SOME PERSPECTIVE ON LATIN AMERICAN ARMS PURCHASES
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP79R00967A001200010019-8
Release Decision:
RIPPUB
Original Classification:
S
Document Page Count:
6
Document Creation Date:
December 16, 2016
Document Release Date:
June 27, 2005
Sequence Number:
19
Case Number:
Publication Date:
October 25, 1967
Content Type:
NOTES
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CIA-RDP79R00967A001200010019-8.pdf | 234.74 KB |
Body:
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25 October 1967
SUBJECT: Some Perspective on Latin American Arms Purchases
This subject has recently been much in the press; John
Huizenga suggested that a short paper on it might be of interest
to Board members. We have chosen to publish this as a staff
note, putting it on stencil simply for convenience, and do not
propose to distribute it outside O/NE.
25X1
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25 October 1967
SUBJECT: Some Perspective on Latin American Arms Purchases
1. Four of the larger countries in Latin America --
Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Peru -- will almost certainly be
buying considerable quantities of sophisticated new military
equipment over the next few years. Several of the smellier
countries will probably be doing the same, though on a lesser
scale. The motivation for such purchases is not complicated.
The military establishments in Latin America have acquired
relatively little new equipment since the years immediately
after World War II. Much of what they have is obsolescent;
some of it is completely worn out. The Argentines, to cite
an extreme example, have only within the past few months re-
tired the last one of their World War II vintage Lancaster
bombers; they hauled it directly off to their military museum.
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2. Latin American military leaders have long been in a
position to exercise great political leverage. Military men
presently head the governments of two big countries, Argentina
and Brazil, and of five smaller ones, Bolivia, El Salvador,
Honduras, Nicaragua, and Paraguay. The military establishments
in a number of other countries have not ceased to regard them-
selves as the final political arbiters. In view of this power
potential, the surprising thing is not that the military are
now pressing for the acquisition of various items of modern
military hardware, but that they so long acquiesced in the re-
striction of military spending to very modest levels indeed.
3.
As we pointed out in NIE 80/90-67: "Economic Trends
and Prospects in Latin America," published on 20 July 1967,
military spending in Latin America has been markedly lower than
in other underdeveloped regions. Precise measurements and com-
parisons are not possible because of wide differences from
country to country in what is included in the defense budget,
as well as what is covered under the national budget. We esti-
mate, however, that appropriations to defense ministries during
the past few years have come to no more than 13 percent of the
national budgets in Latin America as a whole and have been
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equivalent to no more than 2 percent of gross national product.
By contrast, such appropriations in other underdeveloped regions
have averaged some 5 percent of gross national product. Moreover,
nearly all the military budgets in Latin America contain signi-
ficant nonmilitary items -- e.g. public welfare activities,
aviation transport, coast guard, border patrol and certain
police functions. And the military perform a number of eco-
nomically beneficial functions such as construction of roads,
other civic action programs, and the basic education of re-
cruits from the poor, illiterate sections of society.
4. It is precisely because so little has been spent on
replacement or renewal of military equipment in the recent
past that the point has now been reached when the military
leaders and government officials have decided that they cannot
much longer delay. They have become strongly concerned because
their military establishments, lacking good modern equipment,
are no longer able to attract enough bright and qualified
young men to officers' training. Beyond this, they are in-
creasingly inclined to show a measure of independence of the
US -- and increasingly disinclined to rely on US military power
for their defense. Thus, representatives from at least three
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Latin American countries have already been traveling about
seeking bids on major military items; others will probably
soon follow suit.*
5. The US government has reacted slowly to the changed
situation. Some US policy energy has been expended in efforts
to persuade Latin American officials to forego any increased
purchases of military hardware; some energy has gone to
attempts to delay these or to stretch them out. (The US
Executive has, of course, not had full freedom of action be-
cause of the ceiling established by the US Congress on total
US arms deliveries to Latin America. Beyond this, however,
The Belaunde government in Peru, having been told by the US
government that it could not expect to get F-5 transsonic
jet fighter aircraft from the US for at least two years,
proceeded to contract for early delivery of the somewhat
costlier supersonic Mirage V from France. The Peruvian
government went ahead with this deal even though the US
had threatened to cut economic aid, and Belaunde has ini-
tially responded to a new US proposal to make F-5's avail-
able by saying, "Sorry, it's too late." Peru has also been
negotiating with France for tanks. Argentina is seeking re-
placement of its Sherman tanks and has been dickering with
the French for a modern medium type, the AMX-30. Brazil is
most immediately interested in high-performance jet aircraft
and has been exploring the possibility of obtaining Mirage
V's but doing a part of the manufacture or assembly in Brazil.
Chile, having obtained some Hawker Hunters fairly recently,
is not yet in the market for supersonic jets, but may quickly
enter when (and if) those 12 or 16 Mirage V's begin to arrive
in Peru.
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the US administration has shown willingness to supply promptly
to other countries certain military items which it has told
Latin American governments could not be made available for two
or three years.) The French, meanwhile, are having fine sport
and seem to be well along in arranging several remunerative
deals. The British, at US request, had held off on an oppor-
tunity to sell Canberra aircraft to Peru, only to see the Peru-
vians sign for some $28 million in Mirage V's from France. We
think it likely that the UK will henceforth try to keep its
hand in the auction; we expect to see Sweden, and perhaps other
European countries, make some offers as well.
6. In sum, the US has hung onto a line of policy which,
however moralistic, has become clearly counterproductive in
practical terms. The Latin American governments are no longer
going to be dissuaded; they are going to go ahead and purchase
new equipment. What the United States stands to lose is its
inside track in supplying such equipment and, with this loss,
a part of the influence it has been able to wield among the
Latin American military. There is another consideration which
may prove to be at least as important. To the extent that the
US is replaced as the predominant military supplier, its oppor-
tunities will be reduced to prevent the Latin American equipment
renewal programs from turning eventually into a real arms race.
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