CA PROPAGANDA PERSPECTIVES JUNE 1972

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
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• Document Page Count: 63
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 5, 1998
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: June 1, 1972
• Content Type: REPORT

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41101?1.1.011.41?0111.1.11. dune iv/2
WHO'S FOOLING -WHOM IN CHILE?
What does the future hold for those socialist, democratic
and progressive political parties, national organizations, religious
groups and other political forces that enter into alliances with
communist parties? Do the communists enter the alliance in good
faith, with the thought of acting within the alliance merely as
equals of the other parties and forces involved? Is it their
true intention, within the bounds of their own political ideals
and principles, to remain flexible to the political, social and
ideological desires of the majority within the alliance for the
common good of the alliance and the nation? Will the non-Marxist
parties and forces of the alliance and their political, social and
ideological ideals survive in the communist party version of the
socialist state?
An explicit answer to these questions is found in a theoretical
trilogy issued in February this year by the top echelon of inter-
national communism, the Central Committee of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union (CC, CPSU). The central thesis appeared in
the main journal of the CC,CPSU, KOMMUnist (issue No. 3, 1972),
in a lengthy, wide-ranging article entitled, "The Falsifiers of
Scientific Communism and Their Bankruptcy." Bearing the imprint
"Prepared by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CC, CPSU,"
the article carries the authority and political weight of a party
directive, binding on all party members as well as on all parties
worldwide. While providing the theoretical basis for upholding
Moscow's ideological orthodoxy, the article ranges well beyond mere
theory in prescribing in explicit terms the strategy and tactics for
unifying and consolidating the "democratic, anti-imperialist and
revolutionary forces" of the world under Soviet political hegemony.
To underline the international significance of the pronounce-
ment, the CPSU simultaneously published two other articles further
clarifying those sections of the KOmMUnist theme most pertinent
to foreign communist parties. These articles appeared in
Mezhdunarodnaya Zhizn (issue NO. 3, 1972), a Soviet international
affairs monthly that appears in English and French editions as
well as in Russian, and in NewTithes (issue No. 8, 1972), a Soviet
international affairs weekly that is published in Russian, English,
French, German, Spanish, Polish and Czech. Both articles Were
signed by Alexander Sobolev, well known among leadership elements
of international communism as head of the section of the CC, CPSU
responsible for history of the international communist movement.
Regarding political and ideological pluralism and the role of
the communist party, questions of vital importance to non-communist
parties and groups in alliances with communists, the "February
decrees" of the CC, CPSU lay down the law as follows:
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) On Political PlUtaliSm:
"The modern revisionists advocate political
pluralism. In their opinion, the dictatorship of the
proletariat and the experience of the socialist
countries in the organization of political life
have outlived their time and should be succeeded
by spontaneous development and competitive struggle
among all social and political forces, all political
parties, which in effect signifies abandoning the
use of the instruments at the disposal of the
working class organized as the state to uphold the
people's revolutionary gains. At a time when the
monopoly bourgeoisie is steadily building up the
machinery of its domination, its political
mechanism of self-preservation, the revisionists deny
the people and their leader, the working class, the
right to suppress the resistance of the exploiters."
b) On Ideological Pluralism:
"The modern revisionists ideabi6a1
pluralism Negation of the universal, international
character of Marxism-Leninism is accompanied with the
claim that there exist different, hational forms
of Marxism. At the same time it i maintained that
equal and competitive co-existence of diverse ideological
concepts is possible in the working-class movement and
the socialist society."
c) On the Role Of the COMMUlli8t Patty;
"Rejecting the need for a leading role by the
communist party, as confirmed by the experience of the
building of socialism in the USSR and the other socialist
countries, the revisionists try to limit the party
functions within the socialist society and bring them
to a minimum. They suggest that the party should be
considered merely as one of the social organizations not
distinct from the other mass political, professional,
or cultural organizations, playing not a leading role but
merely the role of an "equal partner." The severe con-
sequences which attempts to abandon the Marxist-Leninist
doctrine on the leading role of the party and the Leninist
organizational principles may lead to were revealed by
the 1968 Czechoslovak events. The activities of right-
wing revisionists plunged the country into a profound
crisis and created the danger of losing the socialist
achievements."
World news media pay little or no attention to such weighty
articles as those carrying the "February decrees" of the CPSU.
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As a matter of course only the top leadership elements of local
communist parties make it a point to read and digest the
characteristically lengthy and dull theoretical pronouncements
emanating from Moscow. As a result those who stand to lose the
most (the non-communist parties and forces who join in common
causes, alliances or coalitions with communists, other political
parties and forces in countries and areas where such "united
fronts" exist, and even the rank and file members of local
communist parties) normally are unaware of Moscow's latest
political and theoretical line. Under such circumstances, which
are considered desirable in most cases by both the local communist
party and Moscow, the leadership of the local party is allowed
to formulate its own local line in the manner most politically
expedient for the local constituency.
