THE IDEOLOGIES OF LENIN AND MAO TSE-TUNG: SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79T01049A002200050001-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 41
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 4, 2002
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: February 1, 1964
• Content Type: REPORT

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THE-.:IDEOLOGIES OF_LENIN_AND MAOryTSE-TUNE:
STAT
STAT
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~o Tse-tong is a Marx-Leninist in China. Mao's ideology, therefore, may
application of .Leninism to China. Now,. as China today is con-
~siderably different-from Leninist Russia in various aspects -- historical,
economics a:nd cultural -- Mao's ideology must have some charac-
teristics that cannot be found in Russian Leninism. Whether Mao is an orthodox
NLarx-Leninist ig n;ot a question here. What we are interested in here is what
s,spec#s of Leninism he has stressed in applying it to China, what he has added,
axid what trends are apparent.
With these questions before us, it .will be desirable, first of all, to
~~.dentif'ythose features common to both Russian Leninism and the Ms,o Tse-tong
Far, by recognizing their similarities, we shall,be.able
ib determine' their differences more clearly. .
II
As: characteristics common to both-Russian Leninism and the Maa Tse-tong
:Ldeology in China,, T should like to mention the following three points;
~J4~rt Revalutioraary Democratic Dictatorship of the Proletariat and the Peasants
~~tussia),and'the Peoples Democratic Dictatorship?(China)
Lenin understgod the 1905 Rusdiats Revolution to be a bourgeois revolution.
]But he categorically apposed-the idea .of letting the bourgeoisie take the .
;Lsedershig" of -this- ~iourgeoia revolution. in Russia. According to hiia, it seems
that nt Rus8la~the proletariat had the responsibility of achieving the
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 ship of the proletariat and-the peasan.ts."
'bot~,rgeois'revolution and establishing the "revolutionary democratic dictator-
It seems curious that a bourgeois revolution should be achieved by the
;proletariat, and-the idea
px?oletariat
and the peasa
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of "revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the
nts" is rather unique. But these actually represent
. oxne of the characteristics of Leninism.
Explaining why the Russian revolution had to begin with a bourgeois xevo-
free, and rapid development of capitalism.
Th'ustin{~ the responsibil3.ty to achieve this bourgeois revolution on the
'
~~reletariat, ;7~nir~ also sate;
In a country like Russia, the working class is
:suffering mere from the insufficient development ~of
eapitalism than from capitalism itself. Zherefore,
it is unconditional~to the advantage of .the working
class to let capitalism develop more extensively,
more freely, and more quickly. It is uncoi itional_ly
profitable to the working class to remove all vestiges
of`the past that are preventing 'such extensive, free,
quick
development of capitalism. .A bourgeois revolu-
,tion is such a change as will sweep out-mast thoroughly
such ~restiges of the-old age and of serfdom not merely
autocracy but also monarchy are included in these ves-
tige~ and will insure completely the most extensive,
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Msxxism does not tell the proletariat to turn away
from the bourgeois revolution, or to refrain Pram par-
ticipating in it, 'or to give its leadership to the bour-
geoisie. On the contrary, it tells the proletariat to
participate in the bourgeois revolution with all its
,might, to fight with the'greatest determination and eon-
.sistency far proletarian democracy, and to carry out the
revolution to the very end. We cannot deviate from the
framework of bourgeois democracy in the Russian revolu-
tian, but we can. expand this framework. Within its
limits we can, and must, fight far the interest of the
.proletariat, far achieving its immediate needs, and for
creating conditions for training the proletarian forces.
'~in preparation for our eventual, complete triumph.
:When the,proetasiat achieved the bourgeois democratic revolution in
Russia;, it must mean, according to Lenin,_ that the "revolutionary demo-
cratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasants" had been estab-
lashed. Defining "decisive victory ,over Tsarism" as "revolutionary demo-
~x~atic dictatorship of the, proletariat and the peasants," Lenin stressed
't3~e foll,awing three paints in regard to the nature of this revolutionary
d3Ctatorship and its relationship to a world revolution:
The immediate Russian revolution was a bourgeois
demr~cratc revolution.
