FIDEL CASTRO SPEECH TO WOMEN'S CONGRESS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79T00429A000300020033-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 18, 2005
• Sequence Number: 33
• Publication Date: January 16, 1963
• Content Type: SPEECH

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HHIH 1
CUBA
16 January 1963
FIDEL CASTRO SPEECH TO WO~tu1 t S CONGRESS
Havana in Spanish to the Americas 0451. GMT 16 January 1963--E
(Live speech by Fidel Castro at the closing of the Congress of Women of
the Americas)
(Text) Women of America; fraternal delegates--be patient--fraternal
delegates--can you hear?--of the countries of Europe., Asia, and Africa who
are visiting us. In the first place, I want to make clear--.as I have
already told some of the lady comrades of the congress-.-that if this
function began a little late, it was not my fault. (Laughter) Because
this year is the year of organization (laughter)o I was in the theater
at 2057 (laughter), and we intend during this year of organization to be
punctual. What happened was that the comrades: the comrades of the
congress talked a lot. I think they were speaking till eight or nine
more or less, until eight and then some (laughter): and that is why this
function began a little late. I only want to make it clear that it was
not my fault. (Laughter)
It has been a very great honor for us: for our country: that Cuba is the
site of this congress. We understand that it has been a very positive
event: a serious event. We have tried to keep ourselves informed, to
read the material of the various reports presented to the congress, and
our impression is really that all of them have great value because of their
seriousness, the correct focusing of the problems: the enormous amount of
data they contribute about the realities of our continent.
Naturally, the topics of the congress were restricted to those sections
that relate to the interests of women, but what, really: does not interest
woman in modern society? What does not interest the Latin American woman:
the American woman regarding our social problems? When discussions are
held about the rights of women: of their aspirations: we see that there
cannot be rights of women in our America or rights of children, mothers,
or wives if there is no revolution. (Applause) The fact is that in the
world in which the American woman lives, the woman must necessarily be
revolutionary. (Applause) Why must she be revolutionary? Because
woman, who constitutes an essential part of every people: is, in the
first place: exploited as a worker and discriminated against as a
woman.
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HEiii 2 CUBA
16 January 1963
And who are the revolutionaries in the society of man? Who were they
throughout history? In sisal; le terms, the exploited and the discriminated.
Because woman is not only exploited as a worker when she works for an
exploiting; nonopoly, for a society of...exploiting classes, but even as a
worker she is the most exploited worker, with the lowest salaries, the
worst conditions, with a series of contradictions among her social
functions-P-her condition as a woman and the exploitation to which she
is subjected!
Thus, logically, women are revolutionary, and on a continent like this,
':hey must be revolutionary; That is why in our country women are
"revolutionary. (Applause) In our country many women were exploited.
They were exploited as workers who worked to enrich a class, and were
also discriminated against as worker. Many women did not even have
access to work, to the opportunity to work.
In Comrade Vilmats report, there appears a report on the activities of
the Cuban woman within the revolution and the benefits the Cuban woman
has received through the revolution. The report was long, but even so it
is possible that the report has some ommissions, because the revolutions
has done even more for woman. It does not believe it has done it all, not
in the least, but it intends to continue to work for the woman. And, in
our country, the woman, like the 1/egro, is no longer discriminated against.
In reality, the revolution has meant much to the Cuban woman. Within the
revolution, the revolutionary leadership makes efforts to make available
more and more opportunities to the woman. As an example we can cite the
fact that when the medium and large shoe, clothing, and hardware sales
enterprises were nationalized, the Ministry of internal Trade was
instructed to select women as administrators of those firms. (Applause)
Some 1i-,000 administrators--(Castro now corrects himself--Ed.) that is,
administrators for some 4,000 centers--90 percent or more are presently
administered by women.
There is another statistic, for example, that did not appear in the report
of the comrade president of the federation--and it is very illustrative--
about the increase of the participation of the woman in activities that
were practically closed to her: It is the fact that, for example, in
some professions, such as the medical profession, the number of women
'ho entered that university school was, possibly, less than 10 percent.