A case in point, and apparently an attempt at deception of a
most blatant variety, involves the treatment of the CPSU "February
decrees" by the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh) and the Communist
Party of the USA (CPUSA). Both parties are considered among the
most stalwart and conscientious followers of Moscow's brand of
communism. Neither has ever engaged in anti-Sovietism or denied
or even questioned "the international significance of the experience
of the CPSU." On the contrary, both have always considered the
CPSU the unquestioned leader of communist parties everywhere and
the essence of actual socialism as built in the USSR as the goal
to be emulated by all communists.
How then explain the fact that in the April 1972 edition of
its leading journal, Political Affairs, the CPUSA chose to publish
a full English translation of an article from the August-September
1971 issue of the theoretical journal of the PCCh, PrinCipios,
that directly contradicts the political and ideological line of
the CPSU? The article in question is entitled "Ideological
Pluralism", written by a member of the Central Committee of the PCCh,
Sergio VUskovic Rojo. It makes the following points:
a) On Political Pluralism:
"To Chile, the historical legacy of the workers'
movement presents us, as one of its most valuable
experiences, with the durable existence of trade union
unity, but also with the existence of various parties
in the political sphere. Therefore, in our country,
democracy and liberty are guaranteed by political
pluralism and trade union unity. On the cultural and
ideological levels the mere existence of a multi-party
system is a guarantee that no new alienations foreign
to the history of the Chilean popular movement will
arise."
"This style, so typically Chilean, of opening for
ourselves the road to power was outlined in an interview
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with comrade Luis Coral an (Secretary General of the PCCh)
in the magazine RinaStita of April 30 of this year. In
it he states the following: 'The Popular Unity coalition
has won the government of Chile within the bounds of
the State of Law. Today we operate, and will continue
to operate within such bounds, because there is no other
road for the structural transformation of the country
towards socialism. What if the adversary rushes into
sedition? Well, the Government of Popular Unity will
naturally use every means, will make an appeal to the
masses for the restoration of the law, in view of the
new conditions created by the reactionary adventure.
The State of Law is not a cumbersome piece of furniture
which we must discard at the first opportunity. And I
repeat: the scope of political and social pluralism
which points out the road today is that which will
characterize socialism in Chile tomorrow."
b) On Ideological Pluralism:
"Just as political pluralism implies the existence
of various parties, ideological pluralism implies that
in the Popular Government now, and under socialism
tomorrow, there are and there will be various ideologies.
The corollary of political pluralism is ideological
pluralism. That is to say that today, and tomorrow in
socialist Chile, there will be complete freedom of
religion, of the diffusion of religious or non-religious
ideas. Besides Marxism, other ideologies will be able
to defend their points of view, will have their publi-
cations and seminaries, will maintain Catholic churces
and high schools, Masonic temples, or Protestant places
of worhip or those of other beliefs. Classes in
religion of a voluntary character will continue, together
with the new social and ideological activities which
will keep arising in the revolutionary process."
c) On the Role Of the - COMmUrii8t Patty:
"Starting from the premise that the guarantees which
are established cannot mean the stopping of change or the
class struggle, which continues, the fact remains that
not one of the parties in the Popular Unity coalition
wants to be the one governing party, either now or in
the socialist Chile of the future."
The timing of the appearance of the PoliticalAffairs article
is especially interesting since one normally would have expected
that it would be precisely in its April issue that the CPUSA
would have published its own guidance derived from the CPSU
"February decrees."
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As far as the PCCh is concerned, since the Chilean article
was published in August-September of last year Rojo should by now
have been branded as a "revisionist" and a corrected version of
the PCCh line, in conformity with the CPSU line should have been
published. Nothing of the kind has happened. In fact, in public
statements since February, PCCh leaders have continued to reassure
the electorate of Chile that the PCCh, as "an equal party" of the
alliance, firmly believes in a permanent state of political and
ideological pluralism.
One cannot but conclude that both the PCCh and the CPUSA,
with the approval of the CPSU, are attempting to deceive not
only other left-wing political parties but even their own rank
and file members.