2. Nevertheless, the proletariat had the responsibility
of `taking the leadership of this revolution and carrying it
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Zf, by`the successful acl?.ievement of this revolution
a revalutionaz"y democratic dictatorship of the proletariat
and the peasants was established in Russia, it would not
merely help to ;touch off ~soci'alist revolutions, in Europe but
,
w?uld also creates a rosy prospect for a socialist revolu-
it
Fuat*tlier summarizing these points, Lenin showed the general course-for the
Rtzss~.an revvolution., from a democratic revolution to a socialist revolution.,
3as the '' fol~.owing remarks
In. order to crush the resistance of autocracy by
force and stabilize the bourgeoisie, the proletariat
-must bring the-peasants at large to its side and carry
-out the democratic revolution to the very last. And
iia order: to -crush the resistance of the bourgeoisie by
force and stabilize the peasants and the petty boor-.
gepisie, the proletariat must bring the semiproletarian
masses to its side and carry out a socialist revolution
to the end. ~,/
The idea of mechanically separating the bourgeois revolution from the.
proletarian revolution-.and having the proletariat remain hiding behind the
,'t~ourgeaise until.-.the latter-achieved the bourgeois revolution was common
the ratvnal Marxists, economists, and Mensheviks. The greatest feature
~-f ` ~
chanical`interpretation of Marxism,_Lenin came out with the theory of tran-
sf,tion From a democratic revolution to a socialist revolution under proletarian
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.:lariat and the peasants."
'guidance in the form of "revolutionary democratic dictatorship by the prole-
general European civilization than England in the 17th century or France in'
At the. end. of the Communist Manifesto, Marx writes; "The Communists are
paying their chief' attention. to Germany because Germany is on the eve of a
bourgeois revoluti?n, because Germany is under mare advanced conditions in
the 1$th and has a much more advanced. proletarian class to achieve such a
Ghatlge r
be expected to become a direct prelude to a proletarian revolution." Here we
and because, consequently, a bourgeois revolution in Germany may~well
may`f~,nd Leninism in embryo. After this,, however, Marx did not delve, further
i'~self . _ . Leni~i' s theory of "revfllutinnary democratic dictatorship by the pro-
such transition from a democratic revolution to a socialist revolution
ire backward countries. His chief interest was'in the analysis of capitalism
dude" theory to the realities in Russia, in whose climate it was liven a
letariat.and the peasants" may be called an adaptation of Marx's "direct pre-
In defining the Chinese revolution, Mao Tse-tong fully followed this
praetical shape and developed.
tinder prole-bsrian guidance, his Party should .create conditions for transition-
a revolution) and considered that, by achieving a bourgeois democratic revolution
~?
lotion in China as a special bourgeois democratic revolution.(neodemocratic
~ ,I,e~niriist theory on, the :E~ussian revolution. He understood the immediate revo-
;t4.a socialist revolution. In his 1938 essay entitled The Chinese Revolution
end the Ch~.hese Communist Party .(Chapter II, Section 5), he clarified the
What is the. nature of the present stage of the
Ctxinese.reYOlution? Ta i~t a bourgeois revolution
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or a proletarian saciallist revolution? Evidently,
`it`is the former, not the latter.
Since Chinese society is still a colonial, semi-
colonial, or semifeudalistic society, and since im-
perialism and feudalistic forces still remain the
chief enemies of the Chinese revolution, what the
Chinese revolutionaries must achieve is a nationalist
revolution and a democratic revolution to beat these
two chief enemies. The revolutions for beating these
`:two enemies may sometimes be participated in by the
nationalist bourgeoisie, and even if the brig bour-
geoisie turm.s against the revolution and b~c~mes its
enemy, the target of the revolution nevertheless will
~'be imperial:ism and feudalism, and.-not-capitalism in
.:.general or capitalistic private ownership. Henee.the
Chinese revolution at the present stage is not a pro-
letarian socialist revolution .but a bourgeois democratic
revolution.