At this time, in the institute of basic medical sciences, that is to
s, the first year of medical schools, about 50 percent are women.
(Applause)
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HHHH 3 CUBIC
i6 January 1063
Those facts of evidence of how, in four years of revolution, the woman has
been incorporated into social life, the life of her country, the life
of the circle" in which she lives and develops. For examrole, women also
paraded along with our soldiers on 2 Janua.?y in contingents of women's
military battalions. In our army there are a series of.functions in
which women work and perform services,, The bourgeois concept. -of
'womanhood is.disappearing in our country. The concepts of stigma,
concepts" of discrimination, have really been disappearing in our
country, and the masses of women have realized this.
Prejudice--.is being replaced by a new concept in which the qualities
of the woman are valued for a series of social activities, in some
of which they demonstrate exceptional virtues. A broad field of
action has been opened..to there. If you compare the report of the
Cuban delegation with the reports of the delegations of Latin America,
-see the great differences. The problems here now
you will be able to
are, for example, how to free the woman from domestic slavery, how to
create conditions that would, permit her to participate as much as
possible in production, from which the woman and the. revolution both
profit.
Within a society like the capitalist society--one of unemployment,
millions of men without work--it is logical that women are many times
relegated to restricted, economic activities. Within a Society like
ours, in which, because of the complete development of all the resources
of the nation and our planned economy, more and more labor is needed
for production, it is logical that the revolution concern itself with
creating those conditions. And. so today the revolution is concerned
with the establishment of the largest possible number of children's
centers, student dining halls, and with the creation of those
circumstances that will enable the women not to be a slave of the
kitchen; and with the establishment of laundries.
It is clear that the increase of certain of those institutions, such as
ch.ild.ren's centers, is restricted by the resources we may have under
certain circumstances. This year emphasis is being placed on the
establishment of workers' dining balls in the principal factories
of the country, and next year the accent will be placed on the
establishment of students' dining halls. The deveJ.opraent of those
jnstitutions will enable the woman to participate more in work,
"production, and the life of her country--not, only economic activities,
but pol_ii ica.7. and srx~iq"7 nx-.-r.3vj.ti.es as well. (App.1ause~
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HHHH 4 CUBA
16 January 1963
Today those are our concerns, because the women in our country are able
to be concerned with these solutions. The Cuban delegation has also
spoken of the gigantic effort made by the revolution on the education
front. There is hardly any need to speak; it is sufficient to see it.
This movement can be seen. It is a movement that is forging a great
future for this country; it is a movement that demonstrates the
objectives of the revolution projected, above all, toward the future.
It has permitted the duplication of the number of children in the
schools, the duplication of the number of students in secondary and
superior schools, the eradication of illiteracy, and it can enable this
country to march forward in forging a uiagnificient youth destined to
inherit the conditions the revolution is creating for that youth.
Our problem now is not how to win the right to do that, but how to
do it as perfectly as possible: There is a difference between the
situation of the women of America represented in this congress and
the representation of the Cuban women: Cuban women have the opportunity
to do all that, and the American women need that opportunity. Our
problems are different in the sense that it now is how we will do it
and how best we can do it. For us it is no longer a matter of the
chance to have, let us say, nearly 100,000 youths studying under state
scholarships, but rather how to organize them, now to see to it that
the schools where they study are more efficient, how to train cadres
of teachers, and how to do that task well.
That does not mean that we do not have much work. On the contrary,
there is more and more work all the time in the revolution. But the
revolution is creating resources and more resources along the march.
An example of how those resources are created is the fact that it
recently was necessary to receive in our capital nearly 10,000 young
peasant girls from Oriente Province. (Applause) Whom" to give that
task to? The federation of women had been in charge of that work, but
the federation of women had the work of attending to all the boarding
houses of 'the scholarship students. It did not have enough cadres,
but there was a teachers' school that was organized by a group of
brigadist girls who participated in 1961 in the great literacy campaign,
a school of 1,100 young girls who were studying to be teachers. It
is a good school.
