(SANITIZED)PROPAGANDA LEAFLETS CONCERNING CYPRUS(SANITIZED)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-00809A000100140062-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 62
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2014
• Sequence Number: 62
• Publication Date: September 21, 1956
• Content Type: REPORT

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"
II
THAT HELLENIC ISLAND,
GLADSTONE
It is taken for granted that tourists. visiting
Greece would normally wish to learn about
the country as much as possible. No one can
claim, however, to know enough about present
day Greece, without acquiring some knowledge
about the Cyprus question. No one would like
to be at a loss when questioned on a subject
of such importance, particularly if one has been
to Greece recently. We therefore think that it
would be useful for the alert and curious visi-
tor to have a pamplet on Cyprus giving mere
facts.
Greece brought up the Cyprus issue. She
is concerned with Cyprus for three reasons
1) Greece believes in Freedom, not as an
abstract ideal but as a vital necessity
2) Greece believes that all peoples are en-
titled to enjoy this supreme right; and she
supports the struggle of other peoples to attain
this freedom (most recently in Korea) with as
much conviction and fighting spirit as she
does for her own.
. 3) In Cyprus today, 420.000 people whose
origin, name, language, religion and soul are
Greek, are claiming the elementary human
right of self-determination.
The Greeks of Cyprus, who make up 82 �/.
of the population, never ceased fighting for
their independence. When in 1878 Britain's
Prime Minister Disraeli purchased Cyprus from
the Turks, the Greeks obviously considered
this as the first major step towards their ulti-
mate achievement of independence. Disillu-
sionment was not long in coming, and so they
resumed their resistance. Time and again
they received official' British promises, only
to see them come to nothing. In 193i the first
organized revolt against British rule broke
out. It failed, and was followed by crushing
penalties. In 19p the Ethnarchy of Cyprus
organized a plebiscite which proved that 96 O/,
of the island's Greek population demanded
F.NOSIS, or union with Greece. In April i954,
after Greece failed in the sustaining efforts to
persuade Great Britain to discuss the issue, it
was decided to place it before L'NO. The
subject was included on the General Assem-
bly's Agenda, and the Cyprus question was
-SitiVE115262.0011611MICIEW
4.1,T.621191.:1,"
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subsequently declared to be 'open internation-
ally., but it was decided to postpone a deci-
sion e for the time being..
The issue was brought before UNO again
the following year. In order to avert a discus-
sion of it, Britain held a Tri-partite Conference
in London, ostensibly to find a solution but in
reality as a pretext for involving Turkey in
the issue. The results of this ill - motivated
British move, became apparent when the Turks
launched their vandalistic attacks against the
Greek minority of Constantinople.
In the meantime, embittered by the dishon-
orable and contemptuous attitude of the
e great defenders of Freedom., the people of
Cyprus decided to resort to armed resistance
in their struggle for self - determination. A
little while later, Greece's second appeal to the
UNO was barred from inclusion on the Agenda
of the General Assembly. This situation led to
the critical point now reached, after Greece's
repeated efforts at finding a peaceful settlement
met a growing inflexibility on the part of Bri-
tain, and finally with the enforcement of ex-
tremely harsh suppressive measures, compa-
rable in cruelty with the methods of the In-
quisition. Execution by banging, mass arrests,
deportations, destruction of property, collective
fines, closing of schools, devastation of culti-
vated areas, lashing of children, and - finally -
incitement of the Turkish minority to acts of
violence against the Greeks - this is the sample
picture of the e civilizing drive � launched by
Britain in her Cyprus Colony, the only colony
left in Europe in the 20th century.
That very briefly is the history of the
question. However, the reader cannot form a
complete and clear understanding of it without
knowing the arguments on which the Cypriot
people base their demand for self - determina-
tion and Greece its appeal to UNO. These are:
3 The provisions of the UNO Charter
concerning self - determination.
2. The fact that the island is Greek, histori-
cally and ethnologically.
3. The suitability of the present time, when
international conditions and the defence of the
West are at a most satisfactory point.
4. The fact that NATO will be better
served by a base located in territory inhabited
by a friendly people.
5. The island's small Turkish minority will
enjoy the same treatment, insofar as religious
and political freedom are concerned, as now
existing Turkish minorities in Greece.
Each of these arguments requires a short
and precise analysis. Who is to undertake it,
though? We, as Greeks, might be suspected of
partiality. Consequently, we think it best to
leave it to non - Greeks. And preferably to the
British themselves, because; the gaoler who
intercedes in behalf of an innocent prisoner or
helps him to escape, or the prosecutor who
refuses to prosecute a person whom be believes
innocent are, you will admit, examples of a
high level of moral development.
1. The Provisions of the MO Charter concerning
Self - determination.
The people of Cyprus, just as the people
of the Gold Coast, are entitled to govern
their own affairs. Our refusal to grant them
self - government is an offence against our
pledged word in the Atlantic Charter, in the
UN Charter and in the Charter of Human
Liberties.
CLEMENT DAVIES, Leader of the British Liberal
Party, October 2,1954
The Labour Party believes that Cypriots,
like any other people, have an ultimate right
to self - determination.
BRITISH LABOUR PARTY - January 1955.