However, the bourgeois democratic revolution we have
n-China today is not the~'old, common type of bourgeois
democratic revolution -- which is already outmoded --
'but a nex, arigihal one. Such revolutions are currently
going on in G`hina'and all colonial or semicolonial co~n-
.tries. We call them neodemocratic revolutions. These
dry part o~ the global proletarian socialist revolution,
~.~-hich is tgtaS~y opposed ta.impe'rialism or international
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capitalism. Politically, such a revolution means dic-
tatprship exercised ,jointly by several revolutionary
classes over the imperialists,-national traitors, and
'Economically, it means seizure and nationalization of
Ch3.nese society into one under bourgeois dictatorship.
reactionaries, and opposition to any attempt to turn
bag capital and big business in the hands of imperial-
.national traitors, and reactionaries;?d.ivision of
land so,far held.by landlords among peasants and its.
ownership by the latter; and preservation of capitalisti c
business operated by ordinary"individuals as well as the
-rich peasant economy. Such a neodemocratic revolution,
therefore, clears the road for capitalism on one hand -
acid paves the way far socialism on the other. Zm.e present
stage of the revalution in China is a transitional one
for putting an :end to the eolonia7., semicolonial, or semi-
feudalistic society preparatory to the establishment of
a socialist society -- a neodemocratic stage of the
There is a space of a third of a century between Lenin's theory of "revo-
'Iu-tionary democratic dictatorship by the proletariat and the peasants" and,
Mao's neodemocratic revolution theory. The former was developed 12 years
ahE~ad of the October Revolution and the latter, 22 years after it. -Also,
the forger came ihto being before Lenin formed his theory of imperialism,
whe.reats the latter ie based dn~this theory of imperialism. However, there
r1.g ?perfect agreement between I,en.inism and Mao Z'se-tong's ideology in that
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they both seek to achieve bourgeois democratic revolutions in backward coon-
tries under proletarian guidance and to obtain the best conditions for transi-
~ionto a socialist revolution. And in this point, we may safely say, lies
`'the theoretical and practical core of the Communist movement after. Lenin.
Now,-how ".revolutionary democratic dictatorship by the proletariat and
tk~e peasants" should pave the way for transition from a democratic revolution
tea a socialist revolution has remained unanswered, for, a#`ter his April 1917
Lenin converted himself to the proletarian dictatorship theory with-
~otat waxning Mao Tae-tung, on the other hand, made public a thesis entitled
"()n the .Peoples Democratic Dictatorship" on 1 duly 199, right before the
establishment~:of the Peoples Republic of China, and. made. clear (1) that the
;peoples democratic dictatorship should_be based on an alliance of the workers,
;peasants, and urban petty bourgeoisie (primari'ly on an alliance of the workers
and pea,sants):and (2) that under the peoples democratic dictatorship China
would :shift from neodemocracy to socialism. Mao Tse-tung's ".peoples demo-
cratic.dictatarship" is another nra~me for Lenin's "revolutionary .democratic
'dictatorship.hy the proletariat-and the peasants," but one difference between
that. t&e former seeks not merely to achieve a democratic revolution
and thus pave the way for a socialist revolution but also to-achieve transi-
tion to socialism.: This presumably. comes from the-;fact that;, whereas, Lenin
hai3 theprernise' that a backward, agricultural country like- Russia cannot
alone shift'to socialism, Mao had the conviction -that his Country's transi-
tc~a to socialism was possible with Soviet experience and assistance.'
D.: i~uds,nce by a Vanguard Party and by its -Party f7rgans
Lenin's theory of "xevol~.tionary democratic dictatorship by th,e prole-
tax~iat and the peasants" and Ma.o Tse-tong's neodemocratic revolution theory
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 'appear in Marxism, which,calls itself the class ideology of the prole-~ariat.
actual proletariat has complicated ideologies. This. is why various schools
proletariat in fact-does not have a single clearly defined common will. The
kioth have emphasis on proletarian guidance. Now, it is well known that the
Late in the
cif revolutionary Marxism against these Russian types o 3'evisionism.
I,enin,'s What tb Dp? wa.s written far the purpose of stressing the point of view
19th century and early in the 20th, Russia witnesses -the emer-
Bence of Russian types of revisionism such as rational Marxism and economism..
