that reason we, the Great Russian Communists, must be lenient; in disagree-
ments with Ukrainiar Com_munist.s, both Bolsheviks and Borot'bists, when these dis-
agreements c .,::ern the independence of the Moraine, the form of its re.Lstionship
with Russia, aid the national question in general. We all, Great Russian -.ommunists
and Ukrainian Communists, and Jommunists of any reentry whatever, must he uncom-
promising and irreconcilable as regards (l) the basic, essential, and, for all
nations common problems of the proletarian struggle, (2) the dictatorship of the
proletariat, and (3) prohibition of agreements with the bourgeoisie and (4) the
prohibition of :plit.tir:g of the forces which defend us against Denikin.
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~r'4A R~~n 7,7J.ll
C CNr i)Et1: IAL
50X1-HUM
... in this long and difficult struggle, we, the Great Russian and Ukrainian
ti o,rkere, have to enter irto the rc.eat mutuel al:' ian ce because we shall certainly
n,-; t be victorious if e'er;,,Iody f-1s own, Whatever be the borders of the Ukraine
e c: Pus'is., whatever he the f-)r ms of their mutual relation, these are not so import-
aoret ins else. Thus the aim rf the ?o.^.Ker rani peasant, the aim of victory over
cap;te.'_ism sill not fe.il."
he.ce, "a lots military .,d e.ae.omic L,li.ar.ce is urgently needed, lest the
capitalist? choke them both, one at a I,ime.. ` onaesuently, it is not obligatory
indeper.nrnn_ cr borders,"
`?ihat t:r,is. s,:i.::?:ion will be and what form the relations between Great Russians
nod Urrain:.an_ vii:. ho'e, depends, uiti.m:tely, on the general interests of the t:,ve--
:sent in the give::'cituation 4nd directly on the freely expressed. denand.s and wishes
Chia some thought we forimilated even more strongly by Lenin in a different
pas.seg
and cho.uvi.^ism smon~; _it.~?~i.a'" .."Ot7m.a:'st.S: ee^c iilari.,;r we are obliged to cake
allowances as regards the national zuestioa, which is of minor importance 'the
intarnatinnelist :;uestion of toundaries is only h91f, no, one-tenth, as important
a cueetion).
Les say, Eev= e -yea-" w_ 1 11 . e-_ry V-, _h a __rgcr ollh ?r.. _R out
secession from it t-it-, a separate, lydepeude_ ..USS: , and into various forms of
From `these passages one car: see Lenin's teachings as a whole. He V ote them
in the period of the liberation of the Ukraine, which was a constituent of Czarist
Russia. Thus Lenir, permitted secession into a separate socisl-ist country to a
nation which In its long coexistence in the same country with the Greet Russians
found a more or less similar social life and which was more or less on the same
level of development, and which during the Revolution experienced the same con-
ditions and types of struggles. in addition, one must remember that Lenin wrote
this during a period when the revolutionary movement was seething throughout the
world, but especially in--Centres? and Wester.: Europe. This movement was incited
by the 'ear and strongly boosted by the October Revolution. It seemed quite natural
to Lenin that the October Revolution should turn into 's revolution of several great
countries. Therefore, under such internal (the struggle against Denikin in the
Ukraine) and external (the spread of revolutionary movements in many huropeaz
countries and colonies) conditions, in which the slogan of the world soviet federated
republic stood out, Lenin considered the question of the nature of state relations as
nonessential, and thought that this was not sufficient reason for Coruuunists to split.
For him the basic question is the victory and strengthening of the proletarian dicta-
torship in Russia as well. as in the ds.raine.
Hen-c, Ii: the period when it seemed that the revolutior would be victorious
simul.tauecusly in many large European ccun-lies and would develop into a "world
revolution" from which only a "world federated soviet republic" could arise, while
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50X1-HUM_
9.'y ; Lirail was rr,lth.o; =stoci-oet" cot "frightened." possibility
c c''? 11rc.ai: -' ar_ = 4rn eer .,t; are + ,,i:.~, out vs.rtcis systems and within
tt cr i : ^. / ._e1.! .. ri a vir. that r u. s Lis'. r ouutrie _ ,.tout cot :nil;: into
if *= ^=r ape efini':el / in favor of this union. To treat-
psooj.e ?- never and In to way initiated he weakening of these re-
iations. Moreo,cer, it tried t_ do r .-rythirg in its power to preserve and develop
the exiatirg ccep~re:+?1_. betwet Yugosl?via cod other socialistic countries, even
e_ii c "set,, a'-L bar complied with all socialist countries
:hm- ITJ, whi:h took the initiative
r e. ,run?: d riilat?r; _.ia. lee with ^..'_brsnia, Bulgaria, and ether
cer r_side:-ed uoi:fi :*ith rhv-:e r:air+:,ri.m- a question of primary importance and
hilt. ! io win ?`t . r for jr 'or the neti p : s cf these coon ryes . Under all
in ,hi -
u. _ exaMpt at -?,e principles wt:icn i.t has adopted
at ?ro.ric? tinier 0000''?.. .ra.onal i..sc,.,nwi`,h culgari.a and iilhania. The 1 J
j:-c..-r..,ied frog the =ndpoiot of the interest of 'the
me rme,t whale. t rrro_eeded prom the ques:i;n of whether a union with this
it ra'o re.ngthen or weaken the de?rc-lopment of socialism and democracy.