Would we welcome the prospect of being
charged before the United Nations with crimes
against liberty ?
NEWS CHRONICLE - August 5,1954.
2. The fact that the island is Greek historically
and ethnologically.
eI subjoin the satisfaction I should feel
were it granted me, before the close of my
long life, to see the population of that Hellenic
island placed by a friendly arrangement in
organic union with their brethren of the
Kingdom of Greece,.
THE RT. HON. W. E. GLADSTONE - Prime Minister
of Great Britain in .1897.
el think it is only natural that the
Cypriot people, who are of Greek descent,
should regard their incorporation with what
may be called their mother country as an
ideal to be earnestly, devoutly and fervently
cherished. Such a feeling is an example of the
patriotic devotion which so nobly characterizes
the Greek Nation,.
THE RT. HON. WINSTON S. CHURCHILL, Colonial
Under - Secretary - 1907.
cit is a great many years since I visited
Cyprus, and exactly the same feelings were
alive then as are alive now,.
SIR WINSTON CHURCHILL, Prime Minister of Great
Britain, October 19, 1954.
'The Greekness of Cypriots is, in my
opinion, indisputable. Nationalism is more, is
other, is greater than pigmentation or cephalic
indices. A man is of the race of which he
passionately feels himself to be. No sensible
person will deny that the Cypriot is Greek -
speaking, Greek - thinking, Greek - feeling...,
SIR RONALD STORRS - GOVerilOr of Cyprus from
1926 - 32.
The fact is that Cyprus has been Greek
for 3,300 years, a far longer time than this
island has been English or English - speaking...
MR. JOHN PARKER, MP. for Dagenham, House
of Commons, July 23, 1954.
a
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3. The Suitability of the present time when
International conditions and the defence of
the West are at 3 most satisfactory point.
'This demand is as old as British occu-
pation - indeed, older,.
THE TIMES - Februry 23, 1954.
The Archbishop of Cyprus welcomed the first
British Governor in 1878 in a speech which
spoke of Enosis. An appeal was made to Glad-
stone in 1881; a new petition in 1885; another
to Joseph Chamberlain in 1896; a motion was
laid before the Legislative Council in 1903;
Sir Winston Churchill, then Under - Secretary
for the Colonies, witnessed a great popular
demonstration when he visited Cyprus in 1907;
a delegation was sent to London in 1923;
another in 1929; another in 1946; a plebiscite
was organized in 1950 by the Cypriots them-
selves. Ever since the British went to Cyprus,
three quarters of a century ago, there has
been a constant, unremitting assertion of the
demand.
NOEL - BAKER, The Derby Evening Telegaph,
August 29, 1954.
(The principles laid down in the main
resolution before the Conference (the right of
all nations to determine their own fate and to
decide to which state they will belong within
the League of Nations) will be applied, as far
as the British Labour Party is concerned, to
the people of Cyprus..
THE RT. HON. RAMSAY McDONALD. Prime Minister
of Great Britain - Berne, February 21, 1919.
(The wishes of the inhabitants of Cyprus
for union with Greece will be taken into a
most careful and sympathetic consideration by
the Government when they consider its future.
THE RT. HON. DAVID LLOYD GEORGE, Prime Minister
of Great Britain, November 14, 1919.
4. The Strategic argument.
(One wonders how can a Government,
which in Egypt has seen and accepted the
hard fact that it is impossible and undesirable to
try to maintain a base in the midst of a hostile
population, try to do just this in Cyprus?... (950/a
of the Greeks voted for union with Greece....
Article by LENA 'EGER, MP. for Holborn and
St. Pancras - TRE-August 6, 1954.
� It is certain that Cyprus will be a much
more effective strategic centre as part of
Greece than as an unwilling British Colony,
and I firmly believe that the majority of men
and women in Great Britain realize this..
Article by SIR COMPTON MACKENZIE - Sunda
Despatch - August 29, 1954.
The Greek Government have already
made it perfectly clear that, as a member of
NATO they are prepared to offer full facilities
to other NATO Powers, including of course
Great Britain, in any strategic purposes which
we might work out together.
MRS. LENA JEGER, MP. for Holborn and St.
Pancras, South. - House of Commons, July
28, 1954.
(Our relations with Greece, which used
to be so good, are deteriorating, and in conse-
quence the organization of Western defence in
the Mediterranean has been weakened.....
(While this Unrest goes on in Cyprus,
Greece will stand out of Mediterranean defence
and the Western Alliance will suffer,.
THE EARL OF L1STOWEL, House of Lords - June
15, 1955-
'1 say that it is the right thing to evac-
uate Egypt - and it is - then it is the right thing
to evacuate Cyprus, and to do it in good time*.
MR. R.H.S. GROSSMAN, MP. for Coventry East -
July 28, 1954.
'Surely thc whole post-war history of
the Greeks proves that we have no more Mi.:
able ally on the continent of Europe.
FRANCIS NOEL- BAKER, MP. for Swindou - The
Manchester Guardian - October 2, 1954.
S. The island's small Turkish minority will enjoy
the same treatment.
The Turkish minority is fairly small, being
about 17.80/a of the population. It is very
undemocratic to argue the 17.80/ of the
population should be able to veto what the
800 of the population want to do.