Branding-rational Marxism and ecanomism as results of succumbing to the
t~;rxism: B'ut how can revolutionary Marxism with, its awareness. prevail over
iapdn~an.eity of the masses, Lenin emphasizes .awareness in revolutionary
Ksr ~.3.etatorship aver the masses. In W~'iat to Do? he clarified the following
,:I'aeniasm 3~ the grbun.d an which he justified the' vanguard party's guidance
ilaas from outside the working class. .`This intellectual aristocracy of
.ihis end, says Lenin, is to bring revolutionary ideology into the working
the,spantaneous trade unionism of the working'class2 The on~.y way to achieve
~l) Without a firm, lasting organization of leaders,
no revolutionary movement can be permanent.. (2) The
wider: the variety of .popular classes spontaneously drawn
into our struggle to form the. basis of our movement and
to participat~,in: it, the more urgent the. need for such
an argani~zatic~n and the moat lasting .it must be. (for,
i't will ~be easier fvrvaricus .organizations to
~del.ude,,the untrained. segments of the masses with their.
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Roth-have emphasis on proletarian guidance. Now, it is well known that the
proletariat. in fact dcaes not have a single clearly defined common will. The
actual: proletariat has .complicated ideologies. This is why various schools
appear: in Marxism, which calls itself the class ideology of the proletariat.
I',ate i:n the -19th century and early in the 20th; Russia witnesses -the emer-
genee of Russian types of revisionism such. as rational Marxism and economism.
r,enin~s What to Do? was written for the purpose of .stressing the point of view
;of revolutionary .Marxism against these Russian types of revisionism.
Branding rational Marxism and economism as results of succumbing to the
spontaneity of the masses, Lenin emphasizes awareness in revolutionary ?
I~x~cism. :But haw can revolutionary Marxism with its awareness prevail over
spontaneous. trade Lu~.ionism of the working class? 'Ihe only way to .achieve
.this end, says I,eniny is to bring revolutionary ideology into the working
from-outside the working class.. This intellectual aristocracy 'of
~
LNninism is the
~round on which he?~ustifi.ed the vanguard party's guidance
Or ~.ctatorahip fiver the masses. Tn What. to Do? he clarified the following
:v~:eyi' an ,the nature: of t:he : vanguard party:
(~.) Without a-firm, lasting organization of leaders,
no revolutionary movement can be permanent. (2) The
wider 'the variety of popular classes spontaneously drawn
into our struggle to form the basis of our movement and
to participate in it, the more urgent the need for such
organization and the mast lasting it must be (for,:
then, it will be easier for various organizations to
delizd~ the untrained segments of the masses with their
false propaganda). (3) 'i'his leader organization must
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despotism the organization should admit only those
peopi,e-who axe professionally engaged in the revolu-
in the revolutionary movement. (4) In a country under
be composed primarily of people professionally engaged
tianaxy movement and prafession.ally trained~in the
fighting the political police. The narrower the
terminate this organization, and (5) the wider the
range of its components, the harder it will be to ex-
class or from other classes of society, the better
variety of people, whether coming from the working
they will be able to participate in the movement and
-work actively in it. ,~
`Marx"and En~el:s say that "the Communist Party is not a special party as
'dir3tiri~u:ished
':lat~or parties in the world." Thus,. in the proletarian dictatorship theory of .
from other labor parties" and explain that "th,e Communists are,
iin practiceithemost determined and constantly progressive entity among all
the Communists were not considered a "special party" but were
regarded as .the vanguard. of labor parties.- Lenin developed the idea of a van-
gu.e~rdparty composed of professional revolutionaries in his What to Doi, thus
{putting proletarian dictatorship in the form of dictatorship by the vanguard
-Even after-their separation from the Mensheviks on account of the theory
Hof organizing
? ~stxif~" over a
~ '- _
I,~niz~~Trotsky group snd t~ie~. Zhinoviev-Kamenev group over the question of
a vanguard. party, the Bolsheviks continued to have internal
num'b~r of issues. For exampled we can mention Kamenev's op-
positivrx to Lenin's April :thesis, a hot theoretical dispute between the
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~;ponents among-developments after the February 1917 Revolution. In 1920 and
of the military opponents, democratic centralists, and labor op-
following-year, intersectional strife within the Central Committee was
roletarians:and can guide the entire united activity ~f`the,proletariat as
and trade unionist narrow-mindedness or professional prejudice among the
recurrence o~ the inevitable petty bourgeois wavering of the working masses
~. wh41e
~rarking masses through the medium of the proletariat. Without this, pro-
~:etaran dictatorship cannot be achieved." Finally, he declared, "~'ropaga-
,,.
