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• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79-01194A000500070001-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 38
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 5, 1998
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: September 1, 1969
• Content Type: REPORT

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 'CPYRGHT
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CPYRGHT
SAIGON POST
26 May 1969
By Vicente G. Martinez...'
Communists in general, and'tho Hanoi regime to
particular, have often shown their contempt for huma".
nitartan values, for human compassion, for ties of,
family and friendship. They have also shown a com-
picto disregard-for the repugnance and disapproval
their heartlessness often arouses in the rest 'of man-
kind, possibly because they.prefer to believe that the'
conscience of mankind can be manipulated by their
dupes who stage phony war crimes tribunals and mass
meetings in Stockholm and elsewhere. Possibly also
because. they treat their own people no better than
they treat their enemies, they feel niankiud has no,
reason -to complains
Xuan Thuy, the Hanoi regime 'representative in
Paris, demonstrated this contempt of everyone perfe-
ctly the other day after American Defense Secretary
Laird had once again called iipon the Hanoi regime
to treat prisoners of war in accordance with the'
Geneva Convention. Laird asked Ilanoi to (a) provide;
a list, of names of all prisoners of war, (b) release sick
and wounded prisoners, (c) permit impartial inspec=l
lions of prisoners' facilities, (d) provide proper treat-',,
meat for all prisoners,'and (c) permit a regular flow;
of mail to and from the'prisoners. Xnan Thuy.simply!
4, stated the Americans ((will never have that list (of
prisoners of war) as long as the United States. does not,
cease its war of aggression In lVictnam.>P .
In other words, so long as the war continues,Xuan,
Thuy says, North Vietnam will not adliere to the
Geneva Convention rules governing the conduct of
cambatants in war. The Hanoi regime admits it holds
American prisoners, claims it Is. treating them,
LENINSKOYE ZNAMYA, Moscow
1 July 1969' .
humanely, but refuses to. say who they are, let an
mpartial Inspector' sco them; or even let them
receive mail from their families. Mr. Laird was
certainly justified, therefore, in stating that athere is
clear evidence) that the North Vietnamese are not
treating American prisoners humanely.
Far Cry From South,
What, a far cry from the situation of North Vie!
Red Cross has access to all prisoner of war camps
in South Vietnam, to make frequent and thorough
nspections to insure that the prisoners are being
treated in accordance with the Geneva Convention.
Lists of names of all prisoners have been turned over
to the Red Cross to be given to Hanoi, but Hanoi
rcfuses to accept these lists since they do not wish toy
admit that theto are North Vietnamese Army troops
In the South. To support this ho1l,,nr fiction which
absolutely [1)6 one belipvo3 too many North Viet-
namese have been captured or have deth.; vd to make
this believable -- the ruthigss.IIanoi regime is willing
to disown its own troops. To support the futile pre-
tensions of those who would attempt to write history
to suit their own ambitions, thousands .of families In
the North have been denied the comfort of knowing
their fathers, brothers and sons, aro alive and well-
cared for in the Republic of Vietnam.
When dealing with the mentalities of the Xuan
Thuys and the Giaps in Hanoi, it'is too much to hope
that an appeal.to their humanitarian instincts will have
any success. But there could be hope of some success
f reactions of indignation,throughout the world were
strong enough to tr.ako the automatons In Hanoi rea-
lize their true nature is beginning to be understood.
But this is unlikely to happen. The Hanoi regime
is made up of men who, like their Chinese Communist
tutors, ore willing to sco millions of their. own people
suffer and die rather than give up their ambitions for
power, They will hardly even note that civilized peo-.
pies consider them barbarians who -thaVe deliberately
taken themselves outside the pale of international law.
NOVEL BY ANATOLIY KUZNETSOV CONDEMNED
Review of Kuznetsov's Ogon'
by Ivan Shevtsov
We still have few books about the working class. Readers rightly
complain that no clear, full-bodied portrayal has yet appeared of today's
Soviet worker--the worker of the 1960's, whose hands, energy and mind have
created a first-class industry, who is extracting oil, coal, ore, who is
pouring pig iron, smelting steel, making complex machines and instruments.
this lack explains the heightened interest aroused by each new publication
devoted to the working class.
Approfedr-ftr Ie~Ys~11I999 O9 CQ~ D 9-19~4~ig~A 00 i ~6~1?- has
turned his attention to such an urgent theme. At the center o attention
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in his new novel 0 on'(Yunost' Nos 3, 4, 1969)is a group of metal-indus-
workers. The time of the narrative is the present. But even the first
chapters of the novel put one on the alert and give rise to doubts.
But let us turn directly to the pages of the novel. The main hero
of it is the Moscow writer Pavel who travels to observe the starting up of
a giant new blast furnace in order to write an essay on the metals workers.;
He goes to Kosoluchye, located between Moscow and Yepifan, near a large
city which is evidently an oblast center. For Pavel this is not simply an
other editor's assignment. It is a return to his childhood and youth.
"Pavel knew Kosoluchye like the fingers on his hand. There he had lived as'
a small boy. Ile still had friends there. There his first love affair had
even taken place."
Pavel still does not know what he is going to write. First he wants
to become acquainted with the lives of the metals workers, penetrate into
their affairs and their fates, and perhaps meet his schoolmates. The author
does not take a step away from Pavel himself; he looks at the world through
his eyes. Sometimes the portrayals of the author and of Pavel merge to such
an
t
h
ex
ent t
at one has the impression the novel was written in the first
The narrative begins rather strangely with the mysterious death of
the journalist Dima Obraztsov with whom Pavel had once attended an institute.:
The role of Obraztsov in the, novel is not clear. We do not know what ac-
counts he had to settle with life.
The central group of characters in the novel are school comrades of
Pavel's. Some of them he meets at the metallurgical combine: Fedor Ivanov,
Viktor Belotserkovskiy, Yaroslav Seleznev, Mikhail Ryabinin, and Zhenya
Pavlova. On them the author concentrates all his attention. They represent
a collective of blast furnace workers--a part of the working class. They
grew up with Pavel, went to school with him, were friends with him, and
dreamed with him. Then they were very young, and each of them awaited what
fortune would bring. Along the course to the metals workers, Pavel recalls
with natural and circumstantial detail his school friends and, utilizing
the laws of the logic of life, attempts to guess what they have become--to
imagine them as adult citizens of our country.
Fedya Ivanov is a good-natured lout from a large family. He is not
distinguished for keenness of mind. He always wore the cast-off clothes of
his older brothers. And here is what the "logic of life" has to say about
his future: "A little house with a garden next to it, a suckling pig in the
grain. He drinks and quarrels with his wife. The rest of the time she
nags him. lie buys two or three tickets for each lottery but only once won
anything. He earns no bonuses and his name is not placed on the honor
board at the combine." In a word: "an ordinary man. lie plays dominoes in
the plant yard, but his main interest is in the lotteries."
A second school friend of Pavel's is Vitya Belotserkovskiy, "who was
the brightest personality of the class... Son of a good and cultivated fam-
ily, refined, with a light touch of the young snobbism of the 20th century...
He was the only one in his whole class who had read Norbert Wiener, who
even then was well-acquainted with the paintings of Picasso, and who had.'
Stravinskiy and Benny Goodman records. His father's dache was entirely at
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his disposal." There, in the author's words, gathered "a little group
representing the culture of the century." By the "logic of life," to the
laws of which Pavel, and along with him the author, appeal, Viktor lBelotser-
kovskiy should now be "a brilliant scientist, a researcher, an innovator.
,His works should be appearing in translation abroad."
Next is Slava.Seleznev, a very devoted friend of Viktor's, an optim-
ist, a good soul, who in his school years had displayed absolutely no
talents. "What Ifelou,;erkovskiy learned effortlessly, Heleznev achieved
only through desperate efforts." And therefore "he had to Jenn over back-
.wards to be a good student. He cringed before the teachers. More than once
he was caught carrying tales. lie willingly did everything he could to win
praise--wall newspapers, collecting scrap metal, and such things. lie did
everything. lie loved to sit in class, he was the first to raise his hand to
answer" (No 3, p 8)--in a word, and "activist," as the author calls him
with crushing irony. Pavel sees his future this way: v"a modest employee,
burdened with a large family, and a constant viewer of television."
Pavel's fourth school comrade is Misha Ryabinin--"clever, calculat-
ing, even-tempered, a solid A-student... because he had a good head on his
shoulders... And he was a whiz at mathematics... If somebody was too lazy
to multiply 319 by 29, he would ask Ryabinin, who without blinking an eye
would instantly answer: 9,251." His mathematics teacher saw in him a fu-
ture Lobachevskiy, but Pavel foresaw a more modest role for him; "teacher
in a vuz with an academic degree."
I Finally, one more school friend: Zhenya Pavlova--energetic, passion-
ate, "excelling in abilities," attracted by literature, art, and having
dramatic talents. Pavel is not very generous with her (it is the "logic
of life," you can't do anything about it) and sees her as an "intellectual
wife, the mother of three young children."
As regards Pavel himself, the central figure in the novel, he is
shown by the author as a man who is not only positive in all his relations
but also as rather successful and not wounded by fate.
In the reader these school friends of Pavel's can at best arouse
bewilderment. It seems that everything that has happened to them has been
in violation of the laws of the "logic of life"--that not one of Pavel's
predictions has come true. Viktor Belotserkovskiy has not become a bril-
liant scientist and innovator. The former leading figure in the "little
group-.of the culture of the century" has been transformed into a complete
cynic and inveterate scoundrel for whom nothing is sacred. lie looks with
disdain on the workers. For him they are a "mass of persons, united only
by the fact that they receive wages for their work. Each of them earns
his bread by the sweat of his brow."
He characterizes his school friends in thi3 way: "Misha is good fun,
but it is a pity he is such a congenital fool, without any imagination,'in
short nothing but a swine with a primitive mind." Fedor Ivanov, the head
foreman of the blast furnace shop was for.Belotserkovskiy a "real mule."
About Yaroslav Seleznev he says irritably: "There is a -wretch for you. What
a rosy-cheeked prattler, hypocrite, parasite, loafer, careerist, dissembler,,
public do-gooder."
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ist III . Belotserkovskiy has not painted it on too thick n s c aracte
iszation of him. Incidentally, Seleznev repays him in kind in speaking of
Belotserkovskiy: "Not just a literary worker, not just a photographer, not
just a rogue. It seems he is all of them together. He has, become degen-
erate, he drinks--a complete reptile and villain" (No 3, p'14).
And, in general, they deserve each other. Seleznev is disgusting in
all his relations. At the construction site for the blast furnace he has
some kind of unnecessary position as "adviser." A cynic and demagogue, he
speaks this way of his duties: "Maximum mobilization of the collective Cot
the accomplishment of the labor upsurge. Training and organization of the
workers in the meaning of a socialist attitude towards labor... slogans for.,
the improvement of labor organization, safety practices,.ideological-polit
polit-ical consciousness" (No 4, p 20). These words from the mouth of a consum-
mate vulgarian and good-for-nothing sound blasphemous and from the lips of
the author as a malevolent taunt.
The "logic of life" has also let down the phenomenal mathematician
Mikhail Ryabinin. Neither a Lobachevskiy or even "a teacher in a vuz with
an academic degree" has he become, but rather he is in an even more modest
position: he is the chief cook in a workers dining hall. The main point'
here is that Mikhail Ryabinin as a person and as a personality is in no way
to be distinguished from his classmates Belotserkovskiy and Seleznev. Like
them he is a cynic with the philosophy of an arrant petty bourgeoisie. A
money-grabber, swindler and thief, he has a comfortable home of his own
furnished expensively but without taste. He has the latest in radio phono-
graphs which deafens his guests, although he himself neither likes nor un-
derstands music. He hates his trade, but it allows hint to have black
caviar and Napoleon cognac in his house. On the other hand, the food in
the workers dining hall is atrocious.
Nor is the fate of Yevgeniya Pavlova.in harmony with the "logic of
life." She has not become the mother of three young children; in fact,
she has neither children nor a husband. She works in the library of the
plant. She takes advantage of the attentions of men and longs for human
endearment. She has sought to be honest, but it turns out that honesty and
decency are to be acquired at no small price. She is dissatisfied with her
fate and disillusioned with life.
Incidentally, almost all the main characters in A. Kuznetsov's novel
are without settled family relations. A friend has "carried off" Pavel's
wife. Zhenya herself has left her husband. Belotserkovskiy lives with
girl friends for whom he rents a room. Seleznev is separated from his wife.
Somewhat apart from this company stands Fedor Ivanov. Despite
Pavel's predictions, he has become a respected senior foreman of the blast
furnace. He doesn't quarrel with his wife, and the author of the novel says
nothing about his lottery playing or bonuses. But in general he seems to be
a positive figure, although he gets no particular sympathy from the author
and excites none in the reader. Here is one detail in the external. por-`
trayal of Ivanov: "lie shook his head as though the sweat were streaming down
his face, rubbed his eyes with his shirt sleeve, nimbly jumped across the
ditch, spreading his feet wide apart,'trying not to step into the dirty
red water" (No 4, p 40).
Other members of the workers collective are presented in the novel,
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but except for,'if you please, Ivashchenko the secretary of ;the party commit-
tee, they are an.indistinct mass. The portrayal of the party secretary is
far from an attractive one. Ivashchenko is shown as being none too clever.
He cannot understand even the very elementary fact that smoke from the
plant's stacks is polluting the air. He reprimands Seleznev7but at the same
time he himself much resembles this demagogue. Here he is speaking of the
blast furnace workers: "The collective, unquestionably, is politically
mature. Political activities are conducted regularly in the shop without
any interruptions. And what is most important is that the blast furnace shop
has held the challenge banner for 3 years."
His words are only empty declarations since they are contradicted by
the facts, by reality. The scheduled time for tapping the blast furnace
has been set back several times. Finally, the most responsible moment
comes: the tapping of the furnace. Everyone is waiting tensely for the river
of.molten metal to gush forth when suddenly... "from the joints between the
bricks a flame spurts out, a bluish flame with the droning noise of dozens
of gas stoves." Fedor Ivanov explains: "The gas is breaking out, the fur
nace is a jerry-built one" (No 4, p 45).