MR. 3OHN PARKER, MP. for Dagenham, House
of Commons-July 23, 1954.
And would the rights of the 17.90/. be
in any claimer if Cyprus were joined to Greece?
I was with Fridjof Nansen in Constantinople in
1922 when he first proposed the exchange of
Greek and Turkish population which the
League of Nations tarried out. Within three
days there came a deputation from the half-
million Turks who then lived in Greece. They
begged him not to turn them out of Greece.
(We've lived there for centuries., they said,-
(in peace and friendship with the Greeks:
we've just had ten years of war between Greece
and Turkey and the grave crisis of the Greek
exodus from Asia - Minor. Yet no Turk has
suffered in any way; the Greeks have treated
us with justice, generosity and friendship
until to - day. (I have never believed since
then that the Turks in Cyprus had anything
to fear,.
Article by PHILIP NOEL- BAKER, MP. for Derby
South, former Minister of State for Common-
wealth Relations, Minister of State in the
Foreign Office etc.-THE DERBY EVENING TELEGRAPH,
August 29, 1954.
The Turkish minority in Greece has
never complained about its treatement
THE OBSERVER, September 26, 1954.
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The "Civilizing,,
reminding of Noz
PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY
34, UNIVERSITY AVE.
gib
NIC STUDIES.
GREECE.
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ONE uto.f:s:L.
OF THE 51E4 TEST LRIA115
OF ma rINTIIIIir
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ONE OF THE GREATEST CRIMES
OF THIS CENTURY
Greece has had many heroes and national martyrs in
every period of her history, in every struggle. Cyprus, too,
that outpost of Hellenism at the extremity of the Eastern
Mediterranean, has her heroes today. In the fields and the
mountains. In towns and in villages. Heroes whose moral
stature is a defiance and a menace to the haughty and
powerful oppressor. Heroes who demolish the oppressor's
arrogance, subdue his stubborness, expose his duplicity.
Heroes and national martyrs who adorn the pages of Greek
History, who will stimulate and inspire the future genera-
tions and become shining examples of heroism and self-
abnegation for the whole world. Fighters who know how
to fight and how to die for liberty; who are not scared of
their frenzied foes, nor of the fearful faces of their mar-
shals. They stand proud, resolute. And when at the end
they fall, their name becomes a legend, their deeds feats
of daring, their voice a command, their message resounds
till the farthest end of the earth.
Such a hero, such a national martyr is MICHAEL,
KARAOLIS. A portentous day for the British is the Toth
of May. A black page in English History. A page of trea
son for the ideals of elementary Justice and Liberty. A
page that blood-stained Imperialism of London will re-
cord in its history. A page exposing the honesty of the
powerful of the Earth, because no criminals, no vil-
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lams are being put to death, but heroes o f freedom and
fighters of high ideals. On the gallows are being executed
valiant descendants of a People who has alwas fought for
its freedom and the freedom of the NN hole world.
The bells were tolled all over Cyprus on May ro,
conveying through their doleful tolling the message of tl.e
abominable act for which Britain and thz� whole Free
World will feel ashamed. A cry was heard from the Free
Besieged of the indomitable Island. A cry to Libero
Oh! Liberty .. Liberty !... What crimes are being cum
mated in your name. Oh! Liberty!.... Oh ! Justice ' What
decadence in consiences!..."
May Loth 1956. In Cyprus, the Islad of heroes, in the
sunlight, under the blessings of the \V stern Free
World and the wishes of the sanguinary Mau Mau exe-
cutioner, and of liberal(!) Britain there, in the precincts
of a mediaeval prison, the real Justice lies, murdered, in
two coffins. When the. coffins were opened, one could still
feel the warm young bodies of the heroes KARAOLIS
and DIMITRIOU. Two bodies that have died by hang-
ing, alas! With the rope round their necks and, who
knows, after what a long agony of writhing on the gallo%\ s.
Whilst all Greek homes in Cyprus shut their doors and
opened their windows for hosting the flag of Liberty, the
proud and glorious flag of Indomitable Greece, the Exe-
cutioner of Liberty, tormented by his conscience, never for
a moment felt quiet. He issued announcements informing
cynically the world that he had simply executed, with good
reason, two villains, two murderers! He knew, however,
that both were not guilty.
There w is no question of execution in the case of
01.5 for no one was e�er sentenced to deith for
undin; s un one who Ii id subseqlmtly reco% ered.
2
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1.!
As regards KARAOLIS, no incriminating proof what-
soever was found. The Court based its erdict on the eNi-
deuce of false witnesses, two Turks, N� hom the British
helped to flee to Turkey after their false and contradictory
evidence All the Cypriots knew that Karaolis was inno-
cent. The British also knew it. They knew that he was
perfectly innocent for the murder of Traitor Poulis, an In-
telligence Service organ. This is also proved from the fact
that they did not execute him at once, but tried up to the
last minute, by their wicked and infamous means, to put
him before the perplexing dilemma: either reveal the
names of the patriot fighters or die on the gallows.
We denounce before the whole world that the British
hanged KARAOLIS although they knew that he was not
guilty!