Party.." ~ ?
~' these thoughts is incompatible with membership in the Russian Com-
emergency steps:
agraph 7 of the resolution on the unity of the Party provided the~fol-
To establish strict discipline in?the Party. and
action, including dismissal from Party membership,
.the Congress shall, take all :kinds of disciplinary Party
in our entire Soviet activity and to fight the forma-
~tion of any faction and thus achieve greater unity,
membership.
`status or,, in an emergency, .even dismiss him from Party
with full power to demote such a member to alternate::
is involved., the Central Committee shall be invested
Hiving at fact3.on. In case a Central Committee member
against anyone violating discipline or causing or cpn-
Just as the gu3:c3ance off" the proletariat at large by the vanguard party war
su~rrema,cy of awareness over spontaneity, sa was the guidance
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members at large by the Party"organs justified by the supremacy
~sf awareness-over spontaneity.
tion and-the Ch3:nese Communist Party (Chapter II, Section 7), Mao declares,
Lenin's theory. on the vanguard party and guidance by its organs has been
:fully acceded to by Mao 'use-tong. In his essay entitled The Chinese Revolu-
other: party (whether bourgeois or petty bourgeois) than the Chinese Com-
munist.Psxtj~ can guide to full implementation the two great revolutions iri
democratic revolution and a socialist revolution." Tn the same
guidance of the Chinese Communist Party."
c~ectioan he-also says, "No revolution whatsoever will succeed without the
Mao stresses that "(l) individuals should submit to their organization,
~'artymembers to the central leadership." Liu Sh.ao-ch'i also is emphatic on
(~,~. minort iee to the majority, (3) subordinates to their superior, and (4)~ail
argans is coramoni~to both-countries and seems to constitute the second. feature
the proletariat and stressing a high degree of guidance by the Party and its
Ntevertheless,.regarding the Communist Party as the vanguard organization of
the Chinese Communist Party differs from that of the Soviet Communist Party.
democratic:centralism. We wi11 discuss later how the democratic centralism of "
tion
clays
that
With regard to the leadership of the vanguard party organs in the Party,'
To: achieve transition-from a democratic revolution to a socialist revolu-
Primitive Accumulation in Socialism
-.
,in"a bacjsward agricultural country (such as Russia or China in the old.
it is impossible to`accept without amendment the basic Marxist theory
'new, higher prodtzetion relations cannot develop until material condi-
tions for them ms,ture in the-.womb of the old society." Lenin, Stalin, and
13
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N[ao Tie-dung had to create such "new, higher production relations" by using
'3.'rotaky's idea of socialistic primitive accumulation was further developed
~itate-power before "material.,conditions for them'' matured "in the womb of the
=eld society'."
.State power was thus .changed from being the midwife for the
1:aw of history to-being its mother.
Creating
sorb material conditions for new, higher production relations
~y State power means for the government to achieve what in advanced capi-
toilet
countries-was achieved'by the early form .of capitalism -- original,
`~ car primitive,
accumulation -- and because the primitive accumulation sought
the Communists 3s not for preparing material conditions for capitalistic
production relations, it should be called socialistic primitive accumulation.
p~roduc.tion relations but for pravid3.ng material conditions for socialistic
Socialistic primitive accumulation was first advocated by Trotsky, who
.urged
;.socialistic primitive accumulation cannot rely on piracy or colonial plunder,
pror3.uction on a progressive scale could begin.- But since it is apparent that.
exploitation, colonial plunder, piracy, and extremely low wages before normal
capitalism achieved primitive.accumulation of capital by such means as yeoman
the need for it at the fifth convention of the Communist Youth League
on 11 dctober X922. Mnrx~explained in the first volume of Capital that early
untary cooperation Qf the working class.
exploitation" on the workers. He believed that it should come from the vol-
of such~accumulativn. Trotsky, however, was opposed to forcing such "self-
expla3tation of the peasants and workers wi11 invariably be the chief means
gepicted the laws of socialistic primitive accumulation compared with those of
Accumulation" to the Cor~unist Academy Bulletin, No". $, published in 1924,. he'
~~t~y Preabrazhensky, Contributing an article entitled "Basic Laws of S,ocialistie
- i~ ~-
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t~~e country." .