vever, Chi, i5 act -:ire tees with the slanderers of tie K-11J and r_s;,erially with
these from the 'SSP. The ebove-rientioaed prim-iples if ieran, as well as the fact
that Yugn;.l.evia Is a en:da:-iet ? -,?a:s`.: :,t at is rapidly buildir:g socialism, are
very well kn.own to :rem, mur:r, 'e:?;cr th5n tj ugoelevi:.. And yet, they have taken a
suestian of seconds.ry or tenth-rate importance :that is, the questiea of the nature
of state rel..,tlon: cc a px1iaa--y :iueatiun, '_''he leaders of the USSR believe that
Tugoela.si9 rF a c-,u;.`ry, nusi he s'?:t.,rrl.ir.a`.ed aid must subordinate its economic
policy and it de' lopm-r.`. in ge:_era:l ~- the _eadiag" socialist country, that 'a
to the USSR. S1:mc_tsieou '_y they here al.,-,o driven he other socialist c ur.t lea to
do the satin rod vie':.' uh5 . an, as we hi r.e seen, regarded as obligatory for
all Uommur.i:l;: of .__, -:ourfnie_ tf' they d?o riot wish to he traitors to r,otrmruuism.
Lori o regar?iel a e_onomi a'..1.. r.; ob .iga'.oIy However, beside these despotic
at:d rrovoc.-ator jjroreoures, the exietin military alliances between ',z;osiavia and
t ttie ether Sot icliet ccjuntries Eire
Having prepared. !'.emee?we5 accor-di: i,_ plan "or such anti-Leninist, anti-
s : alit; en an-1-democra`.ic p3sau]i `.c co:,-eei tires.' revsitisg cr Luniz' aacn-
ings. they have i:rventsd 'he lie than 1.:gosla'i: is a socialist ;;our ry and that
it is net building so-iai_isir, Pith tl:it li-e they expel. ed to achieve in the eye
of lot:ernaoi;,ne.l prcie'.nrian a.1d derocrut,ic pub;ir opiomo_', r_ meta:! Justification
for their I.-?eatment of 1:nt -.;Levis -- for cxamyte, :ug:?siavia i:? a capitalistic country;
"it is d?,,rrlcpir:E, ir'o an rd'na y cnurgeoir: rept,blic" and is headed by en "enti-demo-
cra,ir end acts-com",ar'?.::,`ic repime,?' and 5 _ordir,_'Y n'.i methods are :errizeicle and
us1ifieh r 5 *t _t. _e ?ea-1'. ee. .r=u11 tt:i5 fan r-h. ,C.. _"_
leaders o?. the 1-S P, at r.^' apply the methods whicr triev iaccn: ide_2te;.y ?ee: against
reriw,is?." iali i^__c:ln is to ._ "ingle of
et:pie,. Spain and Gre-ce ,-. This reveals the fact cha ,hey were much more concerned
about d.osi ?.=..t.ing loci ]i ?',.gosh:i.a then stout 'he . cry of demorr-,cy r.::d so,'. 1_
1.9m in the : apinaltet' world.
Haying asked such s. lueri-ion about r!;-: tore;:o'.:, among socialist; c,-rtries and
having build it into a complete tnecry, Lenin permitted, under the coudir.iona of The
growth of the revclut_ior. in Ezrone, possible union of socia.;i.st co.ntries into
one single federation; oil this st- a time when the October Revolution seemed to be
developing into s "+.r]d rev 'ut.ior," i?e,, into a revolution among le-cloped Euro-
pean co- *rie,, and at. tins whom the Soviet Union was in unusually great economic
and tInli'i:e difface: ties end in an .? .tual strugg_ 7 e agairs+.
- the united capitalist
world..