The dishonest psychological means that the British
used for extracting confessions from Karaolis cannot be de-
scribed. Further to what has already been denounced and
confirmed by the British, that in the last days prior to the
hanging.. British soldiers just for sport put up with charac-
teristic cruelty and cynicism a noosa outside the convicts'
cells, they took the moribunds to see their graves, freshly
dug, and the gallows. This is one of the many tokens of
civilization of the civilized and liberal (!) British, for whom
the Greeks have hungered, have been tortured, hanged, shot.
crucified by the Nazi hordes in 1941-194-0
A further evidence that the British considered KARA-
OLIS innocent is the fact that they hanged him after DI-
MITRIOU in order to force him, even at the last moment,
to make confessions. As it was disclosed by the priest An-
tonios Erotokritos, the sole Cypriot wno saw them last
when he opened the coffins and uncovered their faces. KA--
RAOLIS' body was warmer than that of DI MITRIOU.
3
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'This priest had been called to take the confession of, and
minister the holy communion to, the two moribunds. But,
,even whilst the confession was taken, two British, in civil
clothes, stood there, ready to distort the heroes' last words
for the dark aims of British Imperialism.
Thus, Harding's organs have violated the very elemen-
tary human rights and they prohibited the farewell visit
of their closest relatives, even of their mothers, as KA-
R AOLIS so bitterly and poignantly revealed in his last
letter. Before mounting the scaffold, the hero of Cypriot
Liberty addressed the following letter to his uncle, Mr. Da-
anianos Kamenos:
CENTRAL PRISONS OF NICOSIA, 9th May 1956.
Mr. Damianos Kamenos
6 Kadtuou Street
Nicosia.
My dear Uncle,
I am writing to you from the cell of my prison after 'all
who may visit' have left us, without having had time to take
a farewell of them, and now it is for all-conquering Time
to roll on for a few more hours in anticipation of the end.
In absolute peace of mind I am sending you my last adieu,
without, however, concealing my bitterness for having been
deprived of the farewell visit of, at least, my closest relatives.
I hope that all will keep calm and that courage will not be in
want. It would be an actual satisfaction for me if all, and espe�
daily my Mother, would manage to avoid lamenting and be-
wailing for me You should not feel sorry for me; I don't see
why I should be so much lamented, and, as long as I don't
see the reason for weeping over me. then, my people too
should not be crying for me. What I feel worried about
that I have not managed to become what I wanted, for the
4
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Michael Narao1i Andr Drinitriou
Both executed b the British at Nicosia on May 10 iv;,)
Karaulis is led out of the Court He is peaceful 1)-caus- he is
innocent But his guards' consciences are heaN, One or tne
policemen is covering his face
dal
onommow, IMMO
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sake of my parents as well as for my brother and sisters. But..
be it so, may the Lord be for them and for all of you a Helper
and Defender, a mighty Protector and a merciful Father. Com-
fort my Mother and tell her that my last and only wish is for
her not to lament and bewail over me, nor let her grief poi-
son her heart. The same applies to the other relatives. To-
my brother Andrew I have written a farewell letter To you I
express my deep-felt thanks and my everlasting gratitude for
your paternal concern and your guardianship during the time
I was attending Elementary Education schools.
For a last time I clasp in my arms ( even mentally) my
dear Father and my good Mother and send them sweet fare-
well kisses. I know. how profound their grief is, but they
should have courage, and the Great Comforter of all sufferers.
will soothe their hearts with the balm of comfort.
I kiss my afflicted sisters with emotion and love, and
wish them every possible happiness I I call upon them the
divine Protection and Grace. My last good-bye kiss and warm
wishes to all relatives. A warm greeting to all friends and
neighbors with whom I have spent my youthful years.
My thanks to my solicitors who have striven so hard for
my defense ( including, of course, Messrs. Pritt and Grant).
Neither time nor space permit me to express all thoughts
and sentiments of love I am feeling now. Neither courage nor
hope have abandoned us, and Peace of Mind is very high.
A warmest good-bye kiss I am sending to all my dear
relatives and friends, and I am asking all to forgive the
wrongs I have done to them, as I am forgiving all who have-
wronged me.
Good-bye, and may the Lord grant you all every hap-
piness.
I kiss you warmly again.
Michael
In reading this letter who is not stirred by the great-
ness of this hero's soul? Is it possible for such a soul
being criminal? Does one ever write of " perfect peace of
mind ," if one has not a profound consciousness of inno-
tence ? Who does not feel that he has before him a great-
6
VirS
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and brave Christian soul? His words, "I am asking all to-
forgi'ce the wrongs I have done to them" and " I forgive
all who hate wronged me," don't remind one of our Say-
ioar's wrds " Father, forgive them .."?
The British will never convince us by their lies;
not only us but also any sensible person, and, whatever they
say, there is no excuse for their crime.... It is a disgrace
of the worst kind.
In his letter KARAOLIS writes nothing about his Coun-
try and the Struggle. Is it difficult to guess the reason why?
An essential condition must have been put to him:
" If you want your letter to reach your Uncle, you won't
'rte anything about those things." Could he do other-
wise?