The following reference materials are attached:
a) Excerpts from the main Soviet article: "Falsifiers
of the Theory of Scientific Colluaunism and Their Bankruptcy,"
from Kommunist, No. 3, February 1972.
b) The English language version of the article from
Nlezhdunarodnaya Zhizn, Russian, No. 3, February 1972, entitled
"The Struggle of fEe CPSU for Unity of the World Communist
Movement and Against Opportunism and Revisionism." This
version appeared in the Soviet monthly'IntetnatiOnal'Affairs,
No. 4, April 1972.
c) The article, "Anatomy of Modern Revisionism,"
from the Soviet English language weekly; New-Times, NO. 8,
February 1972.
d) An English language translation of the Chilean CP
article, "Ideological Pluralism" in the CPUSA theoretical
journal, Political Affairs, No 4, April 1972. The original
article appeared in the journal of the PCCh, PtinCipios,
August-September 1971.
e) A commentary on the KoMMUnist article that appeared
in the British fortnightly newsletter; Soviet Analyst, 30
March 1972, holding that the Soviet line is a reaffirmation
of the most blantant Stalinism by the CPSU.
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KOMMUNISTI Moscow
February 1972
THE FALSIFIERS OF THE THEORY OF SCIENTIFIC
COWUNISIN AND THEIR BANKRUPTCY
In the contempornry epoch the progreanive aocial development in
taking place at an ever faster pace. The leading trend of social develop..
ment -- the revolutionary transition from capitalism to socialism and
communism of mankind -- is making its way in the variegated and complex
intertwining of historical events. This transition is linked with the
implementation of the universal-historical mission of the working class,
the most systematic fighter against all kinds of social and national
oppression. The main achievement of the international working class and
the main result of its revolutionary struggle are the formation and con-
i'solidation of the world socialidt system. The growing power of the USSR
the first country of victorious socialism -- and Of all socialist -
' countries is:now exerting a decisive impact on the world 'revolutionary
process.
Systematically opposing imperialism, the communist and worker
pnrties are Also engaged in an irreconcilable ideological and political
ntruggle at5ninnt right-wing and "left-wing" opportunism in the contem-
pornry revolutionnry movement. "Left-wing opportunism, mainly represented
.by no-Trokakyism nnd Maoism, is trying to replace the scientific
Mnrxist line of the revolutionary movement with political adventurism?
and renctionary-utopian and barracks "socialism." Right-wing opportunism
is trying to replace this line with bourgeois reformism. As a whole, as
V. I. Lenin taught, revisionism always. means political surrender to the
difficultiea and 0e,clatia enemy, and the abandonment of proletarian
positions.
The characteristic feature of the contemporary stage lie; in the
fact that right-wing and "left-wing" opportunism frequently merge with
nationalistic trends and with the most reactionary extreme anticommunism
and anti-Sovietism.
I
The struggle of the working class against revisionism has its
hietory. Suffice it to recall the political bankruptcy of regenaded
such as E. Bernshteyn, K. Kautskiy, and others like them. V. I. Lenin
;provided a clear characterization of revisionism. "In the field of
'politics," he wrote, "revisionism tried to revise the real foundations
of Marxism, namely the doctrine of the class struggle. Political
freedom, democracy, and universal elections eliminate the grounds for
the class struggle, we were told . . " (Complete Collected Works,
vol 17, p 22). He also said that "they determine their behavior on
the bnsis of specific cases, adapting themselves to current :events, to
political pettiness, forgetting the basic interests of the proletariat
and the basic featuree of the entire capitalist system and the entire
capitalist evolution, sacrificing these basic interests for the sake of
real or surmised temporary advantages. Such is the reviaionist .olicy"
AIDWAV902E01 RnielareedMeN9giathCEIMWEI9t0Clit4400930Ne 1,f '1167
in their struggle against modern opportunism..
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Revisionists members of the "Manifesto" group in Italy, R. Gar..
audy in France, E. Fischer, and F. Marek in Austria, and others,
grossly distorting and falsifying the ideas of K. Marx, F. Engel?,
and V. I. Lenin, are presenting their "creativity" as the further de-
velopment of the Marxist-Leninist theory. In a relatively short period
.of time the bourgeois publishing housee have brought to the,book market
large quantities of their revisionist output.
An analysis of the revisionist views indicates that on bautc
matters they are in fact supporting the positions of bourgeois ideolo-
gy, anticommunium, and antt.Sovietism. Beginning with the revision of
individual Marxist concepts, such people who, formerly, were within the
ranks of the communist party, have become open renegaeen, abandoning
the paste principles of the revolutionary doctrine of the working class,
and replacing them with bourgeois ideological principles.
The abandonment of the revolution and the preaching of reforms
which do not affect the political power of cepitalien and a factual re-
conciliation with the bourgeois society is the essence of the revisionist
views concerning today's revolutionary movements.