tYne rationalizati?n of all production, including sma11-scale production, in
F
,ta, take more. out of the greater income guaranteed for the small producers by
rnot to,take'Yess From the petty bourgeois producers than capitalism did but
!~in.cluding the peasants. What a socialist government is required to do is
'de'veloped without.tauching the economic resources of ?the petty bourgeoisie,
!.a reactionary, petty bourgeois utopian idea that a socialist economy can be
of_!the surplus prciduct of the peasants- and craftsmen: "Undoubtedly, it is ?
',tiers is impossible in a peasant country like Russia without taking a part
capital'ist3.c primitive.a;ccumulation. According to him, primitive accumula-
Tr?t sky's theory of socia~.istic primitive accumulation,~demanding the
!self-sacrifice of the working class, was not
Lariat in.tlie eari.y days of the new economic
hand, Preobrazhensky's theory of socialistic
?:ti the peasant' surplus .product as the main
~riolently attacked. by ~3talin and Bukhal.in as
peasants. Indeed, it dug the grave for Preobrazhensky and his comrade Trotsky..
attached the greatest :Lmportance to the
t+~11ed "Problemie in Socialistic Accumulation," Stalin writes as follows:
accepted by the Russian prole-
policy (rr~) . . On the other -
primitive accumulation,.counting
source of ,such- accumulation, was
a challenge to Leninism, which
alliance of the proletariat and the.
-and the Policy of the Party in April 1926 and acceded to the idea of Trotsky..,
~,nd,Preobrazhensky about socialistic primitive accumulation. In a section
~,'herefore, the question. of s.cc?umul.atian required
in~.uatria].,development, or the question of social-
ist3.c accLUnulation, is a matter of the greatest im-
ortatuce to us today. heft alone, and without loans
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from abroad; can we secure for our industry; on the
basis of our own internal resources, the accumulation
and reserve required for the execution of our Indus-
trialization,policy and for the triumph of. socialist
w
construct:Lon in our country? .Are we in a ondition
-for securing it?
.'This :Cs a,: vital question worth special attention.
rn history we can find various means of industrializa-
;tion. England was industrialized because it ha,d ex-
plotted its colonies for tens or hundreds of years,.
;raked, in "additional" capital from them, and invested
'it in: its own. industry to accelerate the tempo of its
industrialization. 'Ihis.is one means of industrial-
ization.
Germany's industrializs:'tion was .'facilitated because,
a resu:Lt of its victory in the war with France in
the 7o's of .the last century, it collected ~ million
;francs in reparations ~'ramthe Fxench and sank the
~
'
the second: means of in-
money in :Cts industry. This is
8.ustrial~.zaton.
Neither of these two means is available to us, for
ours is a i3oviet state, and: colonial plunder and mili-
tart' aggression i'or plunder are foreign to the Soviet
h.gaYernment. ,
Russia ---old Russia -- attempted to put itself.
g~adua~ly on the .road to industrialization by granting
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-debt-slave concessions and accepting debt-slave loans.
'Phis is the third means -- a means which would make us
debt-slaves and. turn Russia into ahalf-colony.
'cannot follow this course, either. We did not fight
the civil wars for 3 years, beating all interferers,
~ixily to become debt-slaves to imperialists, voluntarily,
in the day of our victory over the interferers.
"Now, is it passible to industrialize our country
on socialistic accumulation?
Have we enough sources for such accumulation to in-
des, it is possible.. Yes, we have ouch sources.
2 can point to the :facts that, in our country after
the October Revolution, the landlords and capitalists
were expropriated and the private ownership of land,
factories, and manufacturing plants abolished and re-
placed by ownership by all the people. It is tub clear
to `need-any demonstration that this gives us a suffi-
`ciently reliable source of capital for accumulation.