Such is the result of the work of the collective which has for 3
years held the challenge Red Banner and which had been given a responsible
assignment--the installation and starting up of the world's largest blast
furnace. The accident as depicted is completely improbable. It is impos-
sible to imagine that the installation of such a unique blast'furnace could
have been entrusted to a collective of hack workers. It is improbable that
such hack workers could have retained the challenge banner for 3 years. I
wish to ask the author of the novel Oxon' where, in what workers collective,
did he find such. a gang of cynics, scoundrels, hack workers and alcoholics?
How did he draw their portraits?
The trend towards grumbling and denigration is not new. As we know,
it has already been discredited and condemned by the Soviet public. How-
ever returns to it, squabbles, and attempts to portray our reality in
black colors periodically arise in the works of several writers. And A.
Kuznetsov's novel is a scandalous example of this. It is permeated through-:
out by lack of respect for man, by lack of confidence in his decency and
honesty--with gibes at the enthusiasm and activities of people, and with
open ill-will. A. Kuznetsov is willfully or involuntarily scoffing at the
Soviet worker, disparaging and degrading him.
No one can deny that unworthy people can be found in our life, even
in workers collectives. But the duty of a writer is to lead them to clear
water--to chastise their defects and shortcomings with the sharp pen of
satire. This is a truth which none among Soviet artistic and literature
figures has ever denied. But, in addition, the method of socialist realism
requires that the artist not deviate from vital truth--that he see in life
what is significant and typical.. In the final analysis life is not an
aggregate of facts collected by an irritated grumbler. It is ridiculous
to draw generalizations based on the condition of a public lavatory. And
yet this is just what A. Kuznetsov has done, without being able to see any
thing good in the life of a large collective of worker With sarcasm he
portrays not only the workers dining hall but also the lavatory. "The
lavatory was at the end of a.corridpt and there turned out to be nothing,
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I
a chemical pencil was the message: "Nikolay Zotov, senior furnaceman--your
wife is running around with Rizo, and you, you fool, take her, to restaur-
ants."
Of course, the broken tap must be repaired. Of course, sorters are
too much concerned with gossip. But it is a hundred times ipdecent and un-
worthy of a serious writer to drag this kind of stuff into tile pages of
books. To sea in our reality only what is poor and not to notice what is
good means to portray life in a false and distorted light. It is just in
such a light that A. Kuznetsov depicts it. People are of different kinds-
-good, bad, and indifferent. A. Kuznetsov sees and portrays only the bad.
If you would believe the writer, you would think there were next to no-good;
people in Kosoluch. Just look there--everything is out of order, every-
where the Belotserkovskiys, Seleznev and Ryabinin are flourishing, with
they"real mule" Fedor Ivanov moving resignedly beneath them.
The unhealthy tendency, the ' premeditated displacement of focus, and
the author's arbitrariness concerning the logic of life are bound to lead
to a distortion of reality. In A. Kuznetsov's work this tendency was no-
ticeable even in his earlier story "Babiy Yar," also published on the pages
of Yunost'.
In the novel Ogon' such an aribitrary approach has been carried to an'
extreme, to the absurd; and, whether the author wished it or not, he has
given us not a realistic picture but a malicious caricature. It is true
that children in a given class learn different amounts, but in general they
are good children, with some more gifted and others less. Yet it appears,
according to Kuznetsov, that our Soviet reality does not follow the "logic
of life" but rather runs counter to it. The result is that good children
-become veritable scoundrels. Somebody ruined in Belotserkovskiy a second
Einstein; somebody killed in Ryabinin a second Lobachevskiy. Isere dema-
gogues like Seleznev flourish. Ile says that roles in life are not allocat-
ed in accordance with capacities. Did the death of the mysterious Dima
Obraztsov perhaps represent his settlement of accounts with life? And did
the semi-genius Viktor Belotserkovskiy fall into a ladle of molten metal by
chance or intentionally? It is true that Pavel only dreamed that this hap-
to Belotserkovskiy. In reality such people neither sink in water nor burn
in fire.
IC may be that it is not our reality that runs counter to the logic
of life but rather that of the writer A. Kuznetsov, who in defiance of
living truth has heaped up in one pile various kinds of vulgar persons and
riff-raff, presenting them as a cell of our life and, moreover, as represen
tatives of the working class.
The novel Ogon' is not just a clear creative failure on the part of
A. Kuznetsov. It is a most striking example of an irresponsible lack of
standards on the part of the editorial board of the journal Yunost', which
did not take the steps needed to prevent the publication of ideologically
mistaken works, and which is compliant and unprincipled in deciding ques-
tions concerning the publication of ideologically depraved materials.
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September 1969
Mid-September Pyongyang Round Table on Tasks of Journalists
Opposing U.S. Imperialism sponsored
by North Korean Journalists Union
and the (Communist) International
Organization of Journalists.
October 1 China
20th Anniversary, Chinese People's
Republic which was proclaimed 21 Sep-
tember 1949 and has since been cele-
brated 1 October.
October 1-2 Budapest
Seminar on Peace, Independence and
Hunger sponsored by War Resisters
International and the (Communist)
World Council of Peace.
October 7 East Germany 20th Anniversary, German Democratic
Republic which was proclaimed 7 Octo-
ber 1949 in Soviet sector of Berlin.
October 17-31 Budapest 7th Congress of (Communist) World Fed-
eration of Trade Unions -- the front
that publicly protested the invasion
of Czechoslovakia last year (and has
since avoided the issue).
October 23- Budapest Anniversary of 1956 Hungarian Revolution.
November 4
November 17 Czechoslovakia 30th Anniversary of closing down of all
Czech institutions of higher learning by
World War II Nazi occupation forces, fol-
lowing mass student demonstrations in
Prague protesting Nazi occupation. The
day is commemorated annually as Inter-
national Student Day by the (Communist)
International Union of Students which
has its headquarters in Prague.
November 29 Albania 25th Anniversary of seizure of power by
Communist-led National Liberation Front,
in wake of German withdrawal, 1944.
November 30 Finland 30th Anniversary of Soviet invasion of
Finland, 1939, during World War II
period of Nazi-Soviet Pact.
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September 1969
DISMAL OUTLOOK FOR CUBA'S 1970
SUGAR HARVEST
On 14 July Fidel Castro opened the highly-publicized 1970 sugar harvest
with a lengthy, nation-wide television speech at the Antonio Guiteras sugar
mill in northern Oriente province. Normally, harvesting would not start for
another six months -- until January 1970 -- but Castro will need to extend
the harvest period to a full year and workers will have to forego Christmas
and New Year holidays in order to produce even seven or eight million tons
of sugar. It is considered highly unlikely, if not impossible, that Castro's
ten-million ton goal can be reached.
Although Castro boasted in 1964 that Cuba's sugar production in the fol-
lowing five years would be so impressive that "[doubting] imperialists will
have no other alternative than to swallow their tongues," Cuba's sugar pro-
duction has consistently fallen below established goals during the current
five-year program to increase the harvest and has never attained the 1952
record of 7.2 million tons. Production reached only 6.1 million tons in 1965,
fell to 4.5 million tons in 1966, rose again to 6.1 million tons in 1967, but
there was a fifteen percent drop in 1968 production to 5.2 million tons. Al-
though the original goal for 1969 was nine million tons, Castro himself re-
vised this figure downward to 5.5 million tons at the beginning of the year.
In spite of the usual mass mobilizations and additional special efforts to
harvest and plant in the early spring of this year, by late May Castro re-
vealed that with 85 percent of the cane milled, only a little more than
four million tons had been produced. Final production figures have never
been published, but it is certain that the harvest was well under five mil-
lion tons. This means a substantial loss of foreign exchange, which Cuba
could use both to meet her debts, mainly to the Soviet Union, and to finance
development projects. It also raises even further doubts as to her ability
to reach the ten-million ton goal for 1970, and also gives rise to specula-
tion on the political consequences to Castro of failure to reach this goal.
Among the reasons which Castro cited for the disappointing results of
the 1969 harvest were the early rains, which hindered the cutting and trans-
portation of the cane, and reduced its basic yield. He also said that old
and worn out machinery, a lack of spare parts and difficulties with new
machinery created further problems, as did a lack of skilled operators and
mechanics. Castro then claimed some workers were not working hard enough
and others had spent too much time and effort preparing for the 1970 har-
vest instead of concentrating on the 1969 yield. He therefore called for
more discipline, and said the workers must put moral over material incen-
tives, and work for "an idea, a cause." He said they could not afford to
rest on the laurels of past successes because "we have achieved few so far,
and we have achieved fewer than we should have. It is our duty to do the
maximum."
It was during this same speech that Castro admitted the 1970 harvest
would begin in July, using cane left over from the 1969 crop. Four mills
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were to have started the 1970 production in July, thus operating without
the usual break between harvests, and the other mills would start in Septem-
ber and November. The original starting date for the 1970 harvest was to
have been 26 July, to celebrate Castro's 1953 attack on the Moncada Barracks,
but this was later moved up by almost two weeks, apparently an act of desper-
ation.
In launching the 1970 harvest, Castro admitted that cane-cutting had
never before started so early. Although he claimed that such factors as in-
efficiency, a shortage of skilled labor, lack of mechanization and modern
equipment meant that the harvest period had to be extended, the fact. remains
that the cane is still too immature for cutting and therefore the yield is
less and of poorer quality than it would be at the end of the year. Castro
admitted that early harvesting would decrease the yield, as well as acknowl-
edging other risks, such as poor weather, when cane already cut and await-
ing transportation to the mills could be lost if roads became impassable.
Yet he termed maximum yield as "vital," and therefore the 1970 harvest will
be artificially extended.
Although Army units have often been used to harvest sugar cane under
the Castro regime, for the 1970 harvest the Army apparently will play a ma-
jor role. In addition to cutting cane, it will be assigned such extra tasks
as "urging" workers to fulfill the work plans laid down, and seeing that
discipline is maintained in order to reach the target-goal.
Apparently nobody, including official visitors, is to be spared from
participating in the harvest. Recently, some 700 visiting Soviet sailors,
with their commanding officer, Rear Admiral Stepan Sokolan, celebrated the
26th of July by joining Fidel Castro in cutting cane in Matanzas province.
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L AE G AsKa q KL
name
Llborators, had been chanica problems related to
scheduled to start cutting and that tas ."
loading cane this mouth in'Mn- The cad of the Soviet group
tanzas Province. About 1,000 was ide tified as Nikolai
Chari.
were to be produced in time for
ALL Cemoer, the l;Ommunist
duction`goal for 1970. welters have been mobilized to
party ewspaper Granma said einforce regular sugar workers',
The announcement, in a Cuban Cuban echnicians were "ironin
b r o a d c a s t monitored here, out th bugs." They have evl - the 1969 and 1970 harvests..s
seemed to indicate a setback in dently failed and have now
Cuba's efforts to mechanize the turned o 'Moscow for help,
all-important sugar harvest. At uba's request, today's
The extent of the situation was broadcast said, the Soviet tech.
not made clear, but it appeared nicians will work with their Cu.
at least to put the Cuban mocha- ban co nterparts "in perfecting
nization plan behind schcdule. the Li rator combine ... and
Thirty of the combines, nick- in the s lution of numberous me=
d
r NevwLy11" dt: WorC last eM&W.;eceea, duu bU ULU VdrlQUS
me that has been billed as a April nd said he was convinced uban-desi ned models.
major aid in meeting Fidel Cas- rl,n? ..i 7 .. __a g
a
Soviet technicians to help solve y 1 crate workers fro m cut - arvest have been unsuccessful.
"numerous mechanical prob. ling c no by hand, was dovol-
lr?mc" inn ni'w cram nnnn nnrn. oped Y Cuban technicians. Cas? Sovlet?made combines proved
I o Aid ~ ~p t~yti 8 ~1 i n es The several models h achi nes s schedule the chcdulc
it d
or completion this month were
By MERWIN K. SIGALE the 1970 harvest, which begins. ti utilize the chassis of experi-
Special to The Star late this year, ental Soviet-built combines.
MI 1AII-Cuba disclosed today The Liberator, so named by Previous efforts .n the at
hat it has summoned a group o because it would eventu- ecade to mechanize the suga"
t
kov, chief of the mechanir.atwp;"
department of the Soviet Minis
try of Agricultural Equipment.
CPYRGHT
By MERWIN K. SIGALE
Special to The Star
MIAMI - The Cuban worn-
n wile does no more than
keep house and bring up her
children is a prime candidate
these days for a pair of dunga-
rees and a hoe.
Cuba's Communist regime is
rcrruiting women in greater
numbers than ever for produc-
tive labor.
According to the official
newspaper Granma, "Women
will continue this incorpora-
tion into work until the day
conies when it will be more
difficult to find an idle woman
than a needle in a haystack."
About 371,000 women are in
the labor force now, said
Granma. The goal is to add
100,000 tris year and reach a
million by 1075.
Obstacles Cited
WASHINGTON STAR
- 20 April 1969
ecruu irCb
others refuse jobs in restau- ;activities.
rants, coffee shops and similar Now the stress is on produc-
places because of "old ideas five labor. Cuba has 1.5 mil-
lated to morality which to- lion women of working age, 17
ay do not have the least justi- to 55, who are neither workers
f cation." nor students, the Labor Minis-
Granma, the organ of the
ommunist party central com-
ittee
called for "an intense
,
olitical work of enlighten-
ent to break down all of the
sychological and sociological
straints."
The emergence of women
I try reported.
The chief targets of the job
wives in the same age span.;
youngsters ~living~ with some-
one else. But mothers with
t to a more active role has i t cnvaren at coma are not ne-
on taking form for years un-
r Fidel Castro'-
" Women serve in the militia. , 1
meiy lasses wearing blue
d aims and toting rifles stand
and at factories, stores and
blic buildings. Castro says
women will soon start un-
d rgoing military training on
a [par with men.
Vigilance Groups
Women play prominent roles
i t h e 2.5-million-member
mmittees for Defense of the
volution, the neighborhood
v gilance groups. The Cuban
work (YE child-caro centers is
the key.