The basic problem of the socialist revolution is that of power,
of the dictdtorship!of the proletariat. The socialist revolution begins
with the seizure of:political power which.is used as the main tool for
economic, social, and cultural changes. Using various pretexts the
modern revisionists firmly oppose the dictatorship of the proletariat,
identifying it with "party dictatorship," "the rule of the apparatus in
the name of the party," and so on. They claim that the fact that the
dictatorship of the proletariatmandatorily presumes the leading role
of the communist party does, not stem in the least from the Marxist prin-
ciples.
tor
We are familiar with V. I. Lenin's numerous statements developing
the basic Marxist principle to the effect that the dictatorship of the
proletariat is inconceivable without communist party 'leadership; practical
experience indicates that a multiparty system does not conflict in the
least with the need for such leadership. The communist party is n van-
guard of the working class. It is its most conscientious, organized,
and unified detachment. It is only under the leadership of the party
that the working class can implement its dictatorship over the overthrown
exploiting classes, and engage in constructive and educational work.,
Unlike the Marxists, the revisionists speak of the multiplicity
of "morals of socialism," meaning a variety in the very nature of
socialism. This is eloquently confirmed by the fact that all those
supporting Lhe concept of multiple "models of socialism" try, as a rule,
to fOrmulate "models" of a society whose socioeconomic and political
system would he entirely differant from those of real socialism. They
openly proclaim that they are striving toward the type of socialism which
would be radically different from the models so far knowno.and that the ,
"model" they are building should embody the features of "real socialism."
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Thin type socialism is distinct from real socialism above n11 in terms
of its basis-. According to the Inventors or the "new soeinlisM" the
socialist state ownership of capital goods, dominating in the world
socialist system, creates statism, and bureaucrncy. It restricts de-
mocracy and lends to tho distortion of socialism. Foth this raamon they
reject socialist state ownership, replacing it with an abstract socialist
"socinl ownership managed by the sum total of working people" (Roger
Garnudy. Le grand tournant du socialisms, p 191): It is natural that
the superstructure erected on such a base would be substantielly dif-
ferent from the superstructure of factual socialism. According to its
inventore, such speculative socialism is "true socialism."
Such claims are radically different from the Marxist-Leninist
doctrine. The classics of scientific socialism frequently pointed out
that state socialist ownership of capital goods is the basis of the
,entire socialist society. '
f What are the "arguments" hrought forth by the revisionists in sub..
stantiating their concept of the multiplicity of "models for socialism?"
They stem, above n11, from the following premises: since unlike the
slave-owning system, feudalism, and capitalism, socialism is not a
distinct socioeconomic system, since it carries both the elements of
the old system -- capitalism or feudalism -- and the prerequisites for
the future system -- communism. That is precisely what, according to
the revisionists, predetermines the profound and basic differences
nmong the various "models for socialism" which depend on the economic,
sociopolitical, and ideological structure of each country. In other
words, socialism is considered as a transitional system between capital- $
ism and communism. .
Marxism-Leninism, however, considers socialism not a transitional
system but the first stage of the communist system. The transitional
period covers the process of the revolutionary reorganization of capital-
ism into socialism. This view is of basic theoretical and practical
significance. In fact, in the transitional period, a variety of socio-
economic strata and explOiting clesses exist within the society against
which the victorious proletariat and its allies are engaged in a class
Struggle. With the completion of the transitional period, as a result
or the socialist reorganization of the entire economy, the vestiges of
exploiting the classes are eliminated. As to the first phase of corn-
-- socialism -- it is characterized by the total and complete
domination of the socialist ownership, socialist production relations,
the existence of nothing but socialist type classes and strata, and
the absence of social contradictions between town and country and
between intellectual find physical labor.
Analyzing the building of socialism in the various,countries,
the revOionists reject nearly all the essential aspects characterizing
the new society. Their purpose is to develop the type of "model of
socialism" which would essentially resemble a "hybrid society" which
combines both socialist and capitalist features.
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The revisionists draw the conclusion that the communists must
perpetuate bourgeois democracy dnd merely broaden its frameworks. Ac-
cording to the revisionist concepts the democratic nature of the future
socialist society in the European countries and its deeper development
compared with the existing socialist countries could be ensured only
through political pluralism, through a multiple-party system which
allows the existence of political parties with programs basically
different from those of scientific communism and opposed to the com-
munist party.
What ip the attitude of Marxist-Leninists towards party pluralism.
under socialism? This question is inseparably linked with the attitude
of the communists toward the other working class parties and the non-
proletarian political organizations.
The communists clearly realize that the working class would be
unable to build socialism without unity within its ranks or without an
alliance with the remaining toiling masses. The question of the alliance:
between communists and other workers parties and political organizations
of nonproletarian democrats in the various countries depends on the
d6velopment of the class' struggle and the role which such parties play
in the revolutionary movement and the political life of their country.
