A STUDY OF THE IDEOLOGICAL CONTROVERSIES BETWEEN THE USSR AND COMMUNIST CHINA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79T01049A002200040001-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 27
• Document Creation Date: November 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 5, 2000
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: February 1, 1961
• Content Type: STUDY

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STATINTL
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sully examined in. terms of. the ideologies of these states. On the other hand,
tries are decided only after national and international situations are care-
ideology determines policy, but not ideology alone. Policies in these coun-
related to struggles concerning important Policy matters, and the
struggles between the USSR and Communist China will be considered
this point of view.
Relations Between Socialist States
Auer the' termination of. World War Il, the establishment of a number of
Soviet Communist Party and the Communist Party of Red China have been
In dommunist states, ideology and. policy are closely related.. Primarily,
changes in policies sometimes require changes in ideology. When either national
ustify, tthe. new policyo
ailed with the current ideology, a new ideology is established in. order to.
!;or international situations change so drastically that a policy cannot be recoil-
Accordingly, such. ideological struggles as may be observed among the Com-
mmnist states
should not be Interpreted as simple ideological struggles but
either the result of or the anticipation of struggles involving wide differ
.of policy. In other words, 'ideological struggles between the Communist
.states are
ideological
The
in a number of theor
engaged
. i shment of Communist China.
USSR and Communist China.
which they developed andtheir influence on the present relations between the
I shall not make a historical study of these
struggles; rather, I shall classify them into groups and explain the-manner in
i-ocialist states in Eastern Europe led to the need for discussion as to what
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etical struggles in the period following the estab
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should be taken concerning the relations between socialist states, but
oYacy
y uring the period of Stalin's control this. problem was completely ignored,
to the socialist states of
therland
h
f
]
a
e
t
and the relationship of the USSR,
:pastern Europe was that of a leader to his subordinates. Since this relation-
ship was not very different from that of a capitalist state to its colonies
and dependent states, it was only natural that such a policy would be criti-
This relationship also continued between the USSR and Communist China for
several years after the establishment of the Red Chinese regime -- a relation-
-
4ship at to by the fact that, according to?the provisions of the agree
I
ment concluded simultaneously with the signing on 14 February 1950 of the Sino-.
Soviet Agreement of Amity and Mutual Aid, the USSR acquired special rights on
the Chang-ch'un Railway and in port Arthur and Dairen and later, on 27 March
151 established the joint Sino-Soviet oil and nonferrous metal company and
the joint Sino-Soviet commercial airline company. Communist China, which had
been established only recently, must have realized that this relationship could
not have been avoided. Nevertheless, it can be assumed that Chinese Communist
leaders were not satisfied with this state of, affairs, since, unlike the coun-
t:ries of Eastern Europe, Communist China had accomplished the revolution by its
Tb
however, and, after Stalin's death, were completely discontinued.
On 12 October 1954, two joint declarations were made between the USSR and Com-
munietChina based on the principles of equal rights, reciprocity, and mutual
respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity; Soviet troops were with-
to the Chinese Communist Government (completed on 26 May 1955); and Soviet-held
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shares in the joint Sino-Soviet enterprises were transferred to the Chinese
Commun
Soviet relations was not the result of a so-called new doctrine but rather
was the result of changes in the balance of power (including domestic factors)
in both the USSR and Communist China.
The criticism of Stalin made at the 20th Party Congress resulted in an im-
:mediate counterargument by Chinese Communist leaders. / Then, when the unrest
Europe occurred as an outcome of this criticism, the Chinese Com-
leaders. issued a statement on the relations between socialist states
and the relations between the Communist parties of the socialist states in an
article entitled "More on the Historical Experience of the. Proletarian Dictator-
ship.." issued on 28 December. This document emphasized the consolidation of
the solidarity of proletarian internationalism centering around the USSR and
explained that the international solidarity among the Communist parties of
countries of the world is the new form of union in the history of mankind.
.The Communist parties of the various countries must unite, and at the 'same
time the countries must become independent states; they must recognize the
fact that they are the representatives of the just racial interests and
.racial sentiments of their own'people. Therefore, in order to strengthen the
international unity of the socialist countries, "the Communist parties of the,
socialist states must mutually respect the racial interests and racial senti-
ments of other countries. However,. the USSR under Stalin "showed a tendency
to assume the attitude of a great power in its relations with its allies and
in their'internationalrelations." The leaders of Communist China em-
phasize8.the importance of mutual respect for racial interests and racial
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so doing ignored the independent and equal position of the socialist coun-
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n
ual rights in these states and strongly opposed the dency toward "major-
ecj
sentiments in'the socialist states and the establishment of independence and
that ignores these points.