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.p nn:st be approached similarly. These expressions were used
by _ngens d'a.ri'n the period when the revolutionary movement
50X1-HUM
"ho simultaneous world revolution, o^ :rather; the simult::.neous revolution of
number of de .;e open ,ontr?iee, proved to be unrealistic, os has been es`abli3hed
in the Ptr3r of `11-;11'D.4. and by ielin' wo?:i;s and the eaeence his teechiugs
about. iga.,erim_1i>m d.rsvcui ton. However, the outbreak of the revolution and the
victor; of soci-oli:171 in -,ever&! countries, and even in one :,ountiy, proved to be a
tors oie colt l'gitima e phenomenon. Accordingly, one must approach 'snit himself
from .he -`:ardpoiat of the possibili+.y and. legitimacy of the outbreak of =ei lutiun
to = rj?.- .cuo`rics ^~id nor an the sums time in many large countries. The question
him a ' ne, but e'.sc =n objective s0O eabje^':ive conditions and on the ratio of forces
in I^.e vorld lad individual ca':n ries.
duty '.? iuitia,te *he movement everywhere by me are of various slogans according to
In "The First F:.an of the rh^.sos or The D~zt:onal and ^olon.a). Quesc:ou;" written
in June 1920 for thF Second Coogre.sr- of the Ccmilunict. nterns.tional, Lenin on the
basis of the experience of the R: SR, st-ated that "the federation showed its
urs ty in practice" end that it is the "steppio.gstone toward a complete unity of
the workers. of various countries," Lenit: emphasized in this "Plan" that the dut,v
of the '.omitsorm "consists is i.rr, .ctziaa':dny and :onvincing, in c onvircing by
experience, those new federaticr.t, which are l',esed ^_ Lire ovlet system end soviet
movemeni. Re^og:ilci g t..Se federst'cr ec the eprirr tone toward cmplete Lr?it ,
': 1 cssary ctr;ve. for a ..-jrar and ~f,:de al Ire unuet ieC.. in
mi--.d the iml;oeeibi_.i-.y of defending soviet repuo'_ics surrou.',dc-d ty in,r,rrialisti,.
tP,a .c-d ., .. a dose ac? ;_omie ?.0L1or., Fucone' soviet republics, 'without
which the re'tval c` they od_+,-ti.ve :'?roes destroyed. by thesis 'ion cat~r:ot be real-
ized, --.ci withou` ehi.:, the ve).fere of the. ar'se's _r:cot be ured ,) I he
ceriec:?y toward :.r' a Inii ssi:g1e word scor.oncy u:.ited and regulated by rice ro-
letsri!ct of all ::_tioes so-cordi-!g to a general p:.an. This tendency has already
natlfee.rd itself .n ^e.,it.alism :c"1 vici continue to develop 4nd sex:ch
cmp'et?_ iulfillrent ..,i cc- itdiiom.
Lenin: a-tc,, from such ^on,:rete co-dit'_one- cw oon. he regarded federation u _s, a
toward e comp"te .e a:,1011 ;wher?. there wii'_ not be any ce:mtri?e,. ,:. i oe ing
the ','nest; on of fe,_e: -'nim in `his 'way, Lenin acted from concrete cos.ditiorc from
the p ssii7fli`a :_ -fe.ating "a proletarian tic Istorship of at lays.', severs? large
rcinr trig.^,," then, from the '_rlt os-leility of defer.r-e against the of the
stole w^r.ld, and from the e.o-unomi_ uplir. of aerie'. republics formed on the territory
of Coarls': Puss!,.. Fu' Eee1 in tale :.;se and in t:,is situation he iec:orpornted ir_:o
his J.octrine the greu'FP_t nos n_
sible ccnsi.ete_ry of theory and the grea::;ret no:iili-ti;
flexibility- recceosring the federation . .':siring toward a closer sn-f ctcoe:r
federal union" and . joss '_co ._m'c union" ;be;suse of the impossibit.icy of deien c
at--d ^ecunetru.^?.ion and because of the tendency toward an ecor_omic Loin:; of the world).
"Thr_- of the feder._ti:,n s- s :.eppiugsscne toward corhiCr.c- ,i)es
not ass=n e^?,ord~ng ?enln, the obligation of all nations to join the f?ede-retion.
_. I the el.r.,se '1Pla_n" h, recognized the re: ognition of the federation a a steppingstone,
bare:i on a c?': )A-;it_jn. it is natural that he should see in the federation,
uiidc_ ',.' the ii-,e-t convenient form of defense of the e>_~ ng
acv'_e : e_':;1 ii? c and the S rtuer rapprochement of the workers of diffeie:,t nations
through the
"
oil' T,Pf~ IAJ_?
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r7. 9-,M1
50X1-HUM
3e regards the federation primarily as a possibility for the developed European
unt?.ied in which a strong revolutionary movement existed, and which proceeded to-
ward the revolution simultaneously and in the same manner "on the basis of the soviet
s:7::'?'?em ead the soviet movement." This can be seen from all his writings ~otheraise
he could not have demanded concessions for backward nations in the last thesis). And
i> is nc,t accidental that in the entire "Plat. there is not a word about "the world
will fcr every nation in the choice of relations with other socialist countries, that
is; 'che right of nations to self-determination. For this reason he demands of Com-
mufists "special care," "special. attentiveness," and concessions to nations which
proe.ched the question of relations among socialist countries both concretely and.
fr,,;m the standpoint of strengthening socialism in general, and the strengthening
of the proletarian dictatorship. For this reason also Lenin's quotation from the
above "F._an" must not be separated from its context. He foresaw the possibility
of a federation for nations which simultaneously and in the same manner ("on the
basis of the soviet system and soviet movement") turn to socialism i.n order to de-
fend themselves against attack from thg united imperialists. He also admitted the
for orpressed nations. Lenin, as can be seer; is not in favor of a world soci3list
country, even in the above "Plan." This is completely understandable. A world
socialist country ("world soviet federal republic," "world proletarian dictator-
ship") could onl, emerge from a simultaneous world revolution. Just as the "theory"
of world revolution proved to be unrealistic under conditions of imperialism, the
world socialist state will prove to be equLlly u.nrealie ac.