The comrade who is in charge of that school, and who is a great pedagogue
because she knows how to teach, Comrade Elena .Gi:L, had begun with a group
of 300 revolutionary instructors--that is, 300 female teachers formed
from groups of youths who volunteered to teach in the mountains. She
began by training 300 revolutionary instructors for the night schools
for girls who work in domestic service. This was the first school.
First there were 300. With those 300 girls, the night schools were
organized.
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CUBA
3.6 January 1963
Then there were another 300, and their nunT. .r reached 600. With the
help of these girls, the A!tacarense T:r v ' E,! c institute was organized.
That trained 1,100 of whom 300 were selected for spec.al courses, w3:th
those 300 the. rest of the girls, the school.s for the 2.0,00") peasant girls
who arrived were organized. (App.ae
We already had cadres--girls from the literacy who had
already studied one year, girls who already have discipline, a sense of
responsibility. It is really impressive to cross one of these avenues
where mil,l,ionaries once lived and find groups of girls in uniforms,
peasant girls going from,one place to another--,possibly to eat
or to class. With them, in her scholarship student uniform, a girl
who was in some cases younger than the peasant girls themsieves, but
they were (as heard) the leaders. They were in charge of the group:
they were in charge_of the house in which they live and were, in
addition, their teachers. They work and study.
Consider how those girls are being trained, already receiving that
responsibility, already getting serious tasks, fulfilling them. They
have a system, and they combine study with works This indicates that
the number of persons trained will be greater all the time. Nov we
must organize another teachers 8 school. The revolution changed the method
of selecting teachers, because teachers used to be selocted exclusively
from persons from the city. The revolution charged that procedure. It
established a system of selection and opportunity for all girls and
boys who want to become teachers, and the system begins in the mountains.
(App ::fuse )
That is why we now have 5,000 youths in the mountains who are
entering their first year of studies for the teaching profession.
Later they will go to school for two more years. Then they will
go to a higher institute where they will stay for another two years.
Many of those ferule teachers will be'of peasant extraction, girls
familiar with the mountains, with the rural areas.
At the same time, we are organizing pre-university courses for
peasant girls who are in the fourth and fifth grades and want to
begin studying to be teachers. From those same 10,000 peasant girls
we will select those with the greatest vocational (appitude-.Ed.
and prepare them to enter those schools. Within a per,od of time we
will have our higher institute for teachers with 6,000 students, v-orn
we can mobilize so )that they in turn can teach, combining studies with
work. This is being carried out with the great effort of a certain number
of persons who work on that front.
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16 January 1963
Are there. many persons who are perfectly competent for.that. task? Iti'o,
u brttnate1;,~, there are not But when there is a competent person
in cha_ge of any of those activities, he creates what we can call a
school; that is, a system of work. We do not have many Elesas. now, but
in the future we will have hundredS.of Elesas, because they will be the
girls she trained. Every day there will be more schools, superior schools,
and we need many cadres in education to organize and take charge of those
schoolc. Thus advances the revolution with its youth. It can do it.. We
have won the opportunity to begin to do all that.
The comrades of Latin America present a realistic picture of the situation
of the continent. It is really frightening. We believe that all those
reports should be published in a pamphlet to be distributed here and
outside (applause) in Latin America. Those figures are really depressing-
the statistics about the number of children without schools or teachers;
undernourished; the shameful figures of the percentage of children who
reach the sixth grade, the percentage of those who can undertake secondary
studies,, and the percentage of those who can undertake university studies;
the figures on infant mortality, the consequence of the unhealthy
conditions in which they live, the undernourishment,, the lack of medical
programs.
To day. this is not our situation. Today, we can say that not a single
child is crippled by poliomyelitis; we can say that tens of thousands of
children are saved as a result of medical assistance. More and more
-national public health programs continue to develop. The number of
beds in our hospitals has practically tripled. The resources assigned to
public health have been quintupled. Today those are not our problems,
but they are the problem-of an entire continent.
Our Problem is how to create eve hin, we need to satify so
to overcome the Poverty which im eria ist ex oitatlon eft us. That is
our problem. Our ;so is big, hard, difficult! And ]. is no easy to
have to carry out that task with the threatening claws of imperialism
hanging over us, with the ceaseless hostility of the most powerful and
aggressive imperialist nation of the world. How to carry out that work
is our problem. How to defend the revolution and the sovereignty of
this country while at the same time advancing, that is our problem.