The hero's soul, however, found the means to do it,
and Harding's murderers never detected it. A booklet, the
New Testament, which reached his relatives, shows us his
Greek soul. An immense and deep longing for Liberty. A
bitter complaint and a lasting aversion against the bar-
barian British who are torturing the Cypriot people:
*The earth that endured so much.... Cyprus that has
bent under the load of yoke, and the chains of slavery open-
ing wounds everywhere.*
In a few verses, written inside the New Testament, he
pours out from the depth of his heart all his griefs and all
he has visualized about his Country. In this sacred book,
which he had as a companion in his hours of solitude in
the prison's cell, he wrote his verses. This book has encour.
aged and strengthened him, and filled his soul with faith
and hope, so that he kept chanting doxologies which in
the stillness of the night resounsled all over the assem-
blage of the prisons How tra;ic ! For this small New Tes-
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tament to become KARA0141S* greatest and sterner ac-
cuser against the British, at a moment when they boast
that it is to the Bible that they owe their country's
greatness
Gauleiter Harding will leave from Cyprus. And he
will go away disgraced, like a common criminal. For his crime
was heinous. Abominable. Unprecedented in the History
of crimes. The sanguinary Marshal did not hang the
two heroes of Cyprus. He hanged his country's justice, the
honor and the reputation of his country. He irretrievably
nishonored the good name of great British men. Har-
ding and his associates tremble before History, which
will mark them in black colors. And Divine Justice will
judge and condemn them ..... .
10th May 1956. KARAOLIS and DIMITRIOU were
hanged. But they have not died. They live for ever in the
souls of all Greeks. The Free World kneels before them.
Their heroic blood has watered the tree of Cypriot Liberty
once again. The wreath of laurel crowns their proud
foreheads.
In Digenis' Country noble souls have not become
extinct. Hope and faith have grown to giant stature They
have taken root and are sprouting forth, they are growing
strong The heroic and immortal Greek soul, even
today, is giving lessons to the whole Free World with.
its triumphant battle cry:
LIBERTY OR DEATH I
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NATIONAL COMMITTEE FOR SELF-DETERMINATION OF CYPRUS,
AghicK Philothess 19 � P. 0. B. 596 � ATHENS GR EECE
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UNCLASSIFIED
THE
CYPRUS QUESTION
A BRIEF EXPOSITION
BY
SPYROS A. KYPRTANOU
BARRISTER- AT-LAW
JOURNAL'S'
U. IC. 110N. SECRETARY
70 7I1E ETIINAACJIY W. CYPRUS
LONDON
JULY 1956
UNCLASSIFIED
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We invite but we do not compel the peoples to
stay in the British Commonwealth �
ATTLEE
The desire of the people of Cyprus for Union with
Greece is an example of the patriotic davotion which
so nobly characterises the Greek Nation
CHURCHILL
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INTRODUCTION
Though the Historical backround of Cyprus may be ne-
cessary to understand fully the nature of the Cypriot mo-
vement for self- determination, yet the Cyprus Question
in its basis is not one of History but it is one of Morality and
Justice. This is the right answer to those who put forward
the argument that Cypriots are not Greeks or that c Cy-
prus has never been Greek'. The Cyprus Question, as it
stands to-day, is whether a civilised and historic people
has the right to determine its own future And who has the
right to deny it to them? No argument can stand up against
the principle of self - determination, this internationally re-
cognised and accepted right forming the basis of United
Nations policy.
We shall try in this pamphlet to enumerate the most im-
portant developmants of the Cyp-us Quastian since 1878
as well as the main arguments of the British Government
against the Cyprus case and our replies to them.
There are excellent and detailed pamphlets on Cyprus
for those who want to study the problem in detail, where-
as this pamphlet is intended for those who have the desi-
re to acquaint themselves with the basic points underlying
the Cyprus issue.
..c
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THE CYPRUS QUESTION
Britain took over Cyprus from Turkey in 1878 as a result
of a deal between the Turkish Sultan and Disraeli on be-
half of the British Government. This deal, termed c the Con-
y( ntion of 1878 >> was called by Disraeli himself, as many in
Britain confirm, of course triumphantly, c a thief's deal Ac-
cording to this convention Britain chired) Cyprus from Turkey
and in exchange the former agreed to come into Turkey's as-
sistance in case the latter was attacked by Russia. Another term
of the deal was that Britain should pay to Turkey yearly the
sum of approximately 92 coo. Strangely enough this money had
to be paid by the Cypriots themselves as a sort of tax.It should
be noted that although the money were collected from the Cy-
priots for some years not a single penny was ever paid to Turkey.
This transfer of control in Cyprus was hailed by the Cypri-
ots, who believed in the traditional liberalism of Britain. Cha-
racteristic was the address of the then Archbishop of Cyprus
Sofronius who when welcoming the first British Commisioner
of the island expressed cn behalf of his people the wish that
British rule in Cyprus c would prove to be the golden bridges
which c ultimately but soon wiil unite Cyprus with Greece.�
The Convention of 1878 was broken when Turkcy partici-
pated with the Geemans during the first World War. (914 -
1918).Turkey abandoned all rights over Cyprus by the Llusanne
Tre try (i921). It is true, that this Treaty was signed by Greece
too, thus both Greece and Turkey recognised Britain as the legal
owner of Cyprus. But it is equally indisputable that no C5 priot
signed the Lausanne or any other similar treaty.And this is the gist
of the whole problem. For years Cyprus has been the subject
of many deals, transfers and agreements without its inhabitants
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being asked or considered at all. This is exactly what the Cy-
pr.uts are trying to put an end to.