42,000 Accommodated
Clementina Serra, director
of the centers and a member
of the party's Central Commit-
dated in 355 centers while
their mothers work. She said
that four new centers were
opened recently near sugar
mills in Camaguey Province,
because women are starting
to replace men in the less
omen's Federation, headed difficult jobs In the mills.
b the wife of Deputy Prime ! More than 1,300 women are
I1 'nister Raul Castro, has ? now at work in the mills and
own to 900,000 members and at cane collection centers,-, only be achieved through work
s ryes as the regime's main Miss Serra said in 'radio In. itself, through the economic
, v hide for guiding .women's; terview monitoredllul, but at ?- it%d nden&o of *omen."
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nights or double shifts, and
But "old ideas" about the
role of ',women are a major
obstacle, the newspaper ac-
knowlcd cd. For one thing,
many women, especially in the
countryside, regard marriage
as their "fundamental and
sole aspiration."
Besides, said Granma, many
of the fair sex are unwilling to
be cleaning women, or work
CPYF
Castro has said that even with
the Liberator much of the
cant-cutting next year would
still have to be done by hand.;
But he has predicted full mecha-
nization of the harvest by 1075.
Sugar brings in about 8q per-
cent of Cuba's foreign exc4an0.
earnings. Castro has called his'
'1970 target of 10 million m?tric
tons a point of honor foci his
revolution and a turning int;
for Cuba's hard-pressed eo pa
my. The 1900 harvest is consid=
Bred a rehearsal for 1970. 1
If Castro reaches the goal-"!
and most foreign observers are
skeptical -he will have topped
Cuba's previous record, set In
1052, by almost 8 million tons.
CPYRGHT
',as, 11101ga Wot Molly 0;4
quired "to cover present
needs." ,:l
The program of assigning I
women to men's jobs was be- 1
gun on a large scale in March
1968, when the regime an-
nounced that 62,000 men would
"voluntarily" relinquish their
posts to women. The idea was
to free the men for heavier
tasks, primarily cutting sugar
cane, but also in construction,
transportation and factories.
A year later, however, only
? 15,000 jobs have changed,
hands in this way. This year's
goal is for 10,000 more women
to replace men, plus 70,000 to!
fill new jobs and 20,000 to sup-,
plant other women who be
come retired, disabled or,,,.
pregnant.
The drive for more workin
women helps to relieve a:
chronic labor shortage. But,,
that isn't the whole story
Granma said in an editorial.;;
"Afore important than this is
the need for building a society
in which everyone is a worker,
everyone a soldier, everyone a
student. This implies, as a
matter .of principle, the com-
plete social liberation of wom-
en - an objective that can
 CPYRGHT. CPYRGHT
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CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITW
25 April 1969
~~tro pub
Cuban - cc
a
es
no
Fidel Castro named it "the year of decisive en-
deavor" Everybody agrees 1969 will be a year of un-
precedinted hard work, sacrifice, and probably, less
consunier comfort for Cuba's eight million people.
There is little doubt the government is making its
most serious effort so far to get the economy off thin
ice. The goal: a record 10 million tons of sugar produc-,
tion next year.
Present indications are that the government will
have to get hustling to make it.
Prime Minister Castro already says this year's
harvest -- billed as a rehearsal for next year -- is not
going well. It may make five million tons.
Cuba needs a big sugar harvest to meet credit obliga.
tions on both sides of the Iron Curtain.
Trade experts say it is possible that Prime Minister.
Castro can get by financially in 1970 with less than 10
',million tons ?-- say eight million tons -- if sugar prices
stay up.
But the Cuban leader himself has tied political con
siderations to the 1970 harvest by pledging the honor
of his government on reaching the goal. He says the
Cuban revolution can be judged once and for all on
whether the country makes it.
The result has been to make the 10 million tons a
national motto. Huge posters dot the countryside pro.
claiming "the 10 million are coming." A big neon sign
flashes the same news in red, white, and blue on Na.
vana's main street.
Along with the sloganeering has come more work.
Some examples:
Q More than 110,000 volenteers, mostly young peo.
ple, are working in hot Camaguey province. Many will
stay up to three years.
6 Workers in westernmost Pinar del Rio province'
have pledged to work 12 hours daily. Some in Las Villas
province have given up vacations this year. Most fac.
tory workers have agreed to work an hour extra
daily without pay- to make up the production loss of
fellow workers toiling in agriculture.
e High-school students who normally spend 45 days
in agricultural work are doing 90 this year. Some are
staying for 120 days.
? There are mounting indications the government
plans to empty the universities next fall and send most
students to agricultural labor.
Havana has lost much of its bustle. April is the time
.of the usual labor mobilization to commemorate Cuba's'
victory over the U.S.-sponsored Bay of Pigs Invasion'
in 1961. The mobilization will last a month.
Mr. Castro has indicated the traditional Christman
and New Year's holidays will be postponed until July,
1970, when the harvest is finished. This year will be 18
'months long-he-says:
NEM YORK TIMES
28 1?1,lrcih 196-9
'69 Is Castro's Effort Year
MIAMI (AP)-This is "the
And 1970, the Havana radio
says, will be "the year of the
crop, which would be -nearly
NEW YORK TIMES
14 May 1969
.Cuba Starts Bread Ration; s
HAVANA. Airil 13 (R, ute ersl:
fnonA'at alb; 4 , , t;w,,t~
CPYRGHT
WASHINGTON DAILY NEWS
10 May 1969 CPYRGHT
Castro Year-Sfre$ching
Premier Fidal' Castro vows Cuba will produce
'10 million tons 'of sugar this year, instead of the
usualt six million. Here's haw he plans to do it:
He has decreed that 01iristinas and Now Year'
will not be oolthrated uui 'July, 1970-4htts nak=
Ing 1969 an, 1&mortilii gall,;'' ptit ft Motile of the,
:1970 hatveiat into "1969.?_'. >'.. t "" :, a?
CPYRGHT
JAPAN TIMES
7 July 1969
24 Cubans Killed
During Harvest,
H
,our wg54gls were i11es1, }r;
this year s sugar cane harvest,
the Communist party news.
paper "Granma" reported Sam
The paper quoted Labor
Minister Jorge Risquet, from
a speech he delivered Mon.
day, as, saying' the Industry
also. suffered 13,163 ..personal
CPYRGHT
injury accidents. Risquet saki
this amounted to a. -loss of
almost 260,000 man days.
The speech was delivered
just before the beginning of
ya vuucln 1V??{ million- tons ; of sugar. Ws
'season's harvest, which-began,
' last year, ran about eight and
? one-half months.
Risquet blamed ?the acct-'
dents on negligence "and work:
: erp' carelessness. , k3
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28 June 1969
The Agony of Fidel
The economy of Cuba is s p i r a 1 i n g downward ... of the Cuba en-
slaved by Fidel, of the Cuba suffering under the rule of the most
treacherous of all outstanding men who for good or evil have emerged
in the American continent up to now.
A dizzying descent of the actual figures of this year's harvest
has made the Caribbean Hyena cry out in a weeping voice that this is
the agony of the harvest, when in reality it is his agony, the agony
of Fidel, to whose leftist imperialistic purposes the giteat Cuban people
,opposes the formidable weapon of what amounts almost to a sit-down strike.
It has nothing to do with the date of the harvest begun or with the
more-or-less intense precipitation index recorded during the cane-cutting
period. It has to do with the fact that the peasant, having lost the
stimulus of working for his well-being and that of his family, the in-
centive of his financial independence lost, avoids work that is of no
purpose, shuns away from the tasks that will'benefit only the Party and
Russia, slackens his arm and lets the edge of his machete rust, a machete
he always had at the ready in the past, because he sees no reason in pro-
ducing anything from which he and his family derive no profit.
It is the advanced beginning of the near end. It is a gesture of
an entire people who are suffering in silence but not resignedly, and
who already giving evident samples of their liberating reaction.
And as a consequence of that action, it does not matter how early
Fidel sets the date of the beginning of the harvest or how many inches
of rain fall on the Cuban soil reddened and dampened to the point of
saturation by the blood of the victims of Castroism. Because inspite.
of either factor, the harvest will always be lower, as is lower in in--
tensity and vitality the anxious breathing of those, who like Fidel
suffer from the symptoms of total, definite, irremediable, =avoidable
agony.
Let this be clearly understood: the harvest is not agonizing,
Cuba is not agonizing, it is Fidel who is agonizing, strangled gradually
by the liberating action of the Cuban people on the march to a better
destiny.
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'ri 11"
 25X1C1Ob
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September 1969
The Communist Scene
(26 July - 22 August 1969)
I. First Anniversary of Soviet-led Invasion of Czechoslovakia
The Czechoslovak people commemorated this first anniversary according
to their own plans for passive demonstrations, following the instructions in
their ten-point underground leaflet. They were also able to circulate another
leaflet warning against provocations by pro-Soviet elements who were reported
to be planning to stimulate anti-regime and anti-Soviet violence in order to
give the Soviets and Czechoslovak extremists among the hardliners a pretext
for all manner of repressions and a full-scale restoration of terror. Again
the Czechoslovak citizenry showed itself a match for the jittery and frightened
leadership, which only reflects the fears o f its Kremlin masters.
If, as it appears as of this early date after the anniversary, the
regime has survived its own worst fears concerning the anniversary, the
question now is: what next? Will the power struggle apparently being waged
between Husak and some even more extreme hardliners (Strougal and Bilak,
for example) come to a head in the aftermath of the anniversary? Will
responsible Czech leaders actually admit that the Soviet intervention was
justified by terming the Dubcek era as a period of "counterrevolution"? Will
the increasing criticism of Dubcek and Smrkovsky lead not only to demotion
and progressive political oblivion but to actual punishment? How these matters
are resolved in the fall will indicate the future of evolution of Czechoslovakia,
either in the direction of a more and more rigid orthodox dictatorship akin to
East Germany and Bulgaria, or possibly in the direction of a milder form of
dictatorship along the pattern of Kadar's Hungary.
II. Rumania: Fragment of a Monolith
Rumania's enthusiastic reception of President Richard Nixon and the
conduct of its 10th Party Congress this month constituted a new affirmation
of its special position of independence within the Communist camp. It is a
position which the Soviets seem to have accepted, reluctantly and with ill
grace. Thus, after the announcement of Nixon's visit (which came as a surprise
to the Soviets) was made on 28 June, the Soviet leaders showed their annoyance
by cancelling their plans for a visit to Rumania to sign the long delayed
renewal of the mutual friendship treaty. They continued to indicate their
disapproval of Rumania's cordiality to their traditional enemy by sending a
.second-ranking delegation to the Congress. (In this show of displeasure
toward\the Rumanians, they were emulated by the other East European regimes
which also sent second-ranking delegations,)
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The visit of President Nixon to Rumania was the first by an
American president to an East European communist country, the visit was the
occasion for the most tumultuous and enthusiastic welcome accorded any
foreign visitor by the Rumanian people, including the very popular General
De Gualle. It seems probable that the visit would have been equally successful
without the added euphoria created by the spectacular achievement of Apollo
11. Yet, the warmth of the reception seems to have come in some degree as
a surprise to the Rumanian leadership, and there is reason to believe
Rumanian President Ceausescu was not altogether happy about it. While he had
extended the invitation to the President in the knowledge that it could not
please the Soviets, still he may have preferred his people not make the
occasion an out and out insult to the Soviets by their pointedly great
enthusiasm. Further, it seems quite likely that the Rumanian people used the
occasion to register their approval of the free western world, symbolized
most prominently by the U.S., and by the same token to show their disapproval
not only of the Soviet Union but of the well-organized Communist Party dictator-
ship of Rumania. It is unlikely that this lesson was lost on Ceausescu. It
should be remembered that whatever genuine popularity Ceausescu enjoys derives
from his willingness to defy the universally disliked Soviet Union, not from
his domestic policies, which are far from liberal.
The Rumanian CP Congress produced no surprises, constituting a
reiteration of the by now familiar positions of the protagonists. The
Rumanians emphasized the pre-eminent importance of sovereignty, while paying
lip service to the principle of international unity. The Soviet Union
and its satraps paid lip service to the principle of sovereignty and
emphasized the pre-eminent importance of unity, adding their warning against
the subversive dangers of western "bridge-building," in an obvious reference
to President Nixon's visit. As an astute politician, Ceausescu gave unusual
emphasis (in comparison to other public occasions) to the community of
interests of Rumania with the Soviet Union. But in the final analysis,
he persisted in his assertion of independence in foreign and domestic policy --
a concept which the Soviet Union is still unable to accept without reservations
insofar as it concerns its immediate circle of European Communist regimes and
the free world Communist parties which it subsidizes.
This month, by demonstrating once again its unique position among
Communist regimes, Rumania can be seen as one fragment among many (others
being Yugoslavia, China, Albania, and even Cuba) which have broken away
from the monolith that the world Communist movement once was.
III. 1848 and the House of Longo
Editorial policy emerging from articles that have appeared. in the
first two issues of a new Italian Communist dissident monthly, I 1 Manifesto,
spells out the aims of a far-left splinter faction developing within the
PCI. The splinter group, which first asserted itself publicly at the 12th
PCI Congress in February this year, is led by Central Committee members
Rossana Rossanda, Luigi Pintor, and Aldo Natoli. In its publication, which
hit the Rome newsstands in June with a 50,000-copy first edition and which is
designed to appeal to the non-Communist new left and to young PCI activists,
the group has declared itself both anti-Soviet and anti-PCI. Articles in the
2
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first two issues chastize the CPSU for its failure to come to grips with
the crisis disrupting the international Communist movement and to condemn
Western Communist parties, especially the PCI, for their drift toward
parliamentarianism and away from the revolutionary Marxist base of the
movement as spelled out in Marx's 1848 Communist Manifesto.
The historical and ideological background of the Moscow Conference
was dissected in the June Il Manifesto by editor-in-chief Rossanda. She
focused on both the Czech question and the Sino-Soviet conflict to criticize
the "authoritarianism" and "rigidly bureaucratic state structure" of the Soviet
Union and other East European states. Rossanda described the intervention
in Czechoslovakia as the "symbol not only of crisis in the European socialist
camp, but also of the impossibility of ending (this crisis) in any way
except through repression. . ."