Uoi4ever, the basic characteristics of this alliance are its socialist
objectives and the vanguard role of the communist party which ensures
the reaching of such objectives.
Having gained political power, the working class strives toward.
the elimination of the private ownership of capital goods. This pre-
sumes the expropriation of the capitalists and the landowners and the
reorganization of a petty market economy into a large-scale socialist
social economy. As historical experience shows this inevitably leads
to the elimination of class antagonism, to the ever greater rapproche-
ment among class interests and to the establishment of friendly co-
operation relations among all classes and strata within the socialist
society. In this connection, under socialism, the grounds for the
existence of any type of opposition parties opposing the communist party,
is eliminated.
Development of the world revolutionary process fully confirms
the Marxist-Leninist view to the effect that the working class can
destroy Capitalism and create a socialist society only under the leader-
ship of a revolutionary party of a new type, based on the Leninist or-
ganizational principles, and equipped with a knowledge of the basic
laws governing social development and an understanding of the objec-
tives and paths of itsistruggle. "The experience of the historical
development of many countries and of the class struggle convincingly,
proved how necessary to mankind are the activities of communist parties,
and how fruitful such Activities are in terms of social development," ,
emphasized L. I. Brezhnev, CPSU Central Committee Secretary General,
at the 1969 International Conference of Communist and Worker Parties.
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The revisionists try to present the Leninist doctrine of the party
and its role in the revolutionary struggle and the building of socialism
as a 'system of views separate from the basic concepts of Marxist
theory. Yet, it is well known that the need for a political party of
the proletariat was proclaimed as early as the ....11_2t...,,..2._)arlyCortzmutManifesto.
Emphasizing this basic Marxist view, on 18 December 1889, in a letter
to G. Trier, F. Engels wrote: "In order for the proletariat to turn
out sufficiently strong and be able to win in .the decisive moment it
is necesaary a view which Marx and I have defended since 1847 -- for
it to set up a separate party, separate from all others and opposed to
them, a party which would consider itself a class party" (K. Marx and
F. Engels/Works, vol 37, p 275).
E. Fischer calls for the abolishment of the communist parties as
they have developed and to act differently, to dissolve them within it
"left-wing" forces coalition in which the communists would not ha%e their
own organizational structure. "In my view," he states, "most existing
parties have become obsolete in terms of their form and type. I see the
possibility for the formation of rew associations of fighters and people
thinking alike, despite the old and frozen positions. If you wish, such
aesociations would consist of Marxists and non-Marxists, of communists
.And socinl,democrats, Catholics and Protestants." (Stern, No 49,
1969. p 144). What is left entirely unexplained is how such heterogenous,
associations could be associations of "alike-thinking people" and what
,would the objective of their "struggle" be. Tn any cast,--auch naso-
(ciAtiOns deprived Of their proletAtian-Cohscientiousness organization
And discipline, would represent no serious danger to the Capitalist
monopolies.
The modern revisionists are particularly active against the leading
role of the communist parties in the socialist countries. This is no
nccident:. The question of the place and role of the communist party
in the,life of the socialist society is basic for its solution affects,
/theme ll, the destiries of socialism in each individual country and
the future of the entire world socialist system.
Rejecting the need for a leading role by the communist party, as
confirmed by the experience of the building of socialism in the USSR
and the other socialist countries, the revisionists try to limit the
party functions within the socialist society and bring them to a minimum.
They suggest that the party should be considered merely as one of the
social organizations not distinct from the other mass political, pro-
fessional, or cultural organizations, playing not a leading role but
merely the role of an "equal partner." The severe consequences which
attempts to abandon the Marxist-Leninist doctrine on the leading role
of the party and the Leninist organizational principles may lead to were
revenled by the 1966 Czechonlovak,events. The activities of right-wing
revisionists plunged the country into a profound crisis and created the
danger Of losing the socialist achievements.
Using various methods the right-wing socialists try not only to
undermine the leading role of the communist parties in the revolutionary,
movement and the building of a new society but to destroy the party
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undermining its ideological foundations -- Marxist philosophical
materialism. Attacking the French Communist Party and, through it, the
communist movement as a whole, R. Garaudy writes as follows: "If the
party does not wish to be a doctrinary sect but the nucleus of all
forces which intend to build socialism in France, it cannot have any
given "official philosophy." It can not be basically neither idealistic
nor materialistic, neither religious nor atheistic" (Roger Cnraudy. Le
grand tournant du socialisme, p 284). The abandonment of philosophical
materialism as the basis for a proletarian outlook and the attempt to
new-trate party policy from scientific revolutionary philosophy are yet
another confirmation of the betrayal of the cause of the working class
11 the revisionists.
