CA PROPAGANDA PERSPECTIVES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 93
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 5, 1998
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: October 1, 1969
• Content Type: REPORT

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 CPYRGHT
r_9 9qq94A99969994999q :7
"Go _V.ll What Did Mr. Trudeau Say When You Told Him What To Dc
With. His 9 Million Tons of Wheat?"
ever notorious for impeccable trade habits, the Soviets now
have let their three-year wheat purchase agreement with Canada expire with some
nine million tons left unpaid for and undelivered. (See attached news story.)
Should the Soviets fail to meet the terms of the June 1966 contract (reportedly
it had no stretchout clause), it may cost Canada between $200 million and $300
million. Neither party has publicly conceded default.
The Soviets don't really need wheat this year as they did in 1966 and there
are two practical explanations for their foot-dragging: sharp internal Soviet
competition for hard currency reserves, and the hope of getting a better deal
while international wheat prices stay low. Soviet eagerness for Western busi-
ness portends against outright default. Rather, the Soviets might try to
pressure Canada into accepting soft currency credits, or even a barter arrange-
ment, as part payment. Recall that it was just such soft currency deals that
caused West Germany's Krupp industries to hover on the brink of disaster:
Krupp became overextended in East Europe, especially in the USSR, and couldn't
convert the repayments into hard currency at high enough prices.
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a MCN`7" ON FIRST ANNIVERSARY
OF INVASION OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA
AUGUST. 1969
EVEN BY MILITARY MEANS.
COUNTRIES GOVERNED BY COMMUNISTS AS BEING LIMITED,
IN THEIR DOCTRINE THEY CLAIM '&1 RIGHT TO INTERVENii,
A) rHE SOVIET LEADERS REGARD NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY OF
THE TRAGEDY OF AUGUST $IS T, 1966 HAS"DEMONSTRATED THAT =
8) AS LONG AS COMMUNIST PARTIES DEPEND IN A POLITICAL
MORAL OR MATERIAL SENSE UPON ONE OF THE RIVAL
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST CENTRES THEY ARE UNABLE
TO PURSUE A TRULY INDEPENDENT NATIONAL POLICY.
BUT THE BRUTAL SUPR4- SSION OF THE CZECHOSLOVAKIAN ENDEAVOURS
TO ACHIEVE A MORE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL POLICY AND A CERTAIN MITIGATION
AND REFORM OF COMMUNIST DICTATORIAL RULE HAVE ALSO PROVEN THE
INDOMITABLE ASPIRATION OF' MAN TOWARDS L.IEIGRTY AND INDEPENDENCE WITHIN
THE COMMUNIST CAMP.
THE COURSE OF POLITICAL EVENTS AND DEVELOPMENTS IN THE COMMUNIST
'STATES AND PARTIES HAVE JUSTIFIED THE CORRECTNESS AND UNASGAILAB&LITY
OF THE PRINCIPLES OF THE SOCIALIST -INTERNATIONAL AND OF ITS DEMOCRATIC'..
THERE CAN BE NO SOCIALISM WITHOUT- DEMOCRACY AND NO DEMOCRACY
WITHOUT FR6BDOM,
CHAIRMAN GENERAL SECRETARY
BRUNO PiTT&RMANN HANS JANITSCHEK
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 r let~~~GII~~lp0~~0
The table below shows the Member Parties of the Socialist International and
their status, as reported to the successive Congresses between MI.. and 1969.
Belgian Socialist Party ... .,, .., ..,
Progressive Labour Party of Bermuda
British Labour Party ... ... ...
Bulgarian Socialist Party in Exile ... ...
Cameroons Socialist Party ... ... ...
Radical Party of Chile
National Liberation Party of Costa Rica ...
New Democratic Party of Canada' ...
Czech Social Democratic Party in Exile ...
Danish Social Democratic Party
Dutch Party of Labour ... ...
Esthonian Social Democratic Party in Exile ...
Finnish Social Democratic Party
... ...
French Socialist Party ... ...
... ...
German Social Democratic Party
... ...
Greek Socialist League' ... ...
... ...
Hungarian Socialist Party in Exile
... ...
Icelandic Social Democratic Party
,.. ...
All-India Praja Socialist Party ...
... ...
Irish Labour Party ... ... ...
Israel Labour Party' ... ...
... ...
International Jewish Labor Bund'
World Union of Socialist Zionists'
Italian Socialist Party' ,,, ..,
... ...
People's National Party of Jamaica
,.. ...
Japan Social Democratic Party
.,. ...
Japan Socialist Party ... ...
... ...
United Socialist Party of Korea.., ...
Latvian Social Democratic Party in Exile ...
Lithuanian Social Democratic Party in Exile ,..
Luxembourg Socialist Labour Party
Social Democratic Party of Madagascar
Democratic Action Party of Malaysia ... ...
Malayan Labour Party ... ...
Malta Labour Party ... ...
Mauritius Labour Party ,.. ... ... .,.
Mauritius Social Democratic Party ... ...
New Zealand Labour Party ... ... ...
Norwegian Labour Party ... ... ... ...
Revolutionary Febrerista Party of Paraguay.,.
Latin American Revolutionary Popular
Alliance APRA of Peru.,., ... ... ...
Polish Socialist Party in Exile ... .
Romanian Social Democratic Party in Exile...
Saar Social Democratic Party' ... ... ...
San Marino Independent Social Democratic
Party ... ..,
People's Action Party of Singapore
Spanish Socialist Labour Party in Exile
Social Democratic Party of Suedtirol ... ...
Swedish Social Democratic Labour Party
Swiss Social Democratic Party ... ... ...
Trieste Socialist Party .. ... ...
United States Socialist Party .. ...
United States Social Democratic Federation
Uruguay Socialist Party ... ... ...
Democratic Action Party of Venezuela ,..
Vietnam Socialist Party .. ... ...
Yugoslav Socialist Party in Exile ... ...
KEY
MP -. Member Party
f
1951
1952
1953
1955
1957
-1959
1961
1963
1966
1269
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
Mi4
CM
CM,
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP*
MP
CM
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
CM
OM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP'
OM
MP
CM
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
OM
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
OM
OCM
CM '
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
OM
CM
CM
OM
MP
MP
MP
MP
OM
MP
CM
OM
OM
MP
CM
MP
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
CM
MP
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
OM
CM
CM.
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
MP
OM
Clem
C` M
CM
CM
MP
MP
MP
MP
OM'
CM
CM
I Until 1961 member was Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, which then merged into the
N
e
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emocrat
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arty of
ana
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d
a
Member was Greek Socialist Party until 1953
Member was Mapai until January 1968, when Mapol, Ahdut Hoovodo and Rofi merged to form the
Israel Labour Party
CM Consultative Member 2
OM -. Observer Member 3
4 International Jewish Bund until 1953
5 Formerly Zionist Socialist Parties
6 Member was Social Democratic Party until 1967, when unification with Socialist Party took place
7 Soar became port of the Federal Republic of Germany on January 1, 1957, and Party merged with
German Social Democratic Party a Membership in Venezuela currently suspended
Aden People's Socialist Party ...
Argentine Socialist Party ... ...
Australian Labor Party ... ...
Austrian Socialist Party ... ...
2
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oscow
i2 September 1969
CPYRGHT
"FISHERMEN'S RESERVES"
Fishing ships flying the Soviet flag can be encountered on near and
distant'seas and on the expanses of the World Ocean. Every year they
catch many millions of tons of fish and products of the sea. Our fleet
is constantly supplemented with modern ships. Fishing ports are being
developed. The equipping of shipyards and other'shore..enterprises is
improving.
In all the fishing basins there are crews that have a complete
mastery of the technology of sea fishing and get good catches. The
Murmansk refrigerator-ship trawler "Apatit," where the captain and
director is Hero of Socialist Labor I. T. Shan'kov, upon returning from
the first trip this year to the shores of Southwest Africa,. delivered in
its hold 43,400 centners of valuable fish output, with a plan?of 35,700
centners for the first half-year. The crew obtained good economic indi-
ces and conserved fishing armament, fuel, and packaging materials. At
the present time it is on a second trip and is also successfully coping
with the assignment. There are many such examples. In the Norhtern,
Western, and Far Eastern Basins, dozens of ship's crews have already
completed their yearly assignments.
And yet the great reserves that the fishing industry has at its
disposal have -not been put into action everywhere. Some of the fishing
ships operate at less than full workload. Too much time is spent in
moves to new areas, stays at anchor in ports, and especially for the
repair of the ships. Often the ships remain idle, engaging in no
fishing operations, because of the poor organization of acceptance
of fish by the floating bases [mother ships] and the transport refrigera-.
for ships.
A very important tqsk of the managers of fishing organizations
and ship's crews is the putting to an end of the unproductive idle time
of the fleet, the increasing of the effectiveness of utilization of every
trawler, refrigerator ship, every floating base. The proposals concerning
the organization of the work of the fish-catching and fish-processing
ships in a new manner are deserving of attention. At the present time
the ships operate in uncoordinated way, are subordinate to different
administrations, and sometimes the floating bases refuse to accept the
fish that has been caught. In the Western Basin it has been decided,
by way of an experiment, to assign a group of trawlers to a floating base,
so that they can have a single trip plan and so that the responsibility
for its fulfillment can be borne not only by the captains of the fishing
ships, but also by the floating-base crew. That will make it possible to
achieve a better maneuvering of the fishing fleet and the manpower, and
will increase the self-interestedness of the crews in the fulfillment
of the plans.
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 fish C W?jgQGTUMi S,e i RI ta; 'M - ~sibl TO 9purOhase i~44 001-7
stores, for example, herring or other fish that is constantly in demand.
That is why it is necessary to take all steps to increase the catch of the
most valuable food fish, to furnish it to the customer primarily in
processed form, and to deliver to the trade network more live and fresh
fish and more smoked products. Workers in production and in trade have
been called upon to study the purchasers' demands constantly. The adverti-
sing of fish commodities, especially new types of fish obtained from
the ocean-going fleet and various other products of the sea, is in need: of
fundamental improvement.
A major source of supplying the public with a variety of tasty
fish must continue to be found in our internal bodies of water --
~rivers, lakes, ponds, reservoirs. For that purpose it is necessary to
'achieve a sharp increase in their productivity, to organize on a mass
,scale the artificial reproduction of valuable commercial fish, and to
combat more actively the pollution of bodies of water. Unfortunately,
.new fishing areas, new pond and lake managements are planned and built
slowly, and are poorly provided with material resources.
The economic reform is contributing to the increase in the
effectiveness of production, and to the improvement in the variety and
quality of fish output. Practice shoes that fishing ships and enterprises
that operate in the new way make more complete utilization of their
reserves and achieve higher economic indices. It is very important that
new release prices be established for certain types of fish that are
caught'which were loss items for the branch. That will contribute to
the production of output needxd by the public and will noticeably expand
the opportunities of increasing the funds for the development of produc-
tion and the providing of material incentives at the enterprises. The
improvement of methods of.planning and economic stimulation as applicable
to the specific conditions of the branch is one of the vital tasks of
the personnel in the fishing industry.
The present-day technical level of production of fish output
demands the broad application of electronics, means of automation, the
achievements of chemistry and other branches of science and technology.
Much more will have to be done by our scientists, designers, machine
builders, and instrument builders. For example, the processing of the
caught fish is insufficiently mechanized. The Ministry of Machine Building
for Light and Food Industry and Household Appliances USSR has been called
upon to show some concern for the mass production of equipment needed by
the people in the fishing industry.' The instrument builders are supposed
to arm the fleet with improved searching apparatus, means of communication,
and electronic navigation equipment.
For months the fishermen are out on the ocean, far from their
beloved shores, far from their families, fishing during the summer and
during the winter, often in complicated conditions. It is necessary to
demonstrate the maximum amount of concern for their labor, their living
conditions, their recreation. This includes everything -- the fishing
gear, 'the providing for the cultural and everyday needs of the crews,
the regular delivery of mail to the ships, the construction of housing
for fishermen, and many other things.
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.been called upon to improve persistently the mass political work among
the personnel, to develop the creative initiative of the people, and to
work in a well-directed manner to assure that each communist serves as
an example in labor and a pioneer in the competition for the increase of
production of fish output and for' the preterm fulfillment of the
five--year plan.
During these, days the people on the ships, at the enterprises, and
.at the fish farms 'together with the entire nature, are serving a labor
watch in honor of the hundredth anniversary of the birth of V. I. Lenin,
and have developed on a broad scale the struggle for the receiving of Lenin
'Jubilee Honorary Certificates and Jubilee Medals. 'L'he crews of 14 fishing
ships in Kamchatskaya Oblast which have already completed the yearly plan
have decided to give to the country an additional 140,000 centners of
edible fish. Their example was followed by the leading crews of. the
Northern, Western, and other basins. Let us hope that the present year
will be, for the fishermen,. a year of great catches and. new labor
YRGHTvictoriesi
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NEW YORK TIMES,
September 29, 1969
ECONOMIC REFORM
GAINS IN HUNGARY
Budapest Acts Cautiously to
CPVR@K-f New. Ideas
BUDAPEST (UPI)-While the'
reform movement in neighbor-
Ing Czechoslovakia has been
cut short in tragedy and confu-
sion, the Hungarians now blaze
the trail in Eastern Europe withi
fresh ideas and changes.
They .do it quietly and cau-
tiously, partly for fear of up-
setting the Soviet Union and
partly because they know that
sweeping or premature reforms
of the hated, top-heavy, Soviet-
type economy might easily lead
to massive unemployment, in-
flation and anarchy.
So that now, when stock is
being taken of the changes be-
gun in January, 1968, the most
hopeful conclusion in Budapest
Is that moves for partial free-
ing of prices, greater responsi-
bility given to enterprise man-
agements and other innovations
have at least not. caused any
violent dislocations while they
have certainly given the econ-
omy a new psychological cli-
mate.
CPYRGHT
The gross national product-
value of all goods and services
-grew by 5 to 6 per cent in
1968, which was markedly less
than in 1967 when the growth
was 9 per cent. But this was
exceptional: besides, the slower
growth now can largely be ex-
plained by the more general in-
troduction of a shorter working,
week.
Many Prices Freed
Something like one third of,
all items sold in ? shops and.
many other goods have seen
their prices entirely freed from
overnment control. Other
prices are determined by the
me lay of supply and de-
and within set limits at both
nds. Yet others have their ceil-
ngs fixed by the Government.
e prices of a few items,
otably essential raw materials,
ay always be laid down by
entral authorities.
In principle, it. is now left to
nterprise managers themselves
o decide what they should pro-
uce, how much and where to
ell it, at home or abroad.
tate-owned companies negoti-
te freely with each other for
he supply of goods and their
arketing, they hire and fire
abor according to their require-
laotive., ..? , . -1
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This year, for the first time,
wage levels are freely negoti-
able.
Increasingly; the national
planning authorities will be left
only with safeguarding broad
indicators and developments,
while resorting to credit policy,
taxation and other "regulating
instruments" rather than direct
Intervention.
Hungarians now feel that a
large measure of economic
stability can be maintained by
such methods while individual!
and local initiative is being en?
couraged as greater responsi?
bilities are afforded to enter-
prise managements and more
rational incentives provided.
Rezso Nyers, the father of the
Hungarian reform-.a basically
self-educated man in his forties,
known for his rugged common
sense and pragmatism-has
been given the green light for
changes to continue and gather
momentum.
Problem Is Huge
The achievements so far are
necessarily small if measured
against the . magnitude of the
task of revamping the entire
economic structure, making
sense of the price 'system, ori-
entating Industry along lines
that are most profitable for,
Hungary and generally placing;
economic activity on a sound,'
self=paying footing. Officials
and observers in Budapest reck-
on it might take as much as
10 or even 15 years'to attain
the broad aims of the new eco-
nomic mechanism.
But no one can fail to -he
encouraged by so much, frank-
ly spelled out, awareness of the
need to revolutionize (or per.
haps counter-revolutionize) the
orthodox Communist pattern of
Hungarian economy. That this
N nera.scarv in order that dual.
ity of production, productivity
and standard of living can bel
raised, is plainy accepted by
those who matter in Hungarian
political circles.
.One of the chief yardsticks
for measuring the success of
the reform must be the extent
to which the crushing burden
of Government subsidies paid
out to uneconomic enterprise,
can be reduced. According to
one source, this amounted last`
year to $3.5-billion. This was
somewhat over the level in
1967, but the difference might
have arisen because of new ac-
counting methods.
: ,111 l;11
ff. k- DP79-01191.11''''AO00500040001-7
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October 1969:
D ATE S W 0 R T H N 0 T I N G
October 17-31 Budapest 7th Congress of (Communist) World
Federation of Trade Unions, the
front. that publicly protested the
invasion of Czechoslovakia last
year....:and:has since avoided the
issue. Coincides with anniversary
of 1956 Hungarian Revolution (23
October - 4+ November).
October 22-27 Sochi, USSR
October 31 Moscow
November 14-16 Venice
Pugwash Conference on Science and
World Affairs (annual East-West
meeting of scientists; locale
changes).
1961 -- Stalin's body removed from
Lenin's tomb in Red Square and re-
buried at inconspicuous place beside
Kremlin Wall.
6th Congress(of (Communist) Inter-
national Federation of Resistance
Movements. The FIR conducts anti-
West German propaganda in the name
of anti-Nazism and extols WW II role
of the Red Army and Communist under-
grounds. This year's meeting coin-
cides with 30th anniversary of first
year of WW II, which was peribdd.of
Nazi-Soviet Pact.
November 17 Czechoslovakia
30th anniversary of closing down of
all Czech institutions of higher learn-
ing by WW II Nazi occupation forces,
following mass student demonstrations
in Prague occasioned by death of a
medical student Jan Opletal, killed
during student protest against Nazi
occupation. Nov. 17 is commemorated
annually as International Student Day
by the (Communist) International Union
of Students which has its headquarters
in Prague. Now, however, this Student
Day ironically more likely recalls
Jan Palach's self-immolation in Prague
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Jan Palach's self-immolation in
Prague on January 16, 1969, pro-
testing Soviet occupation of
Czechoslovakia.
November 29 Albania 25th anniversary of seizure of
power by Communist-led National
Liberation Front, in wake of German
withdrawal, 1944.
end November Vienna Conference on European Security
and Cooperation sponsored by
(Communist) World Council of
Peace.
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 25X1C1Ob
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Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt
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October 1969
THE COMMUNIST SCENE
(2L August - 26 September 1969)
I. Brezhnev Doctrine Embraces China
The Brezhnev Doctrine of limited sovereignty was originally launched
in a Pravda article of 26 September 1968 as a doctrinal legitimization of
the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia. Speaking at the
Polish Communist Party Congress in October 1968, Brezhnev himself confirmed
this doctrine, which asserts the right of the Soviet Union to intervene in
any way it deems necessary when it decides socialism is threatened in any
country within the "socialist commonwealth:" While the Soviets have claimed
that this doctrine of "limited sovereignty" (in those terms) is an invention
of their enemies, they have reiterated it in their own terms at discreet
intervals up to the present. From the outset, the doctrine raised specu-
lation not only in the free world, but among Communists, notably the Yugo-
slavs (quite openly) and the maverick Rumanians (somewhat more indirectly),
as to whether the doctrine was supposed to apply to all Communist countries.
Until now it strained plausibility to claim that the Soviets had in mind
not only the East European Satellites, but also Communist China. But now
the Soviets have made it clear that they do indeed embrace China under the
protective custody of the Brezhnev Doctrine.
A Soviet journalist, Victor Louis, who among his various functions is
also the Moscow correspondent of the London Evening News, wrote what would
appear to be an ordinary news commentary for the Evening News of 16 Septem-
ber (full text attached). The article, in ostensibly raising questions as
to the applicability of the Brezhnev Doctrine to Communist China, in actual-
ity asserts that it is indeed applicable. What gives his assertion the
weight of real authority is the fact that Louis has been widely known and
labeled as an agent through whom the KGB, the Soviet secret police organi-
zation, has at times deliberately launched policy initiatives carrying the
sanction of the Soviet government. For example, last year Louis visited
Taiwan and was authorized to invite Nationalist Chinese newsmen to visit
the Soviet Union. This move was universally interpreted as a Soviet step
toward rapprochement with Nationalist China. Similarly, Louis' present
pronouncement can be taken as a Soviet declaration that they arrogate to
themselves the right to intervene in Communist China if they deem it neces-
sary in the best interests of "international socialism."
The big question causing concern to all responsible outsiders is whether
this inclusion of China might mean that the Soviets will actually act on the
doctrine and attack the Chinese. Outsiders to the secret and mysterious
realm of Communist inter-relations can only hope that this will not be the
case and that the other cold-blooded possibilities outlined by Louis in his
article (especially pre-emptive nuclear strikes against China) are nothing
more than crude sabre-rattling. Even as a propaganda move, the article is
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an unfortunate ploy and again raises the ever more frequently recurring
question as to the diplomatic competence of the Soviet leadership. (As
an incidental matter, it is surprising that the leading free world Commu-
nist parties do not take a stronger stand regarding the conflict, nor of-
fer to mediate it as "honest brokers," and even stranger that they seem
to make no effort to find out first hand what is really happening, for
example by sending news reporters to the scene.)
How the Louis article fits in the Kosygin visit to Peking, with ;;the
aftermath of Ho Chi Minh's death, with the rumored illness of Mao, with
the temporary suspension of Soviet anti-Chinese propaganda, and the re-
ports of armed border incursions, and how these all affect the vital ques-
tion of peace or war can only be speculated upon. Unfortunately, in the
closed totalitarian societies represented by the Soviet Union and China,
access even to ordinary facts and information is not a public right as it
is in the non-Communist world.
II. The Brezhnev Doctrine in Yugoslavia
"In the assessment of present Soviet-Yugoslav relations, both sides
stressed the significance which they attach to the principles contained
in the 1955 Belgrade Declaration of the governments of the Soviet Union
and Yugoslavia and as reaffirmed during the meeting of the President of
the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia with the Soviet leaders in
Moscow in 1956, documents which lay down the principles of respect for
sovereignty, equality, and noninterference in internal affairs...."
This excerpt from the Soviet-Yugoslav communique resulting from the
official visit of Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko to Yugoslavia 2-6 Sep-
tember appears on the surface to be a concession on the part of the Sovi-
ets toward the Yugoslav point of view concerning the proper relations be-
tween Communist states. With the stress on "sovereignty, equality, and
noninterference" and the absence of a reference to the "duty" of "inter-
national socialism" (the formula used to represent the Brezhnev Doctrine),
the Yugoslavs won a verbal victory for their point of view over the Brezh-
nev Doctrine. Whether it was Soviet two-faced cynicism or a matter of
substance is debatable, but it should be noted that, first of all, Gromyko
was far from renouncing the Soviet doctrine and, secondly, he answered
evasively to a pointed question during a press conference in Belgrade in
which he was asked whether he regarded Yugoslavia as a part of the "so-
cialist commonwealth" and therefore subject to the Brezhnev Doctrine.
By way of answer, he chose to refer to an earlier speech of his in which
Yugoslavia was treated separately from other socialist states but was
not expressly excluded from the "commonwealth."
Other than this crucial point, the visit seems to have tried to re-
pair the relations damaged by the invasion of Czechoslovakia. This was
accomplished more by negative moves such as stopping or softening the
polemics, and avoiding mention of or taking positions on, issues on which
they disagree (e.g. relative Yugoslav detachment from the Sino-Soviet
conflict, the Yugoslav promotion of non-alignment, Yugoslav's friendly
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relations with the West, etc.). A mutual effort was made to say cordial
things about each other and to emphasize what they could of their common
ideological platitudes, for example, their common hostility to capitalism,
imperialism, the bourgeois enemy, etc. The Soviets hoped thereby to stop
Yugoslav doctrinal provocations over the issue of Czechoslovakia and per-
haps to enlist support on other international initiatives, while the Yugo-
slavs may be looking for advantages in trade relations, though keeping a
wary eye on the limited sovereignty doctrine.
III. Czechoslovakia under the Brezhnev Doctrine
The Brezhnev Doctrine had its origins in the Soviet suppression of
"humane Communism" in Czechoslovakia under the now sidelined, former Sec-
retary General of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (CSCP), Alexander
Dubcek. Czechoslovakia's evolution since Dubcek's ouster and replacement
by Gustav Husak last April is an example of the continuing application of
the limited sovereignty concept. Dubcek was ousted and Husak installed
under the direction of the Soviet Politburo, not by independent Czecho-
slovak action. The elaborate security and police precautions taken to
keep commemoration of the first anniversary of the Soviet invasion under
control were undertaken under the watchful supervision of the Soviets.
The progressive elimination of all liberals in the party and in positions
of public influence of any kind has also been Soviet-directed. The daily
events in Czechoslovakia are a sad chronicle of this continuing denial of
Czech sovereignty as well as of the basic freedoms of a people. That the
main leaders of the 1968 experiment in "humane communism" (at least Dubcek
and Josef Smrkovsky, if not Prime Minister Cernik) will suffer further
denigration and;.punishment.~is not in doubt -- only what the nature of
the denigration will be and when it is to take place. To observe the
forms of legality, their fate will be made known after a Central Committee
Plenum, though the decision, again, will have been made by the Soviets,
with the announcement coming from their Czech puppets.
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y victor oUis
Moscow---Sese circles in Eastern Europe are asking why the doctrine that Russia
was ju&tifi.ed in interfering in Czechoslovakia's affairs a year ago should not be
extended *,c. China
Events in the past year have confirmed that the Soviet union is adhering to the doer
trine that socialist countries have the right to'interfere in each other's affairs in
their own interest or those of other who are threatened. The fact that China is many:a<
times larger than Czechoslovakia and might offer active resistance is, according to
these Marxist theoreticians, no reason for, not applying the doctrine. 'Ihether;or not:,?'?
the Soviet Union will dare to attack Lop Nor, China's nuclear centre, is a question
of strategy' and so the world' would only learn about it afterwards.
'Fraternal Help,
The bombardment of Sinkiang with biroadcasts has been under way for months already.
Soviet broadcasting time in the Uighur and Kazakh languages has increased cons,iderably.'
The appearance on Chinese territory of underground radio stations?critiaising Mao,
indicates the degree the unification of anti-Mao forces within the country, It is
quite possible that these 'forces could produce a leader who % ould ask other socialist,.,,'.
countries for "fraternal help." -3:t is not hard to continue to draw the analogy with
.events in Czechoslovakia, for China has its own Slovakia--Sinkiang. The main popu- ~..;d,
lation of this province in Uighur and Kazakh, and these people have already tried for
achieve autonomy three times in the past hundred years. The Slovaks have attained a ~?
,gpod measure of autonomy since last summer.
'Usually well-informed sources in, Moscow were surprised at Western excitement over the?.
?Soviet plan to launch an air attack on Lop Nor. Nobody here has a shadow of doubt-that
Russian nuclear installations stand aiT5ed at the Chinese nuclear facilities. The in
creasing number of border incidents and the way they are being handled show that the
Soviet Union prefers using rockets, to manpower. She has a variety of rockets to choose; ~,
from, depending upon the terrain and other circumstances... For instance, in the case of
a Chinese attempt to occupy an island, the whole surface of the island was burned to= -;J
gether with any Chinese troops and equipment already ensconced there. National boundaries
-not marked by great rivers are more difficult to hold, but no doubt a scorched-earth
policy will be pursued on Chinese territory each time there is an attack by a small:,
China's military growth has gone almost unnoticet,l. The detonation of the first Chinese;
atom bomb on October 16, 1964, coincided with tho political explosions in tha.Kremlin -,
as Khrushchev fell from- power. Subsequent atomic tests were mentioned in the.,Soviot,;
press, but at no great lengt'?.. Mere in Moscow there are no noticeable preparations for
war with China. Many Russians are surprised how quickly the theoretical differences .i
with their great neighbour (w1ho is not Balled our junior brother any more) have devel-:,
`oped into a serious threat. Russian readers have been prepared for a possible attack ,.?
from Mao simply by the reprinting in the Soviet press of long quotations from -the
Chinese papers.
There has been sufficient said to make any one here angry without additional expla-
nation or editorial comment. Previously these tirades were only distributed to party;;;
members at party meetings, but now they are considered fit food for anyone's thoughts.
Of course, there are still plenty of events going unreported here, which arexaever=,
theloss causing the military considerable concern,
It has been learned from Vietnam that the Chinese are withdrawing (roar the northern
part of the country many of their advisers who have gained several years' experience
fighting the Americans; they are being transferred to the Soso-Russian border.'
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 ,Elf `t"OiUIC TIKES
18 September 1969
Conte 8111 f
C PYRG T
SpH'ial to The 5,,w York Ti
W g?
fflfflOM7
ight'
stations criticizing Mao indi-
r
qt71'1cFi i tack net China
Sept. LUNJUN, 17 -- Victor of anti-Mao forces within the
Louis, the controversial Mos- country. It is quite possible
cow correspondent of The Lon- that these forces could pro
don Evening New", has strongly duce a leader who would ask
other socialist countries far
hinted that the Soviet Union 'fraternal help."'
might make a surprise attack Mr. Louis said it was a corn
on China. moo assumption among well,
In a dispatch by Mr. Louis, informed sources in Moscow
a Soviet citizen believed to that Soviet nuclear weapons
have close connections with were aimed at Chinese nuclear
the Soviet secret police, the sag- facilities.
gestion was advanced that, The increasing number of
whether or not the Russians, border incidents and the way
attacked the Chinese nuclear, they are being handled, Mr.
test site Lop Nor in Sin- Louis said, shows that the Rus-
kiang was only "a question of signs `prefer, using sockets to
strategy." manpower.