Aldo Natoli continues, with a lead editorial in the July Il Manifesto,
to reflect open hostility to the Soviet regime and to demand a new assess-
ment of the Chinese regime. Natoli described the Moscow Conference as having
brought the international movement to a stage not of "unity in diversity"
but to one of "diversity without unity": He called for a "political initiative
to strengthen contacts and exchanges with parties absent from Moscow". . . and
for exploring the possibility of "reestablishing contacts with the Chinese
regime."
The anti-PCI tone of the publication was set in Luigi Pintor's
introductory editorial entitled "Dialogue Without a Future," in which he
delcared that the idea of revolution as a means to change the existing
order had to be revived. He named Marx's Manifesto as the single source of
inspiration for righting matters. Pintor criticized the PCI-Christian
Democratic dialogue, which he calls "opportunistic and designed to parcel
up power."
To date, PCI leadership reaction to the awkward situation created by
the appearance of 11 Manifesto has been limited to verbal criticism and only
heavily veiled threats of possible oustingfrom the Party. (Note: nobody
has been expelled from the PCI since World War II.) The PCI tried to black-
list Il Manifesto via a Politburo announcement published in L'Unita (copy
attached) which disclaimed Party sponsorship of the journal and in effect
warned Party members to keep it off their reading tables.
Indicative of the PCI Politburo's dilemma is the Party's Lack of
disciplinary action. In fact, an issue of the Party's theoretical journal,
Rinascita, was permitted to publish Rossanda.'s letter of rebuttal to PCI
criticism (copy attached). The only attention given the Manifesto faction
during a late July PCI Central Committee meeting was the appointment of a
"study commission to investigate Il Manifesto,"
Chances are excellent that the commission will be busy studying
until well after the Italian local elections are held late this year or
next spring. "Unity, Vigilance, Struggle" was the headline given by L'Unita
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to a reprint of a 5 July speech by PCI Vice Secretary Berlinguer in which
he sounded a note of caution about the "Manifesto faction which could
undermine unity" in the PCI....and, obviously, besmirch the PCI's image
of "sophistication and liberalism" being so assiduously cultivated for purposes
of electoral gains. As noted by the Italian leftist weekly L'Espresso:
"If the authors of Il Manifesto are expelled from the Party, the Communists
will find it difficult to press for a dialogue with the leftist forces -- a
dialogue they reject within the Party" (copy of article attached).
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 CPYRGHT
Czechoslovakia' Plus'.Qne Year. A Fearful Kremlin Waits,
By HARRY SC:HWARTT- ' sinew the first week after the tuals-journalists. radio and. ; Since then Moscow has Lleert
other lesser universities, every ""? -'-"""?' -'-" `"-'"'-'-., -------- .-- ------- ,_. _`11 American college president Teas for order and reason, the 1st party officials, seeking to make Czechoslovakia
eh elerl atatui n! Rnviat and m,. 1.1_ xr..s..-... AA.aa.iA ..~' once again the obedient' =and
knows . that he must avoid a - - - - -- - -- - ..." .,"" --- - ..w...-
"bust'? on his cam us at almost satellite forces In and near' Prague- until the day of inva?: servile satellite It was unde
p Czechoslovakia, all these sneak sine was for a crackdown or Antonin Novotny. The progress
fine nanas or the mars xuaas, impressive aurrusslole late agitators, things would re? "revisionists" have been?purged
.radicalizing much of the stu- . This admission of . mass dis? turn to normal. Moscow felti from the communication media
"""' `n-' content that could lead to vio?
acerbatln whatever confronts- That Soviet analysis was ;,which are now as censored an
;lion madg it necessary to call' lent outbursts is particularly `'grossly Incorrect at the time,... almost as politically pure-
ant from a Communist point of
them in .the first place. impressive because the Czechs but it did have an import
and Slovaks have historically kernel of truth. It was the In. view-as, Pravda and -Radio
American university, and the ? Eastern Europe. Kremlin, .. -' "socialism
Soviet and satellite armies that' in, calling for a with however, the audience
---- _. _ The Soviet and Prague arena- a human fare." By August 1968 has been radicalized and no
seems strung tnat ,ast Augusts ...........a ... --?- - - - - - -
ratization or actually hostile to plishment a year ago, it now
tive protest tactics. It is im?
t" i
h
' t
ht
P
.
us
rague
as
aug
as
n
disillusioning a lesson to Leonid plicit acknowledgment that mil- the intellectuals. turns out, was to turn the most
Czec
I. nreznnev as the campus Ira- . - - - - Invasion Did It
,cases here brought to Grayson have been radicalized by their into . enemies of the Soviet
.~_._ J------ a1__ i - .. -_ _ ? - Tr.7-.. T. h
U.- ..a.-ewlral.in
as
k
k
P
d C
till
, ?Naulan P
lar
use an
Kerr. More than ever now, the. Those wbo followed develop- ? verbal and visual arguments example of extreme political
li
sm .vuay.
ra classic political ? Wunder, year know how little the Soviet overnight. within 24 Hours alt , force, o, nauuua
i wlul ?V CIZU ill .711,. L? - ?.... w. _...... ....-y..,.-. ... _-.. .,, --.-.--.---_v _____ _ -_ _ ___ _
The best 'evidence ' comes and mid-1968 was that all the ' freed, and returned to power, of Thee Time s editorial ? board, Win
t
re
an-_ r
where tension is now ulu,us
ably greater than at any time work of a handful .ot-Intellec4..,unpreoe,dented national unity. :.,pricy to Csechoalovakla.N
BALTIMORE SUN
22 August 1969
Invasion Is
Bombs rcked Soviet property
in Rio de Janeiro, Red China
unleashed a new stream of
invective and thousands shouted
"Russians go ome!" in West
European cities yesterday. to
iprotest the Soviet-led invasion of
Czechoslovakia a year ago.
Two bombs exploded at the
Soviet Embassy's commercial
section in Rio, shattering win-
dows and blowing a hole in a
garden wall. Another bomb
caused minor damage at th
Soviet consulate.
Mass In Brazil
erouncecl'wo~?lduvade
in the occupation of Czechoslo-
vakia. -
Demonstrations in the Europe-
an capitals often were noisy but
orderly.
In West Berlin, the Soviet ac-
tion was denounced in separate
rallies staged by militant
,Maoists and anti-Communists.
Danish police skirmished with i
'hundreds of demonstrators in fi
.Copenhage and bottles werei
thrown at. the entrance. of the
Soviet Embassy there.
Students In Lon do -!
In London, police. halted 30
mbass with Czech flags
draped in ac c. MEMO WFFr
smashed at the Soviet travel
agency, Intourist.
'In Zurich, Switzerland, Protes-
tant and Catholic churches
pealed their bells for five min-
utes at coon. In Bern, 2,000
torch-carrying marchers assem-
bled in the heart of the Swiss
capital, chanting:. "Fascists
out."
East Germany denounced the
anti-Soviet demonstrations in -
;Prague and other Czechoslovak,
cities as a counter-revolutionary
putsch attempt."
X Mi -v 01194A00050151 111P' UU' V
0070001-4
niversary ~-1 ~$o i~ '~ 'IR, Luse , SIM vieh
A Catholic church held an an-
CPYRGHT
invasion anniversary upheaval -.
I Prague demonstrates
continuing structural crisis In
the Warsaw Pact."
West Germany and Austria
announced a "record number'"
of Czechoslovak refugees had
asked for political asylum
Wednesday-134 in West Ger-
many and 88 in Austria. The,
daily average had been about 30,
spokesmen said.
Red China and its East Euroa
pean ally; Albania, denounced
the Soviet-led invasion of Czech:
oslovakia and said "the day will
come whch the Czechoslovakian'
people will drive Soviet' aggres`"
 CPYRGHTApproved For Release 1999/09/02: CIA-RDP79-01194A000500070001-4
CPYRGI-T
BALTIMORE SUN
'
22, August 1969,
italianRedLeader Condemns Czech Invasion
ly WILI.YA:+t F. ACRAMICK 3d
._ Rome Rureau of The Sunl
ome, Aug. 21-The head of
,y s uge ommunis party
marked Russia's year-long occu-
pation of Czechoslovakia today
with stinging condemnation.
Luigi Longo, secretary general
of the largest Communist party'
in the West, expressed "open
dissent and disapproval" of last
year's invasion by five Warsaw
,Pact nations.
The action, he said, not only'
Violated Socialist principles of
"autonomy and sovereignty for
any party, and any state," but.
also' served to worsen matters in
Czechoslovakia and create new
arguments between the'world's
Socialist countries.
In a 5,000-word statement od-
eupying all of Page 3 in today's
issue of Italy's official Commun-
ist daily,. L'Unita' Mr.' Longo
stated:
"We do not believe the mili-
tary intervention helped our
Czechoslovak comrades ?... to
ifficulties... .
"Far from so ving the prob-
lems in the Czec situation, [it]
has gravely wo ded that pea
pie's nationals is sentiment
which aspired fo democratic re-
newal and offer greater possi-
bilities for actin against the in-
ternal and external enemies of
socialism."
"Moreover,". added, "it is
just this milita y- intervention
which aggravate political and
social tensions i ide Czechoslo-
vakia, relations etween Social-
ist countries and the differences
between Corhmu t parties."
Meanwhile, g ups, of left-
wing demonstrat rs held protest
meetings last n ght and early
this morning ou ide the Rome
embassies of th Soviet Union,
Hungary and Pot
Ind.
Embnssy arrived by midnight
chanting "Stalinists" and carry-
ing placards reading "Out 'of
Prague." A they burned an effi-
gy of? a Russian soldier hunwith a sign reading ""Shame To-
The Soviet Union."
Mr. Londo, 69, graduated in
the Thrities,from Russia's guer-
rilla warfare academy. In his
article today, he lamented that
he and his followers too often
avinded airing in public their
.disagreements with the Soviet
,Union.
Last August 21, heled his 8.5.
million-voter party into pro-
claiming "grave dissent" with
Russia.
That was the first time the
48-year-old Italian party had
openly defied Moscow. And just
three weeks later, it was fol.
lowed by a second, stronger re-.
buke in which Mr. Longo ac-
'cused the Soviet Union of open.
of the cold ~rrr and demanded
the troops be withdrawn.
In today's attack, he, accused 1
Moscow of violating `its qwn~
ideals, he cited a soviet declara-
tion of October, 1958, which `ns-
serted that relations amongOo-
cialist nations should be foun4eri
"only on principles of. total
equality,. respect for territorial
integrity, independent stateho d
and sovereignty and none-inte -
ference in one another's af-
fairs." I "
Mr. Longo did' not mention
that this statement came in the
wake of anti-Soviet rioting in X o-
land and Hungary and while ne-
gotiations were ' still in. progress
for Soviet troop withdrawals
from these Communist statel-A
lites.
In his statement' today, Mr.
Longo repeatedly 'claimed the'
Italian party's right to indepe d~
ence._ ' i'_
TELEGRAPH, London
16 August 1969
CZECHS HOOT ATL
I{USSIAN FLAG IN
CYCLE RACES
BY OUR DIPLOMATIC STAFF
'WHISTLING and hooting broke out in the'
TT ~V Velodrome Stadium at Brno, Czechoslo-
vakia, yesterday as the Russian flag was
paraded with those of about 35 other nations'
at the opening ceremony of the World Amateur
Cycling Championships.
h 1 h d from amon the
ear g
f The anti-Russian feeling at the
stadium erupted as Mr Husak?
(Czech Communist party secre-
,tary, told 1,500 party officials in
Brno that the government would
deal swiftly with organisers of
acts against the state."
Leaflets asking Czechs to stage
a pasive portent against Russian
'occupation next Thursday have
appeared
Derisive s outs were a so
' They call for a boycott of
5,000 spectators, and about half of them seemed to be buses, taxis, stores, restaurants,
showing their feeling against Russia only six days before -theatres and newspaper stands
the first anniversary next Thursday ` of the Russian and ask the public to sound horns
and whistles and stop work for
invasion of Czecho- raced in the first event of five minutes at midday.
the championships.. His time Gen. Martin Dzut, the Czech
befcncc
Minister
`' yeterd
l
ki
.
:
,
;s
ova
a
in the 1 km race, gave him
ay., supplies to Prague. The stare
fifth lace but ear-splitting,' called on the Czechoslovak Army'.
st more obvious and more, p ' to strengthen 'the "` fraternal ,petrol . distributing organisation
.insure an assurance hhat_reports
sustained anti-Russian de-1 Whistles and shouts sounded;,militaot .friendship'.'. --with. the
etroi being
monstration broke out when throughout his awn-end-at tlaif,Russian armed . forces of ? supplies of Petrol-
Russia's Al e 1Vithout founds.
9A "Mx*d1Fb0l~~lease 14996/09/02 `IAbft1 'f`9 'Ir941A0 d5t 00
CPYRGHT
the Czcchn and Slovak govern-
,ments annnuncrd that Army and
,the People's Militia were called
upon to, secure law and order
Gen.' nzur said that hostile
anti-Rtissian forces planned, to
take advantage of next week's
anniversary.
Gen. Alexei Ycdishev, the
Russian Army's Chief of 'Ad-
'ministration, who is in Czecho-
!slovakia, is apparently staying
longer than originally planned.
Rumours that the fuel sup-
plies in Czechoslovakia are run-
ning low have started a panic
run on petrol stations and ? the
authorities were yestreday rush-
 ;r1Ew. YORbAJpmed For Release 1999/09/02: CIA-RDP79-01194A000500680Y6Q0T
24 August 1969
A Year Later the Urv is Still: 'Russians U o 1-i ome!'?
-The following dispatch was j One `unforgettable momenta A!` focal point of popular resistance
,written by New York Times cor- worker woman old enough to 1to foreign-backed rulers.