Only one who believes that the socialist country and the building of socialism
are possible without the proletariat coming into power can separate one from the
ether. One is inseparable from the other. And to assert thrt Len's was the ide-
ologist of "the world soviet fe?crailci:," ~r of the ,-or_d socialist country, is
ius:. as absurd. as to mairte:in -hat Lenin is the creator of the "theory" of world
revolution, to be more exart, of the. impossibility of v:..:tory of the revolution and
socialism in one couc if ..'clout a simultaneous world revolution.
If there is not a simultaneous world revolution -- and it does not exist, as
eveu children know today -- there is not and carrot be a world socialist country
("world proletarian dictatorship," "world soviet federal republic," etc.). To
attribute to Lenin and to Leninism something of this sort is completely unjustified,
absurd, and contrary to all iaternstirnal development since the October Revolution.
This actually mea.., not only trying to extract from Lenin single passages with evil
intentions, but also to present them in distorted fashion as the essence of his
teachings. On the contrary, ;.enin, as Is known, worked out the theory of the possi-
bility and inevitability of the victory of the revolution and socialism in one country
and thus changed the theory of Marx and Engelc.?of the cinuttsc'eous revolution in
several developed countries, on the basis that it was antiquated for the coodiclouc
of the imperialistic era. Lenin, as is "own, approached the question of world
revolution on the basis of the law of-the unequal development of capitalism, which
is sharply brought out, especially in the age of imperialism. Lenin also approached
the question of breaking the imperialistic yoke at one place and then another, as
well as the question about the unavoidable, possible, and legitimate outbreak of
the revolution and victory of socialism at first in a few countries, or even in one
country, and then in ether countries.
Conuee' in,; the question of state. ;elation among socialist countries with the
question of the struggle of capitalism, Lenin, during the entire period of his
revolutionary activity, during all periods without exception, regarded and uncondi-
tionally insisted that these relations, whatever their nature, always mutt is basel
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[tit'l ^7.11
on principles of free will or on the respect for and assurance of the ra nt of
na.:eais to self-determination. Lenin saw the only possible way for a successful
strrg.?'R anrl victory cf the proletariat in the consistent recognition of the right
s the cr.ly way for socialist nations to achieve real rapprochement. Without apply-
ing th= -rrincipl- of free will in the relation among socialist countries, there is
not nor can there be an actual rapprochem nt among the workers of these c->untries.'
The rapprochement of nations, a more universal and closer connection of the working
epoch.. However, they had a forced character and from the beginning carried within
themselves the germ of their internal weakness, the germ of their own destruction.
A formally expressed willingness and a formal unity could not play an essan'.;ial
this rapprochement can only be realized by way of free will, by way of recognizing --
both in words and in action -- the right of nations to self-determination. Free
will in choosing the nature of state relations plus the right of self-determina-
tion equals the rapprochement of socialist nations. Lenin's comprehension of the
relations among socialist countries actually is bases on this fozime-.a.
In other words, rapprochement is only possible when the principles of free
will coo self-determination are respected. (of Leuiu, XIX, 22'.7-228.) For Lenin
the principle of free will in the relati.ens among r-ucie.;is'. countries is mother
aspect of the principle of the right of nations to self-determination. The appli-
cation of the principle of free will in relations among socialist countries Is in
effect the application of the right of every nation of self -determination to :reate
its ow independert country or voluntary entry Inds and voluntary choice of the
nature of state (federation, confederation) connections with another country.
There is not, nor can there be free will when the right of se] -determination
does not exist, and the right of self-determination is (1) the r:dut to one's own
national country and (2) the right of a voluntary choice of this or that state
rele.tion with another country. The principle of free will and the right of self-
determination are actually one and the same thing. The entire problem
revolves around -a different approach to one and the same thing. The
right oi' seli-determination is the recognitiob of the right of nazis to organize
voluntarily their relations with other nations, and the recognition c' this right
of nations means that they can order the above relations as they see fit. Th' use
of the term "principle of free will" in the relations among socialist countries only
explains the application and the method of application (voluntary, as opposed to
forced) of the right of nations to self-determination.