T can also Quint to the fact that we canceled the
'Tsar's debts-and took a burden of billions of rubles
in debts off the nation's shoulders. Had these liabili-
ties not been canceled, we would have been paying hun-
c~aredg of millions a year in interest alone,-which would
have. considerabXy affected. ou~c industry and ,jeopardized
o~x `Ytatonal economy as a whole.` NeedYess to .say, this
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These. are r'aughly the main sources for our internal
Malin did not use such .plain expressions as "self-exploitation of the
seizure df the surplus product of the peasants"-but gave
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`c3.rcumstanee ha,s made it znu.ch easier for. us to accumu-
`:late capital..
I:-.can point,-next, to our nationalized industries,
which have already been-reconstructed and are currently
growing and producing some profit required for their
,further development. Here we have .another source avail-
::able. i'or accumulation.
L can point to our nationalized foreign trade, which
is producing same profit and thus providing a source for
accumulation,
I can-paint to our nationalized internal commerce,
which is org~.nized to same extent and which also is pro-
'ducing-some profit anr3. thus providing a source for ac-
Z can point to dynamic farces for accumulation like
our nationalized banking system, which is producing a
certain rate of profit and accordingly is nourishing our .
industry.
Finally, we have a weapon called State power, which
is collecting-funds for the future development of our
national ecaz~.amy in general, especially of our industry,
by allocating out national budget.
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State ..authority the rather modest role of."collecting-funds for the future.
:deVelopinent of our national economy in general, especially of our industry,
by al.locating~ our national budget." Considering, however,-that the source
c-f capital for. accumulation braugk~.t about by the cancellation of the Tsar's
dlebts consisted. of "su;rplus value" produced by the proletariat and the
peasants
we find a new task which the dictatorial Soviet GoverrIInent took upon itself.
it is apparent-,that the.Soviet Government took the place of the
-Tsar and.the old landlords and. capitalists in doing the exploiting. Here
(7n.the question of socialistic primitive accumulation, a1.so, Ma,o Tse-tuns
faith f `u,1:ly
"P~obTems.in Farirt.Collectivization," made on 31-July 1955, he stated:
"`.Che great historical experience of the Soviet Union in achieving socialist
accepted the historical experience of the Soviet Union. Ina re-
construction is inspiring our people and giving us confidence as to the con-
st;ruction of socialism in our. own country." He also explained a littlo later:
'technical improvement o;f agriculture. In addition to the~l.mposition of direct
past of the large funds required for national, industrialization and for the.
"7n other words, we. must accumulate in the field of agriculture a considerable
.ties of daily?necessities for the peasants, and by exchanging these goods for
agricultural) taxes, we imzst develop light industries to produce large quanta-
an:Ly can satisfy the commodity needs of both-the State and the peasants but
;:thee foodstuffs and.: the light industry raw materials held. by peasants, we not
can accumulate--funds .far:-the State." 10 Thus the. establishment of a
Cozm~ni.st-led dictatorial regime in a backward agricultural country and the
industrialization with socialistic primitive
accumulation oxt th:e strength of State power constitutes the third feature? of
forcible carrying out of c,~u.iek
19, -
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Differences between Leninism in Russia and the ideology of Mao Tse-tong in.
'China may be found, in my opinion, on the following trae points. We will eon-
eider these in detail mainly through-the .analysis of Maoism.
Emphasis on the Heritage of China
dne of the major features of Maoism is an emphasis on the,fact that China
has a history of thousands of years and peculiarities of its own and therefore
a stress Qn-the need :for adapting the theories of Marx-Leninism to the actual
circumstances of China. In a report entitled "The.Position of the. Chinese
:Communist. Party in the National War," made at a general meeting of the Central'
Committee,iri October :1938, Mao Tse-twig asserted that- the Chinese Communists '
"should not merely understand the conclusions on general laws drawn by Marx,
Lenin, and Stslin from the arxal~sis of their wide experience in~actual
`7.ife`and revolutions taut also should learn from what viewpoints and in what
mann.ex's they studied and .solved their problems." 11 He also said a little
late:C~ speaking enrpha~tically for the, historical heritage and peculiarities of
Ciur people have a history of thousands of years.