In 1915 Ureece was offered Cyprus on the condition that
she should enter the War immediately a,ga.iist the Germans.
Greece was unable at that time to fulfill this condition and the
offer had lapsed in spite of the fact that Greece entered the War
a little later on the side of the Allies.
In 1925 Cyprus was declared a Crown Colony of the British Em-
pire.
Since 1925 several delegations went to Britain to remind the
British Government of the desire of the people of Cyprus to be
united with Greece. Several petitions were sent to the same ef-
fect Several direct and indirect promises were given on many oc-
casions by British Statesmen such ai William Gladstone, Llo-
yd-George, Ramsey Macdonald, Winston Churchill etc.
In the meantime, however, the British Authorities in Cyprus
began to follow a new policy consisting of new illiberal measures;
the composition of the Cypriot Assembly was a sufficient proof
of the real intentions of the British Government.The rather unea-
sy situation culminated in the uprising of 1931, as a result of
which was the dissolution of the Cyprus Assembly,the annulment
of the Constitution, the deportation of the Cypriot prelates
and the imposition of stricter dictatorial measures on the people
of Cyprus. We shall not inIalge into the dztails of that era,
because though important belongs to the past.
The second World War found the CypiiJts, as well as the
rest of tit Greeks,fighting on the side of the Allies. Many of them
died for what they believed to be their duty in the def, nee of
liberty. British Statesmen, including Winston Churchill, who
visited the island, declared to the Cypriots. c This is your chan-
ce, people of Cyprus, to fight for Greece and Liberty �. Similar
words were used on placards, posted above the recruiting c en-
tres. Cypriots by thousands enlisted in the British Army accep�
ting the above worth as a real promise that after the War was
over and Nazism defeated their dream would be realised and that
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Britain would repeat in the case of Cyprus the gesture she inn-
de in the case of the Ionian Islands. Alas, their sacrifice was in
vain! They again were deceived.
In 1947 a Cypriot delegation visited Britain to stress the
Cypriot desire for Uniun with Greece, but their requests were
left without any response on the part of those responsible.
When the people of Cyprus saw that a British gesture was
impossible, because of the obvious intentions of the British Go-
vernment, decided to seek justice and attain their freedom
through the principle of self-determination, in the defence of
which so many thouslnds shed their blood during the- two
World Wars. So in January roso, the Etlmarchy of Cyprus ( Na-
tional Council) asked the British Authorities to hold a plebiscite
on the future of Cyprus in accordance with the principle of
self-determination, contiincd in the United Nati 'ns Charter to
which Britain is among the first s'gnatories. The Authorities
of the island refused and the Ethnarzhy took upon themselves
the task of holding it, the result of which was 96 olo of the Greek
population of Cyprus voting for Union with Greece.This plebi-
scite was called by Foreign Correspondants, who confirmed
its genuineness, c a census of the Greeks in Cyprus.�
A new delegation viiited Athens, London and New York to
deposit the volumes of the plebiscite with the Greek and Bri-
tish Governments as well as with the Secretariat of the Uni-
ted Nations; the British Government refused to accept vo-
lumes.
The people of Cyprus continued their peaceful struggle. Pe.
aceful demonstrations and petitions reminding the British Go-
vernment that the Cyprus Question was open awaiting solution
ant?. closed x. as the latter maintained. They also reminded
them of what Gladstone said, of what Lloyd-George** on several
Sc I subjoin tlie satisfaction, I should fccl..., to see the IIellenic
Island of Cyprus in organic union with their brethren of the King-
dom of Greece P.
"Once Lloyd-George said to Pres. Wilson: My intention is to gi-
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occasions said and of what WI nston Churchill emphasised
when in 1907 visited Cyprus as Under- Secretary of State for
the Colonies. Ile then said: It is only natural that the Cypriot
people, who are of Greek descent, should regard their incorp 'ra-
tion with what may be called their mother country as ideal to
be earnestly, devoutly and fervently cherished. �
But unfortunately it was during Sir Winston Churchill' s
last days in office that the Cyprus Question entered a new and
most regrettable stage when the Minister of State for Colonial
Affairs Mr. Henry Hopkinson said in the House of Commons
(2317154) that Cyprus, because of strategic and other considera-
tions, is included among those territories that can never � at
tam n full independence. This statement unavoidably hecani2 the
borderline between a peaceful and a vio!ent nnvement and it
had in Cyprus the expected rea lion. Strikes and demonstrations
followed one another. It was the beginning of a further worse-
ning in Anglo-Cypriot relations. Having in mind the present si-
tuation in Cyprus, it should be noted at this stage that the first
bullet had not come out of a Cyprrut gun. Two young Cypri-
ots were killed and others wounded by British bullets before
the Cypriots struck.The situation was deteriorating daily and it
was obvious that unless a solution, satisfying the Cypriot aspira-
tions, was found soon, we were to reach a tragic point.