friendship and solidarity between the USSR and Communist China is an
The'.USSR was forced to accept Communist China's position because it was
.clear
solidarity'and cooperation among the socialist states"' and affirmed the fact
muniqu6 of 18 January 1957, which called for "a further consolidation of the
Communist China's ideas were. formally adopted in the joint Sino-Soviet com-
that the solidarity of the socialist camp could not be maintained with-
out recognizing these relationships among newly established socialist states.
important factor in the union of socialist countries." The document also
affirmed that socialist countries are bound by Communist ideas and that mutual
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relations among the socialist countries are founded on the teachings of Marx
and Lenin and
the principles of`respect of sovereignty, noninterference, equal rights, and
the various principles of proletarian internationalism..
communique emphasized that the individual socialist countries
are sovereign states and that relations among these states must be based on
reciprocal interests. The Moscow Declaration issued by the 12 Communist coun-
These. are important. principles, but these principles alone do not constitute
2 November 3.957 deciarea as zoll.uwu:.
states. are based on absolute equality, territorial integrity, re-
spect of independence and sovereignty, and noninterference in domestic affairs.
socialist
is'by this ptinciple of mutual aid that international socialism lives."
dispensable section of this mutual relation is composed of brotherly aid. It
]ae total substance of the relations between socialist countries. The in-
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other respects, however, relations were not different from those seen among
monism and bound with-strings called proletarian internationalism. In all
Stalin's
"major.-power." policy was replaced with a .new relationship be-
?tween the socialist countries that was placed within the. framework of Com-
Framework of Communism, proletarian internationalism, and independence and
independent nations. Since a relationship based on the three factors -- the
equality of the respective nations -- is'not necessarily clearcut, it cannot
Occurred inthe East European countries that resulted in the disruption of the
however, that when StaZ.ints "major-power" policy was challenged and when unrest
be concluded that no problem will occur in the future. It must be .recognized,
tionship -- together with the subjugation of formalism (explained in the next
of the socialist camp and served to strengthen their unity. This new rela-
relationship between
socialist countries based on-independence and equality satisfied .the peoples
section) -- made
independent countries and enabled them to. follow their
Unlike the days of Stalin's control, Communist China,
succeeded iri acquiring .a status equal to that of the USSR and became a
leading power in the socialist camp.
As for the USSR, it was forced into
recognizing Communist China'a new position;
moreover, the USSR recognized
Eho fact that it was actually to its advantage to work for the. further con-
bolidat on ofthe. socialist.cerup by cooperating with Communist China. The
o the sense of unity and the friendly relations between the USSR and Com-
untet China and Contributed to a strengthening of solidarity in the socialist
%
establishment of a new relationship between socialist countries :contributed
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it possible for the respective socialist countries to declare
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Road to Socialist Revolution and Socialist Construction
Congress
Immediately after the criticism of Stalin made at the 20th. Party
Overcoming Formalism
Communist China was not completely sympathetic to the attitude of
the USSR. Rather
Satellites and brought harsh criticism of Stalin from the Communists in Yugo-
China clarified its position by recognizing Stalin's de-
as_well as his merits. Then, when the criticism of Stalin and'the
new platform adopted at the 20th Party Congress caused unrest in the European
tour of. Eastern Europe on 17 November 1956 and returned to his country on
slavia, China actively sipported Soviet policies. Chou En-lai departed for a
we have already seen in the article "More'on the Historical Experience. of the
12 February of the following year. During this tour he actively mediated to
improve relations between the USSR and the countries of Eastern Europe., As
leaders explained that the formalists were so engrossed in the universal
"formalism" and that this formalism must be overcome. Chinese Communist
of the USSR. It pointed. out, however, that Stalin's errors served to develop
Communist leaders that Stalin's errors were the result of the socialist system
secondary significance" and sharply rejected the criticism of Yugoslavia's
The article stated'that "compared to his services, his errors are of only
Proletarian Dictatorship," Stalin's achievements were evaluated highly.
of Marx-Leninism that they failed to understand that these universal
truths are expressed in and act upon the actual living of the people through
their specific racial characteristics. The formalists'also failed to see that
(although the road to socialist construction must follow the general,course
.experienced. by the USSR during the Revolution and the, subsequent construction
of socialism,) the development of "Communism in the respective countries must
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follow,a slightly different course according to the racial characteristics of
each country and that its pragress is closely connected with specific racial
characteristics, so that all countries cannot be expected to follow exactly
the same course."
The suppression of formalism was not emphasized by Chinese Communist
leaders.alone. Even during the 20th Party Congress, it was recognized that
considered in guiding the socialist reformation," and it was asserted that.
.the,., "Special characteristics and distinctive features of each country must be
pressed against the formalism that demands that "all experiences of the USSR".
this. is "creative. Marxism expressed in action." Moreover, criticism was ex-
'faithfully followed by other countries."