'respondent Paul Hofmann who, have seen the original Gestapo - The '.disorders spread, soon
iwas expelled from Czechoslo-: in grisly action, her deeply 'lit-ed enveloping . the half-mile long
?vahia last week and drove yes- .l face white with rage, yelling; 'Wenceslas. Square and eventu-
terday from Prague to Vienna. , "gestapo!" at the policemen who. ally most of downtown. Chased'
'
fn7oth
ifd
In ordering Mr. Homan on. are savagely clubbing a yu by armored cars and unorme =Thursday; to leave Czei;hpslo-;! in a red shirt after he tried plac?} forces. with water cannon and
`
vahia ithin 48 hours, ? thIVJ Ing a single red rose at 1, he steps;
Prague 'regime said the actions ,.Ot the Saint.. Wenceslas monu-
"is not directed against you per--i -ment. With him, and now flee-
sonally. it is a consequence o f ; king, are a few girl students from.
-the hostile attitude taken 'by'C Moravia, just. for a day in the,
,your paper against the Czecho:.' Icapital before going on to West?
.Slovak Socialist Republic." fern Bohemia to earn` 'some
'pocket money in a six week hop-,
,picking volunteer brigade.
It started with flowers -and - "Holy Wenceslas, Lord of the'
hops and clear-eyed girls' right., `Czech lands," the brass lettering
out of the "Bartered Bride," and ilnder ^a statue
I.then came the night of the barn-' ,, oung militants marched down-'
do notalloW us and our police -interrogators and prison Y
9 eads
, ,
., ;canes with teenagers shot dead .town shouting "Russians go.
t offspring. to perish." guards.
land a display of naked military; "homer' and, "Only Dubcek!" But
`muscle by a regime that relies Youth `Suicides )Soviet Wanks ' ` . few joined the parade. The fac?'
,on its own and--ultimately
Moscow's tanks for survival. The monument on the upper S. The. Soviet tanks than were' tortes on the outskirts sounded
l Wenceslas. 7 ringing, Prague and the other "their whistles 'at noon signaling
Czechoslovaks now wait grim Square uare of is the sloping
a symbol of Czech barge pities and Industrial . ag- .,the scheduled five minute anti
ly for a political settlement of; glomerations were kept camou- 'Soviet stoppage, but afterwards'
accounts" that inevitably ' will's ,patriotism and, to the country s. flaged but everybody knew the the workers went back to their
see a further advance' of theF Young people, a shrine since Jan. ,were there and ou d ruthlessly' machines. Even in the industrial'
hardliners and possibly the loss 'Palach, . the, 20-year-old Prague; of down any serious threat to centers of Pilsen and Ostrava;
of the last of the liberal con- : Student, set himself on fire last the Communist regime. 'The ';where labor unrest is chronic.
quests t alt had ,yet,l'emained,~ January In a desperate protesb 'Czechoslovak tank columns that` there were no strikes, and work;
from the, "Prague spring" of against the Soviet occupation. Mid fan out into rebellious Prague\ ers stayed in the factories.
1968. In unfeeling police-state fash= The youthful brigadists have
Peighborhoods' were commanded. aor? oro.ou riga,,
Gestapo' Insult
"Gestapo" was the most fre=t
quent shout In Prague last Thurs-l
day during the convulsed annl-i
versary of the Soviet Invasion.,
It is the worst insult in a coun-,
try that has known Heydrich'
and endured Lidice.
CF'RGH YORK TIMES
3 August 1969
Traffic Halted in 2 Cities
=in Honor of Czech People
BASEL, Switzerland. Aug. 21
the eve of the invasion anniver , takeover: cups lug lne oreweries. 1 ne
purged the monument of The SovIet''armor, by Its mere -power-hungry bureaucrats of the,
Inaryll the flower, offerings that are, resence, was, .the deterrent it. ' Communist apparatus have startf
.p ed' sharpening i their sickles _nt^
iusually on its steps and forbade as meant 4(1 .,be, bestowing rives-for their own harvesting.;:
the statue of the semilegenaary;,
hirelings once again ,1'11ecaMb thlt
epeolal to The New YOM Tuna ? .
RIO E JANEIRO, Aug. 21
The Soviet Consulate a
Soviet. Trade Mission offices
were bombed today. Nobody
gt'as. injured and only minor
damage was done.
(euters - ra is came
standstill for one minute today NEW YORK TIMES
In central Basel to mark the 23 August 1969
,first anniversary of the Soviet- Y Russians End Czech Visit
led occupation of Czechoslo- ' MOSCOW; Aug. 21 (Reuters)
vakia.
by Gen. Aleksei Yepishev, ,the
BERLIN, Aug. 21 (Reuters) top political officer of the
as halted briefly to
ffi
T
'
c w
ra
armed forces returned here to
,- ,4ay in West Berlin in . a dem- day after a 16-day visit to versary of one Soviet lava-11
onstration of solidarity . with Czechslovakia. Sion on alleged weaknesses
ities in Prague and Bratislava.
Hundreds of thousands of,
`Czechoslovaks demonrtrat4 i with,
their' legs'whcn they walked to
their jobs Thursday morning In-
'stead of riding by bus or' street
.car. The underground opposition4
had. asked for this gesture as a';
tear, gas, the anti-Soviet young' sign of protest. But the mass 4)
sters built barricades and ;the; ,the 'people and, above all, the?
Fpolice and army opened up with ,workers -did little more. Czecho-;
,tommyguns, At least two youths,. Slovaks have become realists to,
aged '18 and 19 years, 'were, the. bone in ? a long 'history of.
killed. Scores were wounded. forced accommodation with pow-'
Close to 1,00Q persons were. arri- ers far superior to their small;
crested. Among them were' some' nation. Few volunteered to sacri-
foreign tourists who happened; ,fice themselves for a forlorn:
to get caught In the crowd and! hope last week.
"about being roughed up ' .by streets in Prague appiauaea when
onservatives, who now dominatecut :down In' the swath of the'
d ft.. f ederal And? state: authdr ?,,,+pAtJ4?' 8011;
"MMC~T.
25 August 1969
Czech Claims
television r e p o r t a rom
.Bratislava that "worker res-
olutions" were pouring In,
supporting the tough stand,
CPYRGHT
of the 1968 reformist lead-,
e r s p under exan er
Dubcek.
Observe s :said It was ap-"
I parent- that the argument
and stringent new penalties i was being prepared that
Which the current hard-line,: pDubcek did not suppress
"
ll th
iti
d t
th
:
'
-
a
"
e
o que
es use
au
or
rev
reformist
counter
ultr
- !;anti-Soviet ;outbreak. olutiona}y!" elements when
Some of. the -resolutions.! ' he was) Communist Party ;
blamed demonstrations that-1 mhief,
occurred on the first anni
the Cz9choAJUkMtl For 1 1401279 04 4 94A0006000700
----- ----------
CPYRQHT
 CPYRGHT
Lc, c4pff ed Fo,
/L lw uctr J. G9
R- MOB
ADD CHEER NIXO,N,
Pr1 ident Terms the', Visit
His Most Memorable ?,
Accords Are 'Reached.
BUCHAREST, Aug. 3-Press'
dent ixon, Huse with pleas"
ure over a second day of tjie
vast outpouring 'of Rumanian
enthusiasm for him, told Pres-
ident Nlcolae Ceausescu' this'
afternoon that his visit to this
Communist nation was his most
memorable foreign trip.
Mr. Nixon spent a packed,
day that included an early-
morning tour of a suburban
municipal market, where thou-'
sands mobbed and cheered him
and Mrs. Nixon, an hour-long
session of political discussions.-
a session of Rumanian folk
dancing and a gay, musical
luncheon with the Ceausescus.
Before ? departing, 'Mr. Nixon
declared that "history will re-
cord" that his talks here "wilt
serve the cause of peace." 1.
"It has been my- privilege to
visit over 60 countries in the
world," Mr. Nixon said in his
departure speech at Otopeni
Airport. "And of all the coun.j
tries I have visited, there has
been none that has been morel
memorable than' my visit tol
Rumania."
He then threw his arm around'.
President Ceausescu, whop
looked diminutive next to him,
and both men raised their arms
in a triumphant salute to thg
airport crowd.
Agreements Are Reached
Although the principal aim of,
President Nixon's two-day stay!
in Bucharest, at Mr. Ceausescu's'
invitation, was ,to test the con-
viction again reaffirmed today
by the two Presidents that the
East and the West can peace-
fully, coexist, the conferences
also brought a series of prat'
Thus, Mr. Nixon and Mr.
Ceausescu air ~.~oW
formal l ne neQO
ope that negotiations' or 4 ' In the discussion, which - cabbages and to ask about
civil air agreement could be re, covered Vietnam, the Middle prices. At one poin;, Mr. Nixon
sumed "at an appropriate op. East, European security and, discovered that ?a pound `of
portunity" and decided that a according to a separate remark ; pork costs 10 leis, - or--about
United States library should be by a White House spokesman, 50 cents. The market, normally
the Soviet-Chinese dispute, the; closed on Sundays, was opened
opened in Rumania and a Ru- two Presidents in effect agreed'
manian library in the United to disagree on specific policies especially for the Nixon vit.
States.- while joining in agreement that Outside, where stalls of co-
A consular convention would world peace can be strength operative farmers are always
permit the opening of addition
I consulates in both countries.
At this time, there Is a United
States consulate attached to the
embassy In Bucharest and it
Rumanian consulate at the btu.
manian Embassy In Washlpg
ton. A civil air accord would',
allow a United States airline,
likely Pan American,
Worl Airways, to establish al
,dlrec route to Bucharest such'
as th ones between New York
and Prague, Czeshoslovakla,
,and New York and Moscow
Statement Is Issued
An ither agreement, even
more important to Rumania,
was ontained in a joint state-
:meat issued by the two Gov,
ernm nts in the place of a
form 1 communique. The state-
ment said "'it was agreed to
look or nevv'ways" of increas
ing onomic ` exchanges ? be-
twee the two countries..
This suggested to observers
here hat Mr. .Nixon might ask
the ngress to grant Rumania
a mo t- favored-nation status al-
lows her exports to compete
on equal footing with ex-
ports from other countries on
the erican market. The Pres-
ident also has the power to
alter the "strategic list" of
commodities whose export to,
Communist nations is banned. a
-At present, trade' between
the 1 cited States and Rumania
'total only about 1$23-million
. annually and about two-thirds
'of It is 'represented by Ruma-
nian imports from the United
.State with most-favored-na-
'tion tatus, Rumania could sub-
stant ally increase her sales in
the 1 nited States and thus earn
forei n exchange she desperate
.iy n ds,to modernize her eco-
nom especially her industry.
Di ferences Acknowledged
W en Mr. Nixon emphasized
that here. were "no direct con-
trov sial issues" between the
Unit States and Rumania, he
'and resident Ceausescu made
ithe int of acknowledging dif-
'feren es, in international mat-
ters.
Bu l, as President Nixon said,
"I a convinced after this visit,
as I in sure you are, that re-
gard- ss of the differences in
poste as the peoples of the
Iona. 'edfJoftFA2?I
ciples of respect for the aa?; stopped to taste a grate.
tional Independence of all coun-j Be said: "This tastes eXei-
tries.
lent. It tastes like the ;first
when was
sp eecicific Nixon when in the even words u oeC 8.141106 or the season e'd 41koJ
the official statement, he de
clared- United States policy to
be one of respect for the "sov-
ereignty and equal rights of
,all countries, large and ' small.
as well as their right tb pre-
serve their own national Insti-
tutions and unique national
character." '
Party Congress Is Due
Although extraordinary ef-
i forts have been made by both
sides to avoid any gesture even
potentially offensive to the So-
viet Union, many diplomats
here thought that Mr. Nixon
had Moscow as well as Peking
in mind in making this last re-
mark.
Soviet reactions are expected
to be watched with utmost care
In the forthcoming days and es-
pecially. 'during the tenth con-
gress of the Rumanian Com-
munist party, due to open in
Bucharest on Wednesday.
Moscow has already indicated
that only a middle-level delega-
tion will attend the congress,
though the Polish delegation is
to be led by.a member of the
party's Politburo. No official
delegation lists have yet been
published.
But today there were no visi-
ble cares in this city of parks
and broad, boulevards where
tens of thousands of Rumanians
gathered again to see the Nixon
motorcade drive past and to
demonstrate their very evident
fondness for the United States.
Reception Is Warm
No schedule of his itinerary
'
had beer -'*shed, but when
inhahitar. .v early this
morning and police lines
being dr.,v; i. along he streets
in thir neighborhoocs,
poured out to see Mr. Nixon
and applaud him even more
'heartily than , they did yes-
,terday.
All the proceedings were tele-
vised live to the Rumanian
audience.
Mr. Nixon's first public ap-
pbarance was shortly before
9 o'clock this morning at the
Obor municipal market in 'a
middle-class residential district.
Cl i OP 1'ef ' APAO`11t6`1i a t fie - he -c hoped that
xo p e? 1a cold offer a,
omatoes and the "art to the Rumanian leaders
a the new s ence He
our .California grapes."
Then Mr. Nixon remarked,
that this "brought back memo
ries" of his California days of
working in a grocery when he
had to get.up at, 4 o'clock' In.
the morning "to fix the fruit-
and the vegetables."
Again, the people among the`,
stalls, old women as we# as
younger people, pressed ? for-.
ward to touch Mr. Nixon. One
,elderly woman kneeled before
!Mrs. Nixon, who then kissed
her cheek.
Nixon Joins Folk Dance
President and Mrs. Ceauses I
cu, with warm smiles, escorted
the Nixons through the crowds.
The Nixon party was driven.
to the "village museum,"' a
park, where 62 homesteads and;
houses , representing different.
Rumanian regions have been
rebuilt.. There were folkloric'
bands from the different parts
of Rumania and, at one point,
Mr. Nixon and Mrs. Ceausescu
joined with several young peo-
ple in a round of dance.
It was at the Rumanian guest
house, where the Nixons spent,
the night, that the President
entertained the Ceausescus at
a luncheon for which food as
!well as matches and place!
!cards had been flown from the
(United States.