Later in 1934,the Greek Gavernment,sponsoring the Cypriot
demand for self-determination, raised the Cyprus Question befo-
re the United Nations. After a short debate the General Assem-
bly of the United Nations decided not to discuss further the
problem of Cyprus cfor the time being � because it was thought
that the problem cauld be solved in a friendly way outside the in-
ternational forum.Though this was not the desirable result, howe-
ver, the mere inscription of the item on the agenda of the Uni-
ye Cvprns tl Greece. Aq hr Turkey, I1:ave no sympathy for a country
whit.11 Las tuna.d L3raus iuto a clesett
(PARIS -- /313119/9)
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ted Nations overruled the British argument that Cyprus was a
domestic affair and therefore outside the scope of United Nati-
on' s jurisdiction
In August 19T:5,the British Government, obviously acting u-
pon pressure, decided to hold a Tripartite Conference, in London,
on Cyprus. Greece and Turkey were invited to participate. That
conference failed for two reasons, firstly because of the presence
of the Turks and secondly because of the absence of the Cypri-
ots. As we saw above, Turkey abandoned all rights over Cyprus
by the Lausanne Treaty and by bringing her in as an interested
party the British Government sought to bring in a new element,
thus complicating the issue. And we also know the result of
Turkish participation, namely the barbaric orgy of the Turkish
mob against the Greek minority in Turkey.
During the Tripartite Conference Mr.Macmillan ( then British
Foreign Secretary) changed Mr. Hopkinson s � never � into �not
in the forseeable future. Mr.Macmillan a little later in the Hou-
se of Commons said that �sometime* self-de.termination will be
applied to Cyprus.
In the meantime the situation in Cyprus deteriorated badly.
A considerable section of Cypriots, who lost their patience, resor-
ted to violence* while the British Authorities declared a State of
tri Emergency and imposed a series of repressive measures.
Later in 1935 Greece raised once more the Cyprus Question
before the United Nations,but again the issue was shelved becau-
se it was thought that friendly negotiations would have been the
ideal means of solving the problem.
In November 1935 the British Government opened bilateral
negotiations between the Archbishop and Etlinarch of Cyprus
Mgr. Makarios and the new Governor of Cyprus Sir John Har-
*.It is the primary right of men to die and kill for the land they
live in and to punisa it exceptiona! severity those of their compatri-
ots who have warmed their hands at the invader's herth..
WINSTON C HU RCHI
(VoL I,p. 23-e History of the English-speaking p.:oples .)
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ding. In a tense atmosphere negotiations continued for some
months. Holies for a solution mounted when the negotiations
reached their clint-ix in February 1951 and when in that month
information leaked out indicating that a solution was near. But
suddenly the negotiations broke down in spite of the concessions
made by the .-.1-clibishop Many, however, expected a failure from
the start because they rightly believed that if in fact the British
Government wanted a solution \ hy did they send a Marshall to
negotiate and not a Politician?
In March 193G, a few days after the negotiations, Sir John
Harding arrested Archbishop Makarios and exiled him to the
Seychelles islands with the Bishop of Kyrenia, the Rev. Papa-
stavros Papagathaggelou and Mr. Ioannides, Secretary to the
Bishop of Kyrenia. The Governor, supported by Whitehall, took
this action in the belief that it would bring Cyprus back to nor-
mal life. But the result was the opposite from the intended. The si-
tuation deteriorated further and Cypriots reacted violently,as it was
natural to do, when they saw their religious and national leader
arrested simply because he disagreed with the Governor.
The British Government in trying to justify their blunder ac-
cused the Archbishop of being dishonest, of being a (terroristDetc
yet they wete negotiating with him a few days earlier.Furthermo-
re, they did not give him the chance to defend himself,thus vio-
lating onP tliP basic principles of British Law.
The a otiations broke down on three points:
(i) The British G,vernment refused to guarantee in advan-
ce that the Greeks of Cyprus, forming the 82 0)o of the
whole population of the island, would have the majority in
the elected Cypi jot Assembly forseen by the Constitution.
The Archbish _pp instisted on this.
(ii) The British Government maintained that the Gover-
nor should have control of internal sezurity for as long
a3 he thaught nezes31ry. Th! Arch )ishop, on the other
hand, agreed: a internal security to remain with the Gover-
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nor for either a limited period of time or until law and
order is restored )>.
(iii) There was disagreement on the Question of Amne-
sty.But how the British Government could expect law and
order to be restored without a generous amnesty?
That only the above were the three stumbling-blocks indicate
that the Archb'sh op made great and indeed risky concessions
by not insisting on a definite date for the application of self-de-
termination. Ile accepted self government, but of course he de-
manded a guarantee as to (i) (above), because without that the
constitution would have been anything but liberal and democa-
tic. Good will on the part of the British Government was absent
otherwise d:fferences on the above three points would have disap-
peared easily.
After the exile of the Archbishop,the British Authorities in Cyp-
rus increased their repressive and dictatorial measures to the ex-
tent that conditions in Cyprus are being described by objective
observers as unbearable. Hundreds of Cypriots were added to
those already detained in concentration camps without trial or
charge; children are being caned; patriots executed; houses rai-
ded; innocent people are being evicted from their houses and
shops,simply because they had no information to give to the au-
thorities; collective fines are being imposed on whole villages
and towns aiming at destroying the economic life; thous-inds of
trees are being cut. Indeed actions reminiscent of the Middle
Ages and of Nazis methods. Unbeirable tortures are being car-
ried out; graves are being desroyed, forests are being burned, ho-
ly places sacrileged.