This declaration was of great
significance. The idea was accepted by the USSR in its Moscow Declaration
issued in November 1957. In other words, "Marx-Leninism demands that the
policies, and strategy of the Communist parties of other countries. Lenin more
respective 'countries. It does not permit the mechanical imitation of the
applied in a creative manner appropriate to the historical conditions of the
general principles of socialist revolution and socialist construction be
than once
principles
according to the distinctive characteristics of the people and
question. When a proletarian party ignores the racial character-
iaticsof apeople, the party will, without fail, become isolated from the
t.the' socialist countries must uphold the universal truths of Marx-Leninism in
of the people and from the public itself, and this isolation
.will result:.in damage to socialist projects ... .. The Communist parties of
and'socialist construction of their on countries and apply in
's.: cretive.. manner the general rules of'socialist revolution and socialist
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warnedof the importance of correctly applying the basic Communist
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taking lessons from others and exchanging experiences."
construction in accordance with the concrete conditions in their own countries.,
Stalin%s formalism, linked with his "major-power" policy, brought about
difficulties
The criticis
and dissatisfaction in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe.
s voiced against formalism by the leaders of Communist China (who,
:unlike those-in the countries of Eastern Europe, carried out their revolution
on their own power and who were engaged in the construction of socialism)
naturally won the sympathy of the leaders of the Eastern European countries.
it is not appropriate to assume that. this criticism against
formalism and the assertion that it should be overcome had the effect of
destroying Sino-Soviet solidarity or that it would imperil the unity of the
socialist camp.
It must be noted that Communist China's plea was made to
strengthen the union between 'the USSR and Communist China. and to reinforce
the: solidarity of the socialist camp. This purpose is attested to by the
fact that the Chinese not only charged that they, themselves must overcome
Formalism but also 'at the same time, harshly criticized revisionism.
The suppression of formalism was naturally accompanied by a struggle
'against the revisionists because (although the many forms and methods of
socialist construction and its independent nature may have been acknowledged)
the important problem was to determine to what degree such diversion and in-
Idependents nature could be permitted, since there was the need to criticize
all those who went too far and who as 'a result became guilty of revisionism.
.7n overcoming formalism, Chinese Communist leaders advocated this attack on
,Yisonism and demanded
concessions on the part of the Soviet leaders. Never-
#helese, in, these attacks the Chinese
leaders actively supported the position
f the Soviet leaders.
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Communist China's attack on revisionism can be seen in the afore-.
:xaentioned editorial, "More on the Historical Experience of the Proletarian
Dictatorships".
that "there. is nothing in common between opposition to formalism and approval
This document emphasized the need to overcome formalism and
at the same time pointed out the danger inherent in revisionism by explaining
The editorial recognizes, first, that the October Revolution
and fundamental. experience of socialist construction "possesses universal sig-'
.nificance in the present stage of human history."
common course that must be followed by all proletarian countries if they are.
tries of the world." Therefore, the course of the October Revolution was "a
tionare the universal truths of Marx-Leninism and can be applied to the coun-
It further explains that
!'the fundamentals. of the Soviet socialist revolution and socialist construe-
countries :"will lead toward Communism by different courses according to the
The course of Marx-Leninism opened by the October Revolution
must be upheld, although the course of socialist construction in the various
disAinetive characteristics of the respective peoples." Marx-Leninism recog-
.niizes the
fact that Communist movements in various countries will possess
various racial characteristics., but this does not.mean that these Communist
from the universal truths of Marx-Leninism. "Revisionists are those who deny
raoven5.ents need not possess fundamental common features or that they can deviate
international significance. of the fundamental experience of the Soviet
1rctobe 'Revolution. and Soviet Zs_ocialisg construction and the universal
truths of Marx-Leninism. Such-revisionism is judged to be mistaken." In
weakens and denies the democratic centralized government of the socialist
revisionism operates under the pretext of the developing of
socialist democracy but actually "weakens and denies proletarian dictatorship,
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Struggles against revisionism were subsequently emphasized many
states,)
and weakens and denies the role of leadership of party." Revisionism
,also "denies the difference between proletarian dictatorship and bourgeois
dictatorship,
without going through the course of proletarian dictatorship."*
denies the difference between the socialist camp and the capitalist
and teaches that socialist construction can be accomplished without a
proletariatdirected proletarian revolution in the capitalist countries and
At the meeting of the Supreme Soviet held during the Anniversary of the
tion in 1957, Premier Khrushchev voiced harsh criticism by stating:
11 1
Chinese Communist leaders insist that a capitalist system cannot be trans-
formed into a socialist state without first going through a proletarian'revolu
tion directed.by a proletarian party and first experiencing the stage of prole-
take varied forms"'and declared that 'the opinion that Communists regard
Premier Khrushchev in his speech stated-that "the transition to socialism will
This claim is different from the line expressed at the 20th Party Congress.
peaceful transformation that does not go through this stage are revisionists.
tarian dictatorship. These leaders further state that those who support a
violence and civil ware as the only course to. social reform" is contrary to'
'fact,` and he brought up the; question of whether or not it is possible to ac-
the fact that."in'cases wherethe working class in capitalist countries and
complish the change to socialism through parliamentary means. He recognized
rocking class" the f
succeed in winning a stabilized majority in the parliament
support of
the revolutionary movements of the proletariat and
can be established.