But that, American women, is not your problem. Your problem, and that
of the peoples you represent, is how to win the opportunity to do this,
which we are doing.'(Applause) We are certain we will advance--in some.
Nears -more, in some years less.
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III 7' CUBA
:L6 January 1963
We are certain that we will overcame our difficulties at times with more
sacrifices than at others. We are " certain that imperialism will not be
able to defeat us (applause), because there will never be any conquered
in this. country. (Applause) ,;.There may be. fallen, dead, but no
defeated. (Chanting, applause)
If the Yankee i erialists one daa4 using all their might and resources,
were to decide to d 1,0 -this country .ist, they coLi7devay
would be "we have des ed it " not "we have defeated it." A lause
And we know that that danger hangs over'tis,' but we a so know that there
remains an entire continent and an entire world. We are not just Cubans;
we are Latin Americans. (Applause, cheering) We are even more
because we are not only Latin Americans, we are human beings who live
on the planet Earth. (Applause)
The important thing. is the victory of mankind. We know that in resisting
the imperialists, being firm against the Yankee imperialists, we are
defending the rights of mankind. That is how we Cubans think.
I repeat. the problem 'or us toda s to work a fight. Cou , roblem
is to fight i The figures are there, those co ,
terrible figures which, when UNESCO or FAO or any other U.N. organization
compiles statistics, say so many millions of so much and so. many millions
of so much more, so many millions of deaths from hunger or curable
disease, or so many millions of children without schools, or so many
millions without homes, or so many millions undernourished; life
expectancy is so much, which is half of the average life span in the
highly industrialized and exploiting countries.
The figures are there, including the figures of the dead, which are higher
than those of any revolution. UNZtdeathsx~ere,r in Latin
America those who die ofhun er.and illness without assistance is
Latin America. (At7r~e,. Are1 ?rtke _ st e cost 20 000 lives but
m a n y times 20,000 lives have re been ve We can wait, an the
figures will continue to pile up, as will the millions of unfortunates,
exploited, dying. The figures are there, the results of the feudal, -
imperialist exploitation.
e roblem e JIg"eg m e restricted to writ= them down
in a graph or a pamphlet. We must think about ho to 1 e tha
situation, experts on
e rev 6Iu#onaries
the sl"" ;
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egg g CUBA
16 January 1963
It is the masses who make his~r but em to make history-,,- the
or_ IM pw$*~
d the rev~I t qn
o batt e -
(ADvlause -., A 4 th t:?~s...,W j
(Applause) They have sent 'cne
corr eec~tactics
o.e-masses
Iaat is wbpt we did. The four, five, six, or seven of us who one day
asses
were separated did not conquer-power. ~leaslied ewhichmovement
culminated inthe
that.the struggle against the tyranny
victory of the people.
With regard to this there is something we want to clear u because there
hJe been some harebrainedn theoret aniswho . g ~'?~d ~ ba
there was a peaceful chaYi e from capitalism to social sm. at is like
QeI lT y i 1.11'l Ig" as. a...w, . ..: ..n~..:.~r._ :r+ _ .w ...wE,.w. ~.
It is like denying that an army from the bosom of the people in this
country defeated a modern army, armed hnd instructed by Yankee
imperialism. (Applause)
That is like denying that explosive, incendiary bombs have fallen on our
peasants, cities, and towns, bearing the legend: Made in USA. That is
like denying the formidable struggle of our people. It is)like denying
Play=:. Giron and those who fell there. s o eacefultransition
h there wo d not h ve een
hi
c
bt titin without w
it wa? a comaranso , ? ,,,,r ,nou at heroic battle, that armed
e o the u an people we would perhaps still have o-11- j--- -
here, made in USA.