Such actions are not worthy of the British name and only do
harm to British prestige all over the World.But the most important
is mat tnese measures ani metuois will have the opnJsite from
the intended result. filsti.i�:y grons daily, bittern .S3 m3unts.
The Br..tish Government insists that as socri as law and or-
der prevail once more in f.:ie island then mode- ate elements NM
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4. v
come forward to negotiate with them. No such chance exists.
All responsible Cypriots declared that they are not willing to
negotiate. The only leader is Archbishop Makarios. He was e-
lected by the whole of the Greek people of Cyprus and therefo-
re by both right and tradition he is the only one entitled to ne-
gotiate the future of Cyprus on behalf of his people. And even
if we accept the unacceptable, namely that c someone �, other
than the Anchbishop, might Come forward to negotiate, then
that someone would be a traitor in the Cypriot eyes and an
irresponsible figure before the world.
From time to time several arguments were used by British
Governments and their organs in trying to justify their policy.But
now only two arguments are still being used, the rest seem to ha-
vebeen abandoned both oficially and. unofficially. The two argu-
ments are (i) the Turkish position and (ii) the Strategic impor-
tance of Cyprus.
(i) The Turkish position. The Turkish element is still
being used in its two aspects as an argument against the self-
determination of Cyprus.
Firstly it is it said that Turkey opposes any change in the
sovereignty of the island and therefore self-determination.
But Turkey abandoned all rights over Cyprus by the
Lausanne Treaty (1923) ani furthermore any action on
the part of Turkey will be an aggressive act violating
the United Nations' Charter. This argument was used to
such an extent by Sir Anthony Elen, the British Prime
Minister (House of Commons, 121711935), that many were
left with the impression that the only obstacle to Cyprus
having self-determination was the Turkish objection.
Secondly the existence in Cyprus of a Turkish minority
(t7,2 olo) is also being used as an argument against
self-determination, because, they say, Turks in Cyprus
want British Rule to continue. But the Turks in Cyp-
rus are only a minority and however strongly they oppose
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self-determination, democracy dictates that their will can-
not override the wishes of the vast majority.
It is also said that Turkey as well as some British circles efear z the
safety of the Turkish minority in Cyprus in case self-determina-
tion results into Union with Greece. Events prove them wrong.
The anti-Greek orgy in Turkey, in September r955,proves that
it is not in Greece but somewhere else that minorities are in
danger. Nothing at any time happened in Greece, where there
are Turkislyminorities living happily with full rights, justi-
fying that fear. Furthermore, both the Greek Government and
the Archbishop on behalf of the Greeks in Cyprus. are quite wil-
ling to give any international guarantees for the safety of the
Turkish minority and for safeguarding their vested righ ts.
The subsidiary to the above argument, that Cyprus is nearer to
Turkey than it is to Greece should not be taken seriously be-
cause it would only saffice to mention that there are other Gre-
ek islands much nearer to Turkey than Cyprus is.
(ii) The Strategic importanceof Cyprus. Though
disputed, the � strategic importance � of Cyprus is being used
as an argument against the Cypriot case. But
Firsly there are no effective bases in Cyprus under the pre-
sent conditions.
Secondly in case self-determination results into Union with
Greece the question of bases could be settled with the
Greek Government. This could be done in advance.
Thirdly in case self-determination proves, as some in Britain
maintain, that the Cypriots want to remain within the
British Commonwealth, then no question of bases
arises.
Finally it is highly ironical to say that Britain needs bases in
Cyprus in the defence of freedom while Cyprus itself is
not free. How can Britain regard herself a defender of
freedom when she sacrifices freedom itself at the altar
If
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of strategic expediency?
After this short exposition of the Cyprus Issue there is
only one question to be asked: What should be done?
There is only one way of solving the problem which is a
political and not a military one. To free Archbishop Makarios
and negotiate with him with good will and understanding on
the basis of self-determination. Sooner or later this is what will
happen. Why then not now? The sooner the better in Britain's
own well-meant interests. The British Government by acting
now on these lines will save further unnecessary bloodshed,
hatred and hostility.
We take this opportunity to remind the British Government
and especially those responsible for its policy on Cyprus that it
does not entail any loss of face or pride, even if they have to cli-
mb down, in doing what is right, namely justice.
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ISSUED BY THE LONDON OFFICE OF THE ETHNARCHY OF CYPRUS
2L FITZROY SQUARE LONDON W. I.
Printed by Eliad�., PICS1 Akomitratu 69 A /hens - Gre�c�
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These children of ours (to whom do you think your own child looks like?) are furiously
beaten by the Praetorians of Harding, with the butt-ends of their guns, with kicks etc .. The
Youngsters are crying because they know the martyr they will be going through... But the
grown-ups are patient, calm and serene. They have faith in God and believe in the effect of
the prayers and the affection of the mothers all the world over. .
.