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socialism, but I consider that the present revisionism that opposes prole-
_ _ . , 'I -i tr4 no' t,v the working class and the
dictato
Communist party which is their vanguard body, and also proletarian interna-
tionalism iE
jsocialism" and "racial communism," which advocate the search for a completely
ialist
new artificial course that will "enable the countries to accomplish soc
e
"
il
"
.
ur
eventual fa
formation," are mistaken and: are doomed to
Mao Tse-tung, who attended the anniversary celebration and also made a
speech, fully supported Khrushchev's position and explained that China was able
of its own revolution and socialist con.struc-
bl
em
;orreetly the pro
d and studied the various experiences of the
tion ofily after it had analyze
construction and had applied
them in a creative manner best suited to the concrete conditions in. China..
"Those who ignore this point," he said, "are revisionists," and he concluded
"the most urgent problem is the struggle against revisionism."
The Moscow Declaration, issued in November 1957, also regarded re-
visionism as rightist opportunism and declared that revisionism "paralyzes
the revolutionary energy of the working class and is'a manifestation of the
bourgeois ideology that demands the revival or existence of capitalism" an
that revisionism "is the main danger facing, Communist parties." The Moscow
Declaration asserted (1) that "revisionism is hostile to the belief that there
Ls. ,a historic. necessity for a proletarian revolution and a proletarian dicta-
ltorship' that . Twill appear during the transition from capitalism to socialism";
(2) that it denies the authority of Marx-Leninism and the principles of pro-
letarian internationalism; (3) that it denies the fundamental principles of
. ._~ .__ /.....-t.'i " AamnrrA.tie centralization);
and (4) that it aims to change the Communist party from a revolutionary,organi-
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;Communist Party harshly criticized the Yugoslav draft platform as "modern re-
The argument concerning revisionism erupted again when the draft plat-
form.of the Yugoslav Communist League was announced in March 1958. The Soviet
visionism.'f Pravda on 9 May printed a; long editorial entitled "The Solidarity
o#' Leninism, distorted historical facts and placed the responsibility of inter-
.Socialist System," which declared that the draft platform' demanded the revision.
ofthe Marx-Leninism Parties Will Assure the Future Victory of the International
nat3onal tension on the USSR, ignored the existence of the two major systems of.
.capitalism and socialism, emphasized the existence of the military and poli-
tical
proletarian internationalism,'and regarded the comradely criticism of
(wh,ich means brotherly aid) in the same light, ignored the principles of
and attempted to create dissension among the socialist
The editorial also charged that the draft platform regarded US
aid (which demands economic and political subordination) and Soviet aid
internal affairs. Furthermore, the draft platform ignored the Moscow
socialist countries toward the draft platform as interference in Yugoslav
Declaration,
blocs only
Attention was centered on the attitude of Communist China toward the
argument between the USSR and Yugoslavia. Communist China gave full support
o the Soviet position.' On 5 May, the first day of the second session of the.
Leninism'and called it all-out revisionism. The Peoples Daily on the same day
Lary General of the Party) criticized the draft platform as opposed to Marx-
.18th National.Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, Ten Hs.iao-ping, Secre-
?declared, in its editorial "Mo,dernRevisionism Must Be Criticized," that the
Yugoslav draft platform interpreted the world as being divided into two oppos-
ing military and political blocs and that it confused the issues that divide
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The 16th May issue of the Party organ, Red Flag, also criticized the. re-
Capitalism and socialism. The editorial emphasized that the draft platform
was all-out revisionism and-that it agreed with American imperialism, which
aims for the
destruction of international Communist movements. Open and direct
criticism must be made, the editorial asserted, against this revisionism that
opposed Marx-Leninism.
irisionists..of.Yugoslavia as "reactionaries clothed in Marx-Leninism but sere-
:Lng the interests of-American imper:ialists." The National Conference held on
:23 Aay criticized the Yugoslav platform in a similar vein and called for
determined struggle against modern revisionism.."
The Joint Sine-Soviet communique issued on 3, August following a con-
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ference between Soviet and. Chinese leaders announced an agreement "to carry
out a determined struggle against revisionism -- the main danger facing Com-
munist movements" and declared that "this revisionism is clearly expressed
in the platform of the Yugoslav Communist League."*
Reference materials concerning the manner in which Soviet leaders inter
>pret revisionism can be found in the treatise by N. Matokovskiy printed in
Pravda (12 June 1960) entitled Ideological Weapon of Communism: Lenin's.