It is self-evident that Lenin did not approach formalistically the question
of the right of nations to self-determination, that is from the point of view of
the formal right of a nation. The principle of self-determination and equality
is also recognized by the bourgeois democrat, and even sometimes by the out-and-
out imperialist.
b=en in favor of thu reparation of nations. Such an act, without r;gard for appar
c-nt and temporary, r:o:asone for ito occurrcnce, always u]time.tety r ar.,iona.ry.
Lenin was unconditionally in favor of the mutual rapprochement of nations and even
in favor of their future merging into Communism. However, be saw this rapproche-
ment as possible only through a voluntary rapprochement, through a consistent and
actual recognition of the right of nations to self-determination. Lenin was an
irreconcilable fighter against every national intrigue. He resolutely stood on
the principle of the rapprochement of nations, at the same time comprehending that
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Lenin, to
right, aith the actual recognition of the right of nations to self-determination.
to the leaders of the USSR of today (especially it relation
t
di
c
In coittr i
.iou
to Yugoslavia and. the international workers' and democratic movement), Lenin never
said one thing, did another, and thought something else. Between his words and
deeds, between his theories and practice there never was disagreement. this was
also the reason why he did. not treat the right of nations to self-determination
and to free will in the question of choice of state relations with other nations
es a formal right, which is also advocated by bourgeois democracv (for example,
Wilson. during Word War I and Churchill -ad Roosevelt in World War I-),
ous, inefead he ~rea.ted it as an actual right which can be reailzeu only in a true
socialist democracy. Those who today appropriate the monopoly of being the only
true students and disciples of LeniL do not act according to Lenin. While
they still speak about the right of nations to self-determination and about _ free
will in the relations of individual nations toward other nations, in practice they
apply methods of force against socialist countries and do away with the actual
free will of nations. in their case there wars a definite split between words and
deeas, between theory and practice. It is not clear how long they intend to vio-
late the right of nations to self-determination and the principle of free will in
hat method
b
l
,
y w
ear
the relations among socialist countries. It is equally unc
provided they continue such a practice, they think they will struggle against
fII ?trance and Ttal + ir_?v; n-1
y
ll
i
y
a
lT,ji:e="1 ali ..^:m one assist 1~.~_ur ptfiito, espec
struggle against US imperialists and its ser-rants in Socialist countries.
there cannot be any doubt that they thereby destroy the unity and weaker. it
strength of labor movements, and the is7cr and denncrutic movemerd as a unccle.
Lenin did not consider the right to self-determination to be valiu >,lv dur-
ing the period of the struggle for power and only for the proletrr'i?an dictator-
ship. He did not think that the proletariat would emphasize tnis idea only so
long as it. inns ctrue;gling against the bourgeoisie, and that when victory- was won,
would ignore it in practice. No, Lenin woul' consider that, as deceit of a nation
and as undermining the unity and cooperation of the workers of different nations.
Truthfully, some problematical indi.viduals today, who like to give i.he an,,-:arance
of consistent Leninists and internationalists, are trying to represent the state
of affairs in that very light. However, Lenin would not be Lenin -- .hat is, his
words and deeds would not be coupl-, a;y consistent -- if he rec,,,;oised he right
t ;~lr- eta:m.natiou only during the period of the struggle for power, and not
For -Lenin t.u right to 4e 1`-deter ination was identical with the right of a
nati-n o Separate from another, that is with thu r ,_rc ne nation to separate
from a state ;Arier -'nick it lived with another nation ?r nations and to form its awn
independent country. This can be clearly seen firm almost all the notations given,
and is generally known. On the basis of this principle of Lenin, the recognition
of the right of nations to self-determination to the point of separation was in-
corporated in the constitution of the USSR as well as in the constitution of the
Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia.
Theoreticians say that Lenin recognized the right to self-determination of
nations and the principle of free will in relations among socialist countries, but
that this is not valid for Communists, that is, that for Communists, especially when
they are in power, only the task of uniting socialist countries into one country
comes into question. (They do not discuss the task of compulsory rapprochement of
workers, but freedom in the choice of the nature of state relations according to
general and national conditions.) They do say that for the policies of communists
of one country the principle of free will does not apply (that is, that when they
are in ..power they do not have the right to decide what attitude will prevail as
regards governmental relations between their country and some other socialist coun-
try).
I
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This is a very transparent and, to be sure. a shameless falsification of Lenin,
first; because, in a unified socialist state (federation), only socialist and not
nations `'ight for the actual recognition of this principle). Second, because neither
socialist countries nor socialism can or could exist without the authority of the
working class, which is led by the Communistic (or whatever its name may be) class
and struggling for the actual recognition of these principles, or whether they are
La power and creating thFm. Third, Lenin himself says in many places that the re
traction of the right of nations to self-determination in socialism (hence, when
labor parties are in power, because in socialism the capitalists cannot be in power,
parties of-these countries to "a leading" (the VKP(b)) party.