His,rical experience has repeatedly proved that it is precisely
the communists, guided by the Marxist-Leninist theory in their policies,
that have made and continue to make a decisive contribution to the re-
volutionary reorganization of the world. Under the circumstances of
the sharpened ideological conflict between socialism and capitalism
class ideological principle-mindedness is particularly important to
the communists. Any retreat from proletarian ideology, whether as a
concession to idealism which, using Leninist terminology, as before
"turns to its own use even the slightest possible confusion in philo-
sophical thinking" (Complete Collected Works, vol 18, p 80), or in
another form, objectively increases the Positions of bourgeois ideology
and, essentially, is equivalent to the abandonment of an independent
proletarian policy. That is precisely why the communist parties can not
remain neutral in the conflict among antagonistic outlooks.
The revisionists are fiercely attacking the organizational foun-
dations of the Marxist-Leninist parties. Above all they are rejecting
the international nature of the Leninist organizational principles.
These principles, naturally stemming from the very essence of the com-
munist party as a party of revolutionary action, the revisionists try
to\present only as the product of specifically Russian conditions and
the.circumstances of the political struggle at the turn of the century.
They claim that, having established the organizational stricture of the
party, V. I. Lenin considered it unchangeable and that today's Marxist-
Leninist parties are no different at all from the Bolshevik party of
that time in terms of organizational forms, when Bolshevism operated
under clandestine conditions. Thus the revisionists deliberately confuse
the essenee of the matter, trying to replace the question of the prin-
ciples of the organizational structure of the party with the question
of the specific forms of its organization so that they may more easily
accuse the communist parties of being out-of-step with modern conditions.
It is above all the principle of democratic.centra sm that is
opposed by the contemporary revisionists. They claim that the imple-
mentation of this principle hinders the development of true democracy
within the party, that it converts the party into a "hierarchic or-
ganization," a "bureaucratic pyramid," and so on. Arbitrarily breaking
6
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the dialectical unity between democracy nnd centralism encompnssed
within this lending principle of the organizational structure and ac-
tivities:of the communist- portie.s, the revisionists try to preSent
-Matters as though centralism and discipline within the party allegedly
inevitably lead to tts.hureaueratization.
Revisionist practices clearly show what they would like to mike
of democrncy in party life. The activities of the "Manifesto" group, of
R. Garaudy, E. Fischer,?. and other renegades proves that while allegedly
fnvoring "free exchange of ideas,"-"the initiative of one and all" and
-so on, in fact they favor freedom of activity for antiparty groups and ?
factions nnd the ndmissioh of the type of ."initiative" which woUld be
opposed to pnrty interests.
The so-cnlled "new" revisionist theoretical concepts we have
analyzed nre opportunistic and petty bourgeois. Their inherent features
.nre eclecticism, the substitution of materialism with idealism and
clinlectics with metaphysics, as well as n distorted and one-sided inter-
*pretation.of the new social phenomenn. .The revisionist views reprenent
'A certnin dnnger to the revolutionary forces of today, to the working
clnss And the Mnrxist-Leninist parties becnuse, presenting themsell'es
ns followers of the doctrine of Marx, Engels nnd Lenin, first of All,
the- revisionists exploit for reactionary purposes the broad popularity
of Marxist-Leninist ideas; secondly, nccusing the communist parties of
"dogmatism," they present themselves as the "renovntors" of Marxism,
clniming that. their theoretical speculations nre nothing but the .creative
development of revolutionary theory;. thirdly, they are actively sup-
ported by the propngnnda mnchine of the monopolistic bourgeolsie which
provides them with n very broad area for disseminntion and ennble them
to tme their "crentions" to influence the minds of n certain segment of
the working people.
Uncompromising ntruggle ngainst dilisident revisionint nctivities
nnd their attempts to distort the theory of scientific communism is n
major prerequisite '.for achieving the ideologicnl, political, nnd organi-
zationnl unity of communist nnd worker patties, and the unification and
consolidation of their ranks on the principled foundations of Marxism-
Leninism,
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INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Moscow
April 1972
INTERNATIONAL POSITION OF THE USSR AND CPSU FOREIGN POLICY
THE STRUGGLE OF THE CPSU FOR UNITY OF THE WORLD
COMMUNIST MOVEMENT AND AGAINST OPPORTUNISM AND REVISIONISM
A. SOBOLE V,
D. Sc. (Philosophy)
HNDER the present historical conditions,
unity is becoming an increasingly impor-
tant factor in the further development of the
communist movement. This is primarily because
the communist movement is the most influen-
tial, organised political mass movement of our
day marching in the vanguard of the democra-
tic, anti-imperialist and revolutionary forces.