An Air Force combo was
flown from the United States
air base in Weisbaden, West
Gernm3ny, and both Mr. Nixon
and President Ceausescu joked
over the fact that the presence
of a musical group from, a
North Atlantic Treaty Organi-
zation country did not repre-
sent a confrontation between
NATO and the Warsaw Pact.
. Mr. Ceausescu said that "we
should have musical pacts" in-
stead of military pacts.
As a result of Mr. Nixon's
visit, the United States Em-
bassy will gain a new residence
in Bucharest. Mr. Nixon had
remarked . that the residence,
presently occupied by Ambas-
sador Richard H. Davis, who is
'to leave next week to be re-
placed by the new Ambassador,
,Leonard. C. Meeker, was too
CPYRGHT
 CPYRGHT
AnnrnviPrl For RPIPaCP 1 q99/09/02 ? CIA-RDP79-01194A000500070001-
NEW YORK TIMES .. C PYRGHT
5 August' 1969
NIXON VISIT HAILED and armth iii .. Rumania,
IN RUMANIAN PRESS
- - -- -_ ~, President Nixon's brief visit to Rumania provided
stec+.r toThenew Yak Times !'an opportunity for a display of the enormous fund
BUCHAREST, July 31-Presi. : { of goodwill the United States enjoys. in. that East
Rumania this weekend waapd An. European country-a goodwill that goes beyond manu-
foreign . policy weekly Luemal regimes can always muster on order. And Mr. Nixon
t
d
o
ay as a contribution to ;has rarely articulated the aspirations and sentiments
("peaceful
t
with 1of the American people more accurately or eloquently
;Sysrems. I I 'than he did in his two public speeches in Bucharest,
-
-
i
pea
-
--- ---- -----------
n we Rumanian press on
__,
Zhe Presidential visit since the ,national sovereignty and peaceful coexistence of
au vious comment agv.ine only
revious may strike some asclichds. But these ideas are any-1,
pnt appeared in
thin 'but clichds in An Eastern Europe that still,
an interview granted by Presi- g p
Italian communist newspaper the Soviet Union and its satellites less than a year ago.
L'Unita and published last Sun= ?
In that .interview, Mr.. Ceau-
+sescu stressed the significance
of the visit by an American
President in a "socialist" coun-
try as a sign of changing times
land thinking.
Luema wrote that the Ru.
manian people salute the Nixon
,visit as being "in the interests
of international ' cooperation
and peace.",
While Mr. Nixon,will be re-
ceived in Bucharest Saturday
with official warmth, the policy.
Is to keep the weekend events
at a relatively. low key. The in:.
vitation ..,,has . already, chilled
Rumanian relations with the
Soviet Union, and Bucharest.
would be happier if an out-'
pouring of pro-American',aenti=
ment were avoided. - .
dent's Bucharest visit that on the same day it became
known that the Soviet and Czechoslovak leaders had
the prime topic' of conversation in that meeting was:
how to deal with the rising anger of the Czechoslovak',
approaches.
President' Nixon had many different audiences Inj
ways the most important of these audiences was in'
world dominated by Moscow. For all the care Mr..j
Nixon took to make it plain that he was not seeking;
enunciated could serve as well- for improving Wash-
ington's now almost nonexistent relations . with,
Peking as for strengthening Rumanian-American.ties.
Much of future; world political developments depends
NEW YORK TIMES
3 August 1969
desire for new beginnings which Mr. Nixon voiced
last weekend.,,... -
iron and" Ceausescu AirporfRemarks
CPYRGHT
and Toast by Nixon
Mr. Ceausescu's Address
wort progress and civiliza-
tion is unanimously
Spectai to The New York Timer
BUCHAREST, Aug: 2?
Tollowing are Mu ZT713 01
addresses delivered at the
airport here by President'
Nicholae Ceausescu of Ru-
mania and President Nixon,.
on Mr. Nixon's arrival today,
and of a toast to Rumania de-;
livered by Mr. Nixon of a'
state dinners
am pica to u-NMIM t" ated in this country.
you, the first President of I hops that your visit to
the United States of Ameri- :Rumania, though a short one,
.ca ever visiting Rumania, the, will enable you to get more
cordial greetings of the Coun- -closely acquainted with the
cil of State and of the Gov- endeavors made by the Ru
ernment, to express the feel- manian people for the Devel
ings of sympathy of the Au- opment of the economy, sci-
maman people tow ird the ence and culture, the deter
Approved For FMTease 1999r09iO'2 I OIA Pal
CPYRGHT-
peac+ and cooperation with
all the states of the world,.'
'irrespective of their social
`system.
Personally, , I recall 'with
satisfaction, Mr. President,,
the meeting we had together
,two years ago, the spirit of
:,frankness and sincerity dur-';
ling 'our. discussions at that
.time, 'and I have no doubt,
;that the same spirit will
Brous life, and :characterize the exchanga of
+t / 0OO O O~/oidg ,to have
i ese ayR_
 CPYRGHT
Approved For, idbttW ac~. t9~>~rr~ :;CI F ~fOy'b3rt00RW1J@0(~1 a4ons. Each
Noninterferdne Stressed goals that we have not !wishes to preserve its na
tation, Mr, president, and the -tional instijutions and
We ;;c' that in the ', reached here on. earth. We urpose of my visit here. Is
complex is of inter are still building a just peace to improve communications. unique national character. in
a shrinking world. today, the de In the world. This is ,a work . Each
velopment of relations be, that requires the same co ;botween our two nations. 'wishes to advance the eco-'
tween states on the basis of operation and patience, and This is a useful and a peace- nomic wellbeing of its own
the principles of peaceful e e co- Perseverance from men of Jut purpose. In that spirit of ;'people. Each seeks peaceful'
existence goodwill that it took to realism. and of openmindness' solutions to international
independence, sovereignty, launch that vehicle to the.' I look forward to our talks. disagreements; each believes
equal rights and noninterfer- I moon. I thank you for your hospi- in better understanding and
ence in the internal affairs, 1 I believe that If human tality. "greater communication .be--
represents the' safe way r beings can reach the moon.*; Mr, Nixon's Toast tween those who disagree-
; toward promoting a climate human beings can reach an and- that, Is why. these meet-
of confidence and under- This visit to your country, .
understanding with each.', regret, Inge are being held.
standing among peoples and it a brief one: and I peace and security In the r .hnr on earth. If w are a that it is not. longer. Fbt; Rumania Is Praised.'
of
world. maze progress in this life- , thou h your country
Is. Your country pursues a?
time effort we must see the geographical of communication allo,
in size, policy i
In this direction an im= world a it is. a world of smaller
portant contribution can be. different :arcs, of different than ours, it shares the qual- contact with all nations -t
made through the contacts, 'social systems: the real world, ity of ' diversity. You have you have actively sought the
meetings and discussions where many interests divide , magnificent river valleys, a reduction of international:
between the leaders of states. men and many interests unite ,great mountains, sea shores, tensions, My country shares,
We. are confident that your, them. forests and farmlands. The.F those objectives.
visit and the talks we shall. our meetings represent, I various regions of your coup-'' r We are seeking ways of
have will contribute to the am sure, the-desire of the try have varied histories and:' insuring the security, prog-'
development of relations-be- Rumanian people and. the' traditions. - ress and independence of the'
tween our two countries, American people that we do' one bond we share is that nnations of Asia, for as re-
that they will prove useful not allow our differences to of ancestry. More than cent history has shown, it
and fruitful for the cause of prevent a deeper understand- 160,000 people of Rumanian 'there is no peace in Asia,,
cooperation between nations ing of our national points of origin' have come to the' !there can be no peace in the.
for general peace. view. I 'United States to help us build world. My country will bear
It is with these feelings . Yours is a European coun 'our nation. Today, almost a,i its proper share of the burd-
and convictions that we wel- try and your most direct con= 'quarter. of , a million Ameri- L ens of building peace in that
M me you in , with is today,, tern is therefore with the cans can claim one or both. :part of the world.
did President, with othe f teat security of this continent. I parents .born in Rumania. We are prepared, in Eu-
hile our visit here Is rope, to consider all concrete
tional_ greeting .. of out come from another continent, While'
people: "Welcome." ' . ' ^t but from a country that twice brief, we have already seen and promising possibilities of
In this century has shed the, many people and will have removing tensions. We favor
By Mr. Nixon blood of its sons in the pur the opportunity to view negotiations on disputed is
Speaking on behalf of all suit of that European. secar- $ome of your accomplish- sues-not for the sake of ne
the American people I wish' '- ity. We are prepared to do ments and a cross section of gotiation, but for the sake of
to express my deep apprecia-' .our part also In this era' of your rural .life. And we in resolving,the disputes in or-.
tion for the very warm, wel- negotiations so that all in' ; the United States are aware der to improve the existing'
come that you have ex-. Europe can pursue the ful?t of the strides your nation . situation' and ' advance the'
tended to uson this occasion.; fillment of their just aspIra- has made in building a mod- security 'of all.
We. are prepared to nego?.
I bring with me the warm, tions for a better life, free ern industrial society.
good wishes and feelings of from the fear of war or the 'Cause of Just Peace' . tiate seriously on the crucial
friendship from all the, threats of war, and In con and complex problem of stra-
American people to the peo structive cooperation with' When. I arrived, I spoke tegic arms. an,dwill consider,
pie of Rumania. others near and far. of a cause close to the heart any arrangement that equi-
As you pointed out, this' Nixon Gives Equality of the American people-the tably protects the security
is not my first visit to your,, cause of a just peace, a of all concerned while bring-
country. I recall with pleasure Let us agree at the outset; :peace, among peoples of dif-, ing the quantitative and
that first visit. It was at the to be frank with each other., fering races and differing be-. ;qualitative growth of arse-
very end of winter, at the' Our differenecs are matters liefs, a peace among nations nals under, control..
beginning of a new spring.' of substance: indeed, no na- of different interests and, dif-, peace In Middle East
I had very useful talks with., tion's range of interests is ferent ? social systems. -Wq:
you at that time, and other, identical to any other na-, know mankind cannot build a We seek a stable peace in
Rumanian Government ?of-', tion's. But nations can have' 'just and lasting peace until' the Middle East, a peace In
. ficials. And. 1 recall vividly widely different internal' all nations recognize and re- 1which all the countries of
the warm welcome extended orders and live in . peace. spect the rights of other+ the region, and those outside
to me by the people ofNations can have widely dif-, nations, large and small, to ,of it, can repose confidence
`Rumania. - ferent economic interest and a secure existence and to, -an a peace which no one,
This is an historic occa- live in peace. the fullfillment of their na whether inside the region or
The United States believes 'tional aspirations. outside, will seek to exploi
sion. While this is not my that. the rights of all nations; There are great contrasts for narrow purposes.
first visit, to your country, must be equal, but we do not between our two ; countries We seek' normal relation
it is the first visit of a Presi- believe that the character of in resources, area and popu- with all countries, regardles
dent of the United States to all nations must be the same. lation,, in histories and na-, of, their' domestic. systems
Rumania, the first state visit' My country has already un-- tional traditions.' Our politi-? e stand ready to recipe
an American President to
l and social systems are, cate the efforts of any cou
n new Initiatives to'? C
b
k
y
a
e
derta
,a Socialist country or to this reduce ' the ' tensions ' ? that different. Our economic poll- ry"' that seeks normal eels
region of the continent of exist in the world. We stand' ties, are at variance. We do. tbons with e.
'
'
r
Europe. ready to respond firmly ands not share each othe
s views we are flexible about the
Mr. President, this signifi- positively to sincere and cone ,I on many issues. about the'
cant moment in the history ';methods' by which peace I
crate initiatives that others' nature of our'world and the',
? Ito . be .sought and built. W
of relations between our two ma take. Every nation, of
countries coincides with a y shape of the future. see value neither In the ex
a whatever size and whatever' But Rumania - and . the. !change of polemics nor in
great moment in the history, 're gion of the world, will find false euphoria. We seek th
of, the human race. Mankindy, = United States ~are both mem,. o et nte, not i
has estaoue iit~tdt8 R Mvq 9 to, C R IrX T~ ~`i4k94 1~ 8 ilea
bons, an us bo
'have sta
 NEW YORK TINES
8 Ausust,19(,9
Russian, in'Rumania, Hints"
Criticism of Nixon's Visit
Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194AO0050007&PTPGHT
"We consider that a war of defense can-t
not be but a popular war and that victory:
.will be won not only at the front but through'
u
i
d
- --???.. g
ard expla
ne
This, Mr. Ceausescu added, was the meane
ing of the steps taken by the government toY
,form "patriotic detachments"-the "popu..
lar" home guard set up last year-and fors
the' military training of youth.
Both measures were ;taken during , the
grave uncertainty felt here in the wake df'
the invasion of Czechoslovakia.
By TAD SZULC
saedu to The New York Timer
J
I
BUCHAREST; Aug.77-A Soviet representative told Ru 4 4
mania's Communist party today that the "perfidious tactic" Thhe~c ncepttsVof~"soc~t
iof bridge-building was "undermining the cohesion of so.' cohesion" and of "internationa-
cialist countries" in Eastern1 list duty" to defend socialism
Europe. The statement was
understood here as a clear
criticism of President Nixon's
-visit to Rumania last week-
end.
The statement was made by
,Konstantin F. Katushev, the
chief Soviet delegate to the
10th Congress of the Rumanian
Communist party. -
Later Mr. Katushev walked
out of the hall when a message
of greeting from - the Chinese
Communist party was being,
read.
The Chinese party sent no
delegates to Bucharest and its
essage consisted mainly of
salutations to the Rumanians.
It did,; however, wish the Ru-
manian party success In , "thel
defense of ? national Independ-
ence in socialism," a remark
that could be construed as an
allusion to the Soviet pressures
on Rumania.
4 ' At 'the 'moment 'the -' an-
nouncement was made that the
'Chinese message would be
read, Mr. Katushev, a stocky
man in a dark suit, rose from
his seat on the right-hand side
of the rostrum reserved for the
Presidium of the Congress. lie
returned a few minutes later
when a message from the Lao.