Mr. Louis' dispatch said: For example, he said,. whore,
,,some circles in Eastern the Chinese attempted to oc-
Europe are asking why the copy an island, "the whole sur-
doctrine that Russia was lust,. face of the island was burned'
Pied in interfering in Czesho- Ito 'ether with any, Chinese'
slovakia's affairs a year ago troops arid equipment there."
should not be extended to;
,China. Events in the past year t
t the Soviet A War of Nerves
,have, confirmed trh
a
Union Is adhering to the doe-1
trine that socialist coun-
fere in each other's affairs in
their own interest or those of
others who are threatened.
"The fact that China is inanyi
times larger than Czechoslo-i
I v
e
ff
i
i
h
v
er act
akia and m
g
t o
resistance is, according to these
Marxist theoreticians, no rca-
son for not applying the doc-
trine. Whether or not the So-i
Lop Nor, China's nuclear
center, is a question of stra-
tegy, and so the world would!
only learn about it afterwards.'
possible pre-emptive strike matched what the Russians
against China. thought would happen in
Whether Moscow seriously Czechoslovakia -- but didn't.
contemplates an attack or is, There has been no sign that any
seeking to bring pressure on' pro-Russian Chinese opposition
China by such a threat. cannot to Mao Tse-tung exists or is
easily be determined, but the likely to rise.
Chinese have reacted as though It is not known if the dis-
the threat is genuine..
. patch by Mr. Louis, who last
Brezhnev, Thesis Recalled' week was the first to report
Mr. Louis's dispatch put the the visit of Premier Aleksei N.
pre-emptive attack into Kosygin to Peking, reflects
the ideological framework of actual discussions in Moscow
the thesis advanced by the So- of military moves. But it seems
viet party 'Secretary, Leonid I. certain that the Soviet Union
13rczhnev, at the time of the wishes to convince Peking of
Soviet intervention in Czecho- the genuine possibility of a
Slovakia when he proclaimed sudden strike. The Russians
the right of "socialist coup- presumably hope to compel the
tries'" to intarvegie in each Chinese to enter into meaning-
ful discussions of Chinese-So-
other's internal affairs. viet differences, with the im-
The doctrine of interventioni pitch threat that the alterna-
?has been castigated by Peking, tine is nuclear war.
which has warned all C:ommu4
Meeting With Chou Sh
nisi countrie
t'
i
t
h
:
s
a
own
t
e doctrine
ByIoe LoSO SALISBURY means that Moscow has arro- MOSCOW, Sept. 17 (Reuters)
Victor' Louis' suggestion that gated to, itsif the right to in Moscow television tonight
the Soviet Union may carry tervene in any country in any showed the meeting between
out a sneak` attack on China's manner it deires. Premier Kosygin and 'the Chi
nuclear faciliti s appears to be , Mr. Louis's reference to a' nose Premier Chou En.lai in'.
part of a broadening war' of possible attack on Lob Nor and Peking last Thursday.
nerves by Moscow against. Pe- his statement that the "world The film showed the Soviet)
king. would only learn about it after- Premier walking across the
Mr. Louis' has in the past wards" coincided with the So- runway at Peking airports to
,carried out :special tasks in viet circular letter' ward Mr. Chou. The two' men
the field of foreign propaganda, s suggestion
of a sudden attack on Chinese and their aides shook' hands
apparently at the behest of the facilities. briefly, with slight smiles. The
Soviet KG R., or secret police, Mr. Louis's report of under: next sequence showed the two
or the Soviet forei5a office, or ground anti-Mao radio stations sitting side by side in a bare
both' in China is not raborne dio out b rcom. apparently in the airport
His dispatch echoed a 'cir- other sources. Indeiy building,
cular {otter that was distil- fervors believe cite stations are
ad' l, on Kosygin and Mr. Chou shak-
par?ies and Eastern European and :,,re Soviet territory ing hands again just before the
Communist governments short- and : part v the ,general war Soviet
ly before tpt. I in which tos- of the airwaves being carried Premier's departure. But
~~`'ion of a out along the Soviet-Chinese 'this time the two men used
cor.w .. aire.`l the q"i. ' frontier. r both hands to grip each other's
.,s
H' "" a d
grit
o:eVs` i?...Ee::s 1':citi1'ko'
CP'yt G' tT Nvuhl
suggestion w a leader"
an Pumped their hands
arising in China. who would up and down enthusiastically
i'reequies4 Soviet intervention ,for; several seconds..
r, .
_9 _9Q 4
PUETC8
J;Aninl:, ev.111iaie(l
It, is a common assumption in Moscow The Soviet Union has a whole gamut of
that "Soviet nuclear rockets are pointed at rockets adapted to the terrain and to cir-
Chinese nuclear installations," Soviet cumstancc. Thus when the Chinese sought
journalist Victor Louis wrote Sept. 17 in the to occupy an island [Chcnpao Island in the
LJssuri River'], the whole surface of the Is.
Premier Evening fllex a~ ci NT, ICNews,osygin's sig. talks days with CIA ? after land was burd together with, any Chinese
I'rentic
nose Premier Chou En-lai during a brief troops and equipment there."
su &',r. Louis's disclosure; are disturbing for
iprisc visit to PcitinkN.'
" several reasons' for what they tell about the
There is no doubt that the tactic of fighting on. Chenpaa Island in l March; about for
scorched earth will be applied to Chinese their timing, cpmini? so shortly after Mr.'
:territory whenever there is an attack by a I{osygin?s ciTorts reduce tensions be eon
mall
WAV C '6 tid Fir1"Th99/09/02 ?CIA-RD'l9"U~I~iQO 00446
00aNeast,
 CPYRGHT
va's manuscript, which the Soviet security
police had seized in her apartment.
First report of inectiitg
It is generally assumed that Mr. Louis's
principal is the powerful security police or'
KGB. The fact that he was the first to report
Mr. Kosygin's airport conference with Pre
vier Chou in Peking shows that he has
exceptional sources of information.
What Mr. Louis has written about the ap-
plication of scorched-earth tactics -- pos:
sibly even nuclear--on Chenpao Island had.
hitherto never been reported with such.
precision. On March 21, Moscow Radio
called reports about Soviet nuclear action
against Communist China "a provocative".
false rumor."
Another angle brought up in Mr. Louis's
recent article was his contention with re
gard to China that "the Soviet Union is,
adhering to the doctrine that socialist coun-?
tries have the right to interfere in each
other's affairs."
Moscow hitherto has denied the existence
of a "Brezhnev doctrine of limited sov+
ereignty" or the possibility that what al-
legcdly was good for Czechoslovakia also
would be good for Communist China.
The Soviet attitude has wavered in this
respect. As early, as March, Bulgarian For-`
eign Minister Ivan Bashev stated that the
Brezhnev doctrine could be invoked to sanc-,
Lion intervention in China under the War-
saw Pact. This statement, made in an in-.
tcrview given to the official Austrian press,.
agency, later was denied in. Sophia and,
Moscow.
PAR FIRM FIR VA A - -A
bees a of the identity o c au her whose oward the end of August the Soviet. Cen-
close connections with high Soviet agencies tral Committee is reliably reported to have
are public knowledge. addressed a circular letter to foreign. Com-
i No ordinary Soviet journalist, the mysteri- munist parties raising the question of a pos-
ous Mr. Louis has repeatedly been entrusted sible preemptive strike against China.
with important unofficial missions. Earlier Mr. Louis's article in the London Evening
.this year he twice visited Taiwan and had News was the first unofficial Soviet airing of
:a long conversation with Defense Minister this view in the Western press.
Chiang Ching-kuo, the son and heir apparent One asks why Moscow should have
of Presidcrt Chiang Kai-shek, launched Mr. Louis's threatening article at
When Mrs. Svetlana Alllluyeva, Stalin's a time when the Soviet press has turned
daughter, came to the United States with down attacks against Peking. The possi-
the intention of publishing her first book bility that Mr. Louis as a private individual
"Twenty Letters to a Friend," Mr. Louis should have published this article on his
scurried from one Western capital to an- own initiative is ruled out by all observers,
other offering publishers what was supposed
to be the original version of Mrs. Alliluye? Negative element introduced
WASHINGTON POST
22Soptexnber 1969
, 1arquis Childs
Even if his article reached the Evening
News before Mr. Kosygin's surprise visit
to Peking, its publication could have been
stopped. .
As matters stand today, Mr. Louis's arti
cle has introduced a new negative element
into the Sino-Soviet discussion. A newsreel
of Mr. Kosygin and Mr. Chou taking leave.
showed that the two men had come closer
to each, other's views. The, Chinese press.
and radio no longer refer to the "renegade
Brezhnev-Kosygin clique." Mr. Kosygin's
name has ceased to be a matter of abuse..
!Dnly "Brezhnev & Co." are supposed to be
the villains.
Diferences hinted
Some "sources" in Moscow seem to have
admitted that the Sino-Sovict dispute could
be solved and that the border revisions
demanded by Peking actually cover only
about 40,000 square miles. The more-than-a-'
million square miles which, Peking says,
were ceded to Russia in the past century as
a result of "unequal treaties" now are said
to have been a political argument and not
a formal revendication.
The only valid explanation for the pub-'
lication of Mr. Louis's article at this par-
ticular time seems ' to be that differences
regarding policy toward China continue to
exist among the Soviet leaders.
.Mr. Louis's presumed principal, the XBG,
headed by alternate Politburo member
Yuri V. Andropov, is subordinate to Gen-
eral Secretary Leonid I. Brezhnev rather
than to Premier Kosygin. It also is possible
that members of the military high com-
mand would like to exert pressure on China.
'~?~paga~d~ Masks Stats
' I CANNOT forecast to you wrapped In a mystery inside
the action of Russia, Win- an?enigma.
aton Churchill said in one ' Even for those most di.
of the darkest hours shortly ; rectly concerned with Intel-
after the outbreak of World Ilgenee reports from. around
"tear II. It is a rid d 1.e the globe . the r i d d l e
In he mystery ns e a
enigma Is nearlyas great in
`1969 as it was In 1939. And
there hag been, added t h e
Chinese puzzle.' The two are
linked together In obscurity,
the fate of perhaps a third
'of the world's people.
Ever since the meeting of
Alexel Kosygin and Chou
En-Lal in the airport at Pe.
Approved For Release 1999/09/02,: C.IA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
 ing - the Soviet premier out in Moscow for a down. To this, however, an im- a lengthy A Chi ' ! Y paper onttTe men
i
i
i
n na k ore
gn m
n
st r 14 Qty p~
that br, the intelligence @a5 e9 fib T -: ~ ~ s e~OO ~ r the Soviets' 60 he murk, the ntelligeIfelligence The Kremlin doubtless had gram has had setbacks. Yet have perfected the tech
pectalists have spent hag few illustions that a single. the time is not far distant ' nique of blowing hot ands
reds of hours analyzing the, meeting could put a period --a year and a half to two cold, spreading directly con
eager evidence available., to a quarrel so bitter and and a half years, -- when, trary reports at various
hat they (have come up, deep-seated. A second motive with missiles and delivera. levels to create as much con.
ith is, in part,) conjecture, had perhaps even more to ble warheads, Peking can fusion as possible. They,
nformed theory. For what do with the Soviet premier's Inflict substantial - damage have done this on the quar.,
t is worth, and the special-' readiness to ask for aeon- rel with China, one set of
ats frankly acknowledge its' frontation and to sit down 'logical Soviet Union. Is whisperers playing down the'
Imitations, here is their logical to expect, therefore e,
In a bleak room in Peking's that Moscow will sit back as feud with the word that the
cenarlo. bleak airport with Chou. He the sands in that sinister border skirmishes have been The meeting was sought was out to demonstrate the , hourglass run out? greatly exaggerated and the
Y Kosygln. He acted partly; Kremlin's determination to thought of full-scale war:
n response to the urgent walk the last mile In an at- IT IS HERE that the absurd. At the other ex-!'
leas of the heirs of Ho Chi tempt to end the feud. That murky light closes down and treme come hints that a pre-.'
inh in Hanoi. At Ho's fu- will be Moscow's argument the mystery deepens. The emptive nuclear strike can
eral they hart put the great- with doubting neutrals, such questions have no hard an- not be ruled out. The mys-.
st' stress on the need to as the Roumanians when the swers as, for example: Why terious Victor Louis, al-
.
eal the breach between the quarrel heats up again. should it have been only legedly a journalist with:
,we Communist. giants. The While Moscow temporarily six to nine months ago that wide official access in East-'
th
d
e or
oscow-Peking feud was a shout down the propaganda
er went out from ern Europe, is the latest to
erious obstacle to the pros- valve, anti-Russian vitupera- Moscow to Soviet ambassa- put out this hint.
d
ors around the world to This might be no more
cution of the war in Viet- tion out of Peking continues
am: Moreover, it was split- almost unabated. How then spread the word'of China's than a guessing game to ing the Communist are the chances of war be. threat to peace? At any time help intelligence camp tween the. giants appraised during the past five years officers.
nto two hostile factions. when war is defined as the this alarm might have been have pave suchuc. tim me if did not:
bear-
WHAT MORE impressive movement of divisions across sounded. ing on the an awesome destiny not bea only
y
ribute to the memory of He the border in a pre-emptive The diplomatic campaign of the Chinese and ,the
nd his leadership than to strike against China's nu- produced strange and some.. Soviet peoples, but of all
ake his death the occasion clear installations in Sinki. 'times almost comic results. ; mankind. Whether China is 1
f a peace pact? This was ang? Not long before Charles de : such a profound concern
he impassioned petition to The odds are somewhere Gaulle stepped down, the that Moscow cannot enter
oth Kosygin and Chou
4060 Soviet ambassad
between 45
35 t
,
-
o
or to France ;
., into serious arms limitation
von as the thousands of against a war In those terms. Valerian Zorin, asked to -alks is just one aspect of
imnamese filed t th call th
a
T
p
s a
ho bush fighting along the him anmessaresident to give' the puzzle that is rather
ler of the dead leader. 3,000-mile border will bring message of the high.
more than a guessing game.
osygin went far out of this furious outcries from both est Importance. The aston-
ay for the Peking meeting, sides. That will be about the fished de Gaulle found him- 01969. v? Ilea reatura 8radloat.
nd d the order promptly went extent of it, - C-PWRISMT9 to Zorin
NEW YORK TIMES
1 September 1969
C oviet Tensions 7
.
campaign In the Soviet press is bound to heighten'
world fear of a Moscow-Peking conflict. It seems in-'
credible that the Kremlin can be seriously considering
a preventive war against China or even an aerial strike'
at}Chinese nuclear facilities. Yet little more than a1
year ago it seemed equally incredible that Soviets
troops would invade Czechoslovakia. It required only,
a few months advance indoctrination to make most'
Soviet citizens accept the "necessity" of "saving
Czechoslovakia; the "Hate China" indoctrination has
gope on for almost a decade.
Whatever Brezhnev & Co. may intend, much recent
Soviet comment on China has implied that Mao is ?a'
paper tiger, who could be defeated easily if the need
arose.- Sovietreaders have been presented a picture of
a chaotic China in the grip ofvirtual civil war. Most
pointedly, perhaps, the new commander of the Soviet
Far' Eastern .Forces, rocket specialist Gen. V. F.
Tolilbko, has recently recalled the Soviet-Chinese
border miniwar in 1929. He stressed how easily rela-,
tidely small Soviet forces were able orl that occasion
c
to `defeat numerically superior o nents and 'occu
Manchuria.
t More sober minds in the Kremlin must see the monu-
'war. Whatever the divisions and rifts in Chinese
oaiety now, a Soviet attack would almost certainly.
ao. It isdifficult to believe that Mao would not seek',
o deliver atomic or hydrogen bombs against Soviet
oscow, And advancing Soviet troops would run-the
anger of bogging down in a morass of guerrilla oppo
itlon on a scale that would dwarf the United States
roblems in Vietnam.
These counterarguments cannot be considered deer
jive, however, because the present Kremlin leadership
as repeatedly shown itself addicted to expensive
P 'setting in train the events that produced the short-
Soviet prestige and in Soviet weapons captured by'
e Israelis.
And last year's invasion of Czechoslovakia proved
,
Eve all, how Insensitive the present Politboro ma-
j r~ty is to the great force of contemporary nation.
disastrous miscalculation Of all, yet, tragically, there
d1an be no guarantee this,. decision will not be taken.
Approved For Release 1999/09IO ...-e -
 NIA YORK. TMS
~31 A v for Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
cPYR e Complex Question of Who's Provoking Whom
1IONG KONG'--"Who knows,' shown in similar circumstances and serving as guerrillas have., may have been ready and hit'
a professional China-watcher oo- elsewhere for them to be tough been sent in the last year to back sharply when Chinese pa.
served here last week, "there and combative toward the Chi- Soviet frontier regions. `trols moved in to probe the si.tua-,
may be no. real fighting at all on nese, regularly making their, From the evidence it appears. Lion. Reports of, relatively heavy,
the Sino-Soviet border. Attie: till, strength known and felt, and likely it was a Chinese attack' Chinese casualties about 30
the only thing we have to go on showing their intention to toler that started the fighting at Chen-' killed and 30 wounded, compared
are statements from two goveron- ate no Chinese encroachments. pao (Damansky to the Russians): 'with two Russians killed and
mets that lie regularly as a It would, on the other hand,, Island last March 2, seemingly In seven wounded-ate indicative'
matter of state policy" be out of character with the pru-' reaction to a long period of bar-, of Russian preparedness and su-
difficulty of assessing responsi-, nists have handled their,foreign
Nlity for the clashes that havo relations, when war or peace
been occurring this year between with a major power has been
Soviet and Chinese Communist Involved, for them to provoke the
forces along the 4,200-mile Chi- Russians .,unduly. The Chinese,
na-Russia frontier. No third party well know that among Soviet
has seen any of the fighting. The leaders there are Individuals who
only guidelines outside observers would relish justification for mili-
have are claims from Peking and tary action against China that.
Moscow. Each side charges the would humble Mao Tse-tung and
other with intrusions, provoca- smash Chinese nuclear Installa-
Some .fighting there has un-
doubtedly been. Pictures showing
battle sites, dead and wounded
are convincing enough for this to
be accepted. But deciding which
side has taken the Initiative
must, perforce, depend on' cir-
cumstantial evidence. On this ba-
sis a scenario unfolds roughly as
follows.
In long-range, over-all terms
,the Russians have very likely
been acting more aggressively
along the frontier than the Chi-
nese. They are far more powerful.
,They not only have vast nuclear
`superiority but also much strong.
?.cr conventional air, ground and
naval forces, than the Chinese.
And a substantial portion of their
military potential has by , now
been advantageously deployed
,around China's borders. They are
thus in a position to take risks,
knowing If a showdown occurs
,the odds are on their side.
;No Encroachments ~' .
It would be In keeping, with
behavior the Russians 'have
Soviets. And following the initial Besides the major border clash-'
attack, indications are that a. , es that have been promptly pub-;
,Russian ' "teach-them-a-lesson" licized and made the subject of
'counterattack was responsible.; protest notes by both Peking and
for the second Chanpao battle., Moscow, the Chinese Communists 1
In the case of the subsequent' have charged the Russians with,
incidents immediately publicized' almost daily Incursions on the'
? 'from Peking and Moscow--one ground and in- border rivers ands
'on June 10 on the border be ,frequent reconnoitering aircraft;
tween Soviet Kazakhstan and ;Intrusions into Chinese air space.
,Yumin hsien (county) in Sinkiang The Russians from.time to time'
Lions. Peking would logically be and the Aug. 13 clash in the' throw a similar but some-'
careful not to provoke such a." same what less formidable package of.
- -- - - - -- --
This posture, however, would
not rule out the Chinese striking
back at Russian aggravations and
showing by occasional minor
thrusts and forays they are ready
to fight if pushed too' far.
In conformity with their basic
posture the Chinese do not ap.,
pear to have greatly reinforced
their Soviet frontier areas. They. border at Druzhba. In this region,, ing for at least a limited attack'
have fleshed out understrength distant from their main centers on Communist China, possibly,
border units and constructed new of power, the Chinese are not' with a view to destroyipg nuclear;
defense works, and there were only militarily weak and lacking' installations and overturning the'
reports this weekend of some a railway link but also polit'call Mao Tse-tung regime.
new troop movements north, ..shaky because of the predomy. For their part, the Chinese'
from areas as far south as seem bent on protecting them-,
Canton. But the Chinese deploy- nanny Moslem minority composi-, selves while keeping anti-Soviet.
ments do not indicate prepara- Lion of the population in Sinkiang' tensions at a high level for do-1
tions for attack. Their prepara- _? The fact that the Chinese; mestic political purposes. Mr.,
tions, on the contrary, fit the charge the Russians with moving: Mao's whole campaign against i
Maoist concept of a defensive 'boundary markers on the Yumin -his, opponents has been pitched; I
people's war. The enemy would. border some time before the -in terms of charges that they;
not be met head on but be sucked Aug. 13 attack would suggest' , favor Russia and Russian-type'
i
n and enveloped by mobile mili- that a local Soviet commander Communism, and so the more he,,
Lary contingents and the popula-; ;might have taken it upon himself ,can depict the U.S.S.R. as ant
Lion in general. In readiness for: to Improve his positions by elimi- 'evil, potential aggressor against;
such a strategy, hundreds of . mating a Chinese salient jutting .'China the easier it is to smear'
thousand's of civilian construction ;late' his area. The commander his rivals. ' ?'t
corpsmen capable of toting gotta : TILLMAN DUEDIN' .
CHRISTI SCIENCE MONITOR'
2.2 September 1969
poviet war a~~n
Washington
J The Soviet Union and Communist China are deadly
serious in their tit?fot-tat border skirmishes in Central .
Asia, but highly Informed sources here don't believ
'either side intends all-out war. .
Approved For Release 1999/0910,2
:
v oubecas, ?awuaIaba uuua
-
tives. The Chinese are doubtless not)
Russians Stroh 'innocent of provocations, but the'
Strong weight of evidence points to,
The Russians are particularly: more Russian pressure than Chi-.
strong in the area of these out-' nese as regards these lesser dis
breaks, with ample ground, air plays of aggressiveness.
and rocket forces available and: As motivation for their tactics,
a branch railway running from' some observers here believe, the
.the Alma'Ata line to the Sinkiang' Russians may indeed be prepay-`.
Nor does the best intelligence here indicate that the
Soviets have any intention of launching so-called "sure
,gical strikes" against China's nuclear bases. [Soviet Premier Alexei N. Kosygin conferred with'
Chinese Communist Premier. Chou En-lai iii Peking
'A uohd ebrs. ~''~*l'e0 06?40 NiQ to the;
By William C. Selover'
 [The Russian language broadcast, monitored here,; ti~.And the Soviets, facing the Chinese: "We mist deli
said the me sinime~erin _ r-rrw r .ea.LYnua_J% n%nrnnn A A
ment and 16~N5M~~~tcNdn~~c`4riw~
[The broadcast said the meeting was constructive bu , at more or less the same pace, with each side respond.
i
i
ng
n much the same way,
did not disclose details.]
~kirmish
pla
ce
o eve that has taken so far,' k
future course of the Sino-Soviet dispute, for little really! -ls
wn i
no
o
show that neithid
ser seswoy to blae
i
hllm
is known about intentions in this area. for all of them.
But there is fairly general agreement among expert .i , The early-March Chinese ambush, for ex-
',in this capital that: ,ample, may have been a response to a se
o Both sides operate on the basis ,of rational judg ries of Soviet probes. In mid-March, the
'ments, each carefully considering the consequences o ` Soviets launched a counterthrust. In May,
.its own actions. 'June, and August, the same pattern was.
They avoid making decisions based on immediate repeated.
emotional responses. Both sides could legitimately' believe they
I r? -I N are right. And, in fact, there are some genu-
O They will probably continue rubbing against each; ine differences on a border claim, where the
other across 4,000 miles of Central Asian borders, butt 'frontier shifts, with the river as it changes.
the conflict is not likely to expand beyond that. course.
Nobody is' willing to make flat predictions about the f While ,little is known' here about the precise nature
? @ China is not expected to attack the Soviet Union i Tlie S-no-Soviet split originally resulted
' an all-out offensive, nor is the Soviet Union likely to from ideological differences.
initiate such attneka nr, rhi.,n ? These differences intensified from 1956 on
-through the Khrushchev era, when national
But anyone listening to the shouting that is going on interests on each side became paramount..
between the two giants these days is sure to get just the' Recently,. experts note, Moscow radio has
opposite impression. The funeral of Ho Chi Minh of-l for the first time urged the Chinese military
forded a clear example of the apparent gulf that has to turn their arms on their leaders. Ideology
opened between them, High-level Chinese and Soviet- . 'didn't enter the argument.
delegations managed. to sidestep each'other during the The United States Government believes it
days of mourning for the Vietnamese leader., Js in the best interests of world peace that,
"wt ,the Sino-Soviet conflict be contained.
The Soviets now are accusing the Chinese of having' One way American officials believe the
launched some 488 border_yiolations. along the, Sino? X.S: can help is by keeping "hands off," by
-Soviet border in the past two months. They assert that` not giving the appearance of coming to the'
this threatens an expansionist war against the Soviet .defense of one side or the other.
;Union, i Y Other than that, Washington's hands are
At the same'timc, Chinese leaders are telling their ',Virtually tied. Any attempt to take advan
'.population to expect an "inevitable" nttliek by the ;stage of the situation, officials here agree,`
'Soviet Union against China's nuclear capability. ?would more than likely backfire.
Meanwhile, the U.S. is continuing to press
The Chinese and the Soviets'are dealing from the: '.the.Soviets for a date to discuss disarma-
kanme premise: Each will take no nonsense from the' ment and to offer small, kind gestures to
other. This will inevitably produce the kinds of skirm-. the Chinese to show them Washington is
,ashes and conflicts seen earlier this year. sincere in wanting to keep out of the
i: Experts imagine the Chinese, facing the Soviets, say-' squabble.
ing to themselves: "When one Is faced by a wild beast
;one must not show any fear.`
29 ugust SOVIET SAYS A WAR
WITH THE CHINESE
WOULD PERIL ALL
Pravda Editorial Warns It
Would Inevitably Involve-
Use of Atomic Weapons
By BERNARD GWERTZMAN
Spatial is The Now Yorb"nuts .
CPYRGHT
, Aug. 28-% The-So-
viet-Union suggested today that
a war with Communist China
would inevitably Involve the
use of nuclear weapons' and
"would not spare a single con-
tinent"
A long editorial in Pravda,
the Communist party newspa-
per, was one of the most open;
efforts by the Soviet Union to'
gain support for its oft-stated
assertion that the Chinese lead-
ers are pursuing ? a reckless'
course that endangers not only-
the Soviet Union but the world.!
The editorial appeared aimed various foreign offices as they
at enlarging the Chinese-Soviet ,did last March after the clashes
dispute from an intra-CommuJ on the Ussuri River. The West-
nist affair into something that ern diplomats say they would
should concern other nations as not be surprised if Foreign
;well. ? Minister Andrei A. Gromyko
[In' Washington, the State ;? 'raised the matter an the'
Department discounted re-?;i , United Nations General As-~
ports that the Soviet Union., semblyYwhen it meets next
might launch a preventive air' month. i
strike against Chinese' nu "The adventurism of the Pe-!
clear installations.] -king leaders, the atmosphere of
Diplomatic Effort Seen war -hysteria they are fanning,!