Left Wing'. Communism
ocialist
an Infantile Disorder." This document asserts the'
of certain general rules concerning socialist revolutions and
construction as seen in "the course of socialist and Cgmmurlist
construction'shown in Leninism and the great October Revolution --.the
lburse that has been
bg "lawful rules
ested:by historical experience." It lists the follow-
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These documents and statements indicate that there is absolutely no
difference of opinion between'the USSR and Communist China concerning the
danger inthe period following the criticism of Stalin was a revisionist ten-
necessity to attack revisionism. From the Soviet point of view the greatest
China-,_a powerful socialist state, of the Soviet stand against revisionism
dency among socialist countries. The active and strong support by Communist
Proletariaia Dictatorship," was printed in full in Pravda. Furthermore, since
fact that Communist China's thesis, "More on the Historical Experience of the
was extremely welcome to the Soviet Government. This can be seen from the
this rejection of revisionism theoretically identifies the course of the Soviet
-Guidance of the working people by the working class;
The enforcement of various forms of proletarian revolution and estab
lishment of various forms of proletarian dictatorship;
The federation of the working class, farmers, and all other workers;
The abolition of the system of ownership by capitalists and establish-
went of socialist control of principal industries;
.A gradual socialist reorganization of farming;
A balanced development of the-economy for the construction of
socialism and. Communism and the improvement of the living standards of the
wvworking class;
7. The enforcement of the socialist revolution and the training of the
;corkers, the general public, and the intelligentsia who will serve the
8. Extermination of factors that oppress the people and the establishment
interests of socialism;
relations that will promote equality among the various peoples;
Protection of the fruits of socialist struggles from attacks from
'within and without; and
The establishment of solidarity among the working classes, which means
c
P p e o socialist con-
struction of the USSR and other countries, and they distort Leninism."
F C? 21O1 (N aI P 0 9 M~d01@04 O i2 original
fo . for socialist construction: they attack the rin
i 1 f
n other words, modern revisionists "ignore the principle of the October Revolu-
 culture, and this` acknowledgment results in the strengthening of the unity of
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socialist camp in all phases of government, economy, social affairs, and
retical,and actual acknowledgment of the leadership of the USSR within the
,October Revolution and socialist construction as the main road of proletarian
and construction in the various countries, it constitutes a theo-
'revolution
socialist camp.
ICI, Imperialism, War, and Peace
During the past several years the USSR has actively promoted its policy
f peaceful coexistence, whereas Communist China, on the contrary, has not
.necessarily supported this position
a rather arbitrary attitude on this
in its foreign policy. China has assumed
question on more than one occasion. For
example, in the autumn of 1958 when Premier Khrushchev proposed settlement of
Middle`East- crisis within the framework of the UN, Communist China opposed
,the idea,, resumed firing on Quemoy Island,.and opposed the visit of Soviet
leaders tothe.United States.
these
the nature of imperialism, war, and peace.
points of view of the two countries became apparent, a divergence concerning
Various reasons can be cited as the cause of
early differences of opinion, but, following the collapse of the Paris
S,i,p it Conference in May of 1960, the existence of an open divergence In the
'Approximately 3 weeks after the opening of the Paris Summit Conference, a
rlnvnber of articles on this subject were published by the Chinese Communist
iauthorities on 22 April on the occasion of the.90th anniversary of Lenin'
P roposition that war will continue as long as imperialism exists remains true
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The articles include "Imperialism Is the Cause. of Modern Wars," by
"Hurrah for Leninism" /; and "Let Us Follow the Course of
The treatise by Li-Yu-chao declared, first, that Lenin's
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to this day and, second., that the essence of imperialism is still unchanged.
Therefore, there is no change in the truth that imperialism is the cause of
The position of.imperialism has undergone a great change, but the fact
has made it difficult to wage a war cannot be taken to mean
thatwar and its cause have thereby-been exterminated. We must not lightly
assume that the development of nuclear weapons has made it impossible to start
.an all-out war, and even. if it were impossible to start a total war, there
the possibility of starting localized wars. Actually, during the past
exists
10 years following the end of.World War II, a number of localized wars were
started by imperialists, particularly the United States. US imperialists have
been actively preparing for both total and localized war. But now that the
influence of the East overwhelms the influence of the West, socialism possesses
1the ability to force imperialism to accept peaceful coexistence, . Nevertheless,
American imperialism has surrounded us with a network of military bases, and
we must be on, our guard against the danger of war which imperialism poses.
1The third thesis of Li-'Yuachso is in a similar vein, but it points out the
following major duties of Communist China: (1) speedy establishment and con-
Lstruction of socialism, (2) opposition to imperialism, and (3) friendship and
unity among the socialist countries. Concerning the second duty of,opposition
imperialism, the treatise points out that "even after the Camp David talks
and on the eve of the East-West Summit Conference, we do not see any essential
.change in the war. policies of the imperialists. The United States, by con-
.centrating Its efforts not only on expanding its military strength but also on
rfostering the military strength of West Germany and Japan, is making these
countries the .base of its military operations. Unless the people of the world
a'determined to expose and struggle against these imperialist war policies
of! the United States, they will invite grave danger and damage."