Although Mr. Katushev-a
secretary of the Soviet Com-
munist party in charge of re-
lations with foreign ruling
parties and a fast-rising figure
in Soviet politics---mentioned
no names In his speech, his
criticism of the "perfidious tac-
tics" was interpreted as a barb
at President Nixon's recent
visit to Rumania.
It was also interpreted as a
criticism of Rumania's President
and party- chief Nicolae Ceau=
sescu, who had issued the
Invitation to Mr. Nixon. - "
Russian Stresses Cohesion
In the opinion of many Com-
munists here, the Katushev ad-
dress raised the question of
how Mr. '?Nion's trip to Ru-
mania may immediately affect
United States-Soviet relations.
It also represented a reply to
Mr. Ceausescu's keynote speech
yesterday in which he urged
freedom of policy for inidvidual
Communist parties.
The question of the Commu.
nist parties' independence is the
crux of the quarrel in the Com-
munist world. Mr. - Katushev,
pointedly cited today the recent
statement by Leonid I .
Mr. Ceausescu went on to reaffirm- Ro-1
:mania's stand against any Soviet domination]
,within the Communist world and Its .own'
,principles of independence and noninterfer%
e.nce. Again he made no direct allusion and did'
not. mention the "Brezhnev doctrine." which{
'rules 4hat Communist. states' must put "in.
ternationalism" before national Interest,,. 'i
But the world Communist system, he said;
is not.a bloc In -which the'states are fused'
,Into a whole,.giv1 g up -their national sov.
areigr-ty but the assertion of socialism is an
international;tare states a
sta
indepen
CPYRGHT
Brczhnev to justify the invasion
of Czechoslovakia a year ago
and are again being increasingly.
emphasized In Soviet pro-:
nouncements.
Mr. Katushev's stress on the
Soviet view of Communist unity;
was answered a few hours later
by Paul Niculescu-Mizil, one of
Mr. Ceausescu's top associates,
when he told the congress that
"Marxism is a living science
and must not be put In a
straitjacket" -
Expressing the philosophyt of
the independent-minded Ruma-
nian party, Mr. Niculescu-Mizll,
the party s chief ideologist, said
that "the unity of all 'the
socialist countries must not be
affected by the' diversity' of
yicws."
He said that each Communist
count and party "has right to develoits own _to socialism."
Mr. Katushev, in his-strongliy
implied criticism of Mr. Nixon s
visit and other United States
policies In Eastern Europe said:,
"We are all aware of the bit-
ter sturggle that the Imperial%
ists are waging against the we
,cialist countries. Our class op4
ponents have recourse to any
ways and means in this strug-
~gle: from the perfidious tactics,
of 'bridge-building"- aimed at
Brezhnev, General Secretary of undermining the cohesion of the
the Soviet Communist party, `socialist countries and causingi
that the" Soviet Unnion- 4wiill ffriiction between hem, to''
pon Eit~fs ditf dC~C~fi'iSinur} ~IAnRUF'/ din& s4A
,flan Comma (3VpvWe*
movement And will fully carry
revolutionary plots;. from the'
attempts at economic penetra-
?tion to direct military interven-~
tions."
The phrase "bridge-building"
to Eastern Europe was origin-
ally used by Lyndon B. Johnson
when he was President to de-
scribe United States efforts at
improving relations with East.
ern Europe, notably in the,
economic field.
The reference to "counter:
revolutionary plots" appeared
to echo Soviet charges that the'
United States had a hand irnnnnryy,,,,
the Czechoslovak liberalization
of early last yyear.
Mr. Katushev's emphasis on
what he describEd as. the grow-I
Ing aggressiveness of the im-l
perialists and, his charges of:
American subversion led experi-
enced Communist ? observers
here to wonder whether this
may not be a prelude to a new
freeze in relations between
Moscow and Washington.
They noted that the obvious'
Soviet displeasure with Mr.
Nixon's visit to Rumania might
be reflected in further delays
in the disarmament talks, which
the United States hoped to see
open some time this month.
The United States also came
under attack by Nguyen Van
Kinh, the chief North Viet-
namese delegate, who de-
scribed the Nixon Administra--
tion as being as bad as its'?
predecessors. He said that the
planned withdrawal of 25,000
American' troops from Vietnam
was simply an attempt to de.
~~(9t1 J.,Td American
 CPYRGHT
Approved R
_ CPYRGiII.-- --? - ----- - - -- - - ---------~",,~~.r
We seek; in sum. a peace,
not of hegemonies, and not,
of artificial uniformity; but a
peace in which the legitimate';
interests of each are re-,
5pccted and of all are safe
guarded.
more than a billion people
around the world saw and
heard the landing on the
.moon. And thoughtful men
saw the earth in & .new perr
spective-as the home of the;
human family whose simi-
;ldritles and common' Inter.
ests far outweigh the differ-
ences.
Relations improving r
Because all nations mus
search for understanding,
value the discussions w
have held today. and loo
forward to. our discussion
tomorrow. I note the stead
growth of bilateral relation
between us In recent 'year
our bilateral ties in man
fields have expanded. W
want them to continue t
grow.
Let 'me express my grat
tude. for the gracious we
;comae. accorded to my farmI
'my ? colleagues and myse t
here in Bucharest. I aces t
It both as a tradition of yo r
people and a token of r ?,
spect for the United State
Speaking for the Americ
people, I can say that e
respect your national Ind -
pendence and sovereignt ;?,
prosperity in the develo
ment of your country.
In the United ' States we
occasionally use the phra a.
"Forward together." I ha a'
discovered that the conce t:
is not original. For my to t'
tonight, may I use the wor s
of Mihai Eminescu, a gre t
Rumanian poet: ' "May yo ?
sons_ go _ forward, . broth s
CERISTIAN SC MME 1'13NITOR
t$ August 1969 _ M .
~L" affirms TO
independence
'gpceiat correeponrjent of
The Christian Science Monitor
Bucharest, Romania
Romanian leader Nicolas Ceausescu has
said again at the-party congress here that.'
his country would defend itself against any-
attack on. its independence. He has also re-
.stated Romania's refusal.'to accept the So-.
vict theory of "limited sovereignty" among
Communist states. .
-There -is nothing new in?either point. The,
Romanians- have upheld these ideas about,
the relationship among Communist powers.
for some years - and especially firmly since"
the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia last
'August. '
But the significance of Mr. Ceausescu's'
spelling them out again is the current back-
ground of evident Soviet displeasure at the4
warm reception given President.. Nixon dur
ing his weekend visit.
`Constructive", intent 'stressed
[An Associated Press report from Bucha-..
rest says the Soviet Union assailed Roma-.
,rest
economic and political contacts with:
the West Thursday and expressed, official'
displeasure at President Nixon's weekend
[The attack was delivered in a speech to'
the 10th congress of the Romanian Commu;,
rust Party by Konstantin Katushcv,. chief of
the Soviet delegation.]
.The Soviet press scarcely mentioned the
visit itself.. It.has also refrained from any
'direct, criticism of the Romanians'.at this
latest demonstrations. of determination to,
coexist with' East and. West regardless of,
,different political systems.
'Nationalism' hit
1.., For their part, the Romanians have`
,roped the' Soviet' leaders. would recognize
fhe "constructive" intent. behind 'the Nixon
visit and that nothing in it was, intended
'?to change or. impair Romania's relations
with, the Soviet Union or its 'ideological
?ioyalties to--the Communist alliance.
But if the Romanians profess to' believe
that the Russians were not too seriously
perturbed- by the' visit there are outside,
observers who take a . more cautious view.,
,',Moscow's , relative : restraint,, they say,
,does not necessarily, mean It was not irked:
'or was taking an easy-going view.of Ro-
znania's latest -show of ? independence.
From' comments about "nationalism"
Ithin Eastern Europe and other evident.
igs at' Romania, the Soviet press has gone
n to give prominence to the "Bratislava'
ration" signed 12 months ago by the'
ze s and the five Warsaw Pact powers,
whi h invaded Czechoslovakia a few weeks"
late .
E the Soviet view, the declaration, in:
effe to justified the intervention in advance.!
A (cording to Pravda Aug. 3, subsequent,
eve is in Czechoslovakia have confirmed}
that "the measures taken by the brother;
pa es to reinforce the position of socialism..
and the collective defense of socialism,
wer absolutely correct -and were .taken at
e , noted
R !ad in conjunction with the Soviet com-
me t that Moscow will brook no intrusion
on' i s role and interests in Eastern Europe,!
the are observers here who believe those';
lwor s to be addressed today to the Romal
nia s as much as to the Czechs.
H wever this may be, Mr. Ceausescu saw!
fit is week to deliver one of his most care-,
ful tatements of the Romanian position. It;
was -an adroit performance which firmly:
reb tied the Soviet contrary. view on inter-,
par relationships and responsibilities ands
yet voided direct polemics or friction.
? H made no reference to the invasion off
;Cze hoslovakia. He did not -mention Mr.)
'Nix n's visit.
H began with a fulsome eulogy of the'.
Sov et Army's "decisive" role in World War'
II, Rotting it the major credit for "saving.
ma d from fascist slavery."
H [eit uded friendship and cooperation with
`Ru and the Communist alliance as "ones
of cornerstones" -- not "the" comer.. was 'noted-of Romanian foreign;
poland pledged cooperation with the;
?Wa saw Pact.'
B t there ' were other passages clear.
eno gh for all to appreciate, though there'
wa no specific reference to well-known`
are is of disagreement between Moscow and
Bu harest, such as' the intervention in
Pr ue and the absolute sovereignty of all
the Communist states, .
" nder present-day, cconditions,"" , Mr.:
Ce sescu said, "in case of war, not-only'
the Army but all the citizens must be ready,
to ht for the defense of liberty, sovereign-
sty, Ind integrity of the homeland. }
r'}`1
Approved L o ?rG ^^^ eeeinein~ : CIA RDP7e 041194A000500070001-4
 CPYRGHT
,'Cl tz: lrauiP, iftmb l se 1999/09/02: CIA-RDP79-011'94A000500070001GI*YRGHT
"12 August 1161
wifirontatior
Rival stles contraskd
There has been a confrontation o atyl s
as well as ideas in the. Communist' world.
,here this past week.
. The contrasts have been between sophis-'
tication and old-fashioned orthodoxy. The
'latter dominates in the great majority of the
66 parties represented at the . Communist
,"Warty congress in Romania.
'The host party itself, remains' a pars
dox: on one hand the- Romanian, regime' is
sturdily independent-minded in international
attitudes and insists that ' each- Communist,
state or party should be free to choose its
-national course without interference; ? pn the"other, it sticks to sheer conservatism in do'
mestic administration.:'
Certainly the tone oh'Rbmanlan' speeches;
and documents' has been modified-in 'lino.',
with the leadership's' policy of avoiding;
polemics on interparty squabbles and "co.
=existing" with all states regardless of diffet.
ing ideology. - But - the language ' fs'. still
1 largely in the old style, replete with rhetorio,
and near-incomprehensible jargon,
Few parties have begun to ihake the outdated phraseology. developed'by;'thO
revolutionaries of the last century.:
Apprc
an acute awareness, thaE,now language and'
trcaih 'mothods arc needed,, `';i',', A ? ~; ;
The Yugoslav speech was. above all,, tti
highly sophisticated effort. 'there was, nd)
`diatribe against "Imperialism',", that, over'
'worked Communist?hobbywhorae. Ile ,did not,'
}mention American - ."imperialism",:nor, tho~i
."aggressive NATO bloc,': nor; the .'fiexpan
?sionist" aims of West:la;srlnail?militarletp.'.':
All these figured heavily.in the itereotypect:;
70eeches? trotted,, out,, mechanically.', by? the',
Soviet and most other delegates.: ;;r!t r,tif;
{ The ' Yugoslav did, not ; evep - invoke. . .rq?
ative Marxism-l4enlnisni.'.Ifl addre,s coil.;
,talned'no claim to, ideological 'sup..erjorlty;;
'must its speeches by Communist.;"f:on&ervaf.'
: it was instead .a , necessarily` brief' kit,,
-convincing, statement- of the, Yugpalav-view,;,
,of how Communist parties-or'regimes MIghtl
adapt. to;; and 'keep pace,", In, the odo `,
world. 4
The. , Yugoslavs \ can r el9o lt+nd
speeches. But, as at their own'regentvon
+. On the evidence of this congress, only''
the Yugoslavs and the. Italians have aban?
doped the tired old cliches. ; Their.' repre
,sentatives here spoke in,shnple, crisp semi
I trances. They put .forward' ideas' indicatinq''
Vt d hey fer Q put it JOA e r
t
? ' fly' Eric Dourne ': , ; -
Special correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor.
manlan assembly was.e marathon-five to sly
hours. Long before the encl,? more than a fevK
Ngve,doaed aft,,, .
delegates could be seenito
,
. The 'Yugoslavs. and, .the .Itallan4 ; rg: a'l b
more, "with le'-!o their -?~P. sale, idca Thel?
divarait ,!~ pnct reject; t
Kremlin'e theory f.''lln>ied .evverelgnt ...r
Qn ' these Points' ey r 9r~e .. joined by the,
ftornanians,- 4.
~' ? llerice the 'co ift rit'atlo ' of i~ie s::Foi
Soviet,, delegate, s owed' that ltussla' etill'W
Wants the kind o unit "Which 'gives'~?it -a'
rilght to Intervene, a i 'Cieehoslovakia,'lf
a Communist stat sirla ft, off the Ii4oscg
line., ..;n
`F 'The SOtriet deleg to included' a jab A614
Nixon visit to But 8re$t'bn the'eve of 'thisi~
congress. It was a pointed reminder to,
Romania 'that Communist states, however
conformist in ide ogy at home, are not
expected to take itiatives in foreign rela-
tions unless appro d by the Soviet Union.
Romanian leader Nicolae Ceausescu, how-]
,ever, already had upheld temperately but,
unequivocally, Ro ania's refusal to back:
down from a polic which includes good re-".
lations and trade w, th East and West alike.
He received stro g support from the MI.!, and Yugoslav spokesmen. The former,
-insisted on "a ne , broader, real and effi-
cient international' m" among Communist,
parties and states, based on their national
character as well their international ties.