Some Western diplomats be complicate the entire interne-j
lieve that Soviet diplomats may banal situation," Pravda said.`
again raise the' Chinese Issue in 'The use of threats, black ',1
mail and provocations in rela-I
Approved For Release 1999/09/01: CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
 CPYRGHT
tions With~q ~r~~q-lRlele~sie l ?~/0r2 : Cl-RC r ~Jg1Q 000;
veloping co tries, rncreasrng. Much of the contents of the
international tensions, 'making, f Pravda repeated a former So-
editorial had been stated earlier Viet assertion that "given good-
advances to the forces of imps-; by Leonid I. Brezhnev, the' will, the necessary conditions
riilist reaction, making calls, and must be Insured to
party leader, at the world meet- can
not for peace but for war-all ing of communist leaders in guarantee normal relations be.
this causes the legitimate anx- Moscow in June and repeated tween the Soviet Union and the
lety of many peoples and. in party and Government dec., Chinese People's republic." So-
skates," it, said. larations.. Viet suggestions for talks with
" The additional stress on the Chinese.. leaders were re-
The military arson Al, of the, China's 'militant policies may counted,
Maoists are filling up, with all cause'some apprehension among But the Pravda editorial
the latest weapons," Pravda, again warned .,that "any at-
Soviet readers who are already, said. "And a war, should its .conscious of the possibility of: tempts to speak wuageo! ith the Soviet
i Union in the language arms,
break out In present-day condi war as a result of the periodic to encroach on-the interests of
tions, what with the existing` (border clashes. Just' yesterday,
weapons and lethal armaments, la Soviet weekly, Literaturnaya. building people, which ' et
Gazeta, punted a letter' . from afi Communism, will meet
and modern means of delivery, a Chinese youth that said. mili- In
' with a firm rebuff."
would not spare a single cons tary fortifications were being analyzing the cause of the
tinerat." friction, Pravda said that Pe-
built in Manchuria "for. war king was pursuing its "reckless,
Pravda said that Communists, with the Soviet Union." adventurist policy" to distract
and "progressive world opin The Pravda editorial again the Chinese people from severe
ion" had condemned Peking's; stressed the desire of the So- internal problems.
course, viet Union to preserve the "There are many'testimonies
"Incideritally,'? It added, "the' peace and the ability of the So- pointing to the fact that the
y Chinese leaders are undertaking
more sober-minded representa- Viet armed forces to defend the these actions In an attempt to
to
tives of the ruling 'circles of homeland. see a way out of the political
the capitalist countries also ex- "The Soviet Union has never and economic blind alley into
press great concern over the intended to aggravate relations which they have led the coun-
menace to the maintenance of with the Chinese People's Re-, t ;; Pravda cyd. e
general peace with which the public," the editorial Bald: "The; Leap and ~rtsfailur, the Great of the leadership of the, situation, that has now devel-l struction of the party, of the or-
,Chinese People's Republic 'is oped corresponds to the vital gans of people's power, and the
fraught." Interests of neither the Soviet establishment of a terrorist mii-
Inor the Chinese peoples, the story bureaucratic regime of
h
i
28 Augu8't 1969
Russia
oat
.l$eportedly Considers
Attack On' Peking's
G'P q cilitics
4 [Wrtnhr,1ytnn Bureau oO. The Sun)
,, Washington, Aug. 27-Reports
indicating that the Brezhnev-Ko.
sygin regime at Moscow is con-
sidering trying to bomb Com-
munist China's atomic instaila.
t1011% out of existence are begin.
ning to be taken seriously in the
international community of dip.
lomats here.
Chief among them are intelli-
gence reports that Soviet Com.
munist party leaders have been
taking, soundings on the subject
among their opposite numbers inl
both Eastern and Western Eu-,
story or whose relations is Mao Tse-tung and his entourage
characterized by close ties and in the course of the so-called
,friendship." Cultural Revolution
~ Reawtion
` Contributing also to the sober. 'ion will use a nuclear strike
intelligence reports to the effects 1 "1 think the best judgment is
that the Soviet Union has dou-
bled its forces along its China
order; that they now 'total
bout 30 divisions (nearly 500,000
en) as against 15 divisions four
ears ago, and that they include
obile missile laanchcrs,
State Department officials, cit-
g conflicts in the reports about
Viet soundings of other Com-
unist parties, continue to pro.
ss about them a skepticism
hich also'colored a statement
illiam P. Rogers; Secretary of
ate, made a week ago.
Addressing a group of students
nding up their summer em-
1 yment as "executive in-
ns," Mr. Rogers was asked:
~ hat do you people feel the
noes are that the Soviet Un-
that probably it will not do so,'!
Mr. Rogers answered.
He added, "The Russians
would be faced with a very seri-
ous problem because, although if
they made v strike against Com-
munist China they could take.
over a good segment of that
area up near Peking-they prob-
ably could even take over Pe-
king-but then they would be-
come involved In a land, war.
with 800,000,000 Chinese. '
"That would be a very diffi
cult thing for them to handle,
and I think they are quite aware
of that, even though they have l
moved military equipment up to-
ward the Chinese border."
Mr. Rogers went on to volun-
teer a commentary on the possi.
bilities of Peking initiating a
"YtYcin`i%~a an atmosphere of
political crisis and inflicted
great damage to the country's
economy."
The party newspaper said
again that a. "war psychosis"
was being created in China and.
that the population was being
,alerted for possible nuclear
!war. On the other hand, it reas-,
fsured the Soviet people that
"there is a great distance be..
tween the schemes of the Mao.
fists, their noisy threats ad-
dressed to the Soviet Union, and
the real possiblility of realizing
them."
The border clashes, Pravda
said, are part of the chain of
"hostile actions by the Peking
leadership which does not
cease its absurd territorial.
claims on the Soviet Union."
"It deliberately continues to.
create tension in various sec-
tions of the Chinese-Soviet bor-
'der, engineering the intrusion of
armed groups. into Soviet t rrl-,
tarp and creating dangerous sit-
u atdons.
Pravdas
repeated offers to ne
gotiate differences with the Chi-
nese but stated again that Mos?
cow "has flatly rejected the ter-
ritorial claims of the Chinese
People's Republic,"
Sino-Soviet war.
"The Chinese Communists, I
think, realize that they are not
really able militarily to cope
with the Soviet Union; so we
rather doubt that they would ini-
tiate ai major attack," Mr. Rog-
ers said.
"Very Permanent"
Then, referring to the more
than 430 Sino-Soviet border
clashes that Peking claims have
occurred this year and blames
on Moscow, including the latest
one on August 13, Mr. Rogers
added:
"Our best judgment Is that the
border clashes and incidents
probably will continue to recur.
We are convinced the hostility
between the two is very deep
and very permanent. We are
quite conscious, though, of the
fact that these border incidents
always can flare up into some-'
thing neither s'd r ll intends
y
pprove o Release 1999109/02 : CJA-RDP79-01194A000500400bi-T
 CPYRGHT ' =W ;YORK TI23
y ^ 13 o>7te>abe 1 6
AnglCo-A
and must sa o i i ad 1 Al 1
government is that we hope that AAA\111 ~H+
doesn't happen."
"
"
There are some people,
heIdtTjiT
continued," who argue, 'Well, it l j L
would be a good thing for the v,
United States to let the Soviet ----*
Union and communist China en-
gage in a fairly sizable war. We '.Diplomats-in Peking Divided
don't think so. We think warfare
anywhere is harmful to the total
world, community, and we think
this kind of war would be inju-
rious to all people, and we hop
it doesn't occur."
Other members of Washing
ton's international communit
privy to the intelligence repot
about Moscow's soundings sal
the reports came first from I
ly, then West Germany, and
rapid order thereafter from Eas
European countries.
Three Categories
Speaking of conflicts, amon
the reports, they divided the
into three categories, the firs
consisting of reports that Sovie
leaders, as hosts in June to a
international conference of Com
munist parties at Moscow, ha
merely lectured , their gues
about "the great threat fro
China."
The second category com-
prised reports that the Russian
had warned the leaders of just
some countries' Communist par .
ties that Peking might escalat
the border situation and genera
hostility to a point where th
Russians might have to tak
military action.
To the third category, the re-
ports' collators assigned those
they called the ,, 'most extreme",-meaning, they explained, re
ports that Moscow has been tell
ing Its Warsaw Pact allies that
the Soviet Air Force might have
to "take out" Communist Chin
a's nuclear arms installation
and wants to know what attitude
its allies would take in that
event.
The collators professed t
know that some of the 'soviet
Union's East European allies an
concerned" lest they be called o
to aid it in a Sino-Soviet war
They also suggested that the
looser language appearing i
itheir recently negotiated mutual
defense pacts with the Sovie
Union may be a reflection
!that conee;n..
on Import of Meeting of
'Chou and Kosygin
.C JP,9He r-c.-Preaee
E Sept. 12 - The dis-
TaMs in. PC! 1
osure
esterday between ? Premier
leksei N. Kosygin of the Soviet
nion and Premier Chou En-la!'
of Communist China startled
foreign diplomats and observ-
ers here. But opinions were di-
ided today on the political
significance of the talks.
The meeting was reported
ere about a dozen hours late,
in the middle of the night, in
a brief dispatch car;ied by
sinhua, the Chinese Commu-
nist press agency. The dispatch
said merely that the two Pre-
miers had met a Peking Air-
port and had a frank conversa-
tion. -
[In New Delhi, the Foreign
Ministry said today that com-
munist China was moving its
nuclear installations in Sin-
kiang to a "safer place" in
northern Tibet.]
The.briefness of the dispatch
-eight lines-caused surprise
In foreign quarters here, where.
the initial reaction was to con-
sider the meeting as a historic,
event in view of the protracted
Chinese-Soviet dispute.
This morning, Renmin Ribao,
official newspaper of, the Cen-
tral Committee of Chinese Com-i
munist party, reported thell
meeting by printing the Hsin-l
hua dispatch on an inside page.,
At the same time the paper con-1
tinued Its attacks on the Soviet
Union. i
Indications were that the Lo?
sygin-Chou meeting took place;
around 3. P.M. yesterday and-
lasted about one hour. Asked
to comment, Soviet Embassy
spokesman here said that they
had nothing more to say about
the meeting than what had al-
ready been stated in Moscow.
G6 ENVOYS
CPYRGHT
! ication that the meeting was!
i ecided at the last minute andl
at it probably was a result'
f an initiative by Mr. Kosy-1
in.
But some observers noted
at during the Hanoi funeral
f President Ho Chi Minh of
11orth Vietnam, Mr. Kosygin
ad vainly tried to talk to Li
Bien-nien, head of the _Chi-
ese delegation. , '
Some Foreign observers here
aw the meeting at the Peking
irport as an 11th-hour effort
prevent Chinese-Soviet ten-
ion from reaching a point of
o E return.
It that the meeting consti-
tcd a step toward a de-es-
According to this school or
ought, the Kosygin-Chou
eeting would mark a step to-
ard improved Chinese-Soviet.
elaklons, and the continued
nti-Soviet propaganda " flow
ould be intended mainly for
omestic consumption.
"
Target i
Brezhnev Viewed as
Observers are also pointingi
ut that Leonid I. Brezhnev,
ead of the Soviet Communist
arty-much more than Mr.
osygin-seems to have been
he chief target of Chinese st-
acks, The most virulent ava
onal attacks by Peking have
een directed at him, particu-!
rly after Mr. Brezhnev
nnounced a plan for an Asian
ollective security system,
hich was interpreted by the,
hinese as an effort to form ~
military alliance against
Nina.
Those who believe the talks
ere marked a resumption of a
ialogue between Moscow and
eking consider that there is
likelihood of further meet-
ngs. The list of differences be-,
ween the two big Commu-
1st powers is lengthy. They in
lude border problems and
ompetition for leadership in
he Communist world
,
Another point raised by the'
alks is whether they indicate change of influence among
hina's top leaders. There was
peculation here today that the.
h
e
ore realistic elements of t
inese leadership had been'
ble to strenthen their position
n regard to the left-wing ex-
emists. However, so far there
as been nothing to support
uch a suggestion.
0Ls5 0240001 j7
tit a antics in tes Seen
By TILLMAN DURD131
~+ o New York T 1 R ~1 4G, Sept. 12-Ob
day that Premier osygin s
dramatic trip to Peking yester-
day for a meeting with Premier
Chou had Lrought about any
improvement in relations be-
tween Communist China and
the Soviet Union.
The ideological and power
rivalries between the two Coan-
munist countries are believed
to be too bitter and deep-rooted
to he softened by what appears,
to have been a short, chilly
airport encounter, in which Mr.
reluctant participant
The report of the Kosygiui
tonover by I;sinhus Is almoat
ufiicicnt evidence to justify.
negative assessment of the,
ceting.
The Soviet Premier and his
ers of the Central Committee
f 'the Soviet Communist party;
Chou Was Not Eager
In fact, the Russians were
of "passing through." Tjicy
ome. Hsinhua apparently do-
icted them as "passing
Events leading to the Peking
eeting are viewed hero as in-
s regarded as having shown
urning to Peking before there,
The Russians, on the other.
and, give the appearance of
aving wanted a confrontation,
nvoy with this in mind.
When Mr. 'Chou showed he
as not coming back for the
ast rites, North Vietnamese'
caders -- according to Kcnzo
ng in Peking.
? the Chinese, it is believed,
ayed giving approval until Mr.
:osygin was on his.way home.l
8
Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194AO00500040001-7
 CPYRGHT
appointment and that he was
accorded scant cordiality when
the did.
Neither the Russians nor the
Chinese have given any hint
of what was discussed, but
since the Soviet Union initi-
ated the encounter, it is pro-
able that Mr. Kosygin stressed
the Soviet desire for a general
conference to settle border dis-
putes and other problems.
The Chinese so far have not
accepted Moscow proposals for
a general conference and it is
unlikely Mr. Chou did so yes-
terday. Some observers here
sat the Chinese do not want a
!border settlement because of
the propaganda value in being
able to depict the Russians as
aggressors.
There is some speculation
that Mr. Kosygin asked about
reports that Mao Tse-tung,
chairman of the Chinese Com-
munist party, is ill. Some ob-
servers her,: think that if Mr.
Mao, who has not been seen In
public since May it), were well,
ho would have made some pub-
lic tribute to Mr. Ho last week.
It is unlikely that Mr. Chou
gave Mr. Kosygin much satis-
faction on the question of.Mr.
Mao's health.
Move for Improved Relations
By BERNARD GWFRTZMA'N
CPY TTh.NerSorkTun,*
MO COW, Sept. 12?--Western
that they expect the Soviet Un-
ion to use the meeting between
Premier Kosygin and Premier
Chou to support Its contention
that Moscow wants to improve!
relations with Peking.
Any further worsening-of the
already tense relations, the dip-
lomats said, undoubtedly would
be attributed to Peking's refusal
to continue the dialogue begun
in Peking ' yesterday. They said
that Mr. k:osygin's willingness
to fIy the length of China for a
brief conversation would be
used by Moscow as evidence.
of its desire for better relations.
The meeting was the talk of
Moscow today. Soviet citizens
were known to be asking for-
eign acquaintances whether the
conversation meant that the
two nations would be able to
or five days, such a ban
be assumed.
Every Soviet newspaper re, low-level delegation to attend
printed tho,Tass announcement the funeral of President Ho Chi
on the meeting on its front, Minh, adding to growing evi-
page, and radio programs car?~
rled the report. donee that relations between the
e the Tass announce- two countries have been strained
Becaus
n~ent said the two sided. anew since the death of the Viet-
,,frankl made known their pc-' namese leader,
sitions -a Communist way of Heading a three-member
saying there was no agreement Chinese party and government
---and because of the animasltV* group that left Peking for Hanoi;
by special plane this morning Is
Approved For Release '1999/09/02 : ClA
CPYRGHT
elations.
But the facts that the two
eaders met and that their con-
ul led Western diplomats heref
o speculate that the two na-j
major military. confrontation.
They average Russian gained
cadership,regarded the meet-`
ng in a positive way and that)
ppear as the rational and
eace-loving side in the dis-
pute.
Soviet leaders are concerned
about a possible war fear de-
veloping among their people
and have stressed their desire
for negotiations. Moscow has
also found that the split with
China has led many Communist
parties, particularly in Asia, to
act more coolly toward Moscow
than Kremlin leaders would
like.
Diplomats were frank to say
they had no idea how the meet,
lag was arranged' The Soviet.;
press, aside from reporting the.
meeting, carried no articles'
about China today. This in it
self is not unusual, but led to
curiosity among observers as
to whether the Kremlin had
ordered a ban on polemics, rf
anti-Peking articles appear
the major press in the next
b1?JdT194A0005 0040001-7
h'e'r ..1d r i llcinn_ninn~ Vi(AI Thn lnrth ViF.tnArn c Q.-
emier and Politburo member, geared to relent slightly today
remonial tasks of a foreign
mister for nearly a year.
Attacked By Teed Guard
Vice premier Li Is the only
ember of old guard bureau-
ats who survived the purges of
e came under scathing attack
om Red Guard militants.
But his selection, rather than
at the Premier Chou En-lai or
nether top figure such as the
arty vice chairman, Lin Piao,
am's collective party leader.
ip.
Totally Unmoved
Premier Chou rushed down to
anoi last' Thursday morning,
,e, day President lie's death
as announced, paid his "teriderl
eon after talks with top North
ictnamcse leaders.
From the highly political offi-
al message of condolence that
eking, sent to Hanoi on Presi-
ent lie's death, it was apparent
wing the North Vietnamese
plit and on the fighting in Vict?
am.
By addressing their messag'
imply to the "Central Commit
enlor Individuals according tot
rotocol, Peking Indicated. it be-j
eyed the situation was fluid
and subject to pressure.
Every word out of Hanoi since
that Indicates the North Viet-
namese had been totally un-
moved by the Chinese.
They went so far as to show
their displeasure publicly by ed-
itingout of Peking's condolence
message the assertion that Pres-
ident Ho had been a "close com-
rade in arms of the Chinese Pee-'
pie."
On Mao's Wreath
For the highly . sensitive
maunt to an insult. Peking
ame back with two more mes-
'closest" comrade of the
hinese. Hanoi did not distribute
The Chinese followed by' em-
when their, official news agency
acknowledged that Chairman
Mao's mourning wreath deliv-
ered to their Peking Embassy
did carry . the words, "Close
comrade in arms of the Chinese
people."
But Hanoi dropped from Its
account of the Saturday meeting)
parts of a brief speech made by
Premier Chou that urged they
North Vietnamese to persevere
in their war in South Vietnam-
in other words, strong sugges-
tions not to make any deals at
the Paris peace talks.
Kosygin Staying On
The Vietnamese remain as
publicly neutral as they can, but
privately they lean towards'the
Russians who now provide 80
per cent of their military and.
Three years ago, the Soviet Un-
ion and' China split the aid pack
age 50-50.
Soviet Premier' Alexel N. Ko-
sygin, who will outrank the
Chinese delegate, is staying on
for the Wednesday funeral in
Hanoi.
He has payed his respects to,
President Ho, lying In state in
Ba t nh Hall In the Vietnamese
capital, standing in silence after
placing a wreath before his
glass coffin.
The Soviet leader has held
talks with the . Vietnamese on
"problems concerning United
States aggression in Vietnam,"
Sihanouk Arrives
Prince Norodom Sihanouk of
Cambodia flew to Hanoi today
for the funeral. He is the only
head of state to attend the cere-
monies.
Romania, like the Soviet Tin-.
Ion, is sending Its Premier, Ion
Gheorghe Maurer. The other
Eastern European countries
have important but lesser' offi-
cials. ' .
hasizing the phrase in all of
ascription. on the wreath deli- I
ung to the North Vietnamese
mbassy Saturday.
 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
ZLEGRAPH, ,ondon
t 1969
fJSSIA'S CHINESE BOGEY
IT IS UNLIKELY THAT Russia's round robin to friendly:
Communist parties, alleging that China is preparing a,
protracted frontier war and stating that Russia would not'
tolerate this, was marked " top secret." Moscow seems
most anxious that both. West and East should share her
preoccupation with the' Chinese problem. .. A 13-column':
editorial in Pravda accused China of aggressive' intentions;
and warned the world at large thit if war broke out'
is no continent would be left out." There was also
confirmation by the State Department in Washington
that it knew of "rumours or reports ".. that Russia had
asked other Communist parties for their reactions to the,
possibility of a Russian nuclear, strike against China's'
nuclear installations.
Care must be. taken to get the Russo-Chinese' dispute
into perspective. It is obviously of great importance,
and might within a decade'or two, barring other upheavals
in the meantime,' become the most important factor in
world' affairs'.'` For the moment, on' the basis of first
things first, ;it ranks behind Russia's military'prepondcrance,
in Europe, her'.hold on her satellites, her strategic arms'
race with America, and the Middle East and Vietnam
wars. The balance of evidence at the moment points to
a deliberate Russian campaign to exaggerate both the-
immediacy of , the Chinese threat and -her' own jitters iii
the face of it. '
This enables Russia, in the contest ' for world'
Communist leadership, to represent China not only as,
a- heretic but also as a dangerous aggressive imperialist,
mad dog. It could also be intended to justify a pre-emptive,
strike if Russia should cold-bloodedly decide to settle
the growing Chinese problem while the going was good.,
In addition. Russia hopes to encoura;e'the West to expect
salvation less from its own efforts than from the.
repercussions of the Russo-Chinese dispute, and to assume'
that Russia's military expansion is directed against China
and not against the West. Such expectations and
assumptions remain unwarranted, and dangerous.
Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
 Appro rp WAS' TXGT
Q A1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001 7
CPYRGHT yko in afn pdi
President Tito, although he has re-
cently cracked clown on a number of
liberals in Belgrade, is still managing to
keep Yugoslavia on an admirably Inde-
pendent, maverick path in the Commu-'
nit world.
This was made clear, politely but
firmly, during last week's visit by Soviet
Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko. The
'visit marked the first high-level contact
between Belgrade and Moscow since, the
Xremlin-led Invasion of Czechoslovakia.,
When that grim event took Place'
;las;, year, Tito was quick to condemn it.
He made his position quite clear: "We .
have expressed our attitude openly be-.'
fore the world, and we shall stand by it
forever. The principles of sovereignty,
Independence, state integrity, freedom;
and democracy are' valid for all ,coun-;
tries,' regardless of whether they are
within blocs or outside them."
In effect, these words constituted a
'direct challenge to the so-called Brezh-
`nev-Kosygin doctrine of "limited sover
eig nty," This is the brutal thesis under'
w ,icla .the Xremlin arrogates to itself, as.
CimIST,L_A SCIEl, CE lj0 ;ITo
b Sepw11 cciber 1969
d
an
-a n 1;
rDVR, T
A mild flirtation is going on between Mos
dow and Belgrade.
Moscow is doing the wooing while Marshal
Tito sets the stage for ideological rapproche-
ment.
The latest indication of this is seen in
Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gro.
myko's talks with his Yugoslav counterpart,
State Secretary Mirko Tepavac.
They began on Sept. 2, and were described
by Tanyug, the official Yugoslav news '
agency, as having taken place "in an at-
mosphere of frankness and mutual respect."
Tass's international service, designed for
Soviet diplomatic and military personnel,
said the talks are being conducted "in a
friendly atmosphere."
in the case of Czechoslovakia, the right
to invade and repress with armed force
any Communist land that seeks to be its'
own master, free of Moscow's iron ideo-'
logical, economic and military rule.
The Yugoslavs, of course, have stood
.,fast against this doctrine ever since
their historic 1948 break with Stalin's
Russia. Hence their support for those'
xnenbers of the Warsaw Pact notably
,the Czechoslovaks and the Romanians -
who have, had ' the courage to oppose,.
total Soviet domination. Gromyko had'
some ambiguous things to say about this
in Belgrade, but he did sign a commu-
nique supporting -- despite the crime"
against Czechoslovakia - Tito's insist-4
ence on principles of respect for sover-i
eignty and non-interference in internal,
national affairs.
In lending his signature to these
principles, Gromyko may have had some
cynical thoughts. But he may also have
felt, and with good reason, that a move,
against the ready-to-fight Yugoslavs
could become a -very troublesome bus!
ness indeed.
L:astern War prompted the new approach.-
ern banks, and sharp criticism of Soviet poli-
Harder line echoed .
Now Marshal Tito, in a speech of Aug, 27,
has voiced opinions which might have come
from Czechoslovak First Secretary Gustav
Husak,
1
Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
CPYRGHT By Paul Wohi
 "'The class enemy has not been a imi-
ing to " iP,u o l XQEiI t a 4r 0 99/09/02 said the ingt
agency., "He lives, he acts, he undermines
our society, and hinders social progress. We
are submerged by the West with theories,
concepts, and conceptions of all hinds, and,
all Are negative."
In the Tanyug version for the West the
speech was toned down, but a local broad-
cast monitored by the United States In-
formation Agency Aug. 28 was very similar
to.the French version.
"We should not ignore antisocialist occur-,
'rences and tolerate the undermining activi-
ties of some individuals who are alien to
socialism," the Marshal was quoted in the
monitored broadcast as saying.
"We must act energetically and in time.
We have the right to strike resolutely at
those who work against the interests of so-
cialism and to prevent [their) activities."
"Our society has a real democracy, where
people speak freely and freely give vent to
their initiatives, but it is clear that there
must be no democracy for those who act
from an antisocialist position.... 1;'e carry
a tremendous responsibility, because the
revolution has not yet been concluded."
As a sign of Soviet approval, Pravda'
summarized Marshal Tito's speech.
On Aug. 20, the Yugoslav weekly, Kom
unist, welcomed Mr. Gromyko's coming ar-
rival 'as a token of further. cooperation be
tween the two countries in the spirit of the
Yugoslav-Soviet reconciliation of 1955. Korn
unist's hopeful appraisal was broadcast in'
Russian to the U.S.S.R.
On his arrival in Belgrade, Mr. Gromyko
said that "the Soviet Government attaches
great importance to the development of re-
lations with Yugoslavia.... Both countries
are linked-by common ideals in striving for
socialism and communism and by a friend-
ship tempered in the struggle against the
fascist invaders."
`Why have illusions?
On the same day the district prosecutor
of Belgrade banned and seized the latest
issue of the literary, weekly Knijevne No.
vine, which happened to carry a bitter at-
tack on Soviet political methods. Echoing
earlier Yugoslav criticism of Soviet- prac-
tices, the weekly accused the Soviet leaders
i'ii w YOM Tn=8
7 September 1959
C 'wqt and Yugoslavia
Xpeda& to TAO `"c ' ao' TIM41
BELGRADE, ugoslavia, Sept.
6-The first high-level Yugo-
slav,,Sovict talks since the Mos-
cow-led occu, c .?. of Czecho-'
:nded here.
slovakia in 1:....
today with both sides express-
a humane socialism into a betrayal of
A-r F?7"1494AW35M*0@01-7'
'rialist conspiracy,'the right to independence'
into a bourgeois illusion."
Yugoslavia. may, temporarily at least, be
headed for a stricter course, more accept.
able to the Soviet dogmatists. Marshal
Tito's latest speech announced "a progres.
sive selection, from bottom to top, of the
million-strong Yugoslav League of Com-
munists."
"Why have illusions about this figure?"
said the Marshal. "Do not hesitate to chase
from our ranks those who shame us." Ac-
cording to the French version, Marshal
Tito even spoke . of "a purge.
"They say in the West that Yugoslavia
gradually is adopting a Western regime..
That is what our enemies want, but they
are mistaken if they imagine that we will
deviate from our dedication to socialism."
If Marshal Tito on this occasion has given
in to the urgings of Yugoslavia's old-time
Communists, he must have reasons to think
such a policy will benefit his country.
Albanian role seen
Haunted by the possibility of a nuclear
war with China, the Kremlin needs Yugo-
slavia to hold down Albania, where the
Chinese are . believed to have installed
rockets. Yugoslavia, in turn, is interested
in bringing about a change in the hostile
Albanian regime and also may want to ob-
tain concessions from Bulgaria.
These issues will not be mentioned in the'.
final communique, but are likely to be be
In the long run, though, it' is, doubtful
that Yugoslavia will draw closer to the
Kremlin or adopt a, true hard-line Com-
munist policy. Once Marshal Tito has taken
advantage of the present Soviet overtures,
he is expected to resume his policy of in-
dependence and to continue his country's
balancing act between East and West.
Yet the Tito speech at Zadar, on the
Adriatic coast, does remind Yugoslavia and
the world that the older leaders in Bel-
grade and in other countries' national
capitals still are Communists at heart and
that their collaboration with the West is a
matter. of expediency.
Pledge to Ip o?ci Ties
lations and to tryto eliminate
existing dfferences.
to vvlseela-d~ Dlar-ifi@ his stay
he met Wth President Tito, Pre-
mier MiLja.Ribicic, and Foreign
t
Mi
i
i
k
e
r
?n
n
s
a ac'avac.
This readiness was empha-
1 At a news conference, held
sized in a joint communique before hs departure for Mos-
and separately by Foreign Min- lcow, Mr. Gromyko stressed
ister Andrei A. Gromyko at the that "both sides have expressed
end of his official five-day visit their desire and readiness to
work to. diminish the existing.
'F I
to-
remove them."
However, Mr. Gromyko con
firmed that differences regard-
ing "some events and facts"
still exist. The occupation of
Czechoslovakia and the doc-I
trine of limited sovereignty of
socialist countries are believed!
Ito be the main issues.
 ~CPYRGHT
CPYRGHT
RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
L Difference of Emphasis
This became clear at a din-
,ner given by Foreign Minister
Tepavac in 'honor of Mr. Gro-
`
myko.
While Mr. Tepavac in his
(toast firmly declared that Sov-
iiet-Yugoslav relations must be
ased on the principles of In-
dependence, equality and non-
interference, Mir. Gromyko an-
swcred that according to the
views of his government these
relations should be based on
lthe principles of "socialist in-
Iternationalism."
"Socialist internationalism" is
the term used by Moscow,to
justify the occupation of Czech-I
loslovakia, and it is the phrase
1
with which Moscow is backing
the doctrine of limited sover-I
eighty or socialist (communist)
'
countries.
Relations between Moscow
Viand Belgrade were strained aft-
er the intervention of Czech-
oslovakia, which Yugoslavia
strongly denounced.