The fate of peace, democracy and socialism, as
well as the future of all mankind, depend on the
militancy and cohesion of the communist
movement.
An analysis of the laws governing social
development shows that the consolidation of
the unity of the world communist movement is
an objective historical trend. Unity is a politic-
al and ideological expression of the real needs
of the world revolutionary process in the cohe-
sion of all revolutionary anti-imperialist and
rznii-monopoly forces. ?
This historical trend, however, does not
make itself felt directly, automatically or spon-
taneously. The unity of the world communist
movement arises out of the vigorous social,
political and ideological struggle, and various
objective and subjective difficulties have to be
overcome to maintain it.
That is why the problem of unity, the rea-
sons for the urgency of it under the present
conditions and the prospects for its achievement
should not only be viewed subjectively as just
political and ideological struggle against vari-
ous opportunist and faction groups, trends and
personalities. The gist of the problem of the
world communist movement's unity can be un-
derstood correctly only by thoroughly analysing
the present-day confrontation between socialism
and capitalism, as well as the objective and
subjective factors and circumstances which
determine the arrangement of class forces and
the course of the struggle between them; it can
be understood only against the general back-
ground of the socio-economic, political and
ideological battles which form the content and
development of the world revolutionary process
and condition the growing role played by com-
munists.
The CPSU with its diverse political, orga-
nisational, ide,ological, and theoretical activities
plays an exceptionally important role in the
struggle for the unity of the world communist
movement. The struggle to consolidate the com-
munist movement is the internationalist duty
of each communist party loyal to the banner of
Marxism-Leninism. The principle of party equa-
lity in the world communist movement organi-
cally includes an equal historical responsibility
for the militancy of the revolutionary vanguard.
As equal among equals, the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union is, at the same time, the
most experienced contingent of the world corn-1
munist movement, and it makes a particularly/
large contribution to the struggle for consolida-
tion of this movement and for the enhancement;
of the revolutionary and transforming role'
played by the communist parties. The CPSU/
wages its struggle against the Right and
"Left" opportunists, against the nationalists
and splitters and those who, directly or indi-
rectly, undermine the militancy of the commu-
nist movement; this struggle is based on crea-
tive Marxism and proletarian internationalism,
a Leninist analysis of the present stage of
historical development and consistent imple-
mentation of a principled political line.
The 24th Congress of the CPSU has made
a very valuable contribution to improving the
communist movement's militancy. The major
Importance of the decisions adopted by* the
Congress is that it has furnished an answer
to many urgent questions of out day and has
made a new and concrete contribution to the
theory and practice of the international com-
munist movement. It has further enhanced, and
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consolidated Its prestige and historical role as
the leading force . in the social progress of
mankind and as the leader of the revolutionary
activity of the working class and all working
people.
?
TIHE PRESENT epoch is marked mainly by
the great confrontation between world
socialism and world capitalism, which is be-
coming more active, multifaceted and dynamic
with each passing year. It has entered the phase
when the advantages of socialism come more
and more clearly, to the fore and thereby mul-
tiply socialism's transforming and magnetic
force, while the contradictions and social ills
of capitalist society are becoming increasingly
more acute, conflicting and explosive, the anti-
popular character of capitalist society manifest-
ing itself particularly vividly.
The struggle between socialism and capital-
ism finds its real expression in the world revo-
lutionary process with the folloiring characte-
ristic features:
? Firstly, the revolutionary process has be-
come truly worldwide. All countries have be-
come the arena of the sharpest clashes between
the forces of peace, democracy, national libera-
tion, revolution and socialism, on the one hand,
and the monopoly bourgeoisie and its allies, on
the other. All nations have been drawn into this
struggle.
- Secondly, in its social aspect the revolu-
tionary process has become universal. It is
directed against all outdated socio-economic
relations, all archaic structures, against capi-
talism, feudalism, the survivals of semi-feudal-
ism, slave-ownership, communal relations,
against everything that impedes the social
progress of mankind. General democratic, na-
tional liberation, anti-imperialist, and other
movements, while retaining their independence
for a more or less long period, in the final
analysis, lead to a socialist revolution. In other
words, the world revolutionary process includes
socialist and communist construction, socialist
revolutions in the capitalist countries, broad
mass democratic movements against reaction,
agrarian reforms directed against the survivals
of feudalism, oligarchy and the latifundists; na-
tional liberation movement against imperialism,
non-capitalist development aimed at eliminat-
ing economic backwardness and archaic socio-
economic structures and paving the way to so-
cialism.