Those are the historic truths. And e tate_ ,ave the
t
r1 t to ea a our - -- ~ theoreticians tel in us wa a ene ere without vi,, ever coehere.
r ,,,~ nna ozwv T'tiPM n
One does no have o_~.w. _,-isle
low
Ma"
rea
th
And let the eo les ] h because ose false interpretations of
- - ~ ~ ? ? eQX S s m eria sm
hi qtorv tend tQ .create that, conornism thsty., ,,,
tends to_create, that resignation andreformism and thati of
interpretations
i jorffy owe
do exist--but where su
conditions mus t-be erect
by faisi '77 T ono s
of histo do
a in merican
ha
periali_sts
r org~anizstios; to e theme sses marcu vv ~CLULLVLL
ArxJuse} ,_ Th& acs w` t' ie can Algeria.
eve
act
WaVAMOM
q, an
e
orv ..
conform with the situation of the
not
countries ere get ve conditions
- op
ve clearly seen that objective conditions
con &ions are missing. asz su sec ve
.
ry
.
t
lc a ;
iy ar c ect ty1i1s or
u ie
with correct methods,
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HM 9
are not created b sa .x ?'"~~ a
Those subjective conditions
eaceu~ transition in tuba. One of the delegates shouts something
i^ w I^ c _ CIUt 03 C~nsuse .. of
..7-.
....~.......3 n E 7 Z -F 4
not ? >t~ l--I er 01
ou
s
_
iLza
But
CUBA
16 January 1.9~ ?
eace :.ansi io,
not --deny it, because
We do not deny it but we do say that there was no peacefal transition;
and we do__protest _a;ainst an atteiupt to use the case of Cuba to confuse
the revolution s other ountries wk~ re file on ee'Give cone}- v.Lvs-U)
for the rev 3 eyIjI_and where e can do he same thing una id.
I is logical that imperialist theoreticians try to prevent revolution
the imperialists slander the Cuban revolution, sow lies, say the worst
horrors, create fear of revolutions among the people. B et 2 Q
n or-fear of
from a revolutionary position_a ei t to create conforpLigs
revo cations . 't'hat is absur Let _th _ imperialist theoe iar~s re ach
eneralization. I want to make
That is what we think. That was what we said in the declaration of
Havana, which, in some fraternal countries, received from some
revolutionary organizations the honors of a desk drawer when it should
have received the just publicity it deserved. It would be like locking
up everything you have discussed here. Of course, if we do not want the
masses to learn about it, we must put it in a drawer. But. if, we te.,
the m:ssees tia t, on is . they rr,,,G+,._ ~l one re to. t_ the road
S". v1es- bring them to the st gle because_ th t_ road is much
as er in man Latin American countries t an was n u. a.
a we are not making an
c Tear a we ..snow
1... s V.
.
excep
awaiting
we o
WA"
because we hope that in 40 years
daughters of our federated women
the-same problems. (Applause)
reach revo u _ on
t
ty, lq know
iv-
in the m jorit;y ,.of the Latin
To say it here is a duty,
we will not meet as today--the grand-
with your granddaughters--to discuss
Our country is facing difficult eirc>rstances, great risks. There is no
reason to stick our heads into a hole like the ostrich. Things must be
seen realistically. Our country is experiencing a period of risks, of
great dangers.
as S
case.
TancL
Here
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16 qTanuary 1963
On one side we have Yankee imperialism, imperialism's most
aggressive and most powerful nation, which has set as its basic ain
the destruction of this revolution, and on the other, we have
circumstances that are adverse to the world revolutionary movement.
First, I want to say that
not (Applause) _I want to say that in our opinion, 31.11 -the
opinion of th
e revolutionary leadership of our country, a war was
avoided but peace was not won. That is not the same thing. Do all
the circumstances that forced us to take the measures we took, the
steps we took, not still exist? Does the declared policy of hostility
and aggression against our country of the Yankee imperialists not
still persist? We do not believe in the words of Kennedy; but, moreover
uarantee without the five
oints we
it Yie has aTea~?"
7.1 for u,
ais'actor
=42d as a result of that n.
We must be very clear on these controversial and subtle questions.