Asked whether the ,Belgrade
declaration of 1955 was regard.
ed still valid by -the, Soviet
Union, M. Gromyko avoided a
straight-forward answer. "Cer-
tainly," he said, "this declara-
tion has and can have influence
ion the further development of
relations between the two coun
'Cold War' Ended In '55
The 1955 declaration, signed
by the two governments, ended
the "cold war" between Mos-
cow and Belgrade and guaran-
teed the Yugoslavs their inde-
pendent way.
Asked whether he delivered
an invitation to President Tito
to visit Moscow, Mr. Gromykol
!refused to comment, saying
that "there are certain ques-
tions that cannot be answered
,precisely at this press confer-
ence."
It is known from Yugoslav
sources that President Tito
would insist first on a visit by
! Leonid ` I. Brezhnev, the Soviet
!leader, returning a visit Mr.
Tito made to Moscow two
yeaxs ago.
f In a joint communique
rounding up the talks just con-
cluded, the principles of sov-
ereignty, equality and nonin-I
terference are mentioned as
I
the basis for further coopera-
tion.
'.Appraising the present,
state of Yugoslav-Soviet rela-
tions," the communique says..
the two sides stressed the sig-
nificance that they attach to
the principles outlined in the
Belgrade Declaration, signed
by the Yugoslav and Soviet
governments in 1955 and con-
firmed during the meeting. of
the President of Yugoslavia
with leaders of the Soviet'
Union, In 1956 in Moscow.
THE ECONOMIST AUGUST 30, [96q
Russia and Rumania
r't the list ?
r Brezhnev and his colleagues are show-
ng their displeasure with the Rumanians
n a variety of ways. Mr Brezhnev himself
ailed to attend last weekend's celebrations
f the 25th anniversary of Rumania's
iberation in the second world war-he
ent a comparatively low-level delegation
nstead--although he went to a similar'
ans arc being punished for giving Presi-
CPYRGHT
on the Brezhnev doctrine of limited
sovereignty for communist countries.
The Russians plainly detest any
speculation about the Brezhnev doctrine.
It is a slander, said their foreign minister,
INIF r my ?o, in nis Supreme, Soviet
bpvculi of July ME, to S ege that ?ussia
and other communist countries stand for
some.kind of truncated version of national
sovereignty. Bourgeois propaganda,
Mpscow radio echoed him in a Czech-
language broadcast last weekend.
The gentlemen protest too much. It is
not western propaganda that invented
.the concept of limited sovereignty. It was
Mr Brezhnev himself. In a speech last
month in Poland he bluntly reminded his
%...& arty Congress earlier this. month as the %...& avt.a..aa
meant taking responsibility for the for
erfidious i
i
li
i
g
i
p
mper
a
st tact
r
c of
d
ge- tunes of socialism not just in one's own
uilding." On August loth an important
countr
but anywhere in the world
.
y,
icrriber of the Hungarian politburot, Mr
Snore comnu nistc in eastern as well as
c
i
d
i
s
n, ma
e it po
nted ? western Europe, had hoped that Mr
-
efcrence to those who g,o in for " spectac- Brezhnev's original formulation of the id-
jar political initiatives in their relations last year was just a temporary expedient
ith countries
ibl
f
`
respons
e
or the current
to provide an ideological excuse for the
olitical problems in the world." This was .
r r,--,
l
...?,.:.. -T,._ C_...t
o
os
o
t
government did
s best
a
the M
scow
ably also at Rumania's latest friendly
I gations in Bucharest and Tel Aviv to
Rumania's economic policies have also
ne recently attacked those communist
s ghted nationalist considerations," want
gado. And ? last week the ' important
arned such countries against retreating
into their a" national shells."
More sinister still are the persistent
mours. of Russian pressure on the .
wnanians to join in another round of
44y prepared ideological offensive based
it
,
t
o
communist conference in June, to
reassure the doubters and the critics that
the principle, of separate roads to socialism
-which implies that each country is
fully master of its own future-was. still
valid.
But the authoritative words of Nfr
Brezhnev in Poland, and his equally
unambiguous words in the most recent
issue of the party magazine Kommunist,
have dispelled these illusions. Communist,
states have an obligation to act jointly, as
in the case of Czechoslovakia, in support
of the principle of proletarian inter-
?nationalism-that basic component which
gives the international class struggle its
revolutionary character. This is the way
the jargon-machine is putting it ; and
not many east Europeans, in Rumania or
elsewhere, will fail to see what it means.
Approved For Re ease
3
 S TNDAY TIMES, London
Approved For F Pe'OLQW99/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7111
7 September 1969
By Our Special .
Correspondent
r agYc
r lJ day
?. of wild and
conflicting rumours, the political
Situation in Prague is more con-
fused than at any time since
Gustav Ilusak become First
Secretary of the Party in April.
.Just when and how the
former leaders Dubcek and
Nmirkovsky will he banished is
rupurccct last week that the
Central Committee was already
meeting in llradcriny Castle for
ice vital session at which Dub-
cek and Smirkovsky will be
him in the Commission's in the Praesidiunr ?~ an.
diplomatic corps in general re-
u to join a half-million-of his' suga;c harvest. Some pressures pudiates. Sanchez disclosed
p (were. applied before the inva-
cauntrymcn In exile. that, "some collaborations, ` r Augus, ; sion of .Czechoslovakia and the were required of him, but he
'o cherr32 a year- Gonzalez, old livtng., and tin: Castro regime was encounter, indicatedgrthat he did not follow
San
some difficulties..,t' through on one assignment to'
ing '4'
fuarki% thousands of miles,
from, ? Cuba a trip home might The Castro government s Contact certain Latin Ameri-
lulvo boon
, tinlo of nostalgia plans sugar to harvest carry out requirethed the 1970; cans In`Geneva.and evaluate wad renewal. TI1oro would he renovation of the sugar mills, them agents.
prospective intelli?,;
visit& with, his, 70-year-old fa.! and greater financing from the gsacs aas gan
ther,. his mother and the five S o'v let 'Union. Difficulties: Sanchez, his wife and their'
:'brothers who know more about` arose when these demands . two daughters, 7 ' and 5,
?c i g a r;-making and shoe were made to the Soviet Un disappeared from their Gene.
repairing than diplomacy..:' 'ion. It was necessary tosend va apartment about Aug. 14,
And so be went, taking a'. high-level delegations to' Mos-- and arrived in the U.S. about
leave, In May from his post as, cow and this course was .Aug. 25. Sanchez refused to.
charge' 'd'affaires of Cuba's ? made easier after the invasion tell how or when they contact
United Nabobs mission in Ge- of Czechoslovakia with Cas- ed U.S. authorities. Ile said he
nevi;' Switzerla #d, "I was tie's surprising support of the 'was ,pondering his future but
?shocised by the ituiltion 1 saw invasion, had made no decision about a
Job or a place to live. The
my country; itwus simply, The 1970 sugar ar State Department in Washing.
sinful," he related here yes vest,which' began two months, ton confirmed that he had
terday ? in a quiet, unemotional 'ago, in the earliest start on been confirmed
asylum.
.vohco.'.''What he-., saw: back' record, ,is the most vital one been
'Describing home he' added, 'convinced: yet for Castro, who has.stakc4 the poconditions litical
h
me gist I was not serving a "the loner of the'rcvolution" found in Cuba, Sanchez said,
just cause." on Cuba's ability to prdduco ;t0 "There is no democracy,
' lut the star i 'told by this million tons of sugar. That There is no freedom. There is'
would be more than twice the persecution. The ails are full.
law 5c11on1 graduate and for- output in the recently ended There is hunger in Cuba. med-
mer
only se of t the he !'angushuishh and d was 1969 harvest. Sanchez said that teal. , assistance is lacking.
hot despite official 'propaganda, .Cuba ,is a big jail ... work t,
homeland before found returned d his few people in Cuba believed" 'done under pressure and
to wensus in July, It was the goal would be met. threats, in very long work
of what ho;calle d the subalso., Cuba depends on sugar ex.- days without incentive of any
kind. It Is forbidden to travel'
tion of ,Cuba to "total domina-, ports for about to percent ot~ kind. I t Ideas are o tion" by the Soviet Union. Its foreign exchange, and Cas- persecuted;
tro has hinted that the island' and in the end you have to
Seers lip Ilusstan Colony ' may be in danger, agree with the imposed line.
r off to And there is a general mood of
< When P,r e m i e r Castro meet 'its .sugar ex tort com- .-:
raised the Sovict;invasianof rnibtments chaos fn the country.
zechoslovalcia.last. year, he Unhappy Over Collaboration'.' While the common
was ,marking h major.turning People lack food, medicine, ad
point :in llavuua-,Moscow rela- One of the points made by equate clothing and shoes, the
bons. They have grown steadi- Sanchez as he talked with wealth of Cuba continues to
ly 'warmer ' ever ? since. So newsmen in a Manhattan hotel flow abroad in a vain effort to
warm, in fact, that Sanchez suite was that "undoubtedly subvert the Latin American..
charged ? Castro "is making of : Cuba will have difficulties" in continent."
Cuba merely another colony ofliving up to trade agreements' Asked why he waited this.'
iinpetial ',Russia." Now, he with Western European coon-' long to defect, since some of
'said, "Cuban foreign, policy, tries. Sanchez' specialty was. the conditions are not now,'
-cannot contradict ' the designs foreign trade, and ? he was in- Sanchez replied, "The situa-r
bf &tosco."; volved in some of Cuba's coma' tion in Cuba has been deterio-
",According, to'Sanc'hez,' the mercial dealings with We9tern 'rating progressively. ' Many
,Soviet Union put an economic countries. More than Z0, per young men like me, who were
,squeeze on Castro, forcing him cent of Cuba's trade is with practically born with the revo-
to to. adopt ? a more pro-Soviet .tile west. lotion, who had great faith in
'stance, Sanchez said he know `' 'SSovlet economic aid to Cuba Fidel, Castro .and who love
'nothing of any formal pact including sugar subsidies, is their ,Soil,. have not found it
;'along those lines asrepo rted, believed to have reached $450 easy., tQ abandon their coun-.
Pay ai other Cuban diplomat, million to ;? Million last o try
Orlando Castro Hidalgo, who .
Fo"r i lease 1999/09/02 : CJA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
 25X1 4f oved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt
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 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
October 1969
ANATOLY KUZNETSOV
On 30 July it was announced in London that Anatoly Kuznetsov had evaded
his KGB escort and asked to be allowed to stay in Great Britain. Kuznetsov
is the most prominent defector from the Soviet Union since Svetlana Alliluyeva,
Stalin's daughter, and is the most noted author to renounce theat Stalin s crinics
YOU
Seriously appeals to me. For the last 10 years I have thin expose Stalin. And when onternptiblc but something, in
been living in a state of con- they stop, criticising him, you etween.
When I write I have the stant, unavoidable and irresoly- stop, too.
illusion that there is sonic sort able contradiction. Finally I. r They oduc some eal t en
;of sense in my life." Not to write have simply given up. I wrote Sn ritual C)'it)/AILS lie c product of a deal between
s for me roughly the same as my last novel Vic Fire, with no he censorship and an author's
fora fish not to swim. I have feeling left in my heart, with. There are so very many Soviet conscience.
been writing as long as I can out faith and without hope. "writers" who are just like that However much T protested or
remember. My first work 'was But real life will not forgive a tried to prove some point, it was
published 25 years ago. Could nn loriger wvrite ,,all who violates his conscience. like beating lily head against a
In those 25 years not nisirrr/'.e Those writers have all become wall. Literature in the Soviet.
In of my works has, been I knew already ]?n advance for such cynics and spiritual cripples Union is controlled by people
)minted in the Soviet Union as certain that, even if they pub- and their hidden regret for their who are ignorant, cynical and
wrote it. lisped it, they would ?,lessly wasted talent cats away at them hemscivcs very remote from
cut everything hnntan out "of it, to such an extent that their literature, But they are people
Vent 017. h0/)iFl,tl' and that at best it would appear' wretched existence cannot be with excellent knowledge of the
as just one more "' ideological " called life but rather a carica. latest instructions from the men
pnhtica] reasons t , the pot-hailer. (And that is, inci- ture of life. at the top and of the prevailing
v
Soiet ecosorci1 acid the' tali- pot-b lc exactly what ]lap it would probably be difficult Party dogmas.
tars shorten, distort' and pencil.) to think up.a worse punishment I could not force my way
$iolate lily works to the point I came to the point where I for oneself' than to have to through their ranks. Ycv-
of nimakine' them completely un? could no longer write, no longer spend one's whole life trembling, tushenko managed to achieve
of ttisable. Or they do not sleep, no longer, breathe. cringing, trying fearfully to get a little in this way, So1zlie Ii n
permit them for be 'published the sense of the latest order and. managed a little more, but even
at all. The Tragedy of Russian fearing to make the slightest that is all over now. The cracks
So long as I was yoianj I Went Writers : What is valuable in ;mistake. Oh, God! Were noticed and cemented up.
on It o]ng for as yo nig. But coetature om tatni ewe whit (b) To write properly, as their' Russian writers go on writing
the appearance of each new artistically original. A writer is ability and consciences dictate. and keep hoping for something.
oirlco mine buwas 'lot a t for, soraow. above all an artist who is trying that is theyhlwriteawito one ll not So far a cinarier
rejoicing f to penetrate into the unknown. _--?-,_-,
~i);uch an ugly, AP lse ~tnd c~ys? , ~paM ear ,{yn~ n~1~p~t~ appy state, of
tthapen feint, anPkel t F RV' I ,~ P,~e 6 dUD0,7~2h ITA40 dP ti W4di~'1~i unthinkahlc for
Ito look people in the face. obvious truths. destruction.,,- a Soviet writer-to be able to
ED' UNDER 5T
SE
These are the very things
which writers are forbidden in
the Soviet Union.
Artistic freedom in the Soviet
Union has been reduced to the
" freedom " to it?aisc the Soviet
bY,SILCIll an 1c aimnuntst? party
It is a sad thought that Rus-
sia has long and deep " tradi?
tions" in this connection. The
best Russian writers were always
persecuted, dragged before the
courts, murdered or..reduced to
wcie.
(e) W-8 44 and 'Vilite lie
Communism, ' as far as possible." To choose
The theoretical basi f this subjects which are not dan
 write and publish his writings my published works should be hope. At least . . - ,
without restriction and with-A de oyd down a s t
I?Pf t'cjv bbl 1 Tg is cry glad ,that
fear. Not to c1~ ved*QfnAema hWmvil ;lrt ,rack
turned down unanimously by
and %ti?cnt ?ff with it to t;te
the editorial board of Ad
magazine Molodaya Gvardi-
magazine Yunost. Outside in
ya - the very opposite of
Yunost - where I had one
the corridor they\ took _armee
by the hand and said: "M
hope. The two magazines are
velous job! But you know
like cat and dog.
the way it is.
If one turns you down,
I ' was staying with my.
You go to the other, not fot-
mother getting to say its rival has
in Kiev when .I dis-'
covered that my novel had
rejected your manuscript.
been printed in the magazine
That is what I did. They
in an abridged version [in
handed me my manuscript
1957), I learned that the editor
bark with a warm handshake
,In chief, Valentin Katavcy, a.,u
and with thank:; for the
pleasure it had given: "It is
saidL"What a pity, after till, it's a good novel like jt a'r'
absolutely brilliant, but we
cannot, of course, print it.
,not, we'll publish it: Let them
You know how it Is,,
shut the magazine - down if
Then I took my manuscript
they wish("
to Oktyabr is consei-vativc
That's what he said but
literary magazine] the very
then they made about 5d cuts
opposite of Novy Mir. I told'
and. and. changes, without of
the editor, Vsevolod Koche-
course the knowledge or.
too, where, how and why it.
agreement of the author.
had been turned down, He
1999fn9fn2c? clA-RfP7q-n119dAnnn5nnndnnnl -7
in a circus: Russia is in fact
one gigantic circus In which
the animals sit in cages,,
while the life of society is.
one long performance in the
ring.
AUTUMN, ' 1967
It was a sad day for me
when 'I was ? borf In Russia.
The world is so vast, yet I
had the bad luck to come
into it in that long-suffering
country. But. the fact of be
ing born here-will affect the
 CPYRGHT
Approved For Release 1999/09/02 :CIA-RDP79-0119AOQ1500040001-7
spent a long time reading it, that I make cu s. I said: "No, acqu;rftlg a certain s u novel can I publish in that
Finally he asked me to come I won't let it be changed. str-ving, laboring, achicv- way? If I pay the typists,
found the lacquering B uerin+ in this, "17'~ for you, calmly and delibef- pate with the millions of cop-
orisPolevo. "We shall not
or what sort of lacquering ?i'eturn the manuscript; we ately, and pick,on the very ics of the poor stuff pub-
Yumost wanted. I write things shall print it with cuts." things that cost you so much lished under the same name.
much more crtitical than this I shouted: "Give me my effort and of which you were And you'd be arrested for
myself and have no fears. manuscript; it's my manu- so pioud as a writer and an it at once. The end of you
But we are not going to print script!" artist. as a writer. The lone soldier
it. It's written far too badly."i When they refused I Who does' the destroylng7against the gigantic machine,
So 1. put the manuscript' grabbed it' and rushed out Flist, people who understand Private printers do not ex-
away in a cupboard. onto Vorovsky Street. I tore as much about art' as a pig 1st, of course. An under.
A year later, I had a tele~ the manuscript to shreds and' does about oranges. Who, in ground print shop would be
phone call from someone at' stuffed the waste paper bins place of brains, have a cot- , betrayed by agents.
Novy Mir; "If you will agree in Vorovsky Street full of ]action of quotations, and , .-Then comes the most
to a few cuts we will print them, all the way down to fear. frightful'part of it for a cre-
the novel." All right, better. Arbat Square. Only later did It is even worse when your ative writer. I begin to feel
have something published I realize that I had torn up own colleagues and writers that I am getting stupid., I
More Cuts Requested the original with them. Yar" I described the Ukrain- I Then there Is the darkness!
They tele
honed me in
p
Jan officials who worked
, the lack of information
I had always -respected Tula to say that there would under Hitler's recruiting Uk- ,the
Novy Mir. I decided to put be no work for me to do,. rainians for Germany and ignorance of who has been
achieved in the West. I have
up with it and leave it to that all
the correctin
'had
din
th
ff t
th
G
,
g
g
sen
em o
o
e
es-
them, Then the phone calls already been done, and that, tapo. You'couldn't get around heard of the namos of Fran-
}n ??.. 1?nrn., i? 'Y?..1.. l.w...,.. . .. _ _ - -_ - nnlan .Cnnn? ,f`nw...e Lrw H._
a e he
e
' v
-
"' ''""r'
.(,ry day or two: "We shall would be "'
a note saying that embroidered and so forth. I have heard,
shirts,
d .. 7 . _as you
l+n}' nn"nr rnnrl Cnmm"h ern
hn"n to ref f1,ie noecn nn
an
he was bein
ro
b
nd th
could
e
G
g pu
-
u
e
` a
that chapter." At first I pro-
people are discovering things.
b
lished in an abridged form: mans.
t
t
d th
ki
f
d
o
es
e
en Fmane
see
ng new
arms and ways
: D
as
, They reminded me that other- Polevol Is Criticized of writing, moving forward,
you please, only take my wise I would have to return
name off it. From then I felt the advance I had received ' ...In the same way people arguing, :while I keep bang-
to leave my name on it, The way out. throughout the world, knows breakthrough-
roofs
(don't laugh) that they did p
with all the changes made. I not get sib Polevoi, be-. A Ul:cx UV rrAtty
not put "Anatnly Kuznetsov" cause he will l s ee,things the Nov. 7, 1967, The 50th -an
hut "A, Kuznetsov." could no longer stop the ma- censor will miss. He will im-' niversary of the founding of
A third of the text was cut chine once it was going: I mediately mark your best the Soviet :state.
would have to pay for the re- passages with green I walk around, sit down,
el and henidl athtrh i d t gelnoo - setting, and in those days I pencil "Cut" or thick "Unsu t stand up and keep thinking
was up to my cars in debt. able." Everywhere the first about the same thing. I feel
,;recs. When anybody started They printed it, with a censors are ? the , so-called
as if I were prison. I ,
a conversation about it, I al- notr.~saying- "Magazine vcr? writers, the Cynics who do Incapable of writing. I have,
ways replied: "I do not dis- lion, which meant nothing not even bother to conceal
,y writ=
cuss it. It is not my work." to anybody. hope of seeing n
it was very fact. in no g hopublished, now or In the
Meanwhile the book [in odd to hear I told Polevoi to his dace: future. I am condemned to
19641 sold hundreds of thou- later from many knowledge- "Yo
?.,, a i
htf..1 ?
u
g
or sea-satisfaction and he ',permit.
vict books about life in the even Bahl Yar" would not sim
l
id
"Y
"
p
y sa
:
es
and he
., country, and was awarded a have been published in any ? I sit down to write, but
added: So what? You think The onl
thin
di
l
I c
h
t
t
b
th
C
l
y
p
g
an
oma
ype
y
e
Com on w
a
entra
soever The sitna
-.- mitten of the Communist tion changed. It appeared you're f;oing to write and I m this pathetic' complaint to,
t
r
th
ei
o ca
ry
e can? nowhere.
youth orgnnization& which I that I had been lucky and R
m
did not bother to go and re- that I ought to thank Yu- writing Is yours, s, the back- k g
fused to he able to
butt
,
sides are ours
. calve, nest. In 1967 the. novel Was Eve
now I can't. If I write, then
thi
I h
i
?
ry
ng
ave wr
tten
Storyof'Babi Var
not reprinted. Permission to to whom am I writing? Why,
n
writing? already have
Instead I wrote my third reprint was refused, exists In three versions. The first is the genuine original a .1.
le
t
very.first I did not offer a whole sentence out of and amended for the yPole- my name. Not that l wrote
--
B
t
t
_
_ -_-- _---
u
i
doesu t get them mysel . Kind people
cause it rlenrly sngrested berg had written, When ha, through. So the third version
----- ,____? gave me a hand.
that thirc w.tc u,t riiff.?renre lrarn: of if he was furious
---
Soviet fascism (I did not try fication: "It's just one little ardly. This ? is the version lure. Is that now prostitu-
to prove this, brit to my Sur_ sentence, a very small that -reaches the reader. it tion? But it is far.worse thbn
]arise thai: is what emerged.) thing." He shouted: "And becomes known to the world, the good, straight-forward,
I submitted nn Inoffensive' when they. castiate a man. as "Soviet literature." second oldest ptofession, To
text In which, it seemed to they also cut out a very, TII~ COST tin censorshi
ST OF yield one's body for an hour
would small thing
.
p
absolutc?J 'SAMIZDAT' or so for money -- what a
not find the slightest thing to In the same wa
y
object to. t ly everything that was pub Is there a way out? "Sam, trifle! But they' make you
At v.?? _. .1 _.. ,ir1,w.1 ?,ww Y prostitute 'vour mind. your
work, but they demanded You spend your life for +Jr ` ~ o ,... `',,,,., your talent. For a bowl or
publishing poetry, But soup, a pair of trousers, for
Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIAhR't M f?f9'4A(O05000U@O(FaVs permission to
Give me my manuscript Ing something in art and maybe 100 copies at the cost
 lick the plaAppmfe&ForhpelgpcigelA?q/t99l92 : CIA-RDfj7AqZ; 6b16AQQQCI ff,0C~s
te1"s table or even to travel can even try to escape, ~1
abroad - in a group under A spiritual prison Is much'
the abroarveillance of the secret, 'more serious. An attempt to Following are identifications of personalities and insti
police. escape, is out .of..tho..quest. In cited by Anatoly Kuznetsov in his article "My Diary..
the e, Soviet complete victory h ,tinn: They will catch you.: in the Other World":
system. The 50th 1 .-1711erNq nowhere to flee. ADZHUBEI, Aleksd 1., 45 years. NOVY MIR, liberal literary month'
anniversary of the nightmare. : 'old, Soviet editor.and a son-In.- I edited by Aleksandr Tvar-
Illuminations on the streets. With' this profanation and law of Nikita S. Khrushchev; dovsky.
From morning till night for-.; prc??tih;tinn o n,y talent editor of Komsomolska
t yaPravda,
g O
aa; !.1957-59; editor, of Government cheto conservative literary`
~ ic r.
:itii;G I ant monthly, edited ted by
mal meetin s with Nia arcs; ,
g gr,, ~,uaiiv turning ? into Tunes- newspaper Izvestia, from 1959 KOChetev. Vsevolod
of speeches and boasting. 1n- until Kitrushchev's
si fall from POLEVOI, BORIS
spirinQ military parades. The cos Rhinoceros. I feel the power In 1 1964; since then on
, 61, Soviet novel-
'hardening on my forehead. I staff of Soviet' Union, an illus lit; since 1962, editor of?Yunost,
disciplined ."celebrations" of g y `crated monthly published In literary youth monthly
the people. The nrilitaty pa- feel sick, sick of it a111 I several languages. . , SIAMIZDuse,' erally "sel
elf-publish-
rade of death-dealing instru- don t want to be a 'rhinocer- EHRENBURG, Ilya: Soviet novelist Ing house," slang term used for
ments for Intimidating man-, 'os. Will some good person (1891-1967).' ' surreptitious circulation of tvpe-
kind. not help me? KATAYEV, VALENTIN, 72, Soviet - written copies of forbidden
L In the thi~tl movement of novelist;. editor of the -literary Forks.
If you want to save yo r magazine Yunost, 1955-62. . Soviet writer whose work was
self you won't succeed by' Shostakovich's 10th sympho-' KOCHETOV, Vsevolod A., 57' So- published briefly in Soviet Union
just keeping silent. You? will fly you hear the cry of the, viet' novelist; editor, ' Litera. (1962.63) and has been. banned
shout the same stuff until horn. And in reply you hear ?turnaya Gazeta, then :a literary since then; widely. published
lyy .
you're hoarse. Shout hurrah, the wind rustling across the dai 1955-59; since 1960, editor abroad.
u of Ok; ktyabr, conservative literary TVARDOVSKY. Aleksandr T., 59
clap your hands. Otherwise open spaces at night, Noth-a month~lyy . Soviet poet; since 1958, editor,
they will notice at. once that log but the'rustling. And the' 'KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRA'DA, of Novy Mir, liberal literary
you are not "reacting" and horn repeats the cry againi daily newspaper of the Kom-' monthly.
,they will ask you why. and again to the very end.! Lea ue the Young Communise voROVSKY STREET, 520 address
Help! Kind ped e; it there. g of the editorial office of Yunos
An inarryy PIS a + N MOLODAYA GVARDIYA. literary YUNOST, youth-oriented (literary
nrlmitiOrdvr?affair. prison rYou ix are put ,are any still left in tha? monthly, oof. the Young Commu- monthly published by the So-
WOrldl , nist League. viet Writers Union.
TELEGRAPH, London
10 August 1969
The fugitive author tells how the K.G.B.'s
tentacles `reach like cancerous growths into
This article, written inBY
'ttussian by the th
h
every branch of life in Russia'
F A M A T O L _ (4 atol u5~'RE; :So',)
au or,
as L;heka, tfie ., t e ussia. And in particular
been translated bDAVID jfe K.V.D, the M.G.B. and the into the world of Soviet
in the
;n the orie G.B..--in other words, the literature.
g sing e
Gestapo. writer in Russia who has not
is a frightful story that Everybody knows that the had some connection with
have to tell. Sometimes it number of people murdered the K.G.B. This connection
s ems to me as though it by the Secret Police runs can be one of three different
n .ver happened, that it was into many millions. But when kinds:
j st a Stig ttmare. If only that we come to reckon the num. The first: Y
ou collaborate
re hue... bee of people who are enthusiastically with the ' 11.
How all this works out in
The Soviet system remains terrorised and deformed by K.G.B. In that case you have practice I shall explain by
t m] i on nl power in
nxcept Russia, elude t th whole o have to in- every chance of prospering. reference to my own experi.
a ly powe. ful. apparatus of the Soviet Union.. The of , ledge The
your second: You acs the similar a matter of fact a
o pression a n d primarily K.G.B. s tentacles reach,' like K.G.B., duty toward to the Story could ould be who
B., but you refuse to coe bimilol- by any Russian writer who
t auks to what has been cancerous growths, into 8laborate directly. In that case Is even slihtl known. But
c lied at various - .tim eve branch
Approve For F~elease 1999/002*: MV-00"M4 gf94At0400 'A IS,/and they want,
deal, and iii particular of the
prospect of travelling abroad.