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The second article harshly criticized modern revisionists in the light of
`Lenin's doctrine
the collapse of'the Summit Conference continued to take the same tack.
and at the same time emphasized that imperialism is the cause
of modern wars. The words and actions of Chinese Communist leaders following
On 20 May,.Secretary General Teng Hsiano-ping in his speech entitled
11World Peace Cannot Be Gained Through Negotiations Alone",?/ stated that "the
-USSR at . the. head is a closely knit body that cannot be broken up. Invasion
USSR.. is a powerful ally of Communist China, and the socialist camp with the
Communist China fully support the fair attitude taken by the Soviet Govern
against the USSR means invasion of and conspiracy against
It also means invasion of and conspiracy against the
socialist camp." The article further stated that "the'650 million people of
this conference. The USSR is the stronghold of world peace, and the
.United States is the No. 1 enemy of world peace." American imperialism "assumes
~,,axn attitude of favoring peace while it is making extensive preparations for
and military expansion." "The United States attempts to carry out aggres-
e,ve military policies, under the camouflage of peace," whereas "Communist China
endeavours to effect the settlement of international disputes through negotia-
tion" and intends to continue these efforts, but China does not believe that
lasting world
7n his'statements:inade_atTsinan and Chenchow, Mao Tse-tung stated that
and China appealed for the formation of a united front against imperialism.
peace can be realized by a dependence on negotiations alone.
f" Peace can be gained only through the people's struggles against imperialism,"
" imeri is at present the most powerful imperialism in the world'
~f nt must be formed in order to win in the struggle against imperialism." 21
"world peace cannot be won through the individual struggles of the
4yariouspeoples of the world." "Therefore," Mao continued, "an extensive united
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Except for their mutual hatred of American imperialism, the Soviet and
Chinese leaders differed in their attitudes toward imperialism, war, and
peace - at least, their points of view must be regarded as having different
nuances The Soviet stand on these issues is clarified in Khrushchev's report
to the 20th Party Congress in which he took up the problem of the possibility
of preventing war and explained that present conditions are fundamentally dif-
r r -
ferent from those that existed when -- -, i.an --,Y
1I inevitable as long as imperialism exists." Khrushchev asserted that today
the international socialist camp has already been formed and has achieved
{great influence and that, "the peaceful influences know how to prevent war
iritual as well as material means through this socialist camp."
h s
h
p
roug
t
mic foundation
o
"th
no
e ec
Under these conditions, Lenin's. proposition that
fox war exists and is effective as long as imperialism exists" stands true
today, but since factors other than economic have changed, "war is not athing
that cannot be prevented by any means.". In other words, according to Khrushchev,
Lenin's theory that war is inevitable as long as capitalism exists must be re-
stated to read that "even.though capitalism exists, war is not inevitable." It
goes without saying that this theory of imperialism and war provides the theo
reticel background of his'policy of peaceful coexistence. The Soviet argument
is that in a time like the present when two social systems exist with one
following a course toward "the most destructive war" (with the use of atomic
weapogs) and the other adopting a course of "peaceful coexistence," and when
inevitable even, though capitalism exists, there can be no other
course to follow but the course of peaceful coexistence. Therefore, the. Soviet
d vernment,could not ignore Communist China's recent interpretation of im- ,
perialism, war, and peace. The Soviet position was expounded in MatokovskiVB
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dissertation
"Ideological Weapons of Communism,"' published on 12 June 1960,
which explains that "the leftist sectarianism and -tendency criticized in
suspension of military expansion, and the strengthening of peaceful friend-
present. Certaincircles have made the mistaken assumption that the efforts
toward the accomplishment of peaceful coexistence, the struggles for the
Lenin's'Left-Wing' Communism, an Infantile Disorder is evident even at the
ship and negotiations between the leaders of the socialist and capitalist
Communist ones, and the right policies oppose war and support over-all dis-
die emphasizedthat "Communists can compromise on all principles other than
systems have in some way departed from the course of Marxian principles."
Mentioned by name) the policy of Communist China is sharply criticized.
armament and peaceful coexistence." Thus, although Communist China is not
Matokovskiy"s treatise also-criticized Communist China's communes, which
that country's means for attaining speedy Communist construction. The
article pointed out that Lenin stated that those who call themselves "leftist'"
Marxists have
because it ignored the course of historical development and held that
forgotten the fundamental principle of Marxism. Lenin was re-
feerring to the words of Engels. At the time, Engels. criticized Blanqui-ism
f .nto polder'" and, accordingly, ignored all intermediate steps necessary to
"Communism the syste7 could be introduced as soon as they J-he' Partf came
aecomplis4 the establishment of Communism. Engels characterized the urgency
with.which Blanqui-ism attempted to push forward its theories as "childish
artlessness "
"The course of socialist development is objective. The claim
of the 'leftists' in the present international Communist movement that Com-
can be introduced by jumping over the, stages of the historical methods
of gaining
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control of government is mistaken and not right. Such claims are
contrary to the. principles of Leninism."