We have distinct characteristics of our own and many
othex things of value. So far as these things are
concerned., we are as yet mere schoolchildren. Present-
day China is a phase of historical China. We believe
in'Marxian history: We.ahould not cut up'history. We
houlclsum up all things between Conflzcius and Sun Wen
-`and ~ucceed,to-this priceless heritage, which contains
that would be useful to us in guiding the great
movement now underway. Communists are international
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Marxists. But Marxism can 'be achieved here -only in
connection with the. actual peculiarities of our co~n-
-try and in a maxiner well suited to our people. .Marx-
Leninism ie powerful because it finds itself in harmony
with the actualities of a revolution in any country.
for the Chinese Communist Party, it must learn to
apply thetheories of Marx-Leninism to the real en-
vironment in China. If any Chinese Communist, wha is
part of the Chinese. people and their flesh and blood.,
about Marxism without regard to the peculiarities
of ,China, :his-must be only academic, empty Marxism. 12
on necad.emocracy, made public in January 1840, Mao
rieodemacratic culture and-.says that. it "fights imperialist oppression and.
=c~.ependence bf the. Chinese People against the aggressipn of, imperialist powers,
~~,he Chinese revolutionaries had to-fight desperately for the dignitjr and in-
Espeak.a far.the dignity and. independence of the Chinese people." The .fact that
C>n the historical heritage and peculiarities of China.
+eap'ecally Japanese imperialism, must be the basic reason for Mao's emphasis
~t~, Party Congress on 14 May lgl+5., In the first Place, Liu defined Maoism. as
one of'Mao~s best- disciples, said something very signifi-
catnt in this~coinnectian in a report entitled"On the Party," made before the
~'al].~ows;d:
Mao ~"s8-tong's ideology is one in which-the
~thevries of Marx-Leninism and th.e actual .experiences
n the Chinese revolution are united. it is Chinese
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is a type of Marxism developed to a higher stage
through a national-democratic revolution in a colonial,
semicolonial, or semifeudal country in the present day,
a marvelous example~of nationalized Marxism. It has
grown; and evolved out of the long revolutionary strug-
g1e of the Chinese race and'the Chinese people through
:',three great revolutionary wars in China -- the Northern
::Expedition War, the Land Revolution War,?and the prey-
ent Anti-Japanese War. The ideology is Chinese and yet
perfectly Marxian. It has been established by the ap-
plication of the Marxist views of the world-and
.society.-- dialectical materialism and historical ma-
terialism -- that is, on the basis of Maxi-Leninism
with t?,he national peculiarities of China taken into
con.sideratian, together with abundant experience in
modern revolutions and the peoples struggle led by the
Chinese Communist Party and through careful scientific
research.
Iri Leninism; also, there was awareness that it was adapted to the pecul-
''3,arites of Russia. Such awareness may. be found in a considerable measure
'the organizational structure of the Communist Party and what activities it
l~ Qctober 1922:` "At ?the 3rd.canvention in 1921 we adopted a resolution on
i.n the following remarks by' Lenin at the 4th convention of the Comintern on '
should conduct ' anc`I. how.
~:onBistently Russian
This.'resolLltion. is a wonderful one, but it is almost
thst 3a, everything in it is taken from the Russian
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r
In, .spite of this self-analysis by Lorain, Stalin's view that "Leninism is
M~rx~cism in the stage of imperialism and the proletarian revolution" became the
o~f'icial definition of Leninism. Before making this definition, Stalin crib-
e~Lzed the other definition that."Leninism is. Marxism adapted t,a the peculiar
~c~nditions of the situation in Russia" and stated:
This definition contains same truth but not the,
whole truth. Zt is true that Lenin applied Marxism
to the realities in: Russia, and that ingeniously.. But.
if Leninism were nothing mere than an application of
:'Marxism tv the special environment in Russia, Leninism
would be purely a one-nation ideology and nothing more.
-than. that, or purely Russian and nothing more than
'Russian. We know, however, that Leninism is an inter-
national ideology with roots in international develop-
men.ts as a whale and not a simply Russian ideology.
In my opin:i.on, therefore, this definition is partial
snd: faulty.
Although in-:the ease of Leninism the emphasis is thus on internationality
and universal-applicability, the peculiarities and historical heritage of
China. are .stressed in :Maoism. Even in Maoism the international nature of
the ideology is not neglected, for it "will make it-rpvrtant, useful contribu-
to the pevpl~s liberation efforts in ether countries, particularly to
liberation of Asian peopl