The third
V-
-TS) ee a advances made by
the K.G.B. and enter into
conflict with them. In that
case your works arc not pub-
lished and you may even find
yourself in a concentration
 to live, anApprcedkF*rd $AIge AtPR.,(PP(g?n,nCiorgDP~7c9 011,94A000500040001%-7 plcasa'nt young
quiet. `started to explain to me that' man, Yuri Ganin, a student at .'ie
this was the most usual and Because we are all obliged to Polytechnic Institute, who un-
IN August, 1961, I was pre. most natural thing: no group "rite reports after a trip abroad. blui?daicd himself to me at great
was ordered to write one after length. He told me .that he
paring for the first time in of tourists and no delegation, I
my Pa
my could do without its " Com- ad, to co
trying to guess what our being taught how to o mak make, mis-
France. I had been included rade" and the voluntary "comrade" would write, so silos and were made to sign
in a delegation of writers, . t assistants attached to him, that I would agree with him. On terrifying documents about the
'was a most impressive experi- The Western world was one occasion someone had turned preservation of state secrets. Ile
once, because in the Soviet devilishly cunning, and we tip late for the bus,. said he had dreamt of bein"
Union the only pcople ho had to be incredibly vigilant, and the "comrad.e" had been an inventor, but instead 61'that
are allowed to travel'
ravel abroad Either I would undertake to, that incident fromncident frig detail and h nds others accord wan to obliged spet a l wean-kill out
are those with " clean " maintain contact with the like it. I devoted ded et about t half f the formurlalas, how many' m ae missiles
es
'records, who have been " comrade " or else my trip report to reporting on myself, were needed per thousand
thoroughly " vetted," who would be cancelled and I because that -is essential-where human lives.
have not been in any trouble would never be allowed to I had gone, whom I had knot The Soviet Union was, in
at their work or in their travel anywhere abroad. The and what had been said. his opinion, a Fascist country,
political activities, who have "comrade " would beaver But my report, wasn't to the The students, he said, id, were pub-
y liking of someone high g
never in their lives consulted pleasant person, and he g up. Eight lishing a
ma a?
years passed before I was
a
chi
t
i
t
h
h
ld
i
psy
a
r
aga
s
, w
o
ave never wou
approach me himself,'
n zinc and were being arrested.
were being
allowed to travel abroad, this Finally he burst into tears.
been before the, courts, and saying: " Greetings from Mik. time to Britain. You will now tried to calm him. Through his.
so on and ,so forth., hail Mikhailovich." learn the price I had
t
f
;~
o pay
or tears he screamed that he
What is more, the whole Our delegation consisted of that. would
r
d
h
p
o
uce t
e magazine
process of getting one's some 15 writers and editors of I lived the whole of those' himself. I said that was stupid:
papers in order lasts many Moscow magazines, and we all eight years in Tula
and throu
h=
,
g
and that lie would prove nothing'
months and requires a mass gathered at the harbour in out that time the "comrades" like that.
of references, quires mires, Leningrad to embark on the kept coming to see me. When I
+ of ecret rences rs and nacres, liner Latvia. I looked at each came to inquire of other writers Now 1 tremble ?
of the delegates and wondered: it appeared that this was the 4
ential advice on how to which one of them is it? The most ordinary occurrence--f hey Not long afterwards somebody
behave. By he time a person person in charge of the dole- went to see everybody-every Phoned me and asked me to meet
has gone through this proce- gation was a woman from body. And it depended on the him on the square outside. It" co dure he is so intimidated and Jntourist (the Soviet Govern- extent of the writer's decency knew one of invited meirto~is t?on
who
tcalsed up that the trip begins men, Tourist Organisation) who as to which of the three cat.
to seem like sonic religious kept counting everybody as if egories of collaboration he would the bench and said: " Why didn't'
i
ritual. we were chickens. Maybe she choose. you r
ng us up? Somebody
was the "Comrade"? They would ask me gently and reveals state secrets to you and
I had already gone through But when we were, aboard politely. about my life, about tells you various formulas, gives
this intimidating procedure the ship it was one of the edi?. what I was working on, what my gru infparman peri, dbyou simply, nder.
and was packing my case tors who came up to me and, friends Yevtushcnko, Aksyonov, ground papers, and you simply;
when someone telephoned to with a crooked grin, said Gladilin and others were. doing, object What t is t is the not right lll'c right
.say that people from the " Greetings from Mikhail what they were saying and what wa. Y.'
Mikhailovich ". sort of people they were. At first then, in your opinion?"
Secret Police were going t0 I said only favourable things and tremble when I write now'
:visit me. A couple of men He was a boorish fool, who
b
out that conversation on the
spoke highly a
appeared and showed nae owed n
b ody, who also kept count- objected, Yevshcnko was com?
e
tit
-aL made a
e y frill up the delegation, and who watcrhing ttrcarefullly I enough,nol was lilac forgiaven r and hnd ot frying- allowed nglri to rtk.~Q
n
w
y jokes, s chatte
abo Lit literature, then got listened greedily to every con, must provoke him to ar but I was warned.
versation, But I noticed that and report what was really going
From that time in 1!)63 I was`
down to business: some of the writers were also ,.-.
, _ _,
insi
especiali a certain Sytin, to me more sear 1
~vhy we've come, one of our y olio, who use threats. p y and to
comrades will be travelling in the Soviet film world. Of the
as usual with your de
le I shoutd
ga.
h
,
.
em that it was
15 members of the delegation,' e at t
not
tion. But it will be difficult one was from Intourist, one was proper behaviour and I
for him to cope on his own, the "comrade " and at least five asked them to keep away from
m
I
i
'
a
sa
d I didn
t see anything
So you will help him, you were "voluntary assistants.'s
bad around me_ no rnncnrron, .~
an e e
pen to see
O
" r
this was the usual arran ement and nothing anti-Soviet. If I
that nobody slips away and g did sec anything, then I would
stays, abroad, to see who ]f five people are travelling ring them u Ad ih
b
a
road, at least two of there are' p. n w t that
they vanished!
'talks to wham, and to see informers. If two are travel.
how people behave." ling, at least one must be an I couldn't believe my luck.
So th
t
it
a
,
seemed, was the way
"No, I don't want to," -I infmer. And if there's only'
Said, one person, then ' he is an to talk to them. After all what
could they do to me? `I was
Informer on himself
"
.
?You must.
Perhaps some other Russian already a well known writer
y books were being published
Let somebody else do it." writer will also, like me, be min 40 d.,coun
others will be doing it. myself the and I
" reduced to blind horror and will could d p pierrmimit t mvself
cn lllxllrv
course, that I was an a?nti.,
Soviet clement. or that I was'
intending to organise sonic plot.
.On
On the contrary, 1 was a htcniber ,
the Communist party, a'
;recognised Soviet writer, and Il
wanted only one thing:. to go
on writing. But I had auto.
lmatically to be. followed, because
I came in the second category,
Then I took a room in Yas?
naya Polyana Square (the Tol-
stoy Estatcl where I' wrote a
novel. I became friendly with
the scholars working in the
Tolstoy Museum and they were
very kind to me, especially the
intelligent and attractive Liiiza
Senina. One day she came to my
room and told ore she had been
appointed to follow ever?v. step
- word
Well, then we Shall have what they did to himnut "ve'l1 such characters! Perhaps How very wrong I was! I was r said. But, she said, I was a'
A to reconsider . , . in that case- Yevtuslienko will one day tell' simply transferred to the second good and trusting person and
what's the point of your of the conditions on which he Category, she couldn't do it any more; she
oing?" was allowed to travel round the ~1
, Y home in Tula was open to was having nightmares.
world and the reports he had to
l
l
,
_ iema
44
l,e 8 s lefit, qultB -write.. everybody. One day there ap?. One of the "scholars" at Yas-
Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : ?IA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
 nays Polyana w yrgfJi48TrJo 1Q v~r~~? 9~E1~Srr' iG?AaRD 0av1 AO~BGeTuthe . in any
the K.G.B. and y, `[rertl 1'a~ poi='Tany g o . df~ly' abroad-but without much hope. case they for a e the reprinting
the Director down to the guides, confused and told everything to I wanted to see the world
They
- Of it.
.
had to report to him. Every her "comrades." were always ready to promise foreigner who visited Yasnaya But I was struck with the way me, but that was the end of it.
Polyana was kept under speci- people would immediately tell Others went travelling, but not
ally strict surveillance. The fact me everything, warn me and
me.
not say
that I had taken a room there give me advice. I can was especially suspicious and any more, so as not to harm
they were trying to get some- them. After all, they are there,
thing out of her about me. What they are not to blame; they are
was she to do? She would be the victims.
sacked! A stranger
I was particularly shaken by get phones
the fact that this was taking There are others whom even
place on the revered territory, I do not know. A stranger
of Tolsto~y's Estate., "Well," I phoned me from a call-box at a
said, "lets try and save you; tram stop and told me what was
let's make something up t0', in my letters to my mother and
gether." ' which foreign magazine I had at
I did not succeed in saving home: " What on earth are you
her. On the contrary, out of in doing? Don't you realise that
experience I wrecked her life. all your post is opened? . That
One day in the cafe the K.G.B.- your neighbours on both sides
officer in civilian clothes sat and above you are watching
down opposite me and started you? That your phone conver-
joking and asking odd ques- sations are recorded?"
tions. I looked him straight in He gave no name and hung
the face and said: "Listen, by up. Thanks. But I just couldn't
dint of pure logic, I have rea- understand: what was the point
used that you are from the of this horror? I was writing
Security and that you're inter- literary works and had no in.
ested in me. So let's talk like tention of engaging in- political
man to man. What do you want activity. f was a writer. What
to know? You ask the questions do ,you want from me? That I
and I'll give you straight ans-
wers. It'11 be easier for you and should stop to think before every
for ." word I said on the telephone?
me."
He was terribly embarrassed In fact, on one occasion the
hind started mattering that he telephone at home started tink-
was not interested in me per-., receiver n odd way. I took off
sonally, that I was above any the e rebut heard no ring-
suspicion, that I had well-known ing tone, so I started banging
friends in Moscow, that they on the rest. Suddenly a tired
sometimes behaved rather voice at the other. end of the
strangely, and that in general banging, said: "Please, don't keep
my circle of acquaintances .. , , bnging, have patience. We're
Later, in his own time, he switching machine. It's to another
reached his own conclusions. recording tem . It's a cond
Luiza Senina was dismissed catedit system-you understand
after a frightful row, was given Later an electrician appeared
a hopeless reference, and was and changed the electricity
a long time without work until meter, fitting a new one, fresh-
she was given a job as a libra- ly scaled, with a microphone, no
rian in some trade school, where
she still is today. doubt. Just try living in a flat,
I hurried away from Yasnaya knowing that every word you say
Polyana as if a curse had been is being listened to and recorded,
laid on it. But wherever you In 1967 I locked up my flat
Jive you still have contact with and went oft on a long trip.
people. Young writers kept Two days after I left, in the
coming to see me, bringing middle of the night there was
a fire
their
their works with them. There thing in in it my was destroyed. and every-
was one very sweet irl, a emen who came to the estroyed.
e
student at the Teachers Insti- firemen rem, scene
flat, from
tute, Tanya Subbotina, who pprevented he whole though never
came along in this way and discgovered what destroyed, st caused the fire. re.l
then one day asked me to go But us
,outside on the street with her. But and ps andmanuscripts
,, ,
_ escaped by by a real miracle:,
once she
-
was sure we
t
forced to come to me and told
.to try to become my mistress
and report on everything I did.
Otherwise they threatened she
?would be turned out of the In-
stitute- She was not doing very
well there, and they could, well'
have done it, '
11 Heavens abovel I have re-
Counted only two incidents, be-
Cause they are no longer- secret
and. everything is already vgry.
Then, unexpectedly, the Paris
publishers Les Editeurs Fran-
cais Reunis invited me to spend
a month in Paris as part of the
payment for my " Babi Yar." I
thought that the authorities must
understand at last that I was no
enemy, so I made my applica-
tion and started to go through
the procedural marathon. I got
right to the end.of it only to be
told that the Union of Writers
had no money for my trip. I
declared that there must be
some, misunderstanding, that I
was going at my o} on expense.
Then they told me in a whisper
that it was simply that the
authorities in Tula had formally
sanctioned my departure, but their kindly and friendly atten-
that Safronov, the propaganda tions.
secretary, had said by tele- How movingly they explained
phone that I should not be to me that the situation among
allowed to go. the intelligentsia was very cour-
I said in my statement [pub- plicated. That people as tense
lished in The Sunday Telegraph as the writers, 'however clever
last week] how my writing was they were, were in revolt and
maltreated. But they also de- they did not want to resort to
formed my whole life. I couldn't tough measures.... I had done
speak on the telephone; I pray very well, they said, not to sign
tically stopped writing letters; any protests; that was not the
and I saw an informer in every business of an artist. But I ought
one of my acquaintances. I be. to try and influence my mis-
gan to ponder: what sense is guided friends and make them
there in such a life at all? understand that if they did not
Here is an extract from my stop causing trouble, then .
diary in October 1967. "I have well, you understand.
not been able to sleep for I went from town to town
several days now. I am just a trying to keep out of the way of
great lump of nostalgia. I turn these "comrades", from Moscow
over in my mind what I have to Leningrad, to Kiev. Many
written and compare it with people there probably remember
what I would like to write and my asking: What are you going
what I could write. I see before to do; what is the way out;
me years and years of life in what is there to hope for? No-
which I could have got to know body knew anything. Intelligent
and study and understand and People in Russia feel only so much and which have ror There is nothing butyl dark- .
been wasted on what it is fright- ness ahead.
which I was to be a delegate
from Tula, Sol7henitsyn sent me
a copy of his famous letter [in
which lie denounced the censor-
ship]. I spent several nights
thinking it over. At home they
wondered what was the matTc>'
with me. I said: "Solzhenitsyn
is inviting me to commit suicide
with hint."
Yes, I could not find in myself
the courage, and I probably fully
deserved Solzhenitsyn's contempt.
I simply did not attend the con-
gress. I signed no protests,
either then or later. I saved my
own skin and kept out of things.
Others were expelled from the
party and from the Union and
were no longer published. But
they continued to publish me.,
and the "comrades" resumed
"When I quote what I wrote k'Al MV 111911E ut riugust .U
in 'Babi Yar' I feel like an ant, 1968, Russian tanks entered
cemented up in the foundations Czechoslovakia. I spent several
of a house.- All around there is days listening to the radio. Many
nothing but stones, walls and people in Russia wept during
darkness. To live to the end of those days. It marked, they
my life with this feeling of being said, the turn to Fascism.
stifled, in this state of being it came over me somehow of
buried alive ..." itself. I realised that I could
That was just after the trial not remain there any longer,
of Sinyavsky and Daniel. Solz- that every day, every month and
board henitsyn's writings were no long- every year would see only a
I had moved the cup-
par
ure er being published. The process Piling iip of horror and coward.
another with room, the intending to manuscripts into move of rehabilitating Stalin had ice inside me. .
o ;
my study there on kept return. begun,
After that I pt my manu I had my own troubles. There Like a prison
scripts buried in the ground. was an unpublicised row over But Russia is as well de-
Another reason was that, when- "Babi Yar". They suddenly de- fended as a prison. Just read
ever I left my flat for any length' cided that it ought not to have Anatoli Marchen'ko's remarkable
of time afterwards, I recognised been published. At Yunost they "Evidence". He wanted only
by various signs that someone, told me that it was practically one thing: to get out. They
had been in the flat in my an accident that it had ever ap- caught him 40 yds. from the
absence.. peared at all and that a month frontier and threw him into the
I frequently asked varit us..tQp later,its publication would have same camp as Daniel. Marchen.
-, Approved "For Release 1999/09/02 itIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
 CPYRGHT Approved For Release 1999/09/02;: CIA-RDP79-01194A000500040001-7
ko's description of that present
dal, concentration camp is
enough to make your hair stand
on end.
Then I received another in-
vitation, this time. from America,
from the Dial Press, who had
allotted 5,000 dollars for my
trip. I began to attend all the
meetings in Tula. I presented
,Safronov', with signed copies of
my hooks and I always turned
up on time for talks with the
comrade... " and spent situ
months fixing my papers for
America.
Then I was turned down again,
,with the explanation that the
Dial Press had published Solz
henitsyn as `well as me and they
were therefore enemies. It was
Clear from certain details that.
once again it was the K.G.B.''
who would not let me out. This!
coincided with some fierce cri-.
ticism of my latest writing in
the Press.
Now I began to feel myself
run down and itcrnmed in like
a wolf. I went down to Batumi
rrt the Caucasus] to study the
is of the land. The whole of the
holiday coast of the Black Sea
is under the strongest guard.
When darkness falls patrols
drive everybody away from the,
water. Searchlights play over the
beach and the sea. Radar instal-
lations detect, even it child's ball'
floating on the surface of the
But I had made up my mind
to swim under water to Turkey
with' the help of an aqualung,
entering the water before the
patrols appeared and pushing in
front of myself an underwater
raft with spare oxygen contain-
tr.s. I would swine by compass
dust one night, otherwise I would.
be detected in the morning by get a real piece of informing"
the helicopters that were about I hinted to the "comrades"
like flies. I had trained myself that it seemed as though an
to swim without stopping for 15 anti-Soviet plot was being
hours. I started on the building hatched among the writers. They"
of my raft,
were really impressed and
It was frightening all the same. believed "me. They demanded
I imagined. myself being cut in some facts, and of those I had
two in the darkness by a sub- a head full.
,marine at full speed - they are My report revealed that the
about the place like sharks. Or writers were preparing to pub-
I would drown . lish a. dangerous underground
So I decided to make one last, magazine called "The Polar
desperate effort to obtain per- Star" or "The Spark," but they
mission for a trip abroad. I no were still arguing about the
longer thought of anything but name. I said that the people
getting out, at any price. who are going to, publish it in-
Night and day I had going eluded Yevtushenko, Aksyonov,
round in my mind only that: Gladilin, Yefremov, Tabakov,
to get away, away, away from Arkady, Raikin, etcetera, etce-
that monstrous country, from tera, I said they were collecting
those scoundrels, from that money and manuscripts. The
K.G.B. Let me get out, even first number would start with
to the Antarctic, even to the academician Sakharov's memo-
Sahara, so long as they are randum.? I very much wanted to
not there. add that they also intended to
I just could not go on. It blow up the Kremlin, but that
was stronger than me; it was would nave been too obvious
the animal instinct for self-an exaggeration. I was trans-
preservation, probably- I was ferred to the first category,
at least a living being. I wrote 'Pier's how I came to be in
in "Babi Yar" that by the time -Britain. I brought a copy of my
1 was 14 1 should have been shot report with me, photographed on
20 times, that I was still alive film, because it is the most,re-
practically by a iniracle, a sort markable work I have ever writ-
of misunderstanding. ten. The rest was easy. Only six
So there we are: according months' filling in forms, a pro-
to the rules of the K.G.B. I mise to write a novel about
should now be shot for the 21st Lenin, just one personal agent-
time. If only because I went Andjaparidze-and I didn't have
straight at them and got out. to go swimming in the Black Sea.
If only because I am writing (Who knows? - maybe they'll
this. And I shall go on writing, have got radar that operates
as long as there's life in me. even under water). On July 24
Now listen to what the Rus- I got out of Russia on the same
sian writer, Anatoli Kuznetsov plane as Gerald Brooke, and I
did. He said to himself: "You don't know which of us was the
have to imagine that they are more -moved, as he looked out
the Gestapo and think what they at the blue sky.
like most- of all. Informers are I managed to get out and I'm
what they like. Fine.. So. they'll
still alive., You can try me 'if
you wish. I have still not come
round: I still feel as if I lay on
the edge of a sea, groaning, ex-
hausted and bleeding. But it is
the sea. I have got away-from
them.
Forced cowardke
I now believe that the 'main
reason why many highly in-
telligent and able people do
not escape from there is because
the Soviet regime has forced
them to commit such cowardly
acts that no amount of repent.
ance can absolve them. There is
no way out.
But, really, what would 'Vol,
say if you learned that Leo
Tolstoy had been a Secret
Police agent and had written
reports on all the foreigners
visiting his Yasnaya Polyana ?
Or that Dostoyevsky informed
on his best friends ? Would it
be possible after that to have
any respect for their works,
however brilliant they were? I
personally have no answer to
that question. The only thing
I can say is that Dostoycvsky
and Tolstoy did not live in
Soviet Russia.
If you are a citizen of Soviet
Russia you. autom-aticn.lly cannot
he a 100 per cent, decent person.
Cowardly silence or half-truths'
-are those not lies ? I? have
told you only about myself. But,
believe _ me, there are very,
many others who could tell a
similar story. Let me leave it
at that.
Thank you-the good people
of Britain.
Copyright. Reproduction In
whole or part is strictly forbid.
.. den without permission,.
,,
NEW YORK TIMES
21 August 1969 I.F.
u ~etsov Recalls the Reaction of Russians to'
invasi Ye Czechoslovakia a Year Ago
The following article is by
the 44-year-old Soviet author
who sought asylum in'Britain
last month, maintaining, that;
he could .no longer work un-,
der repression. He describes
here the reactions he saw
among the Russian people
after the Soviet-led invasion
o Czechosiovahfa a year ago.
Cl y1RQdf KIJZNETSOV
e waning or alL T,116 bireas
In occupied Prague.
In Russia on Aug. 21, 1968,
the majority . of people felt
as though world war had.
broken out.. The very air,
seemed to smell of gunfire.
People went around. with
long faces, all asking the
same question: "What's going
on in Czechoslovakia?" Many
wept as they listened to their
radios.
It seems as If it were only., with all is sirens I started
ally r'UN
I had only just come away
zen of the country that has
occupied you; I know that
rantastic. r ra io
jammers. It isolates the So-
viet people from the rest of
the world and has the job
not only of suppressing the
slightest sign of discontent,
also of djuninahas hitq
everyone the belief that he
is living the best possible of
lives.
These machines came into
action with renewed force
after Aug. 21, 1968. The oc-
cupation of Czechoslovakia,
the arrest of its leaders, the
threats of a repetition of the.
suppression of the Hungar.
ian revolt, the Intrigues and
the plots -- all this was
..-,.....-.....i .... .. ..w........., ..O
great humanism, brotherhood
and salvation.
People were forced to turn
up at meetings so that the
newspapers could demon-
strate to the world the
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CPYRGHT
"unanimous, nationwide ap-
proval" of the aggression.
These were strange, dreary
meetings at which people lis-
tened with sad, worried
faces to the official speak-
ers reading prefabricated
texts of resolutions that
approved the actions of "our
wise Communist party and
Soviet Government."
such ritual is a famlllari
integral part of life in theSoviet Union. 'Nevertheless,',
the seizure of Czechoslovakia'
was such a brazen act, and
affection for the people of
Czechoslovakia so genuine
and strong in Russia, that
there had to be some addi-
tional explanations.
Thousands of propagandists
were sent round the country
to tell people by word of,
mouth:
"West Germany was pre-
paring to invade Czechoslo-
vakia. If our tanks had not
gone in, the Germap tanks
would have been there the
next day. But we managed to
get there first and saved
Czechoslovakia."
I heard this said dozens
of times.
Information from the West
does not reach the great mass
of the population in the So-
viet Union, and Russian sus-.
picion of the Germans is
understandable. But the im-.
portant thing was that this
false explanation was com
municated in a sort of confi-
dential form, whispered in
your ear, so to speak.
And the Soviet people are
accustomed to a state of af-
fairs in which, if what is said
openly is usually false, what
is said in closed meetings can
sometimes contain a little
tr.
Itwas amazed occasionally
to hear the most honest and
apparently experienced peo-
ple say with a shrug and a
sigh: "It's terrible that we
had to send our tanks into
Czechoslovakia. But we had
to save them from - the Ger-
mans."
. Briefing by Party Aide
Among the Soviet politi-
cians who made many
journeys at that time be..
tween Moscow and Prague
was the First Secretary of
the Communist party, the
"boss,"- of the Tula Region,
Ivan Yunak. In October, fol-
lowing one of these trips, he
held a closed meeting to
brief propagandists and edi-
tors on how to speak and
write about Czechoslovakia.
I was' present. Yunak had
just returned from the Krem-
lin and was in a godd mood.
His speech added up to this:
"We have, comrades, dealt
with Czechoslovakia. Order
has been restored. It is true
we have had to leave Dubcek
there for the time being. But
he is not, of course, the
right man. He is not our
comrade. When passions have
subsided a little he will be re-
placed.
,You can refer more fre-
quently to people like Indra
and Husak. As for Smr-
kovsky,on no account: he is
not one of ours, he is a shady
character.
"There will, of course, still
be many difficulties, but it
is already in the bag. It is
our country. You Ought ax o-
ciaily to stress the great dis-
cipline and humanity shown
by our troops, Only a single
accident, which was blown
up in the West: A woman
standing near a window was
killed by mistake.".
GSring's Awkward Comment
The writer Boris Polevol
was at this time about to re-
issue one of his books that
was an account of the Nu-
remberg trial of German war
criminals. With a sarcastic
gesture he told me:
"It's enough to drive you
madl The censor has demand.
ed that I make some cuts.
You would think it was pret-
ty old stuff. - the book's
been printed many times. But.
it appears that I quoted a
conversation of Goring when'
they annexed Czechoslovakia
in 1939. He said something
like: 'Arrest the Government,
compromise the others. Form
another government. Then
have them issue a program
and make some 'declaration.
And keep tanks at all the
crossroads."'
I asked him: "Are you go-
ing to cut that out? After
all, it is part of history."
Polevol laughed: "I've al-
ready cut it. Today that
would be a trump card in
the hands of our enemies.
We mustn't put cards in the
enemy's hands, so we have
to cut things out of history.
And it's right to do it. We
must make use of such facts
as suit our purposes and not
the enemy's."
Thus in the Soviet Union
the truth is whatever helps
the cause of Communism.
Thinking people in Russia,
and primarily the intelligent-
sia, were nevertheless well
aware of the true situation
in Czechoslovkia. Yevgcny
Yevtushenko, the poet, sent
off a telegram of protest to
the Soviet Government in a
moment of rage but then
went and took it back, or so
I was told by an official of
the secret police. Others were
more consistent.
And then, suddenly, some-
thing unheard-of happened.
People. started to refuse to
vote at meetings.
Slogans on the Walls
Many letters of protest
were written, bearing the
signatures of well-known
scholars, writers, professors
and so forth. Slogans were
Chalked on the wally in many
towns and on tht statues in
Leningrad: "Brezhnev out of
Czechoslovakial" "Barbar-
ians out of Czechoslovakia!"
It had never happened be-
Leaflets also began to ap-
pear in large numbers. And
finally a demonstration took
place., . . .
True, it was a very small
demonstration -- seven peo-
ple altogether: Larisa Daniel,
Babitsky, Delone, Pavel Lit-
vinov, Dremlpuga, Fainberg.
and Gorbanevskaya. But in
Russian terms they were act-
ing in the same way as the
Ch:'istian martyrs of ancient
times, deliberately sacrificing
themselves so as to "demon-
strate that not all the cit-.
izens of our country agree
with the use of force "that is
being practiced in the name
of the Soviet people."
They carried banners say-
ing "Shame on the invaders"
and "Hands off Czechoslo-
vakia!' for a minute or two
before they were seized.
They are now in Siberia.
Leaflets Circulated
But all Russia- heard about
them and respects their
bravery. Tula, where I lived,
learned about them from
leaflets, or rather handwrit-
ten notes, that were dropped
into letter boxes. I photo-
graphed one of them and
brought it with me: "Friend!
The Government has violated
the Constitution by arrest-
ing participants in a demon-
stration against the occupa-
tion of Czechoslovakia on
Red Square. Long live free-
dom of speech, of the press
and of assembly! Please re-
produce and circulate."
The secret police have been
really shaken by what has
happened this year. They are.
demanding permission to re-
introduce Stalin's methods.
There aee numerous dismis-
sals from work, punishments,
arrests, trials, imprisonments
and the country is boiling
with protest.
Before I left for Britain I
was given this advice at the
central office of the Commu-
nist party in Moscow: "If
you are asked about Czecho-
slovakia, don't say anything.
Don't give . any interviews:
say you are too busy. If you
really have to, let you- in-
terpreter ?do the talking for
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CPYRGHT
A. ANATOL (AnatoUi Kuznetsov),
the Soviet writer now in Britain, reveals.
the hopes and fears of ordinary Russians.
What is the chance of a popular explosion?
Do they believe their Press? What do they
realty think of Communism? Are they afraid
of China? Interview by DAVID Ell 0Xn
ugust 1969
are all ' hawks'."
With these words Ana-
toli Kuznet4ov, the Russian
writer who a few weeks ago
evaded his siicret police guard
and chose freedom in Britain,
summed up his view of, the
present leaders of Russia.
Kuznetsov does not shard the
view common among Western
observers of the soviet scene
that the men in the Kremlin are
divided into "hawks" and
"doves", into those who want
to he tougher towards the rest
of the world and those %,be
want to be more friendly. As
far as this intelligent and sen-
sitive Russian can see, they are
all " hawks ".
Slat, then, was going to
never happen in anystcha change Would
for there the
better, towards greater internal,
reedom and democracy? : Kuz-
netsov is not optimistic:
"An explosion-that is to say,
nation-wide revolt capable of
verthrowing the present Soviet:
egime---is impossible. The'
machinery of oppression is tool
owerful for that. ? Nor can I
ec much hope for the gradual,
democratisation' Of the regime,;
ecause there is no real"
litical life at all in the Sovictl
nion in the Western sense of-
e term. But there is the very
al possibility of a new reign of
rror, such as we knew under,
talin and such as the Russian;
eople have known so many
mes in their history.