The Yugoslav sa d collaboration between,
them could only based on an "inallen-,
able right" for ea h to choose its own ind
"Any attempt," ijalko Todorovic said,,:
"at limiting or In ringing these rights is'
against the democ tic essence of socialism,
and all its princi lea, for which we are,
i fighting and whic we ask to be observed'
by others as well.'
Another Yugosla goal is diminished party
and state power s a harmonious society
develops. A wide plurality of opinion al-,^i
ready a*ists in Y goslavia.
This challenge the. "leading role" of'I
the party is the sence of the confronta-
tion between Mos ow and the Belgrade 4"
"heretics." It we one of the 'causes of'
,intervention in Cze hoslovakia last year.
In this the Yug slays still stand alone.
'Not even the Rom nians, who are individ- R
ualistic in foreign policy and now encour-+1
age pubic participation in domestic affairs,,
` will countenance a y "liberalization" of the:
,,party.
Most of Romania "democracy" is still in-V
`side the party. Eve there, increased rights ;,
of discussion and criticism for its near 3
million members a counterbalanced with,
tc line.
Lary -remarks. . !. ' ; i, ;. J,'? :.r :. t ,',rt^ ; ing role" for the r Is envisaged as this`
i In. contrast, 'th+e : Mola, (r'4park -itl,.ehb -: s develops. viarticipaLlm
 A gc for Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000500070001-4
.CPYRGHT
WASHINGTON STAR
13 August 1969
Ceausescu Undisputed : doss
has Party Cone@ave; Adjourns,
By ANDREW 130ROWIEC
foreign Correspondent of The Star
BUCHAREST-The crowd o
some, dispersed quickly'
another the-year mandate e new party ne, Popes,
lead the country without the cu said, "is in a clearslghted,
slightest internal challenge. realistic spirit; and he stressed,
after the tones of the "Interns-` +ness the "historic conclusion" of
tionale" and the last applause; the congress - cheered Ceau-
died down. sescu long and with apparent
Teams of kerchiefed women enthusiasm. .
moved in to sweep the huge. It also cheered several other
:Gheor hiu-Dej Square outside, members of the Central Com-
'the palace once inhabited by Ro- m i t t e e whose names were
mania's kings. boomed by a loudspeaker: Pre
The demonstrators had come` mier Ion Gheorghe Maurer, For-
In organized groups to applaud: eign Minister Corneliu Manescu
"Tovarasui" (Comrade) Nieolae and one Paul Niculescu-Mizil,
.Ceausescu, Romania's presidentwho last week spoke in defense
and Communist leader, at the', of Romanian Communists after
end" of the ruling party's 10th
congress yesterday. . ,
He spoke to them from the.
balcony of the faded palace
dominating the square. They re-
sponded with chants of "Ceau-
ses-cu, Ceau-ses-cu." I
Backed by Populace
No such thoughts were ex-:
pressed in Ceausescu's speech
.yesterday.
"Our problems were solved in
a : democratic way, In the spirit
rof self-criticism," Ceausescu
said. "The congress marks a
new stage in the development of
our party and in the construction
of socialism."
A Secret Ballot
a stiff warning by Russia. 1 Indeed, the congress did mark'
The congress, which started a la step forward. There was dis-
week ago, was a low-key affair cussion; there was a secret bat
with few ideological clashes, lot.
with many Innuendos and no But the party, entrenched in
sweeping assertions by the Ro- power for some 25 years, con-,
manlans. firmed itself as the only political
Delegations invited from other. force allowed in this country. It
Communist parties were asked did so in stressing that consoli-
to avoid polemics. They did. So- dation of communism inside Ro-?
viet delegate Konstantin Katush- mania will be carried out one
ev was perhaps the only excep- Romania's terms.
Lion. But he did not plunge intoi This does not mean that any
any ideological problems either, sweeping changes will occur.
He simply warned Romania inj The party, whose existence is at
Russia's name to stay within the stake, cannot allow rapid de-
r Soviet bloc. mocratization of the kind that
I And yesterday it was Katush- had been evident in Czechoslova.
ev who stood on Ceausescu's kia before the Soviet invasion.
left before the crowd. On his The party called for the
right was Delores Ibarruri, the "deepening of party democra-
Ceausescu is the undisputed
boss of Romania, backed not
only by the party apparatus but
also by the bulk of the 20 million
inhabitants who approve his na-
tionalistic and cautiously anti
Russian line.
The congress and its decisions,
confirmed Ceausescu's power.!
.,The party machine eliminated
;some old guard "conservative"
holdovers such as Gheorghe Ap-
famous "La Passionaria" of the
ostol and Chivu Stoics.
It approved Ceausescu's search . Spanish civil war.
? for a "specifically Romanian ; : The Romanians selected com-
communism" and an ambitious) paratively inconspicuous party
five-year economic plan. members to answer Katushev
It elected-by secret ballot-- during the congress. The an.
165 members of the Central ? swers were mild, very much in'
Committee from among some keeping with ~ Romania's deli-:
300 candidates. It expanded the Cate position.
party presidium from eight to ? Perhaps the last public asser-
nine members, all of them tion of Romania's independence
staunchly loyal to Ceausescu, at the -congress was made Mon-
The congress confirmed' Ro- day when Bucharest party dele-
mania's "independent commu gate Dumitru Popescu spoke of
nism" with as little reference to the "abandonment of many rig-
it as possible, eminently con= id, over stmplifed and dogmatic
seious of possible Soviet wrath. slaws."
Above all, it gave Ceausescu{
cy," and at the same time for
the "strengthening of party dis-
cipline. It also encouraged
"large-scale utilization .of criti-
cism and self-criticism."
The main practical decisions
affect Romania's economy,
which is expanding steadily al-
though still with very limited
blessings for the average citizen.
The party approved stepped
up industrialization, intensive
development of modern agricul-
tural methods, a sustained in-
vestment program, increased
productivity and increased eco-
nomic relations with foreign
cotmtrlea. ?'
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I,'UNITA, Rome.
`.15May1969.
COMMUNIQUE OF THE PRESS OFFICE OF THE PCI DIRECTORATE'
communique yesterday:
"Some weekly publications have announced the forthcoming publication
of a magazine called Ii Manifesto to be directed by comrades Rossanda and
Magri. The Press Office of the PCI wishes to specify that this undertaking;
is not sponsored by the Party, is not the result of an understanding with
its directive organs, and does not commit any of its organizations. There-1
fore, it is characterized as a personal choice and activity of individuals.:
!comrades, to whom the Directorate has made it clear that it considers this,
:undertaking as not being motivated by a desire for freedom of research and
discussion,.which was given full expression in the XII Congress and which
is fully assured in all, headquarters and in the Party press and in con
frontation of Communists with other; political and cultural forces."'
L'F. PRESSO,, Rome,
29 dune 1969
MILL IL MANIFESTOS DIVIDE THE COMMUNISTS?
"This publication is born of the conviction that the struggle of the
workers' movement and the history.itself of the movement have entered a new
phase; that many dedicated plans for the interpretation of reality and the
many ways. of behavior have been bypassed for all time: that the social and po-
litical crisis surrounding us cannot be withstood and tackled with normal
;administration." These are the.opening words of the. editorial of the.first
'issue of the new Communist review directed by Lucio Magri and Rossana Rossanda-
-the review called Il Manifesto, which appeared on ttonday, 23 June, in
kiosks and in book stores. The review's publication (as I xpresso has'
pointed out in former issues) did not come about without some difficulties.
The party central committee has twice discussed the attitude to take vis-a-vies
this-initiative. At the last meeting, held at the beginning of last week,.
.the fifth commission of the central committee assumed an especially rigid
position. A month ago the party press had limited itself "to advising against""
publication" of the new periodical and to showing that "the offipial reviews
of the party are.disposed to welcome every kind of presence," it finally
emphasized the announcement that some regional and federation secretaries had
come out for the "inadmissibility of the initiative." ?
The editors of 11 Manifesto thus had confirmation that in addition to
the traditional right represented by Giorgio Amendola and Giancarlo Pajetta,
the people adamantly opposed to their review are found in the party's more.
bureaucratized strata. It is precisely the intermediate cadres who control-
the regional and provincial federations and Yule the red-municipalities who
fear the effective opening of that broad internal debate which the new perio-
dical advocates. In its inaugural editorial, 11 Manifesto in fart hoped ex-
plicitly for "a cultural revolution and not a battle of ideas among intellec
tual general staffs." This presupposes the commitment not only of including
new -saes ocuto a in thw doct.rihal discussions held on the pages of Rinascita
or 1tsrsl , but also of promoting and own inaugurating a continuous
exchange of ideas between the arty's base and its summit which could obvious
lbei ~-uR4~ ~~9i~at -~b PBu7 ,~4~ a QO7~,001-4
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Wt t1joilt,undc:restimntIng?the strength and importance of tile relifintance
of this "apparrttcllikt" (career bureaucrats), it is necessary to bear in mind
that the political moment favors the new review. Tito climate of intimidation ,
thitt once accompanied the publication of the review Cittn ?A erta, resulted in',',,
Ulu 'e xcomnunllc.ttion of men tike Chiaretti, Attarcli, Vespignani, and Socratn,
+tntl Initiated a critical digcusston of the fungarlau affair has long gone.,
it seems improbaltle that lierlinguer, who lie, just returned from the Moscow
i*:1,jferenco of the 75 communist parties where he,stressed the principle of
"unity In dtveraity," i.e., the autonomy of the various communist countries
vis-a-vLt Moscow, could now give a clear-cut demonstration of Intolerance on
jnn interttal manner. Longo and PCI leadership group have in fact assumed for-
th a moment a. questioning attitude, confining themselves to asking that the
initiative of 11
''lani(esto editors be)effected within the framework of "demo"
crattc centr1ti ism" and not mean the instituttunali?ation of a direct, fclctton
or tile "new left.
"
The, collaborators.of the first issue of Il Manifesto and those envi-
sioned for the second he1ong to the original nucleus that runs I rnm 'i.uc. to r .3f,
11a? ri to latssaua itc)s andt, from Lutgi Pinter to 'iasstino Caprnr.i, from Al.clo
Nrttoil to 113chuity itngo. ' There are a few others who belong; to the "left" of
tilt! fCI and to the. 11SiUP. These are Colletti, Foa, Collotti-Pischel .. At
,any rate, Lite edikQr:c aria, hoping that in the future the debate will a>.t'end
to. other. strata of the, party and find interlocutors on the international levelo
In summary, tht, initiative seems destined to last, and I1_ idanife:;to, despite
certain suspicions at the.suminit and the opposition of the base, will continua:
the strut' 1e fora more liberal circulation of. Ideas and for the acceptance'
of dissent, within. tho' party;_ without ' this resulting in the impo'ition on, thcs ,'.
editors of1.dtvect' or indtrect "Aanctions.of -a ,disciplinary nature.
RINASCITA, Rome (theoretical journal of Italian CP) Italian language.
25 July 1969
EDITOR ASKS PCT SUPPORT FOR OPEN DISCUSSION
Among the mail we received regarding Il Manifesto and the article
by Paolo Bufalini, entitled "About a New Magazine," which appeared
in Issue number 27 of the Rinascita, was a letter by Comrade
Rossana Rossanda. We publish it here along with a reply by
Comrade Bufalini.
Dear Rinascita:
The article by Comrade Bufalini and the meetings on all levels in
which the executive office critically posed the question of Ii Manifesto,
suggests limiting my reply to the essential point: why we undertook the
task, and its place in reference to. problems of .unity and the nature of the
party. Therefore, I will set aside certain criticisms of the content made
by Comrade Bufalini which would take more space then .1 am allowed and which
'I will deal with inIl Manifesto. I also will set aside the questions about
motivation, accusations about monotony, superficiality, oversimplification,
half-truths, fatuity,, ambition, which, it'seems,' are quickly used to attack 7,
anyone who insists on pushing adiacussion beyond.anagreed-upon political
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It is true that I1 Manifesto is an unusual undertaking in a commu-
nist party, and that it affects its internal order:. it proposes political
'undertaken lightly; its promoters, many of its contributors
are comrades
,
who always have been involved in Party work for the Party -- a chosen life'
'beginning around 1960, controversy accompanied our work, and if there-s- 10
ome-
times was disagreement about important aspects of our line, it is because the
movement was influenced by new and basic processes forcefully brought to
the attention of every militant. These processes were not only ideological
but material and real -- from the rupture of the international communist'
movements to the re-submission in the West of the problem of the shift from
.democratic revolution to socialist revolution. This process brought to a
historical end not a few certainties; not a few interpretive patterns became
shopworn; like every living organism, we cannot refuse to change, together
with the framework in which we operate, and the price of refusal to change.
is sterility. It is reality which imposes upon us new and controversial
bases for discussion, new attitudes toward discussion, new ways of discus-
sing.
1) New ways of engaging in discussion, because in the face of these
urgent needs not only research or debate but even'awareness is slow. Let
us take a burning example: China, and the events in the European socialist
camp,Aramatically emphasized by the Czechoslovak affair. Comrade Bufalini
criticizes us for having reported only on the ideology of the "cultural re-
volution," and not on the overall picture -- which is certainly less clear
cut -- of its concrete reality. This is a limitation and we have written
that we want to overcome it, even though the ideology that supports that
reality certainly is not a secondary element. But, in the name of complete-
ness and objectivity, how much more severe a criticism should be directed
at 1'Unita which for a long time had no other source on the "cultural revo-
lution" than the imperialist agencies in Tokyo and Hong Kong, carefully.--
it is true -- picked up from TASS? Or of Critics Marxista (Marxist Criti-
cism) or of the Gramsci Institute which did not even attempt an approach,
even critical, to the problem? So far, only Rinascita has furnished some
bits of partial information. Regarding the European socialist camp, upset
not only by the lacerations of 1956 and 1968 but by endemic phenomena, --
economic difficulties, suppression of freedoms, the reverse of nationalisms,
certain regurgitations of rascism -- where can we find research on the on
gins, an attempt at interpretation of the dynamics and the results? At
-every breath we say -- and Berlinguer repeated it at the Twelfth Congress
that a Marxist analysis,