19
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Criticism of the policy of Communist China was also voiced by Khrushchev.
14t the Third 'Convention of the Rumanian Workers' Party held at Bucharest on
e asserted that under present conditions war can be prevented even
i t It He stated
if imperialism remains, and he added that "it is an error to apply mechanically
that
long as capitalism ex s s.
"if Lenin were alive.today, he would probably teach the real nature of the
~atter to those persons who fail to consider changes." Among the factors that
.have caused.conditions to be different from those of,the time. when Lenin ex-
pandedhis theories
Ithe socialist state
militarily; () the
mess of the working class in the capitalist countries and their active
on imperialism are the following: (1) the existence of
of the USSR, which is powerful both economically and
establishment of the socialist camp, which possesses a
population of 1 billion; (3) the elevation of the organization and conscious-
the protection of peace; (4) the extensive peace movements that
increase in the number of countries working for peace;.and (6) the loss of
have spread;, throughout a wide' section of the peoples of the world;.(5) the
eoloniea that.were regarded as the hinterland of imperialism. Khrushchev
ists themselves must be prepared for destruction if they attempt war. 'There-
claimed that in view of these changes in the world situation,, the imperial-
although it cannot be assumed that the essential nature of imperialism
has changed, there 'is. now the possibility of preventing war.
This,theoretical difference of opinion between the USSR and Communist
China had to, be adjusted. The delegates of the socialist. countries who
attended theWorkers' Party Conference held at Bucharest issued a joint state-
j,ment which affirmed that the Marx-Lenin principles of the Moscow Declaration
?E the. Peace Declaration of November 1957 were correct and that these two
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declarations are the charters of the present Communist and labor movements
loyalty to the.principles shown in these two declarations.. As to the points at?
re to be accomplished. The delegates attending the conference affirmed their
and .,that they constitute the platform with which peace, democracy, and socialism
still grounds for the occurrence of various aggressive wars). 10
war. (because under present conditions where imperialism exists, there are
and (3) the fact that all peoples must be on their guard against the danger of
delegates affirmed (1) the peaceful coexistence of countries of dif
i'erent.,systems; (2) the possibility of preventing war under present conditions;
China;was notcompletelyaccomplished, because the two countries still continued
In spite of the statement made at the Bucharest Conference, it is obvious
that adjustment of the difference in the opinion between the USSR and Communist
their argument on
the principles and theories involved. Another attempt to
:reconcile the 'disparate opinions was made at the conference in Moscow which
was held in November on the occasion of the-anniversary of the November Revo-
lution and which was attended,by representatives of 81 Communist parties from
1 month,, quite con-
trary to expectations. Finally, the conference unanimously issued a communique
reconfirming the Moscow Declaration of 1957- In the light of this pronounce-
,ment,it may be assumed that the differences of opinion were settled by a
compromise 'in which Communist China accepted the interpretation of the USSR.
postponed is' not clear at this time.
Whether the viewsof.the leaders of the USSR and Communist China were in
f' act 'successfullyadjusted or whether.final settlement of the problem was
It . cannot b
w , and' peace.
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denied that.. the difference of opinion concerning imperialism,
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.Socialist countries. We do not have the space to go into details of these
but it may be noted that Communist China is immediately and
directly opposed to the United States on such issues as Korea, pormosa, the
Chiang
Kai-shek regime, and UN membership for Communist China, and the coun-
t:ry's hatred and
distrust of American imperialism is very strong. In a word,
Communist China is not satisfied with the international circumstances in
whIchit finds itself. On this point, it is in a very different position
guo. As for domestic conditions, the Chinese Government was established a
from that of the USSR, which is concerned only with maintaining the status-
Mere
more years ago, and it must still encourage its people into speed-
.ing up national construction. In order to keep the people in a state of ten
sion to
it.
Will this difference in theory --? that is, difference in foreign policy --
basic theory.
carry out this progress of production and construction, China desires
continued existence of international tension rather than a lessening of
Domestic and international circumstances such as these have caused China
to pursue a policy different from that of the USSR and thus adopt a different
cause a disruption in Sino-Soviet relations? I do not think so. Look at the
China is a powerful socialist state that has won the rank of ally of the USSR.