When Communists are in power iv?various countries, it is grotesque evem.. to
speak of the equality of countries which they govern when th- governing (workers')
Parties themselves are not equal. The equality of countries and peoples in sociai
ism can be realized only through the equality of the governing parties. This occurs,
for example, when the governing party of a country, on the basis of the interest of
the movement as a whole, freely and independently, as Lenin says, decrees the attit de
of the governmental relat'ou of its country toward other countries, A nation under
socialism solves the question of union with other socialist countries through its
freely chosen representatives or by means of a referendum. in either case, since
there is no other way, toe nation must know that precisely this question is being
concerned, for otherwise its actual will can be falsified and thwarted, and the
future unity would be based on false grounds and would be pregnant with internal
vaskiesses. This voula. necessaril-, come about and capitalism would take advantage
of it in the first mr-jor crisis in the socialist country.
The attitude of the labor party toward tae application of the right of nations
tc self-determination has an exceptiono_lij great significance. This is clear be-
ciuse the people do not exercise self-determination spontaneously, but their po-
litical leadership (the party) decrees the attitude and publicizes it among the
people.. If the party is not independent and enjoys equality, it is almost impos-
sible that the people will be independent and equal in its decisions. The party
in question is, of course, a real workers' party, because no other could be. in
power in a socialist country. Aeccrdlcgly, if a party does not enjoy real equality,
but is subjugated to another party, its policy will necessarily also se subjugated
to that party, or to another country. This way the right of self-determination of
nations, the right of nations to go their own way toward the common goal, toward
socialism and Communism, will be subjugated And lost.
An understanding among parties in power based on free will, on the principle of
equality, is one of the general conditions in practice for achieving actual equality
of nations and their sincere cooperation in socialism. Every other method leads to
the weakening of the unity of workers, to the weakening of cooperation and rapproche-
ment of nations, and to the actual loss of the right of self-determination.
It is impossible to abolish specific and special traits in the development of
individual countries because they are the product of historical development and of
the relation of forces which are never identical, especially during various periods
when revolutions were initiated and socialism was developed in individual countries.
Their abolition can be detrimental not only to socialism in individual countries, but
also to socialism as a whole, because the strength of world socialism consists of its
sr,
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vidaal nnntries. Ultimately it means the understanding and recognition of actual
ant. concrete conditions on the basis that socialism can be victorious throughout
the wor- ;
ccn?-_ete conditions from which socialist revolutions and socialism develop in indi-
socialist countries, actually means the recognition of the historically conditioned
s peclf,c snd special traits in the development of individual countries._ In addition,
individual f:roes. For that reason, the recognition of the right to sell'-determina
for the simultaneous outbrtax of the revolution throughout the world or the majority
of developed countries) and strict nationalism in order to form his own revolution
and his even read tc socla.tsv.
The slanderers of the KPJ, led by the theoreticians and revisionists from the
USSR, deny iiffarence of form in the roads to power and in building socialism of the
working class of individual countries. They deny other nations that mite which these
would ?i'e to contribute to the genoral treaaary of so:ialism. With this, they have
-everted in practice and in theory to idealism and are negating the lawfulness of
dialectics as to the iafiety of development which is valid for natural as well as
for social phenomena. In retracting this . ecessary, legitimate variation .,r, the
'erms oi.' fn'cr oc: the working psople and to the roads to socialism, the, have nec-
eec.trily citetted. with reality, not only as regards individual socialist countries,
but also as regards individual labor movements in the world. For this reason it is
not at all accidsnte]. that Communists in individual countrtes nore or less pub:,.icly
speak about the "Russians," not understanding their country and not comprehending
their situation.
and the different roads of individual nations to soc.ialisir,, truly has to a.anden
dialectics and its laws about the variety of development, and necessarily has to
waver between Trotskyite "theories" about "permanent" revolution ("the necessity"
ii i.5t-i~O ::.r ndltloocd, 'and necessarJ y diffcroncc in the destruction of' capitalism,
Zl.l'y Cv ~..
pursue these different methods because they wish to be different from proletarians
in other countries, but because they do not have available a different road to power,
to socialism, to the final goal of humanity -- to the erasing of sl.l differences
r
of r~o:rcr itceLt', is necessary and legitimate in the same degree, f not more, in w . t
the outbreak of the revolution itself is necessary and legitimate. The different
forme of revolution, of power, of the way and the speed to socialism are not products
e-rtt c:q F_list c count i_s) is aosurd, and it is, and if the outbreak of revolution
eel tue victory of revolution in individual countries taken separately are legitimate,
then bviously, the difference in the methods of the struggle for power, in the methods
h
This denial of differences in the progress of individual countries toward
socialism, which has been fatal alike for a real unity of the social'st countries
and for the policy of workers' parties in capitalist countries, actually resulted
from the fact that the leaders of the USSR have passed fron internationalist to
nationalistic positions. It was they primarily who introduced principles of capi-
talist commerce into the socialist states. The basis of "change among the social-
ist states is the dollar, as is the principle of selling the poorest possible goods
at the highest possible price, while buying the best possible goods as cheaply as
possible. Inevitably, this means excess profits and the exploitation of the weak
and undeveloped by the strong and developed. In such an economic situation, a
political ratio also is formed: governments must be secured in the socialist
countries which will consent to discrimination against and exploitation of their
country for the sake of higher "international ideals." Thus obedient vassal gov-
ernments and. vassal countries are formed, instead of free and equal socialist states.