"Many people still hope that,
cre may emerge an intelligent
vilised, humane leader, and
hen, they think, all would be
ell. But among the present
.aders there are none --whoi
joy any popularity with the
ople as a whole. Nevertheless:
ogle go on hoping.
"I would be inclined to `say,
vvever, that Russia is more
ady for a new Stalin and a new
ria Stalin's secret police
ief]_ than for an intelligent
and humane leader. In the course of-. history Russia has. been through many more bad than good and she is ready for anything. That is, of course, a pessimistic view.: I be very happy if I were proved wrong."
Passengers to cln' The population of the SovietUnion, says Kuznetsov, play nopart at all in the making of policy. Policy is magicby a very small number ofpeople in Moscow, and the rest the population get to know their decisions only after. the event. The whole population is interested in politics but only in. the sense of wondering whaton earth the very small group leaders will think up and do next. " The attitude of the population of the Soviet Union to the policy- makers in the Kremlin is like of passengers on a shipwhose destination they do not
know. The street has noS influence oat al he and doesn't believe be has any influence-over the direction of the' Soviet ship of state. He
would very much like to have influence but tha for hi m. is beyond his wildest dreams." But did the ordinary people in Russia not have some say in' local politics? "Good heavens no, never.
Whether it is a question of major issues of policy or small ones the ordinary citizen finds himself in the position-at best
-of a person who is simply' informed what is going to be,
with him. Sometimes, as I said, they don't even bother to
inform him, about the few brave spirits who had dared to protest against Official Soviet policypeople like General Grigorenko Pavel Litvinov, Larissa Daniel
and others?
The further you go from
Moscow the less is known about
such protests, , and I have not
heard of any signs
of open
support for them in other cities
and towns. . But there have been
other forms
of protest in
provincial towns.
"For example, there is a very
widespread movement in the
Ukraine which demands national
Periodi Willy e thefor re the is an out-
burst of discontent in some
town or other
other, as was the case, for example, with the workers in
Novoc
herkassk. There were simi-
Jar incidents in Tula, but on a
smaller scale. . But on the whole
the position' tion in Russia is just the
same
as it was described so
vividly
a hundred years ago by
the great
Ukrainian poet Taras
S
hevchenke: `All is silent , in all
languages.
...:
i But did the Soviet people not,
make
any use of the apparently
democratic institutions they
had?
Officially, , on paper, every-
ing
th's fine. There are the so-
called
'deputies,' the Supreme
Soviet,
local "Soviets, which in
theory
are supposed to direct
the
the foreign and domestic policy
of the country. But that . is pure
show. . All the deputies. are sim-
ply uppets,
p who vote obediently
in favour of everything that is
put before
them."
What then,do the of
people
Russia believe in? What-are they
striving towards? Do they
believe in
"I a Communism?
m afraid that 90 per cent.
of the people in Russia no longer
believe in any
kind of ..Com-
munism. It is a long time since
there
was any revolution or
revolutionary utionary spirit in Russia. It
is a
firmlyestablished imperialist
state of
a special kind unknown
in history. . Communism is taken
seriously by practically
no one;
it only provokes ironic and sad
smiles
..
"All the same, the majority of
people in the Soviet Union; con-
tinue to use the term, simply
because they have got nothing
else. They argue like this:
` What is there left for us to do?
-to turn back again to capital-
ism? No-it has. been shown to
be no good. And what can we
do that is new? Maybe we shall
find something. But I must say
that our efforts to rind 'some.
thing are not very good-nothing
but stupidities and failures. But
maybe an intelligent and decent
leader will appear. Then every-
thing will be all right.'
crorife:zuasa cs Quit
the way acsElecad
"As for the more Intelligent,
thinking people---hero you have
a state of chaos and great con-
fusion in Russia; Some of them
believe that it still may he possi-
ble to have, in the phrase in-
vented by the Ciechoslovak Com-
munists, a form of `Communism
with a human face.' that is to
say, a decent, more democratic,
more liberal society, even though
still ruled by the Communist
party. Others pin their faith in
science and the scholars -- that
they will become so influential in
society (scholars like Academi-
cian Sakharov, for . example)
that they will be able to find
some solution. Very many turn
"Nevertheless, the majority
understand nothing and do not
believe in anything. They simply
see that everything seems to be
going wrong, that there seems to
be nothing very good ahead of
them, and that there's nothing
left to do but save their own
skin, which is what each one
does, as best he can, in accord.
ance with his own principles and
his own desire to live."
Turning to Russia's relations
with the rest of the world, Kuz.
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 UIYF H I
netsov emphas pmvedoF4fn `emeA1,99/tQ /Q2y:
Soviet citizens were dependent are two monsters, and that
on the State-controlled Press for nothing good is to be looked for
all their information about for- from America.
eign countries and that their .,
Still others simply swallow
opinions about those countries the official propaganda line that
were conditioned by official America is a dangerous imperial
propaganda. Their only lode-$ ist country which thinks of,
pendent sources of information, nothing else night and day but'
were foreign radio broadcasts
which are heavily jammed by the now "to attack Russia and enslave,
Soviet authorities. The attitude! her."
"Thinking people believe
most likely one to provoke a
third world war and that
America is only defending her-
self and the_ Western .world.
'people and their Government
are of one opinion.
"The attitude of people in.
Russia to present-day China Is.
extremely cold and unfriendly.!
That is, to the policy ? of the
leaders in Peking. I personally'
have not met a single person in
Russia who can see even the
TEXT OF ANATOLY KUZNETSOV.
TELEVISION INTERVIEW (CBS)
CPV aTmber 1969
CslArR[) 7i9ftoahi4 AQQ50QO4 QO$r7ducea a situation
understand that China is not so in which Russia seems to have
well armed as the Soviet Union. enemies on all sides and very
But what impresses people is few friends in the -world.
the ? vast population of China. "But the ordinary people
"The way the Soviet man-in the factory workers and farm.
the-street thinks is this: Of- workers--cannot see this. They!
course, China would not suer, have absolutely no " objective`
ceed in defeating us.' But those; information and, although they
Irresponsible_ mad leaders of greatly regret that the Russian
China may 'well attack the people's prestige and the repu
Soviet Union. We shall defend; tation of the Russian soldier has
ourselves and we shall be via been so shaken, they still be-
torious, but it will be a tremen lieve that there was simply no
dons, frightful war.' ? `other way out for the S'Oyiet
"People in Russia are ter. 'Government's poand licy ish he onthe
ly
ribly afraid of such a war, guarantee of peace. And peace
What's more, the less educated, s all the ordinary man wants."
simple people are more afraid
than are the thinking people. - . ?lf69 The Sunlay-Telerraph
"The more intelligent people Reproduction in whole or in part
in Russia realise that So' et without permission it strictly ter. bidden.
ibis ma&s name is Anotoly Kuznetsov. Me. is o -
old, one of the Soviet Union's leading novelists. On July 30th of this year,
Anatoly Kuznetsov, on a trip to England, escaped from his Russian guard and
defected. In the lining of his coat, he had sewn this film, copies of the original
manuscripts of his novels.
Kuznetsov(through interpreter)'That there is the whole of my life.
These are my real books, not the ones as they are named to the reader.
SAFER: This is the story of a man Who got away and there are men in th is
`building who would like nothing better than to get their hands on him. This is the
Soviet Embassy in London. Anatoly Kuznetsov will have nothing to do with it.
1an honest novelist and a Soviet citizen.
Kuznetsov spent his adult life in a schizophrenic twilight zone, trying to both
E 1 1. His best-known work in the West is the novel "Baba Yar", an account of the
'Nazi massacres in the Ukraine in 1942.
Kuznetsov's story is made of the stuff of classic spy fiction. But it is brutally
true. It involves the Soviet secret police, the KGB, a shabby hotel in the West End
of London, the Apollo, a favorite place for the Soviet Embassy to put up visiting
delegations, and sex, too, among the seedy strip clubs of Soho. It is a story of escape
and betrayal. Like many good thrillers, a newspaper man is involved -- the London
Daily Telegraph's Soviet Affairs Editor, David Floyd, the man in the middle.
Someone had'given Kuznetsov Floyd's name. Kuznetsov now lives in hiding.
He prefers to be called by his first name, Anatoly. Kuznetsov, he says, was the man
who wrote what he was told to write, and he wants to forget him. But he emerged from
hiding to tell his remarkable, sometimes sickening story of life in the Soviet Union. _
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 CPYRGHT
he interpreter is David Floyd, the man who took Kuznetsov in from the cold.' `
I know that the Soviet Embassy was very anxious to.tplk to you, and you've
flatly refused to do so, even in the presence of British Foreign Office people. '
INTERPRETER: I am afraid of them, even in the presence of British officials and.
even at a distance, I am afraid of them.
ANNOUNCER: This is a CBS News special. "The Ordeal, of Anotoly
Kuznetsov" with CBS News correspondent Morley Safer:
ANNOUNCER: Now, "The Ordeal of Anatoly Kuznetsov" with CBS News
correspondent Morley Safer.
last year.
SAFER: Anatoly Kuznetsov, when did you decide to leave the Soviet Union?
. INTERPRETER: The decision to leave I took on the morning of the 21st of August
SAFER: That was when Soviet troops went into)Czechoslovakia?'
? KUZNETSOV: Da, da.
SAFER: But there have been many things in the past twenty years and more1equally
horrible. What was so special about Czechoslovakia?
INTERPRETER: Well, probably for me, personally, that was the last drop..
After that I really didn't have any faith loft, or any hope.
SAFER: All right, there you are, a Soviet citizen who decides to leave Russia.
What do you do?
INTERPRETER: Of course, it's very difficult to leave the Soviet Union. Very few
people travel outside the Soviet Union.
First of all, if there IS a dossier on you with the police, then you won't
get out anyway. You've got to have a very good reputation at work.
You've got to, make frequent- statements about your political loyalty, your love
for the party and the government. You must be psychologically and nervously in good
form, fit. If you've consulted a doctor, and especially if you've consulted a psychiatrist,
you would never be let out. And then for five or six months you fill in a mass of different forms.
You particularly have to put down what people near to you, close to you, you leave
behind in Russia. A~bachelor has very little hope of getting out. A man with a family has
better chances. Then he has children left behind and people related to him.
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Sometimes they will tell you to follow the activities of the people who go with
you because they very seldom let.you out alone. You have'to'go out in a group. In my
case, they attached a special personal agent to me. ?
I had no permission to leave.
I once made a journey in 1961 to France.
Since then, fore ight years, theywouldn't?let me out.
Foreign publishing houses invited me out.
I was invited to Paris by a French publishing firm at their expense, with their
"money. And it looked as though they were going to let me out. Then the secret
police got in the way, and I wasn't released.
Then I was invited to New York by the Dial Press publishers.
They wrote a-long letter. They promised to put up five thousand dollars. And then
once again, at the very last moment, they wouldn't let me out.
So then I decided to get out at any price. I got ready to try and swim out
underwater because it's very difficult, this tremendous guard on the frontier everywhere.
I took a lot of chances, and I was very scared.
I trained myself to do this. I trained myself to swim. underwater.
I can now, for example, swim for fifteen hours underwater. Because what I had
to do was to swim under the water and do it in one night and only if it were bad weather.
I just got a letter from another Russian who actually did manage to do it by swimming.
He got out to `Turkey in the end.
There he met up with a Soviet frontier guard who had also got out to Turkey. And
the frontier guard explained to him it was only a miracle that he had got out at all.
Lots of people tried, but they all get caught.
The Russian authorities don't only have radar equipment on the surface. Which is
good enough even to detect a child's ball floating on the surface. But they also have
hydro-radar locators, underneath the water. And they would have caught me. They would
have detected me.
SAFER: So you decided against swimming out, and you made one more attempt
to come out hga I ly?
INTERPRETER: I made my last, my third effort to get out legally so that !would -
1 decided to try to fit?in with what the secret police wanted.
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Dut at a very enncdarrnh1a nr:wn
SAFER: What was that price?
INTERPRETER: As I said, I had to demonstrate in",,,me
bu m a
i
t
t
nx
?
e
* r r'
, my willingness TO Work With the secret police.
They Persecuted.-me for eight years. They demanded that I should inform
upon my friends who were writers -- Yevtushenko, 'Axionov. These are all my friends.
refused _
So'then they developed a great dossier on me. They got people to attach themselves
me
r
t
di
b
, p
e
en
ng to
e friends.
They got women to try to-become my mistresses.
A lot of these people told me what was happening and warned me about it.
My telephone was bugged, my letters were opened. I think there were
microphones in my rooms. They knew absolutely everything about me. I had two copies
of the magazine "America".
Suddenly some completely unknown person rang me up and said, "Why on earth do
you keep those foreign magazines in your home? It's already written down in your dossier."
So then, in desperation, I decided to show them that I had changed my ways, that
I would improve -- behave differently.
What you have to do, I said to myself, is to just pretend to yourself, believe that
this is the Gestapo. I must escape from the concentration camp. What do the want in
order that they should believe me? That I should inform on my own friends. That would .:'
be fine. Let them have their informer. I composed what was probably the most strikin
the most -- finest piece of writing in my Iife. g,
I said that these writers, like. Yevtushenko, Axionov, and a group of others right
down to some actors in the comedy theatre were getting ready to produce and publish
frightful underground magazines. That they've got an underground print shop, that the 're
gathering manuscripts together and money for the job. Y
Oh, how the secret police were pleased with this, which was a pure fiction.
I even thought I might put in that they were actually planning to blow u the
Kremlin but then I thought that they'd see through that. But it didn't matter. T
have no tense of humor. They took it all seriously, They
SAFER: Then what did you do?
INTERPRETER: l? decided to write a really persuasive application.' There's a ter
rific
campaign' .there going on at the moment preparing for the hundredth anniversary of
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 CPYRGHT
If you A PIVOYed 56610 R*40118 1@A/Igi3,: 9131AA6i1Pji +'8g'ig#A@&W0O46U01-7
wanted to write -a nova 1 about Lenin.and how he created the Communist Party in London.
And I would just have to go,and visit all the places where he'd been in London.
SAFER: You created a kind of phony project in a way?
INTERPRETER: Well, I made it -- it was a very detailed plan, too. So then,
they started to work with me and said that they'd let me go to England and that maybe
they would give me some secret task to perform secret mission, that just before I left
from -- left Russia -- I should telephone and I would probably get my secret instructions.
But, you know, I took a chance and I didn't bother to ring up.
SAFER: Anatoly, do you feel any guilt about what you wrote and reported
about Yevtushenko and the others?
INTERPRETER: Of course, I do. It's by no means excluded that they may have
hod difficulties. I wrote about it immediately as soon a I was here in the Daily
Telegraph. So that the KGB over there should know what I'd done. But it was
a false project. Yes, of course. But this is such an ordinary, everyday thing with them
that this isn't going to surprise anybody.
SAFER: Yet, you know that Yevtushenko was once greatly admired in the West
and many of his poems were against the Soviet system. So, perhaps, there were some grains
of truth in what you reported to the KGB.
INTERPRETER: No, of course not, he has no plans to start an under-
ground print shop.
SAFER: So there you. are on a plane with your shadow and you arrive in London.
Then what do you do?
INTERPRETER: Well, you find a room in a hotel, which was booked for us either
by the Soviet Embassy or people who were very close to the Embassy. I don't have the
,right to choose a hotel myself.
SAFER: Then you have a plan?
INTERPRETER: We always, when 'we.come on these trips, have several
sheets of paper containing the program of. what we are to do and .a copy of this remains
behind in Russia.
SAFER: What -I meant was a plan to evade the authorities.
INTERPRETER: Well, that's a different question.
SAFER: Tell me about that.
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 CPYRGHT,
ftwww. Ivvrc, 54n, UYUS Orr me,
INTERPRETER: Well, my firstproblem was to get a few hours of freedom when
Approved or a ease
SAFER: You must have been a desperate man.
INTERPRETER: No, ,no, no, I'd studied him pretty carefully. I knew his weaknesses.
SAFER: What were they?
INTERPRETER: We wont walking around London and he, like any young man,
ho was simply amazed at the beautiful women, the pretty girls, the short skirts,
the mini-skirts. I noticed the effect this had on him and I worked on him with a view to
'suggest that he should visit the strip-tease shows. You had to become a member and he.
wrote himself in as a Yugoslav citizen.
In Russia we are strictly forbidden to visit anything like strip-tease or get mixed
up with women. We have to sign a paper' saying that We shan't do this.
In this way, both of us, both I and my watchdog became criminals. So this introduced
a.,certain amount of confidence between the two-of us. We agreed with each other not to tell'''
afi each other.
When he told that in the evening he absolutely had to meet certain people, that I should have
to sit in the hotel
than l said m
h b
t
if
,
uc
e
ter
I were to go and have a look at another
st
i
-t
a
d
f
p
r
ease
n
i
it looks all right, then we can both go along there another time.
He hesitated for a nmment. Then, he agreed. And I said if I don't'come back for
th
ra
er a long time, he shouldn't worry.
And he went off and, while I went off to a telephone kiosk -- telephone booth. I
tel
h
d th
D
il
ep
one
e
a
y Telegraph, tried to get in touch with David Floyd who speaks
Russi
1
d
an.
meanage
to get hold of him and we meet -- we-met.
SAFER: What did you say td him?
11 INTERPRETER: I told him I wanted to stay in London. Asked him to help
me because I didn't know English, that I wanted to hide away from my watchdog, my
K4B man. This was a very dangerous step to take
The
've
ot th
i
l
.
y
g
e
r agents a
l over
the place, dl over the world. They used to tell. me with a smile that they had agents -in
lri'
t
f
h
l
a
par
s o
t
e wor
d in the most incredible places. Just places you just couldn't,
imagine.
They suggested that I might perhaps go to a police chief and this police chief
might i
f
t b
S
n
ac
e a
oviet agent. This was just theoretically.
So I looked for somebody in whom 'I could be
Y of whom l co Id b '
certain. He quickly understood what was,the matter and he helped me? and and 1 shall be
grateful to him for the rest of my life.
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 / ' 8?'tha 9 w?91'mil'malan $iladrd 941P@(4 )O500040001-7
William "5tron have described what you have done as "despicable," both in informing
y
and, in fact, in leaving the Soviet Union.
INTERPRETER: If Mr. Styron thinks that way, well, I'm happy to offer him my
flat in Tula (?) =- let him go.and try it. They still don't understand just what the Soviet
i
U
n
on S.
If Thomas Mann or Bertoit Brecht'had been faced with the dilemma of leaving
Germany of living under Hitler, what would they.have said then? They left Germany,'
after
ll
if th
if
h
a
,
ey -
t
ey had had to save themselves at any:. price to get away from
h
G
;t
e
estapo, in any case, this is a question which. I myself can't decIdo.
I ask myself, after all, what would pepple:say if they learned, say,, that,.~well,
Dostoevski, say, . had written and informed, even falsely, but had informed on his
I don't know what to, answer --, I can or ly say :that neither Dostoevski nor Toistoi
nor Turgenev, none'of them lived in Soviet Russia. Yet Daniel, Sinyavsky and Pasternak did
live in the Soviet.Union.
So you would be advising. a Russian writer, simply because he's Russian
,
to live in a concentration camp. I have.a small hope that not living a concentration camp
I m
b
bl
s
'
ay
e a
e to
ay more. I don
t know.
SAFER: What were your fee[ings as a Sovietrwtiter during the ttials of Daniel
_ _I A? 1
INTERPRETER: Horror.
SAFER: Did you want. to speak out for them?
INTERPRETER: I didn't have'the courage to do that.
SAFER: And where would, you be today if you had spoken out?
INTERPRETER: If I'd done it really actively, I should 'be alon
side them
w
O
g
no
,
r
,I should -- they. would simply not have published me or I shouldn't have been able to come
out of the c
t
V
ry,
oun
SAFER: The-Soviet authorities said that you left-for the most tawdry of reasons,
th
l
f
at you
e
t a pregnant mistress behind. V
INTERPRETER: Well, I learned about this from the Soviet ress.
p I don't yet know
what they're talking about. It was Boris Palevoy who wrote. about this. and apparently
he k
w
b
h
no
s more a
out t
is woman than I do. V
SAFER: You know, Anatoly, human nature's a very.funny thing, No one really
likes a,turncoat. How do you feel about that?.
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 AWWQaE13 rSQQJl*S*1 1PPJQ ? q - fiJe%iReldlt9o4rem a9n a P 40 a? oward,
a conformist? What can I do? I was born in Russia; I was born in Russia. I lived
.there 40 years and I know no other life, And the moment came when I could no longer live
.that way. What do you advise me to do? Commit suicide? 1 thought about that.
ANNOUNCER: "The Ordeal of Anatoly Kuznetsov" will continue in a moment.
ANNOUNCER: Here, again, is Anatol
Kuznets
with CB
y
ov
S News corres-
pondent, Morley Safer.
SAFER: You know, Anatoly
at the ve
b
i
i
,
ry
eg
nn
ng, a great many people outside
;the Soviet Union had great hopes for Communism. What went wrong?
INTERPRETER: Communist doctrine, Communist teacing is very attractive. And
it grow out of good convictions and beli
f
Bu
lif
e
s.
t
e, it appears, is a good deal more
"complex than it appeared to the founders of Communism. And we see ancient history being
repeated again. The road to hell is
aved
ith
p
w
good intentions. Thanks to Communism,
;that road has become many miles longer.
l only have to mention the name Stalin and you'rebound to agree with me. If that
is possible -- if it's possible to have millions of victims completely, senselessly, that
moans that the idea itself is no good.
SAFER: But how is,it that the Russian-people with their great sense of nationality,
great sense of being Russian, how on earth were they so easily cowed?
INTERPRETER:. Oh, there is in Russia along, long tradition of tyranny. See, if
you were born in a concentration camp and your parents were born in a concentration
camp and your grandpartents were born in a concentration camp, you'see? you no longer
`imagine any other life. First of all, the czars oppressed Russia. Then came Communism.
There was that littlo'short period, that intermission in 1917, between February and
October,' that was so small that you can really write it off.
SAFER: Wall, theme was another brief intermission, a tiny crack ~f light created
by Khrushchev a few years a
o
Wh
g
.
at went wrong: there?
INTERPRETER:: No, no, That was onl
j
t
- --
a
y
us
didn't take that seriously. That was really just as I
just make slightly more human conditions.
INTERPRETER: You're banned from
writi
l
r
ng
oite
s and receiving parcels, say,
;and then,
for a time, you're allowed to write letters and then allowed toreceive parcels'.
ook it
I - _p
`411 se lousry. and rnought that very soon the
doors were really going to open.. No, no, no, the Soviet regime can not possibly open
the doors.. properly. It seems to me at the moment, when I think about it, it's like some
nightmar, some frightful dream.'
9
 It's like -- I e r Al 0e ~1% 7L io2I d9v .
~9649OAf Sobb4eoo1-7. lies me
say ou ply : u at ou ou o sa
There are, of course, some people who do say what they think. But these are just
people who are not very bright people who are just using set phrases of official propaganda.
But a thinking man finds it very hard there. And it's a terrible system of universal
informing, universal following. You cannot trust a single person there. It's quite,
possible for a son to inform on his fathers Or a wife on her husband. Not to mention what
friends can do to friends.
Ul-?SAFER: What gave you the idea, the sense that it might be any
INTERPRETER: They isolate us all from foreigners but we read'books
And som
ti
.
e
mes
we're able to travel abroad. In order to know a little bit more about the world, I specially
learned Polish. See, you can buy Poi ish` newspapers in Moscow and they tell you more about
th
ld
h
e wor
t
an Russian newspapers do.
And then, after all, once I was actually in Paris. Nine years ago. Well, then,
-'I also became a criminal.
1,90t away from my group once in Montmartre and got to know an-artist, who was
painting modem pictures. I asked him wehther he was allowed to pain pictures like-that.
He just laughed. I went home with -- he showed me his pictures, said he'd won some prizes'
for them
I
aid thi
i
.
s
s
s just a fantastic Iife. This Is. just trmendous happiness. He took me
h
to t
e window. He lived up. in an attic, right at the top.
He said,. look, it's all right here -- why-the hell do you want to no back t
'
o
Russia? Why don't you stay here with'me7 I'll paint what- I Iike and you can write what
1!11
You e. And a lasss of milk Will
be --
g we'll have enough for a glass of milk.
SAFER: Why,didn't you do it then?
INTERPRETER: Pitifully frightful fora person who's born in a concentration
camp -- it's too sudden. I'd left my wife whom I loved in Russia, my son. Son who was only
N.
just born then
I listened t
if it
lak
.
o
as
was
e a fairy tale, something fantastic, you
sea.
SAFER: Did you brood on that when you got back to Russia?
INTERPRETER: All thinking people in Russia think about this and brood on it. See,
it's very difficult. We Russians are very fond of our country. Every single emigrant is really
suffering from a sort of nostalgia. And then, of course,' it's especially frightful for a writer to
cut himsolf off from his people;
,SAFER:' Yet, as:a writer in the Soviet Union, ._ v
,you you were a member of a very
select group of people. What I'm really trying to get-at Is that you sat around with other
writers, thinking men, and intellectual people, what on earth did you talk about?
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say written 1 d
h d
n
a
ova an so t
ey wont publish it. or else
;rte4k4-A.1 C- LL L
h
'
e
s
.~
.
I.r..y desperate.
SAFER: Isn't that dangerous, though?
INTERPRETER: Yes.
SAFER: Well, just where do you draw the lino in these conversations? Can you
really ever trust each other?
INTERPRETER: A hundred percent, you can't trust anybody. You have to carry on
your conversations like this. Now, you say, this is Very bad and this is bad and this is
bad but these were all. mistakes. But altogether, we are .Communists. We just think that
there are little small mistakes committed in Russia.
SAFER: Anotolyr I've read everything you've written and one word keeps coming
.up in almost every article. The word cynicism." Could you expand on that?
INTERPRETER: I am at this momenta very fortunate person. I am for the
first time in my life saying what I really think. Many, many people in Russia think
exactly the Sarno as I do. I'm rosponsiblo for my words. I know what I'm saying, Insofar
.as we have to live in that theatre, every single person has a sort of collection of phrases
which he speaks and says officially, publicly, and a corresponding collection of
actions.
Insofar as to a normal human being it's extremely difficult to lead such a double
life.
SAFER: What are the rewards for that cynicism?
INTERPRETER: Well, of course, hd?gets the possibility of living more richly than
others, be better off than others. He can buy commodities, special things, special
shops. He will be, allowed to travel, travel abroad. He may.receive decorations, official
state medals, state prizes.
SAFER: Do any of your colleagues place any real value on these awards?
INTERPRETER: No.. Can the whole, we'repretty cool towards the sort of rewards
you get.
My novel "Bobo Yar" was put forward for a`state prize'.
They used to be called
Stalin Prizes. But when this was reported in the newspapers, a lot of very decent people
began to change their attitude toward me for the worse.
Fortunately for me, I didn't get the prize.
SAFER: The Soviet authorities were very unhappy with your novel, "Baba Yar".
Now I know that book, and it's a simple account of how the Nazis slaughtered hundreds
of thousands of Jews and Ukranians in the Ukraine. What on earth did they object to in
that?
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But in the first place, there is a great deal of anti-Semitism, in the Soviet Union.
And "Baba Yar" is primarily concerned with the murder of Jews,..,
The Soviet officials prefer not to talk about this.
Then, my novel went rather further than this. It begins with talking about the
beginning of the war and inquiring why there was such a terrible defeat at this time."
The.truth of the matter Is that a great many Soviet citizens and'espcially
t Ukranians waited for Hitler as a liberator.
Then it turned out that the Germans were offering them the some kind of'terrorist
regime as Stalin. So the people found themselves between two fires, between the
hammer and the anvil. The ordinary citizen preferred his own, Russian form of terror.
And the third objection on the part of the censor was purely literary quality.
{My literary method.
They considered that they knew better than I 'how I should write.
Consequently, they did such an enormous number *of cuts and changes that the novel
in, fact was turned upside down. And all my novels have been treated in the same way?.
So I'm always faced with the dilemma of printing at least something or publishing
nothing at all.
But in the end it became so. objectionable to me :what they were going to print that
I simply reject the whole of 'it.
SAFER: Now, in coming out you didn't really come out'alone.You came out w th
everything you'd ever written. How did you achieve this?
INTERPRETER: I'm a bit of an amateur photographer. And I took pictures of all
my manuscripts. I put them onto film. I'll show you some of them. I've got them here.
That's roughly -- that's the sort of thing. Just ordinary film.
I managed to get 'six sheets --.typing sheets onto each exposure.. You see, if- I
brought it all out as-actual manuscript,- well, it would make something like five or six.
cases, five or six -- so I squeezed it and wound it up really tight and it didn't take up much
more room than a cizarette pack.
But I hid it inside my jacket. And that really were the whole.of my possessions,
the whole of my property with which I came out of Russia. And that there.is the whole
.of my life. These are my real books, not the ones as they.areknown to the reader.
SAFER: You've left your homeland. As restricted_as it was, it was your home.
Do you think you'll be able to find the things that you're searching for in the West or'.
will you always remain Kuznetsov, the man who left?
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IRI~f~l~PR ERs course, . am ma rng an absolutely desperate effort'to turn
myself into another person.