!actual condition of Sino-Soviet relations: as explained earlier, Communist
The stage of national construction in China is far below that of the USSR,
howeyer
and'Soviet technical and economic aid. to carry on this construction
is still required In particular, Communist China depends heavily on the USSR
r .military aid, which is the foundation on which China's diplomatic policies
Iare built. The views of Communist China, concerning the prosecution of. all-out
' "with nuclear weapons is not at all in sympathy with the Soviet view, 11
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therefore both Communist China and the USSR are placed at-tne centier of
Soviet attitude toward the establishment of an atomic-
:but Communist. China is entirely dependent on the USSR for its national de
fense, including
ioreigii
'USSR -- in spite of the differences of opinion that affect tneir
atomic weapons and space weapons.* Such dependence on the
policies
of the
exist between. the two countries, it would be hasty to conclude that such dif-
ferences would result in a disruption of relations between the USSR and Com-'
theoi
rferences can be resolved through talks between the two countries. Even if
wprp to continue to
will eventually force Communist China to agree with the position
Soviet Government in matters involving day-to-day decisions and --
eventually -- on the formulation of foreign policy. Furthermore, these dif-
China. The debates on theoretical issues during this period were de-
signed to strengthen the
socialist countries and the criticism of Stalin's formalism were all aimed at
unity of the socialist camp. It can be said, for
ex,a:nple, that the establishment of relations based on equality among the
Gctc
in the criticism of revisionism, it was reaffirmed that the main road-of the
.reinforcing the sense of unity of the socialist bloc of countries. Furthermore,
must be,followed by socialist countries. In other words, Communist China Vol-
untarily accepted
leaders
Soviet leadership as,a means of consolidating the socialist
camp. This concession is of great significance. To be sure, Chinese Communist
wreapons-free Zone in th.e, Far East it would appear that the USSR is taking a
negative attit,
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may not nixed the Chinese as co-leaders. The unity of the socialist camp y ,.
the socialist camp. The corollary to.all this is that the USSR also recog-
[China will continue to recognizef Soviet leadership as a step that is essential,
'of unity of the socialist camp was actually ptrengthened. Also, since Communist
China regards the'solidarity,of the socialist camp as of the highest importance,
CU& voluntarily recognize Soviet leadership, it can be said that the feeling
onLy'by the closest cooperation between both countries. Since Communist China
maintained. by Soviet influence alone, nor can it be maintained
ki.Communist China's influence alone. Such unity can be further strengthened
therefore, be
The fact that the USSR and Communist China are still closely associated
Solidarity of the Socialist Camp
even after a number of theoretical arguments and even though some difference
cation of the socialist, camp and of their full agreement concerning the neces
of, opinion exiets'is evidence of their recognition of the need for the unifi
accomplished by the Soviet Government's strong demands and dominant control.
further consolidating their solidarity.
During the period of Stalin's control the solidarity of the socialist camp
It could therefore be said that this was not solidarity at all in the real sense
'b.t the word.
control and unity. The unrest among the Satellites of Eastern Europe following
It is certainly doubtful whether the newly established Communist
Chinese Government ever really fully agreed with Stalin's dominant system of
Stalin' S
death (and especially after the criticism of Stalin)-was evidence of
the ~akneS of this solidarity.
Co muun at China, which had emerged from the position' of a quasi-Satellite
der Stalin's death,,, quickly discerned the instability of the socialist caIp
24.
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mediate between the USSR and the Satellites to unify the camp. It is not
,as evidenced by the disturbances in Eastern Europe and actively tried to
necessary to refer to the .s1atementS of the leaders of these two countries
to prove that both the USSR and.Communist China regarded the solidarity of
the, socialist camp as of the highest importance As long as the USSR and
Msiixption in Sinn-Soviet relations, although there may be a certain number
tie continued solidarity of the camp, there will be little possibility of
Communist China consider the unity ofthe socialist camp in this light and
as long as they adhere to the idea that they are essent.ally responsible for
theoretical arguments and, differences of opi
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Pravda, 22 November 1957.
"On the Historical Experience ofProletariam DictatorshipPeoples-,
Daily, 6 April 1956.
Peoples Daily, 21 May 1960.
Red F,, ,'No. 10, 1960. Red Flag, No. 12, 16 June 1960, printed
Peoples Daily, 22 April 1960.
Peoples Daily, 2Q April 1960.
Red Flag, No. 8,.1960.
Red F1ag,.No. 7) 1960.
Peoples Daily, 28 December 1956.
Peoples Daily, 6 April 1956.
an editorial entitled "Refutation of the Mistaken Argument that the
Essential Character of Imperialism Has Changed." The theory concern-
ing imperialism, war, and peace seen here closely resembles the theory
in Stalin's treatise,, "Economic Problems of Socialism Seen
the USSR." The second. article; "Hurrah for Leninism," printed in
Red Flag, No. 8,. 1960, discusses the peaceful transition to socialism
and explains that such a transition is a "rare occasion in the history
of revolutions" and concludes that "preparations not only for peace-
ful but also nonpeaceful transitions must be made."
"Advocate`Highly the Marx-Leninism Which Was Recognized at the Moscow
Declaration," Peoples Daily, 29 June 1960.
"Peaceful Coexistence is Indispensable," Pravda,
l2. Augua' :'; 960.
ve F9l%0r: `PH1049A002200040001-2
26,`