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50X1-HUM
?laic for setting up such a government have been dawn up for Yugoslavia. The
Hebrang-7,ujovic combination was groomed at length for such "service." The i.: thods
of imp'=r'alist exploitation inevitably produced the well known imperialist political
mctheds of slander, espionage, border incidents, the killing or arrest of innocent
people whose minds would not stoop to such policy and such methods, the control of
all Governmental activity is. socialist countries by the Soviet intelligence service,
the fonmetion of se,ret factions in the various parties to control their policies,
lorumus, and leadership; p pagandr based on conditions and problems in the various
countries, including threatened occupation; using the international struggle for
peace i;o frighten socialist states and workers' parties, persecutin~.and silencing
those who refuse to yield to political dis.r:mination among socialist states and
Porkers' parties, entering into deals and agreements with imperialists, as in the
case of the Koruska region and of Greece, because of individual socialist countries
or workers' or democratic :evolutionary movements, etc. As a result, an equivocal
reln-ionship has arisen between Ccaumanists in the USSR on the one hand and Communists
of other parties and Comeunists in the socialist states (excluding Yugoslavia) on
the other. Many opportunists and suspicious elements directly linked with imperi-
alist intcl_igence servic,os, who abound in positions of leadership in the socialist
states and workers' pa:ties, are proclaimed revolutionaries and patriots. On the
basis of apparent fidelity and obedience to the USSR, they strengthen the imperi-
alist intelligence net and spread demoralization in the workers' movement. On the
is of the fallacious, nationalistic, unprincipled policy of the Soviet l.eaier-
i:ip, h .ir: t i-e 'tenths ;?ray ?ndependenoe or equality- of socialist states and
workers' parties, the imperialists build their ova policy and their own tactit.s
im-
portance the socialist and democratic world, which far outweigh in magnitude and portance those forged by fascLism and the plots of Trots'i, ;ou'hcxin, and company.
The leaders of the Y.;"SR overlook the concrete problems of the various countries
and try to subordinate the policies of the workers' parties and democratic movements
in the capitalist countries to their own national policy. They act not upon the
assumption that they should offer moral and political aid to these mo-ements, while
guarding their essential independence, which the actual internal and intern tional
situation postulates, so as to strengthen them in the struggle for dnnocracy- end
socialism. but upon the assamciicsi that these parties and movements must adapt their
own policies to the mediate 1sa ['c : _s ana '_nsGZ'us iv- -. _.:.
As Soviet policy is internationalist 1,hese parties and movements inevitably
either come into conflict with Soviet Fol.icy or are :.eruo+:: 1'icss the straggle for
their country -- s welf'&ie. Thus the "theovy" has arisen in the various workers'
part's in countries that fidelity to the workers' movement and
proletari_rr7 ions tism is measured not by revozutaonary soo
struggle against their own bout?geoicie :.r.d. foreign imperialists, but by recagniticn
c Lne L?e.:air.g role of the USSR. The struggle against Lair own and foreign
bourgeoisies is adapted to the daily statements and diplomatic changes of thet,
Soviet government, and the conviction is spread throughout Communist circles that
their countries can only be liberated by direct action of the Soviet Army. ThLs
means waiting for a new war. No one known when it will break out or how it will
develop.
Necessary agreements between socialist states or the Soviet Union on the one
hand and imperialist countries on the other (as, for example, during World War II)
are not described as necessary, but are justified by unity of ideological aims
(using such terms as democratic bloc, democratic agreement, democratic cooperation,
etc.), which only confuses the policies of the workers' parties. For example, in
a speech of '7 November 1944 Stalin declared that if the Allies could cooperate in
war, they could cooperate much more so in peace. Like most predictions, this was
not fulfilled. However, it was the basis for misunderstanding and illogical policy
in many parties.
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In going over to the nationalistic position, the Soviet leaders on the one
iiaad are propagating internationalism for the other p'.rties (by internationalism
they mean acknowledgment of the leading role of the USSR), while in their own
which is indeed a Great culture -- over that of other peoples. The Soviet leaders
eocislietic, and cultural attainments of other peoples, even of those that are
already on the path of socialist development. They have invented the anti-Marxist
theory of the prime importance of preeminence in science (especially, that Russian
ecientia's were the first to dis.over this or that), and thus have appropriated
innumerable scientific discoveries from almost every country. This theory, like
that of the exceutioral capacity of certain peoples, is of course new only to the
f
ial
l
rac
l sorts o
USSR, and has long been advanced, in some form or other, by a
fists and nationalists. There is no mention in Marx, Engels, or Lenin, or even
in the published works of Stalin, of the exceptional importance of the preeminence
of certain peoples in science and culture.