I don't Iike it when people call me Kuznetsov. This is a compromise name..
Only the fiture will show whether I can be a real artist and writer and a person.
SAFER: We in the West have all sorts of problems - Vietnam and other things that.
are tearing our society apart. Have you ever- thought about any of these things?
INTERPRETER: Yes, of course..'
I consider that the war continues in Vietnam only because of the Soviet Union.
As for America, there are a lot of thinking'people in Russia who think the some
as I do. But rather less as for as Vietnam is concerned.
SAFER: As a thinking man in the Soviet Union, did you regard : the United States'.
as a threat to peace, as a threat to yourself?
INTERPRETER: I've been living too short a time in the west and have too-little'
information. I have no knowledge at all of America. I very much want to go there.
But now, and for a long time, my *personal opinion is that the real aggressor in the
modern world is the Soviet Union.
They don't conceal their aims. They say that Communism's spread all over the
'whole world, that the - - after all, the Western world, including America, defends
itself.
SAFER: You know, even here in the West, one of the great conflicts at the moment
for writers is a writer's commitment, a writer's involvement in politics. Do you feel that
even here you must engage yourself?
INTTERPRETER: Oh, God, how I'm tired of all that. I don't want to have anything
You put me political questions, but my answers are the answers of a dilettante.
I really like writing, writing literature.
But. there I got to the point where 1' felt I couldn't live there any more; 1 couldn't
d
it th
S
'
o
ere.
o I
m going to try to do it here. That's all I'm hoping-for.
SAFER: You call Russia a concentration camp. Yet you left your own family back in
that concentration cam
D
f
f
h
p.
o you
ear
or t
em?
INTERPRETERt ' Very much indeed.
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SAFER: Well, even here in the We
NEW YORK TIMES
24 August 1969.
. uz isorvB.ackS Sovieton China
C" E. SALISBURY
Epee+at tone NewYork Tama
LUNUUN, Aug. u- ie o-
viet writer Anatoly V. Kuznet-,
sov celebrated his 40th birth
day Monday and formally end-
ed his career. The same day the
ate'w non-Soviet writer, A. Ana-
tol, was officially born. It was
a sybolic act that combined
deadly seriousness with irony.
On the eve of. his birthday
Mr. Kuznctsov, with a few
friends, conducted a small me-
morial service for the dead In
.a quiet English villege. A jig-
ger of vodka was drunk, respe
were paid to the late author
Comrade Kuznetsov, and a
toast offered to his successor,
Mr. Anatol.
Thus, Kuznetsov - or Ana-
tol, as he henceforth will call
himself-has marked his de-
parture,. for good or for bad,
from the Soviet world he left
three weeks ago and his entry;
ie?o the non-Communist world,
where he hopes his creative tal-
ents can find a fruition denied
by Soviet repression, censor-
ship, fear, conformism and ba:;
,nality. I
An Intense, Nervous Man
Mr. Kuznetsov is an intense,
nervous man. He has begun to
lsmoke English cigarettes and:
,he lit one after another as he
sat in a,'private dining'room of.
the Royal Air Force Club on
Piccadilly and spoke. in vivid
and dmeripelye Fttissini , ti --I MIT W11-71 1115 d11115 Inalte + s ee no
res onsib' ' i g.
shoulders as he tries to make where'the responsibility lay. On He said he coolly accepted
aJiterary career in the west. ' this question the Soviet press a shopping list "a yard long"
His thick-lensed glasses and is telling the truth he felt. f n
ep e A nn y to pea an artic a him to ;London so she would
rubbing back from his forehead or two from ,Tenmin All. Pao, not suspect ,that he intended
gave him more than a passing the Peking newspaper, to un- not to return. He recalled that
resemblance to Dmitrl Shosta- derstand that China ? wanted he talked in detail about plans
kovich, the composer. war. Mr. Kuznetsov said Mr. for a new novel,?about getting
Seriousness is the word for Mao was a 'madman-like Hit-.' a-new 'apartment, so that no
Mr. Kuznetsov. He pis serious lee. Thd writer said he had one would suspect his plans.
as he relates the year's planning learned nough about Hitler in "It is no light matter to Leave
that went into his break from the Ukrine, during World War your country," he said, rub-
the Soviet. Union; serious' as II, bing a tear from his eyes with
he points to his muscled shoul- The fiar of war, Mr. Kuznet? a clenched fist. "You have to
ders and.tells how he trained sov said Is general ,in the So- think of many things. I was
himself to 'swim underwater in viet Union. No one escapes it, cruel to my son. I reprimanded
a harebrained scheme to escape he added, the ordinary people, him. I slapped him. He loved
via the Black Sea- serious when the workers. the peasants. the me very much. I could nof_
he talks of friends and family writers like himself. He said the hear to do it. But I could not
left behind In the Soviet Unions fear of war deepened the gray have' hitn mourning for me."
serious when he talks of the outlook ! of Soviet society, the ::Mr. Kuznetsov said he did,
hiilles and fears-the fears pre- hopeles., ness that he said per- not expect the West to under.
dominating - that he says pre-, vaded the intellectual communi- stand easily what life was like'
vail in his country. tv, the ~frusteation making the in Russia, particularly for a
Critical of China life ot ordinary men and wrllcr:' To 'those who might
The great fear of the ordi- women.; think he' should have stayed he-
nary Russian today is China, Decsion Was Not Easy hind and worked from within
Mr. Kuznetsov said. Russians, The decision to' leave was to, change Russia, he has a
fear China, he said, and they. not taken lightly, he said. simple 'pnswer.
fear Mao Tse-tung and fear that He whs close to tears when "I have road that the Ameri-
Mr. Mao is intent on making. 11,- thld ow he deliberately set. can Writer William Styron
war nn' Russia and that war about to destroy his 9-year-old thinks ;that I should not have
cannot be avoided. The.danger, spin's lobe for him so that the left." he said, "Well, I have this
he insisted comes entirely boy would not he heartbroken offer for him. My rooms in Tula
from the Chinese-side. The. So- af'his diparturc; how he coldly are vacant. Let him take them
net Union, he is cetain, would v.,.tlked,' away at the sta- and live in the Soviet Union
never make war on China, but tion fr m his youngster. and ' for a year and then see what
Mr. Mao seems determinedTtu the chi d's grandmother, not he thinks. Please, he is wel?
attack. waving good-hy; how rudely he come."%
When'his view of the situa- treated his wife, from whom he Mr. Styron, who visited the
tion was mildly challenged. hex long been separated. to Soviet Union last year, said re.'
Jntly that Mr. Kuznetsov's de.!,.
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 PYRGHT
fection' had "an overtone of Whites;' He was a policeman
selling out." when he married Mr. Kuznet-
Mr. Kuznctsov shook his heat ? soy's mother. Later he became a
when he was asked about the' member of the Kiev City coun-
charge made by his editor, Bor- cil but before World War II he
is Polevol, of the you maga. separated from his wife. He
zine Yunost, that he had "aban- spent the war in Gorky, work-
: In
there
until h
ti
d
H
.
e
Boned" his wife and son and da
e more re
rethan two
little
died ie
-1--1L-
_.-_____
_._... ? _
p
t
he promised to marry."
"You know," Mr. Kuznetsov
said, "My wife left me three
years ago for another writer.
She went to study in Moscow.
The other woman Polevol men-
tions is my secretary =d very
nice woman, a very good wom-
an.. She knew nothing about my
intention to leave. As for her
being pregnant--that I heard
for the first time from Boris
Polevoi. I guess he had to put
that in to add a little fla-1
vor to his statement."
Mother Lives In Kiev
Mr. Kuznctsov, who was born.
In Kiev -on Aug. 18, 1929, was;
12 years old when the Nazis
came. His mother once was a
grade-school teacher. She still lives in Kiev, in the
same cottage his grandfather
built In swampy Kurenevka. It
Is not far from Babi Yar, the
ravine where the Nazis slaugh-,
tered tens of thousands of Jews
as' well as lesser numbers of
Ukrainians, gypsies and others,,
His grandfather, Fyodor, born
in. 1870, the same. year, as
.Lenin, and ? ,to. his dying days
a rabid foe of the Commu-
nistg, has long since died. So
has his grandmother, Marfa, a
woman who died illiterate but
whom the ,grandson adored as
a saint. A 'devout believer in
the' Russian- Orthodox faith,
the grandmother secretly' took
her grandson to church and had
:him christened,
"I remember my grandmother
with' great respect,' he said.
"She taught me humanity."
II`ather a Communist
His father, Vasily, was an
engineer and a party member.,
The boy Anatoly grew up in
Kiev and lived by his wits as
a street urchin under the Nazi
occupation.
While he, now repudiates his
novel, Babi Yar, which'related
the horror of the extermin?tion
of the. Kiev Jews, he affirms
that it is a documentary work.
He maintains that every fact
in it is a true fact; that every
experience is a real one; that
many Kiev' residents, his grand-
father included, awaited the
the Germans with intense an
ticipation and welcomed their
arrival. .
. Mr. Kuznetsov attended sec-
ondary schools in Kiev. In 1952
he was sent, with many of his
comrades to help build con-
struction projects of the Stalin
era.. He worked on. the hydro-
electric and irrigation project
at Kakhovka in-the Ukraine for:
two years. Then he went to Mo
cow and began his literary
:studies at the Gorky Institute,,
finishing in 1960., 1
Was Married in 1960
That year he married irina
Marchenko and they went. to
live in the city of Tula, about
100 miles south of Moscow,
once famous 'for its manufac-
ture of samovars and cannon,
now an industrial center of
400,000 population. -
He had hoped to stay in
Moscow, but that Is no easy
matter for a Soviet citizen. Ei-
ther he had to be, studying
there, or to be born there, or
to be ordered. to Moscow to
work. He could qualify on none
of these counts. So he went to
Tula where he had the good
fortune to get a three-room
apartment In a building that
had just been put up
.
from Kursk who joined the Red Tula, he-'said, is not a bad
Army and, fought against the Place to live. It Is close enough
to Moscow so you can dot same boat. No one can publish
your shopping there. That isi anything worthwhile, It is a
(much better than places farther: very gloomy outlook. people'
in the provinces. feel they must save themselves
Everyone in Tula, he re if they can.
called, goes to Moscow for.any Yevtushenke in Bad Mond
important shopping - clothing ' *Me. Kuznetsov describes the
or household goods from GUM,. poet Ycvgeny Ycvtushenko as
the department store on'. Red being in a "very had mood" and
Square;. cosmetics' from the unable to decide what'to do.
specialty shops on Petrovka or' What could he have done if
,Kuznetsky Most; food delica. he staved on in the Soviet Un-
cies either from Gastronom No. ion. Mr. Kuznetsov asked him-
1, the former Yeliseyev store on self?' Would it have made sense
Gorky Street, or at the GUM for Thomas Mann to stay in
grocery department. Hitler's Germany? Or for Ber-
Local Tula facilities are prim- tolt Brecht. He did noth think
itive, as they are in all small so.
and medium-sized Soviet cities. "I don't want to go to a con.
"You have to buy in the centration camp," he said frim-
peasant market," Mr. Kuznet- ly
soy said. "There is no meat What are Mr. Kuznetsov's
or eggs in the state stores. Plans? The first is to learn
But the peasant market is very English. He landed in Englad
expensive. The average worker knowing hardly one 'word of
In Tula earns the equivalent of English. Intensive English
$3.30 a day. A pound of mea{ courses are first on his list.. That
costs $2, a chicken costs $5.50, and the preparation of one of
For 10 eggs you pay $2.20." his novels, in the original, on.
City Has Four Restaurants* rrut, uncensore(f form for trans.
I.ation and publication, Then, (o'
The city of Tula has four Work. , ;
restaurants - "one for every I He knows how difficult this
.100,000 people," Mr. Kuznetsov will he. He recalls the statement
points out. Privately owned au? of Boris Pasternak when Nikita
tomobiles are virtually nonexl S. Khnushchev was 'trying to
istent,?One device that he used force the poet In leave. Riissi i.
to throw off suspicion that he after he hurt been awarded the
was not returning to Russia was Nobel Prize in 1958. Pasternak
to apply to buy a car. With good said he would die if he left
fortune a person's name may Russia.' that he could not;?grlte
move to the head of the wait- )outside hg a
ing li,E within four or five. 1 But Mr. Kuznctsov 'believes '
years. that he can. He re(lalled the
If the 11a1lmark of ordinary other Russian Nobel Prize win.
So~: iet life is banality he re- ner for literature. Ivan l3unis,
porf~, that of the Sr
iet Intel. who went to Paris at the time
lortunl, i, trunrrntion rani fr,nr, nearly half his life outside his,
The mood of the intelligent- homeland.
he said, "goes down, down, And he recalled, ton,' Alex?
down, down. It has been that ander Herzen
t
R
,
ussian writ-
he
way since the trial of Sinyav- er, critic and revolutionary of
sky and Daniel. Then came the 19th century who came to
Czechoslovakia. That was the. London and founded the p+ubli
big turning; point. Now what cation Knlokol (Thu Bell), which
can .anyone do? What -can any. kept the cnu,^.e of fecdrnn alive
one write?t' in one generation after another
"When `two writers meet they of young Russians fighting to.
say to each other, 'What are, overthrow Czarist oppression,
you doing? What is your mood?'o There were, Mr. Kuznetso v
But theanswer'is the same. The' 'thought, enough precedents -
modd Is bad.. There is nothing' exile is hardly something new
brie can do. Everyone Is in the; fora Russian writer.
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um
Soho ruse
c7et
'to
to 3P +~rIv, ,
CPYR&HT' By DAVID FLOYD,
ommunist Affairs Correspondent ANATOLI KUZNETSOV, the Russian author
who disappcarod in London on Monday,
was granted asylum, lp Britain last night., He
said he could no 4onper work as a writer in
Russia and feared 'reprisals if he returned.
The 40-year-old author who. vanished from
his 'Kensinfton hotel ''on .'Monday . night
was given permission by Mr: Callaghan, Home
Secretary, for a " permanent stay" in Britain.
The i?c me Office said::; "This is not political
asylui . it does not apply in this case."
Earlier yesterday the Home.Office had said
that Kuznetsov was admitted for a short visit,
" and until that visit is over'there is no reason
for us to be concerned. There was no comment
last night from the Russian Embassy.
SENSATIONAL' BUSINESS cause he undertook to write a
book about j,gnin. He ? would
or allowed to come
Kuznetsov made his way to Fleet Street, and The not have
abroad for N less orthodox
Daily Telegraph office, only to find no one available who purpose.
He had made ample financial
provision for them before leav-
ing. But he was afraid they
would be arrested and their
property confiscated when it was
known that he had decided to
stay in Britain.
Manuscripts saved
Kuznetsov nianazcd to bring
out of Russia the. complete
manuscripts of all his works,
which have so far been published
only in censored version, 5s well
as manuscripts of two' unpub-
lisped novels.
could speak Russian. But in the end he got through to Czeei shock
a Russian-speaking member of the staff on the telephone xuznetsov said he finally
and told him he wanted: to: see him urgently on mvdc up his mind to leave
sensational ", business. 1 ussia a yea f ago when the
Russian armies marched into
He managed to give the correspondent's address to Czcchoslovaki , lie said the in-
.'a taxi driver, and arrived at his home later in the varion shocke the +shoie of the
Soviet intelligentsia, the great
evening. He was very tense but' quite sure of himself. majority of whom were today
He was not going to l'4otller left opposed to' the Soviet regime.
When Kuznetsov left. his hotel on Monday
afternoon determined to "..choose freedom " all
he had to help him was the address of The
Daily Telegraph in Fleet Street and the name of
a member of the staff who, he was told, spoke
Russian.
He had spent the early part of the after-
noon viewing. striptease shows in. Soho along
with _George - And japan idze, aged ?2G, his
translator and secret police .agent.
He had convinced Andjaparidze that 'he
was. a loyal Soviet citizen, and that his main
concern was to find himself a prostitute. The
two men agreed to go about their own business
for the rest of the day.
of
return to Russia, he said. Kuznetsov l~s left his mother, Back `to hotel pa~?:'He es photographed of exts on hundreds reds film
He had made u his mind 65, in I{fey. She has survived .
p life under Sttt in and two years After arrangements had been and carr;ed the turn . sewn , into
about this before leaving in Kiev occu~jicd by the Ger- made for him to go into hiding the lining of his jacl:c.t. He
MOSCOW the previous I mans during tt-e last war. ' Kuznetsov made a brief return spent most of yesterday sorting
visit to his Kensington hotel to the films out and preparing
week. Kuznetsov described his nx? collect his typewriter ("my old them for processing.
perience at that time in his favourite"), copies of his pub- I{uznetsov's great ambition is
He was told that the deci? best known novel, "Bab! Yar:" lisped works and some Cuban to continue his writing. without
atom to stay in Britain must Kuznetsov's wife left him some cigars (" they are so cheap in any of the restraint imposed by
rest with him, and he was time ago, taking his nine-year-ofd Moscow "). He nart?owly missed censorship or Communist party
warned thq the life of an on with her. A report from running into Andjaparidze. ;control.
emigre was not easy. Moscow yesterday said she had In the period between goia?i
gone on holiday in the south of
He said ngthing would per, ss'
suade h La. into hiding and being granted GrowlIl 120n to tq ~~~ s~totpr ~I ppu1 p ~t~py~ 11 where he fny d tau o"s Ste ~~LerA, tY;etMd t2per~t it7-an~ict, wa 3'r ific~ n- 0%4004;7Y reason to seek
work as a wt, cr, mission to lcaye Russia only be- bers of his family left in ltussia,frecdom for his creative abilities
l
 Apps
in the W st. His stU401 0004
0
ovedfc F -; Russia s wcre c ~/02 : QI Rd 79e 1 'b94i>~Q.99~
Even those of . his works
which were issued by the state
publishing houses were printed
only after large sections had
been cut out by the censor. Like
many other of the younger
generation of Russian writers
today, Kuznetsov was known to
have written several works
001-7
ee visit.
He was here ostensibly to
collect material for a hook on
Lenin's life in London. His visit
was sponsored by the Society for
Cultural Relations with the
USSR and the British.Soviet
Friendship Society, both Co.
.ntrolled by the Communist Party.
NEW YORK TIMIS
'I Aur-ust 19(9
Russian Defector
P $Y p 1tEl SHENKER
KUZNETSOV. the Soviet
author who defected In
Britain Wednesday, was born
Aug. 18, 1929, hard by. Babi
11r, the ravine in Kiev where
ens of thousands of the
city's Jews were to be 'mas-
acred by the Nazis In 1961.
Although- the Soviet Govern-
ment regularly
Man memorializes the
In the Nazis' victims, it
Ncw~ . said little about
Babi Yar and left
the place Itself un.
arked, as if there could be
onpiaces as well as nonper.
ons.
it was left to a pair of
on?Jews-Mt. Kuznetsov
nd the poet Yevgeny Yev
shenko-to assume the
urden of mourning for Babt
ar's Jews.
In his ppoem "Babi Yar,"
evtushenko began by noting
;t at "No monument stands
over Babi Yar," and conclud-
e by admitting that "all
a tI-Semites must hate me
n w as a Jew-tor that rea.'
a n I am a true Russian."
ood Where Thousands Died
He had written his poem
,I St a few days after visiting
bl Yar with Mr. Kuznet-
s v. "We were standing
ere hundreds of thousands
.o "Cope had once writhed
a screamed In the throes of
,d th," Mr. Kuznetsov wrote
of at that visit.
e was 12 years old'when
-th Germans came to );Clev.
Hi father was a policeman.
Anatoly Vasileyevich'Kiitinetsav
and his mother, er, ecame a actory,
cleaning woman. He shined
shoes, sold cigarettes, and
Worked long hours for a
sausage maker. Several times'
he was about to be deported
to Germany, but escaped. Thel
sound of machine-gun fire
from Babl''ar lingered In his
ears--"a dread sound that
cuts its way Into my memory'
forever."
At 14 Anatoly Kuznetsov:
(pronounced kooz-NYETS-off)
began to write sketches of
what he had seen, and pains
takingly noted. all that he
could remember of 'Babi Yar.:
When his mother came across
ithe. material he had hidden,
she wept and said that one
day it might be a book.
Mr. Kuznetsov studied writ-
1ng in Moscow at the Insti.
tute of Literature. In 1946 his
short stories-which had ap.
peared in PIonirskaya Pravda,
the Communist party paper
for. children--won a national
prize.
In 1952 he , went' to the
Kakhovka Hydroelectric Pow-
er Station in the Ukraine to
work as carpenter,'btiildozer
operator, and writer on the
plant paper. He also worked
(or a time as ballet dancer
and artist. it was at Kak.
hovka that he met Mr. Yev-
tushenko.
First Book in 1957
In 1955 Mr. Kuznetsov be-
came a member of the Com-
munist party, and the next
Year went to Irkutsk. in St.
-U944, to weri.
mixer.
s a week ago, Mr. Kuz-
netsov's name turned up on
the masthead as a member of
the editorial board of Yunost
magazine, which has a circu.
lation of 2.1 million and is
popular among the young in
part for its flirtation with no-
tions unpopular with Soviet
officials.
Change In the Masthead
At the same time,. three
prominent Soviet Writers were
drn''ned from the board. ,One
Yevtushenko, who
cr:~ical of the Soviet
of Czechoslovakia.
Mr. Kuzn' most re?
cent novel-" Ti;.: , i, ," deal=
Ing with demoraliz: on in a
town with a metal"wcr'..;._,
was published. in the Ma ;r
and April issues of Yunost.
The book was criticized in a
number of minor Soviet pub-
lications for failing to - por.
tray the "positive aspects' of
Soviet life.
'Mr. Kuznetsov has been
living in Tula, about 100.
miles from Moscow. As far
as is known here, his wife is,
still in Tula, She did not ac.
company him to London.
Dial Press, which published
"Babi Yail' here, invited Mr..,
Kuznetsov to visit the United
States last February[, but he
wrote to say that he was so
busy with the forthcoming
publication of "The Fire" that
he had to drop plans for the
visit. A spokesman for Dial
Press said that the company
Kuznetsov. '
. His 'first book. "Continu
ation of a Legend: Notes of
a Young Person," appeared
In 1957. When it appeared in
'French translation he sued
the publisher for distorting
his book to make it appear
anti-Communist, and for' It.
suing the translation with.
out his permission.
He graduated from Gorky
'University in 1960, and the
next Year Sunny Day,'Qa book for O chil
dren, and "Selenga," a col.
lection of short stories. "At
Home," another novel by Mr.
Kuznetsov, came out In 1964.
Then he revisited Kiev. As
the terrible memories of the
massacre returned, he real.
ized it was time to.write the
book on Babi Yar. ?
At first he tried-to shape
the facts into a literary form,
recalling the words of the
novelist ?Honore de Balzac
"as foolish as a fact."
But t1 he began writing
It
been, and "Just 'Me way It had all
that was it "n Thetresultn in w
1966 -- was a documentary
novel in which "nothing 'was
Balzac s foolish facts became
a, soaring remembrance.
Since no book is published
in the Soviet .Union without
Government permission,. it
Coul
be.en a an of.
ficiat dmission 0f aprts that.
Mr. Yevtusbenko had made a
vnrta .?aoe..
growing hostility from the Kuznetsov arrived in London
official critics. last Thursday with a visa for a
two w k
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1 August 1969
Soviet writers ire faciiw a nainf~l
The strains of communist life Russia
CF ft b OLD LA13EDZ
Mr. Ana y Kuznetsov's
decision to stay in Britain can'
be best understood against the
background of `Soviet literary
history, particularly In its pre-
sent phase.
It is now a decade and a half
since Ehrenburgs Thaw gave Its
name to the hope4 of Soviet
writers, and ' Poenerantsev's
article "On Sincerity in Litera-
ture" indicated their basic pre-
occupation. Since then, there
have been many ups and downs,'
periods when writers were
allowed a greater degree of lati-I
tude alternating with times of,
stricter party control of litera-!
lure.
However, these 15 years ofd
cyclical ebb and flow have also
witnessed the progress of dis-
;'enchantment among the literary
intelligentsia, whose hopes were
dashed as they became increas-I
)ngly and acutely aware that they;
were still facing only two pros-'
peels: either to be the obedient,
servants of the regime (with a
somewhat greater degree of per
tonal security than ' Stalin's
" engineers of human souls '),'
or to be its victims if they showed
themselves too deeply concerned,
with Pomcrantscv"s first pre
requisite of the literary vocation.
It is a cruel dilemma. During
the past five years of "-collect;
`.trvc leadership " in the Kremlin,,
.continuous efforts have been
(made to bring the writers to heel..
Their position was made more,
`difficult by the tightening of cen-
sorship, a more intolerant pub-
lishing policy, restriction ? of
foreign contracts, the persecub
.tion ..of nonconformist writers
like Sinyav6ky or Solzhenitsyn,
,and, not least important, a series
';of trials pour ddcourager les
ourres.
It should not be surprising
that the earlier cautiously hope-
ful mood of the more liberal
Soviet writers bas given way to
melancholy or even to outright
despair.
The idol of Soviet youth, the
`' poet-cbansormier Bulat Okud..
z ava, who recently said in con-
versation with an Italian jour-
nalist that Soviet literary society
was made up of masks, and
complained bitterly that he was
"tired of living",, reflects this
more . general mood, which
reached its nadir last year after
the invasion of Czechoslovakia.;
Like other ' occasions of this'
kind, it has affected Soviet'
writers profoundly. The decision
to invade spelt the end not only
of Czechoslovak hopes for a
"" socialism with a human face"
in their country, but also of
hopes for some ' liberalization"
in the Soviet Union itself.
Soviet writers were-, torn be-
tween their ipatriotic " and
their " liberal" loyalties. Many
of them realized the gap which
existed between the attitudes to-
wards Czechoslovakia prevalent
among the more enlightened
milieux of the intelligentsia, and
those among the population in
general. The hostility shown by
the crowd to the courageous
lonely demonstrators in Red
Square led by Larissa Daniel, wasr
not without wider significance.
But if "' patriotic " fervour (or
blackmail) inhibited some and
brought home to others their iso-
lation, it did not completely stop
literary manifestations, however
discreet, of disapproval of the in
vasion.
It took two months of intense
effort by the authorities to pro-,
duce an " open letter " (which
appeared ' in Literaturnaya
Gazcta on October 23, 1968) in
which a number of second-.rate
writers expressed their support.
But the signatures of three
members of the secretariat of the
board of the Soviet Writers
Union (all the others signed the
" open 4etter "), were con-
spicuously missing: those of
Alexander Tvardovsky, editor of
.the liberal literary mopthly Novy
Mir, of its provious editor, Kon-
stantin Simonov, and of the
famous novelist, Leonid Leonov.
Alexei Kosterin. a member of
the Writers Union, had returned
his party menbcrshr car - to
free myself from party discipline
which deprives one of the right
to think". This was his last
public act; shgrdy afterwards he
died,
Deprived of any outlet, even
for expression in an Aesopian
form, liberal protests are increas-
ingly taking an unofficial form,
either .as "underground" litera-
turc, or as writings and docu-
ments published abroad.
As other avenues of expression
have gradually been blocked,
there has been a remarkable in,
crease in the circulation of
Samizdat, the literature being
copied by hand and passed on
from hand to hand. Some of
these writings find their way
abroad; but what has been pub-
lished outside the Soviet Union
is only a part of tho.innumerable
stories, essays, poems. and letters
of protest circulating inside the
country.
There is now a regular periodi-
cal, distributed , clahdestincly,
which trips -to 'keep track of the
underground publications and
unofficial materials, as well as of
events not reported in the official
Soviet press. It is'called Chron-'
icle of Current Events; the first
issue appeared on April 30, 19,68,
and its most recent, no. 7, on
April 30, 1969.
The Chronicle provides infor-
mation about matters which of-
ten do not reach either the Soviet
or the western press. For in-
stance, the issue of December 31.
1968, (no. 5), gives a review of
Samizdat for 1968 which reveals
the extent to which the intensi-
fied campaign to bring dissident
intellectuals to. heel, and the
harsh reprisals taken by the au-
thorities, are being countered by.
their boldest representatives.
They continue their literary acti-
vities and their protests despite
the repressive climate ; the price
to be paid may include the loss
of livelihood, exile, or imprison-
ment, or such mild rodtine meas-
ures as forcible confinement
:F-his atilhigpi16, _l..
to'warn the writers again and
again about the limits'on their
rights of expression. 'They wet?e
reminded, that their " inalienable
right of criticism" does not in-
clude permission for " unrestric-
ted fault-finding.of an anti-Soviet
kind " or for "slandering sociad-
ist reality and weakening the
class-consciousness of thc.Soviet
people " (Sovetskaya . Rossiya.
May 29, 1969).
There is a renewed in4istenco
on conformity with the rigid in-
terpretation of the doctrine of
"" socialist rcali-sin with its prin-
ciples of narodnost and par-
tiinost, and. on the need for
writers to create more "'positive
heroes "--those paragons of vir-
tue who make the readers yawn.
Writers who in the past have
shown a fendcnty towards less
than 100 per, cent conformism,
arc under pycssure or attack.