We must be clear on them. If it is said that we are here, that" is,
that we have not been destroyed because of the solidarity of
the socialist camp, it is the truth. But if it said that we are
here because of Kennedy's word, that is not the truth. We have resisted
for four years thanks to that solidarity.
Very well, what is peace to us? What peace is there for us? Since
Kenne~-::1 spoke in the Orange Bowl, the agents of imperialism have
cor1-c'i?od four murders. They killed a peasant scholarship student on
vacation in Trinidad. They killed, by burning him alive, a worker
in Las Villas.Province, a worker who worked in the reforestation service.
They murdered an 11-year old in San Antonio de Las Vegas. They
murdered two CDP1. comrades in the province of Matanzas,
Yankee agents with Yankee weapons, following Yankee orders!
The policy of subversion declared by the imperialists. What did we
say?. How could there be a solution if the imperialists assumed the
right of trying to strangle our country with hunger, of trying to
isolate our country and pressure all shipping lines and airlines in
order to deprive us of essential raw materials and create hunger in
this cc:antry. (How could there be a solution--Ed.) if the
imperialists assumed the ri&E-it to maintain that blockade policy against
us and to create every imaginable obstacle outside international law,
outside the principles that regulate the United Nations; if the imperialists
assumed the right to subvert social order, introdiice weapons,
saboteurs, train them, organize mercenaries; if the imperialists
assumed the right to violate our sea and air space; if the
imperialists assumed the right to organize pirate bands; if'the
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H[il.i 11 CUBA
16 January 1963
imperialists assumed the right to retain a piece of our.territory,
which points at the heart of our country? WhAtright.can the
imperialists have to de5aand the rith0awal of friendly weapons while
their:; ;ni.nts ln enemy weapons on Cubt~,ii territory?
What right have the imperialists to do that? In three statements, in
the one NO. Kennedy made after the crisis, (as heard) he used threatening
larguage, maintaining his policy of using economic, political, and
other kinds of pressure and, guaranteeing that he would not invade if
we did not promote subversion. But for Kennedy, this is subversion.
You can't win! (Estamos fritos.) There is a congress of women, who
sea of hunger, the frightening poverty of Latin America; that
is subversion. Whhn he spoke to tho mercenaries at the Orange Bowl,
he said that he would deliver the mercenary flag in Havana.
i pue di.ate s ituat
Z
M
invading Cuba
Latin l'm:merican countries. That is what they have sai , ere is the
eor mi;tm nt not o rives e Cuba? It is insolent for the Yankee secretary
of state to say that they'have not committed themselves not to invade
Cuba, as if international law, the U.N. Charter, and all the norms
that regulate relations between nations did not commit them to not
invade our country since, of course, they have no right to invade Cuba.
By speaking in that way, instead of promising not to invade, they shirk
the obligation they have under international law not to invade Cuba.
Moreover, they shcsv that the Yankee leaders have the souls of
gangsters and pirates.'
irates . (Applause)
I believe that many arguments are not necessary. The words and the
deeds are there. That is why we say that a war has been avoided,
good; but peace has not been won. This is bad. That is the situation.
The imperialists are somewhat o, timistic _1h s reflected in their
.om -
wor s . I do not thi.nh that o timism has ,an rea_sQn to exist other than
e underestimation of the realities of the world and the underestimation
of tho straps, of th_e aeo lea, Items clear that they do not wan
a finge moved in _ Latin neric a. -.. hey do rot, _w les to
fight. . For instance the exam ,le . of the horolc Venpne l an people
` %3 se for them _ a horribl e. n t lt;m re They want to e c m
permitted to establ.: sh the bases o a eng Tasting empire based on even
more inhomah exploitation.
Approved For Release 2005/06/01 : CIA-RDP79T00429A000300020033-9
 Approved For Release 2005/06/01 : CIA-RDP79T00429A000300020033-9
J UI 12 CUBA
16;Januarv 1963
A l those programs are always based on an alleged austerity which
means more privation for the workers., more sacrifice for the masses.
Let no one doubt it--the Alliance for Progress will not roster
because it is siiilp~ ?a o? is of dominates on exAi oatati"on and retreat.
The T7ar~:na c
0
Betancour, {the S