Soviet propagandists belittle the cultures of other peoples and proclaim, for
example, the French language, the language of Rabelais, Moliere, Diderot, sod St
Simon, to be the language of feudal aristocracy, and the English language, the
language of Shakespeare. Dickens, and Smith, to be the language of commercial
bcurceol,t wh_le'.2ey --a-L1 Russian, which actually is the language oi' cue of
the greatest cultures, the language of socialism, though not a language to which
the other languages in the socialist world should be equal.
The Soviet propagandists speak of the inalienable right of their country to
preeminence in the struggle for socialism. Thus they try to make socialism, which
is an international phenomenon and not the property nor the product of the struggle
of any predetermined people, but of the international proletariat and its struggle,
and which neither is unique nor was first developed in Russia, into a nationat
phenomenoL and a n-.ti.ons,1 possession and monopoly of the Russian people.
It is no coincidence that Soviet propaganda retains virtually no vestiges of
criticism of czarism and czarist imperialistic policy in general, in psriiuuiar
ags;.ns*, all, opurc?ssed peoples.
One factor in the development of nationsl pride is to free a people from the
feeliag of inferiority to other peoples implanted in it by its own worthless re-
actionary classes while ascribing special characteriocice to a people, belittling
ane scorning uih yo plc c, en.l o.+rrnnriating their accomplishments is something
else. The former is a atruggl-. against national %ihilissn, --in oena_LL of su:;-" -
istic patriotism, while the latter is nationalism in its most vulgar form.
To what depths of nationalistic absurdity have the Soviet leaders descended
when they depart from Lenin's course and in practice begin to deny the capacity
and ability of certain peoples in the struggle for socialism, when they begin to
deny the individuality and diversity of the various countries in their progress
toward the dictatorship of the proletariat and the building of socialism, toward
the development of cultures national in form and democratic and socialist in essence:
The Soviet leadership uses the traditional relations in the pest between
Russia and the Yugoslav people or Yugoslav states (Serbia and Montenegro) in
its attack on Yugoslavia. However, two kinds of relationships are traditional.
Yugoslavia encourages the progressive tradition of relations between progressive
Yugoslavs and progressive Russians, such as between uvetozar Markovic and
Chernishevskiy's group, or such as between the Yugoslav realistic school and
Russian realism. But Jugoslavia does not encourage the tradition of reactionary
relations with Russian czarism.
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iii though the Soviet leaders accuse Yugoslavia of an anti-Russian policy, the
Yugoslav people cannot but love the Russian people, who have greatly enriched the
culture of mankind, especially in recent times, and have materially influenced the
lev:elopment of history in a progressive direction. The Yugoslavs admire the heroic
efforts and accomplishments of the Russian people, respect their i.-measurable
sacrifices on behalf of their own liberty and that of mankind, and will always be
gretefu for the ai.A they have rendered to Yugoslavia and other countries. But
the role of liberator does not give the Soviet leudecship any moral right to decree
unequal relationships with other peoples. According to Lenin, every workers' party
and e-:'er?J people in the struggle against capitalism is obligated to give its utmost
TL- KP.T does --ot and never will pursue an anti-Russian or pro-Rus-`au policy
c:c a.lpo'icy directed ageiast any other people, It has pursued and will pursue a
pc ley of uooiali.sr revolution and of building socialism, a policy of solidarity,
their freedom, independence, and equality. When the first socialist country is
attacked, the KFJ will rouse its people to the attack, combining the Yugoslav
socialist revolution with the execution of its international obligations. The
sl?.nderers of the KPJ cannot be said to follow the same principles, either in
respect to Yugoslavia and the KPJ or toward the other socialist countries and
Every Marxist concerned with the quebtion of nationalism must be familiar
with Lenin's stand on the superiority (in the initial stage, the period of struggle
to establish power) of the large state over the small and on the necessity for
economic union is, socialism.
in respect to the superiority of the large socialist state over the small,
Lenin considers that the large state gives its workers greater opportunities for
successful resistance to imperialist states, for the develop.-nt of production
fac:ilitier.,, and for a better standard of living. Insofar as the large states
are better equipped. for a quick victory of socialism and for improvement in the
workers' standard of living, Lenin was, quite justly, on the side of the la-ge
5i:atc. to ....-.-..ii.. tho lc ^a.^~., or>r +ho ar~Al i. 1-is alit
i;ue s ..w .... .,,- -rcc _.
not unconditionally favor the large state. Lenin insists unconditionally pon
the strengthening of socialism, and therefore iron