The rumour* of rvardovsky's
dismissal from, the editorship'of
Novy Mir pcr~ist. So far, despite
pressure, he has refused to resign.
That other " liberal " journal
Yunost (Youth), which has now
lost 'from its editorial board not
only Vasily Aksionov, ?Evgcny
,Evtushenko and Victor Rozov.
but also- Anatoly" Kuznctsov
(nominated as one of their sue-
ccssors), is unlikely to continue
for long on its old lines.
There arc many othct straws in
the wind, such as tho sharp critic-
ism by Pravda (on June 30, 1969)
of the editors of the Short
Encyclopaedia of, Literature.
Pravda was particularly incensed
by the cncyclopacdia's entries on
Boris Pasternak (which mini.
tinned Doctor Zhira,t'o without
any abusive comment) and on
Osip Mandclstam (which men-
tioned that he was twice arrested
and " perished after his %ccond
arrest "). -Like the editor of
Yunost, the chief editor of the
encyclopaedia, Alexci Surkov,
was a Stalinist who mellowed
somewhat in the post-Stalin
period and came to be regarded
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by his more diehard colleagues prising that some of them are
as a defector from their camp. finding their relaxation in drink-
In general, the present climate lag more than is good for litera-
has emboldened the diehards like, ture.
Kochetov, Sofronov, and For the time being this policy
Crakovsky, who have control of of cool repression has a some-
Important journals and maga what contradictory effect on the
zines (Oktyabr, Ogonyok, Litcra- younger writers. The earlier,
turnaya Gazeta). The more rosy expectations having failed,
liberal "official "writers have to those of them who write for
censor themselves even before Samizdat have no longer any
the work' is done for them by need for self-censorship or
the official. censor. It is not sur- Aesopian language. They can,
THE OBSERVER REVIEW
3 August 1969
therefore. be more explicit,
abandoning that Inevitable
Orwellian ingredient of the
Soviet-style printed word,
doublethink. They may come to
realize the full meaning of the
verse by Akhmateva:
To lose the-fresh nes3 of worde-
and the singleness of feeling
is for us the same as for the
painter. to_lose his eyesight.
If the Soviet authorities were
to clamp downon'Samizdat, the
All the time he would be under heav
y, naggi)g, sometimes
threatening pressure to write' the sort of books and articles
he did not wish to write, books and, articles designed to
present the official image of the Soviet Union, which has no
:orrespondence with any sort of truth.'
u AN C$
W
ULNETSOV is an exotic.
,sounding name. To-English
ears it seems not quite real.
It belongs to another
world : anything might happen to
a man called Kuznetsov. But to
the Russians it is one of the
'Commonest of names. Kuznets.
means Smith.
On the face of it, this Russian
Mr Smith, Anatoly Kuznetsov,
was more comfortably circum-
stanced than many of his fellow
writers in the Soviet Union.' His
ovels, 'Babi Yar' and t Fire,'
ade quite a stir and had a reader.
hip of hundreds of thousands-not
t all unusual 'in Russia. but
nviable by Western standards. At
2 het was an established member .
of an admired and respected elite,
enjoy;ng the luxury of a room of
his own in Nf,).,cnw and a proper
home in the cumnaratively easy-
going provinces well away from the
.bl;ghting shadow of Iii. ~:rernlin.
It is true that he had been under
fire for ' ideological laxity ' an.l for
dwelling too much on the scanty
side of Soviet life; but these were
only warning shots across the bows,
not broadsides to sink and destroy :
the sort of thing that all Soviet
writers of any distinction encounter
from time. to time and know how to
take in their stride. And, as though
to emphasise that he was being
rebuked more in sorrow than in
anger, more for guidance than for
-punishment, he was recently
number of literary defectors
might increase. Unless, of course,
guided by the internal logic of
censorship, the Soviet Govern=
ment were also to -.top avert the
occasional visits of Soviet Writers
to foreign countries. In which
case the words of Zamyatin will
become once again topical ? he
said in 1921 .tbat so, long as
Russian literature has to tremble
at the sound of every, heretical
word, it will have ;"only, one
future, its, past ".'
appointed to the editorial board of
Yrnrost (Youth), a magazine with a
circulation of more than two mil-
lion and a good record for resisting
the grosser imbecilities" o? a re-
actionary establishment., He was:
luckier here than the spirited and
brilliant Aksionov, who was dis.
from tile 155-7=7 tho 62,M101
time-as was Yevgeny Ycvtush-
enko, now, for all his marked
talents for running with the hare
and hunting with the hounds, con-
fined to kennels..
On top of all this, at a time when
the Soviet Government is, thinking
more than twice. about allowing
writers out into the West, Kuznet
sov was sent here to collect
material about' Lenin's life in
London. The world was at his, feet.
Provided he was careful about what
he published, he could have gone
from strength to strength., profiting
from. the lessons spelt out by the
bitter experience of a number of
respected colleagues -- the in't-
prisonment ' of Sinyavsky . and
Daniel, the silencing of Solzhenit.
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 CPYRGHT.
? Y
Approvea or a ease
syn, the slow crushing of the
meteroric poet, Vozncssensky.
Yet now, by his own choice, he
embarks on the life of a rootless.
emigre in a foreign land whose.
way, are alien, perhaps in some
particulars repellent, and whose
language he cannot speak. For all
practical purposes. he finds himself,
a visitor to another planet. He is
cut oft from everything he has ever:
written about or ever felt about. He`
has to speak and read through ate
interpreter; he has to :write. through
a translator: and he knows nothing
of the people for whom he must!
now write. It 'was a terrible
decision.
Since he felt compelled to make!
it, evidently the reality of his situa-'
lion was very difTerent from the
picture presented to the outsider
looking in on his career only a few.
days ago. And indeed this is so.
No matter what he may himself tell
us of the reasons for his great dcci-.
Sion, anybody with any understand-
ing of the current, situation of the
Soviet intellectuals and artists
knows that the picture was false in
detail and in general.
Kuznetzov was published and
admired---but everything he pub.
lished had first to be carefully.
censored by himself, then mauled
by the official censor before it
appeared. Almost without a doubt
it was only a part of his output that,
he published. He will have written
other books for his own satisfaction
and to circulate by hand among his
friends and admirers-a rractice
institutionalised almost into an
industry under the name Saiurzclat,
self-publishing. And all the time
he would be under heavy, nagging;
sometimes threatening pressure to
write the sort of books and articles
he (lid not wish to write, books and
articles designed to present the
official image of the Soviet Union
which has no correspondence with
any sort of truth. Even when not
writing, he would he required, day
in, day out, to connive in a sort of
officially inspired conspiracy of lies
-lies designed for no other pur
pose than to sustain in their;
positions of authority the ruling
gang and their innumerable do-;
pendants and supporters, the party.
functionaries, the apparatus men.
There are only two ways to avoid
entanglement in this conspiracy : to
be silent and thus abandon any
hope of building a career, even of
making a living except a menial
one; or to protest openly, at the
risk of probable imprisonment and
certain exile to some remote region.
Others beside Kuznetsov must
from time to time have been
,tempted to cut themselves off from
Russia. but until lately they could
still hope for better things. It has
been only during the past three or
four years that the pressures on the
independent mind have -gathered
crushing weight. it was only with
the invasion. of Czechoslovakia a
year ago that it became finally clear
to those who hoped that the new
repression brought about by fear.
and,"uncertainty in a mediocre and
divided leadership might be a pass-
ing phase was, in fact, irreversible
for as long ahead as could be seen.
Czechoslovakia was the closing
of a door to all ideas of 'socialism'
with a human face,' in the Soviet,
Union as well as in Prague. The
experience was traumatic for many
socialist intellectuals. It meant the
end of a dream that had been sus-
,tanned with greater or lesser
optimism for the 15 years since
Stalin's death.
Under the collective government
presided over by Malenkov, then
tinder Khrushchev, exciting things
had, happened. Some who had
been silent for years found their
yokes; many who had compro-
mised at last spoke out truly and
.firmly about the shamefulness of
their compromise; young men and
women, poets above all, sprang up
in numbers, reproaching their
elders for their pusillanimity and
declaring, in effect, that the only
thing to fear was fear itself. Stalin-
ist hacks with a vested interest in
the repression of their more gifted
colleagues withdrew into them-
selves and sulked. There were still
plenty of them about, typified by
the scurrilous and almost unread-
able novelist, Kochetov; by Cha-
kovsky, who was to come much
later to England and explain on
BBC Television how necessary and
desirable it had been to. confine
those well-known traitors, Sinyav-
sky and Daniel, to the camps.
. At first they kept quiet. Hope
rose *, very strongly. . The Soviet
Union was waking up. Khrushchev
himself needed the writers, the
whole of the intelligentsia, in his
own fight for power and in his
desperate efforts to break the coun-
try out of the Stalinist paralysis,
and harness its best minds to the
job .of making a success of the
economy. The writers in particular
he needed for the support they
could give him in his de-Stalinisa-
lion campaign, which was also a
campaign against those colleagues
who wanted to pull him down. It
was for this reason that he person-
ally encouraged Solzhenitsyn and
allowed him to publish his first
short novel; 'One Day in the Life
of Ivan Denisovich; an exposure
of the penal labour camps, pre-
sented by Khrushchev as Stalin's
camps-and Molotov's and Maien-
kov's and Kaganovich's.
But Khrushchev, who had the
sense to see that unless the Soviet
Union saes to stagnate until it be-
came a backwater of history he
must allow the mind to expand and
drag the best thinkers, the best
dreamers out of hiding, never had
any intention of giving them a,
totally free rein. He aimed at a sort
of Stalinism without terror. And
except for one or two direct and,
crudely threatening interventions,'
which usually occurred when, he
himself was under extreme pressure
from the opposition in the Kremlin,
he tried to achieve a sort of balance
by allowing the liberalisers a little
rope, then, when they threatened to .
take too much, encouraging the
Kochetovs to fight back.
So it went on, two steps forward,
one and a half steps back, for 10
years. Things were happening all
the time. Things were said and
done, books were published, which
would have been unthinkable under
Stalin; and although from time to
time the party came down heavily,
there was no real fear. Above all,
the intelligentsia was sorting out its
ideas, discussing freely. preaching
decency, and responding in a
greater or lesser degree to the im
perious demands of the very young
for something more than decency.
I remember during this time being
worried by the complete openness
with which the young would speak,
even to total strangers and
foreigners at that. Again and again
1 would ask: ' Is it really wise for
you to talk like this? Shouldn't you
be more careful?' And always, by
these youngsters who had never
known life under Stalin except as
schoolchildren, I would be regard.-d.
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 with amused or indignant patron-
age. ' How can you be so dense?
Certainly things are far from ? all
right. We have a long way to go.
But we know where we're going.
We have to fight bureaucracy, we
have to fight obscurantism. Very
well, we shall right. But they will
never be able to hurt us again.'
I am speaking of young men and,
women who were in their late'
teens' and their early twenties in,
say, 1955. Some of their contem-
poraries are . now in prison or in
exile after mock trials held in secret.
Kuznetsov would himself . have
been 25 in that year. Perhaps:he
felt like that, too., The mood-
per-listed at least until 1.963, when
Khr.ushchev, fighting for his own
political life. clamped down.
After 1964, when Khrushchev
fell, things went dead. Nobody
knew what the new Government
would do. The new Government did
not know itself. For nearly .#wo
years they fought and manoeuvred
among themselves, tried to sort out
the muddles' in the economy, and
marked time. There were no policy
initiatives of any kind. But in this
period of uncertainty the security
police, the KGB, were assuming a
new authority. And in February
1966 they made a demonstration
with the mock trial of Sinyavsky
and Daniel, who had been arrested
some time earlier for publishing
books, impossible to publish in
Russia. under assumed names in
the West. We know what hap-
pened. They were savagely sen-
tenced, and the transcript of the
trial. which was smuggled to the
West, and published as 'On Trial'
in 1967, showed the world the new
mood the Soviet intelligentsia was
up against:"
Many of their colleagues, and
any other members of the Soviet
ntelligentsia, scientists. engineers,
niversity professors, protested
vith'. various degrees of emphasis
nd publicity. For Stalin's
laughter, Svetlana, it seems jo have
een the last straw which deter-
ined her own decision to break
ithh Russia. But the real protest
ame chiefly from the very young.
nd it took a special form. Under
hrushchev the protesters had
emandcd freedom: Pomerantsev,
ith his celebrated declaration on
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sincerity in literature; Tvardovsky,
who held open the pages of the
review Novy Mir for the 'best of
the young writers (at this moment
he is under great pressure to
resign); Ilya Ehrenburg, many
more besides, argued the necessity
for freedom of expression if litera-
ture was to live, and the Soviet
Union to mature, almost as though
it were 'a new idea to be carefully
and lovingly explained, nurtured,
cherished.
The young men and women of
the protest movement in the sixties
argued differently. Ginsburg and
Galanskov, who protested against
the Sinyavsky-Daniel trial and
were themselves arrested and con-
demned for their pains; Kaustov
and Bukovsky, who protested
against this action, only to be
arrested in their turn; the young
Litvinov and Daniel's wife Larissa,
who protested against everything
that had gone before and were
finally arrested and sent into exile
for demonstrating against the inva-
sion of Czechoslovakia; a group of
young people in Leningrad who
were sentenced for, distributing
books published abroad; the
Ukrainian journalist Chornovil,
who lucidly protested against the
trial and sentencing of Ukrainian
patriots-all these and many more
who have suffered in the last three
years did not bother to argue about-
the desirability of freedom of ex-
pression.
They took this for granted. They
did not bother to argue about the
crassness and imbecility of the
party bureaucracy; they took that
for granted..One and all they based
their stand on the written Consti.
tution of the Soviet Union, Stalin's
hollow mockery of a Constitution
with which he successfully con-.
fused the world in 1938.
This was a new approach. It
did not get them very far. They
were permitted to discuss and
argue and agitate among them-
selves. but as soon as any of them
got together to appeal to the public
at large the police closed in.
And the public at large did not
help. Materially, things are better
than they used to be; further,
people no longer get taken away
in the middle of the night and shot
or sent to rot in the camps for
grumbling among themselves or
making subversive jokes. They
are safe provided they do not kick
demonstrably over the traces. They
have suffered much in their life-
times, and they are content to he
alive, with-enough to eat and some
consumer goods to queue for in the,
shops. They want only a quiet
life. in their comfortable philis.
tinism they have no' sympathy for,
these hotheads and silly idealists
with their vapourings about free-
dom and sincerity and self-expres-
sion. Live and let live and the
devil take the hindmost is the
unheroic mood.
The dissident intellectuals soon
found that they were very much'
alone. Most of their university
contemporaries were intent on
making some sort of a career,
which meant keeping their heads
down and doing what they were
'told. The highly paid scientists.
engineers and all the rest might,
and did, and do. criticise aspects
of the regime with extreme bitter-
ness and sympathise warmly with
the young protesters; they might
hope that one day there would
be enough of them in positions of
influence to shift the balance of
power in the Kremlin. But they
knew that they could do nothing
now when it came to the crunch.
How lonely the protesters were,
their sympathisers, too, was borne
in on them with intolerable impact
by the crushing of the Czecho-
slovak movement towards the light.
Many were appalled. Many refused
to sign the obligatory letters declar-
ing solidarity with the party and
the Government in this action. But
to the mass of the Soviet people in
the cities (the peasants have barely
heard of Czechoslovakia) it seemed
that the Czechs deserved what they
got. They were a nuisance, irritat-
ing foreigners to be put in their
place. And they showed what
they felt when Litvinov,and Larissa
Daniel and a handful of others
demonstrated in Red Square : the
demonstrators were set upon and
abused by ordinary Muscovites
even before the police could got to
them.' They were committing the
worst sin. They were rocking the
boat.
The. last notable flare-up was
that remarkable letter (first re-
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CPYRGHT
ported in ToE OnSERVER on
15 June) addressed to the: United
Nations by it group of fvatriotie
Russians who had formed them-
selves into an Action Group for the
Defence of Civil Rights ,',n the
Soviet Union, listing, as examples,
of the movement back towards
Stalinism, all the trials mentioned
above and many others. This sort.
of movement will go on, at any rate
underground. But activities of this
kind, so long as the present Govern-
merit holds together and card keep
the masses quiet and marginally
content, are doomed.
This is the depressing and come
plcx situation on which Kuznetsov
decided to turn his back. He tried
in his books, as all his bent oon
temporaries are trying, to improve
Soviet society by exposing some of
its corruption, not to overthrow the
system. He failed, as they are fail,
ing, and came away.
NSW YORK T IV. C.
12 Atat 1969
P. '. e 'ongress May Discuss Censorship:, of Soviet Writers
By HENRY RAYMONI'
The Soviet-Government's re-
pression and censorship of lib-.
eral authors, described In the
recent series of articles by?
Anatoly Kuznetsov, is likely to
emerge as a key subject of the;
International P.E.N. Congress;
to be held next month in Mon-[
ton, Prance.
Arthur Miller, the Pulitzer,
Prize-winning playwright who;
is international president of
P.E.N. -- an organization of;
poets, playwrights, essayists!
and novelists--said In an inter-i
;,view yesterday that he would:
press for an extensive debate!
.of the conditions that led tol
.Mr. Kuznetsov's defection to;
the West.
The 39-year-old Soviet au?
thor, who received asylum in
Britain on July 30, denounced
the Soviet authorities for hav
{=ing forced him and other lib
erals to adapt their manuscripts
to Communist party guidelines
and to spy on one another for
the K.G.B., the state security
services.
Mr. Miller said he would sub-
mit the issue to some 700
authors from more than 50
Countries, including several
from Eastern Europe, who are
expected to attend the congress.
Some Opposition Expected
"I think that Kuznetsov's
articles provide an urgent rea-,
son to examine freedom of ex-
pression all around: the,-world,
not only in the Soviet Union,".
he declared.
Though there might be offi-
cial opposition from some East-
ern European delegations, Mr.
Miller anticipated overwhelm-
ing support from the AE.Nr
membership for a broad discus-
sion of the Kuznetsov case.
Mr. Miller has just completed
a book on his meetings with
the intelligentsia during a, trip
to the Soviet Union last year
in which he -recounts some of
the fears generated by Govern-
ment surveillance. The book,.
"In Russia," will be published.;
by Viking Press In the fall, It
will contain 100 photographs'
I
taken by Inge Morath, Mr.
Miller's wife.
William Styron, another au-,
thor who visited the Soviet`
Union last. year, reluctantly;
acknowledged yesterday, to
"rather mixed feelings" about,
Mr. Kuznetsov's denunciationl
of the plight of Soviet writers
for fear of the consequences it
may have for the liberal dis-+
senters who remained behind.!
"I agree ? 100 per cent with)
what he had to say," Mr. Sty-
ron said from his summer home
in Martha's Vineyard. "Cer-
tainly the Soviet Union Is the
last place on earth where a
writer can live With any sense
of, freedom or indpendence.
"Yet I cannot help wonder-
Ing what effect his actions will
have on the other writers who
are still there. Perhaps betrayal
is too strong a word, brit the
whole thing. has an overtone of
selling out when his fellow suf-
ferers are likely to face increas-
tng repression as a result of i
own liberation."
'Desperate to Get Out'
Mr. Styron, who won a Pulit-
zer Prize last year for his novel
"The Confessions of Nat Tur-
ner," said that during his three-
week trip to Moscow and
Tashkent he had found the op-
pression of liberal writers so
intolerable that "I became des-
perate to get out again." .
But he said he had decided
not to write about his experi.
ences because he believed the
Soviet Government would level
reprisals against any author he
had associated with during the
Visit.
"In evaluating, Kuznetsov,"
he said yesterday, "it is impor-
Itant to keep in mind that such
courageous writers as Alek-
sanr Solzhenitsyn, Yevgenia
Ginsburg, Andrei Sinyavsky and
Yuli Daniel, .are dc(ving censor-
ship and rcpressilon in their own
way and even. willing to suffer
imprisonment for 'their convic-
tions."
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MANCIi T R GU.:aDz ?r
21 tt{ wt .1469. __
PYRGHT
to live in the West in April, 1963, has disclosed that he does not feel safe`
in returning to Russia.
Mr Ashkenazy, one of. the world's foremost pianists, broke a six-year silence about'
his personal status in an exclusive interview with the 11 Guardian" Ile contradicted as
Vladimir As?hkenazy, the Soviet pianist who was granted permission.
travesty of the truth!' a, Russian claim that he can move"
freely in and out of the Soviet Union, He and his wife,
e said,, were kept in Moscow against their will for some
weeks " in a state of acute anxiety and distress " during
their first-and last-return visit in May, 1963.
said that he and his wife subse?, at the Moscow Conservatoire
quently realised they had fallen, that he was forced to play in
into " what you could call a kind the 1962 Tschaikovsky inter
of trap ", by accepting the visas. national competition, which he
They were subjected to a.' won ;
This was less than two
months after he decided to
remain in London while__
on a concert visit. At a
holiday bungalow in Palea
Epidaurus, Greece, he said he
believed he was probably
,only able to return to London
from Russia because of the
personal intervention of Mr
Khrushchev, then Prima
Minister.
Since then he had been
"completely unable to trust "?
the authorities to let him leave,
,Russia if he went there again.
Air Ashken'azy, now 32,,
repudiated "carefully - fostered
ilction " that -he spends half of
each year In Russia, but he
,stressed that he only decided to
take this step after the Soviet
claim was reported in the'
' Guardian " on August 1. " When
.an official Soviet spokesman says
I move freely between' Russia
and the West, as I only wish I
could, it is a gross and unfair
distortion of the truth."
In a fetter to the." Guardian
sent soon after the Soviet claim,,
he sai(I that he and his wife's
guaranteed exit visas were not
honoured in ltloscow. They had
lived under the "very real fear'
,that we wnald never be permitted
to leave ae;aln. Despite the fact;
that our child.(Vovka, then two,
years old) was in London at the
time."
Invited to clarify this during:
the Interview at Epidaurus ho
bureaucratic cat and mouser
game as soon as they reached,
;Moscow. ire was told by the then
head of cultural relations at the=
Ministry of Culture, Mr Stepanov
" You are a Soviet citizen. You
may not go." Ile was reminded.
by implication that the visas were
"bits of paper."
Ile "lost all hope " of leavinyg,
and, deeply depressed, played
unscheduled recitals td order.
But he was braced to persist'in
his appeals to the Ministry of.
Culture by his wife Dody "who
gave me an incredible example:
of how you can behave under
stress."
Finally the Minister of Culture.
Airs Furtseva, let them go--by'
the " kindness " of AIr Khrushchev
as a senior unnamed source later
told him.
Talking during the interview
of his earlier life as a pianist
in Russia and of what led to
his decision to leave, Mr
Ashkenazy said :
he was " tried" at the Ministry
of Culture after his first
American tour in 1958, accused'
by his tour escort "who was
probably briefed by the KGB "
of expressing a liking for
modern painting and music-
and banned from further
foreign tours for three years;
that the ban was renewed in 1962
after his marriage to a non-_
Soviet girl he met as a student
that his wife was compelled by
a threat to his career to take
Soviet citizenship and become
a " moral hostage " for. him ;
and that what tipped the scale
in their decision to leave was
a last-minute attempt by the
authorities to stop his w i f c
joining him on his 1963 British'
visit.
He said Since 1 always had
a bad conscience about my wife's
sacrifice of her freedom of .move-'
our marriage would have'
been distorted and under stress
had we stayed in Russia."
A prodigy,
Mr Ashkenazy's Seat as a young
prodigy iii 'coming second In the.
Chopin international '.comrpeti
tion in Warsaw at the age of 17?
and winning the Queen'Elizabeth
international piano competition,
at Brussels at 18, and the Tchai-
kovsky competition, is still cen-
tral to the world prestige of
Russian music.
Even in the West, he has
remained one of "good boys"
among Soviet artists abroad. Ile
maintained from the start-and
convincingly Insisted at Epidau-
rus-that his motives were non-.
political and entirely, centred
round his family.
The main motive behind his
detailed repudiation of the Rus-
sian claim appears to have been
a sense that Russia was not
matching his own reticence-and
was, indeed, exploiting it. " I
will be glad to know that people
who care know the facts." lie
said.
Ile did not feel that his father,
mother, or sister, who still live
in 1lloscow, would be endangered
by his action in " putting the
record straight." He said :
"These are not Stalin's ;times in
Russia any. more."
His father is a successful,
variety pianist-:accompanist. His
sister is studying to be a musi-.
ciao or music teacher at the.
Pedagogical Institute in Moscow.
`Access' to Russia
The text of Alr Ashkenazy's
letter was
Dear Sir.
In the " Guardian" of August 1
an article appeared regarding Mr'
Kuznetsov's decision to remain in
England. In this article reference
was made to my own free
"access" to and from the USSR.
The relevant paragraph read as
follows : "The Russian argunient
is that Mr Kuznetsov would
' probably' have been granted a
period of residence abroad if ho
had applied in Moscow. The
recent examples cited arc Valcriy
Tarsis, a far more savage critic
of the regime than Alt' Kuznetsuv,
and the pianist Alr Vladimir Ash?
kenazy, who moves freely
between Aloscow. Iceland. and
Britain."
Since the statement a)lout my
movements is s4bstantial4y
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incorrect, I feel it is desirable
for the record to he put straight.
I left the USSR for the last
time on July 2, 19(;3. and since
that day have at no . time
returned, There would always
liave'been the strongest emotional
reasons for we to do so since
I ltave left behind me my parents
and sister. But, I have not yet
felt satisfied that the S o v 1 o t
CP ' tYORKER
ember 1969
authorities would allow me free
movement. to and from the Soviet
Union. ;
T& indicate. that this has not
been'.sheer alarmism on my part,;
it should,'be.pointed out that my
last ant] only return visit to
Moscow after il' had decided' to
stay in - Britain (May 14 to-July
2_1963) 1963) was. undertaken only
after;_.the Soviet', Embassy rib
S OME months ago, Mr. Kingsley
Antis was informing readers of the
letters column in the London Times
that the Soviet poet Yevgcny Yevtu-
shenko had behaved dishonorably to-
ward Olga Ivinskaya; now Miss Lil-
lian Hellman tells its, in our Times',.
that Anatoly Kuznctsov, the Soviet
novelist who recently sought political
asylum in London, behaved dishonor
ably toward Yevtushenko. Mr. Wil-
liam Styron, meanwhile, has -wondered
in an interview if Kuznetsov's defection
wasn't a "selling out." We wonder if
writers enjoying .the freedom's of the
United States and the United Kingdom
shouldn't refrain from passing judg-
ment on their brethren in Communist
states, who must try to function and
survive under bizarre and tortuous, re-
strictions unimaginable, to a Western
writer. A simple sigh of thanks for our
blessings might be more in order. The
plight of the artist under Communism,
never pleasant, is worsening; the only
thing going for him is the enthusiasm
that difficulty engenders, and the
knowledge, that he is--whether' or not
London had issued for my-wife again in spite of the tact that
and me a guaranteed -exit visa our child was in London at the'
-fromAhe USSR with.the?endorsc? time, No sane person would wish,'
anent that we would be allowed to ;to. run such a risk a second time.l
leave whenever we. wished: ,Today, therefore, that' I " move'
? This Visa was not honoured: for freely between .Moscow, Iceland,
some ,'weeks and we spent this lied' -Britain,'." ? Is certainly
period In. ;tiloscow? in a state of travesty `oif, the truth,
acute% anxiety- and distress with
Yours faithfully,
the very, real fear that, we would. ,, y
never again be permitted to leave Vladimir' ?Ash,kcnazy
IV.'E.
he falls short of the heroic standards
upheld by Miss Hellman and Mr.
Amis-a ? custodian, for millions, of
a certain human . flame, of certain
human capacities for expression, ex-
altation, formal control, and creative
joy. We are moved - to these remarks
by a letter that has been passed on to
us. Its recipient is a young American
writer, its sender a Czech girl now
living in exile who happehed to like
a book the man had written. "There in
Prague, we used to exhibit our paint-'
ings on Charles Bridge," she wrote
him. "Our paintings were probably
bad, because we were just seventeen
or, twenty, but we loved them, because
through them we were perceiving the
world. And there we discussed life and.
death, eternity and matter, and the
confluence of things, and everything.
We were so terribly happy there in the
midst of the paintings and the light, on
that stone bridge saturated with cen-
turies of history. It was as if we were
watching, the sea; everything was as if
grown together with the' earth-it had
the same kind of symmetry. I do not
know whether you can imagine all this.
-but it was immensely hcautiful.
So beautiful that one did not
sense other people or life, and
felt removed from one's own
body and sensed only the words,
surrounded by the, paintings. Or
those crazy chases when the
cops tried to prevent us from
selling the paintings. (Because
Czechoslovakia is a Communist
country and only the state is
entitled to sell and exploit.) 1 t
used to be a happy chase
through the crooked streets of
the Little Quarter. We .shouted
out of slicer happiness at seeing
the clumsily moving cops. And
the immense feeling of happi-
ness when we ran, tired, into a
pub, clutching our paintings, to; our!
breasts. That was our world. It was
not necessary to read so much in those
times, because one could learn about
the world through one's friends."
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