- - Thirdly, the driving forces of the world
revolutionary process are expanding, while the
forms and methods of revolutionary activity are
developing and becoming enriched. The interna-
tional proletariat is the main driving force of
the revolution. But fresh contingents of pea-
sants, intelligentsia, white-collar workers, arti-
sans, urban middle-classes, youth and particu-
larly students are joining in the active struggle
for peace, democracy, national independence,
revolutionary transformations of society and the
transition to socialism. Some strata of the na-
tional bourgeoisie take part in the anti-imperia-
list struggle in countries suffering from coloni-
al oppression.
The substantial expansion of the driving
forces of the world revolutionary process sets
before the communists important political and
Ideological tasks, the principle task being the
struggle for the masses of people, above all
for the majority of the working class and its
consolidation on a revolutionary basis. This
also envisages a union of manual and white-
collar workers, aimed at overthrowing the pow-
er of the monopoly bourgeoisie, and a union of
all progressive and patriotic forces directed
towards liquidating colonialism, neocolonialism
and all forms of imperialist oppression. Prob-
lems pertaining to the ideological relations be-
tween the allies in the struggle against impe-
rialism inevitably come to the fore.
The present historical conditions and the
level of the class struggle make it possible id
raise the question of inculcating socialist ideo,
logy into the democratic movement. It is neces-,
sary primarily to explain the essence of the
Marxist-Leninist policy and the aims of the
struggle, as well as to educate the non-prole-
tarian revolutionary masses by using their own
political experience. All this helps to raise the
class struggle to a higher level. However, the
task of political unity of all anti-imperialist
forces, particularly of ideological relations
among them has far from been solved.
?Fourthly, the world revolutionary process
is indivisible in the broadest sense of the word,
and this finds expression in the international
character of the class struggle.
In their time, Marx and later Lenin, deve
loping Marxist ideas, discovered the dialectics
of the international and the national in the deve.
lopment of the socialist revolution. In our day
the internationalisation of the class struggle
has reached a very high level. Today there are
no isolated revolutionary and liberation acti-
vities and processes in the world.
The interconnections between the three mair
revolutionary streams are becoming stronger
the interdependence in the activity of all na,
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tional revolutionary contingents and democratic
movements and currents is growing while the
role and significance of the worldwide confron-
tation between socialism and capitalism, be-
tween democracy and reaction for the success of
the struggle waged by each national revolution-
ary-democratic contingent are becoming more
important.
At the same time, a stormy process of
growing individualisation of the actual histo-
rical conditions of revolution and socialist
construction takes place. The dialectical con-
nection between the international and the na-
tional has become closer and, at the same time,
more flexible.
The individualisation of the concrete histo-
rical conditions in the revolutionary activity is
in itself a step forward in the general develop-
ment of the revolutionary struggle but, at the
same time, this individualisation is fraught
with possibilities of growing nationalistic sen-
timents, isolationism, and propaganda of non-
Marxist views.
Life repeatedly shows that socialist con-
struction, national liberation movements, and
revolutionary transformations in any country,
regardless of the wishes of political leaders
tind theorists were, arc and will increasingly
become the results of the world efforts of the
international working class and its creation ?
the socialist system. This gives rise to the prob-
lem of further coordinating the international
and national strategy and tactics. It is becom-
ing perfectly clear that an objective necessity
to elaborate the international strategy of the
confrontation between socialism and capital-
ism is growing and, that taking this into ac-
count, it is necessary to improve the national
strategy for preparing and carrying out the
revolution in any particular country. Fresh op-
portunities to intensify the dynamics of revolu-
tionary processes will open up as these prob-
lems are solved.
- Fifthly, the world revolutionary process
is irreversible. This is the historical law of the
present social development. In the course of the
worldwide confrontation between socialism and
capitalism the reactionary forces may and do
score temporary and partial successes, and se-
parate setbacks and failures of anti-imperialist
forces are possible in the course of the strug-
gle. However, historical initiative has irrevo-
cably passed to socialism. Monopoly capital has
neither socio-political reserves nor spiritual and
ideological values to meet the decisive historic
challenge of our age?the challenge of so-
cialism.
Today it has become even clearer that the
policy of manoeuvres and adaptation pursued
by the monopoly bourgeoisie does not consoli-
date capitalism as a social system but inten-
sifies its incurable ills.
e.
THE INTERNATIONAL communist movement
I is the vanguard force in the world revolu-
tionary process. Its prestige, influence and mili-
tancy increase as the successes scored by the
revolutionary forces it guides grow. This is the
result of the struggle waged by the communist
parties for the ideological, political and organi-
sational consolidation of their ranks as they
master the science and art of political leader-
ship.
The international communist movement is
the only political force which has scored the
greatest historic achievement, namely, the
establishment of the world socialist system. In
its triumph, socialism exerts a decisive influ-
ence on the entire course of social development
and raises the hopes of people throughout the
world.
An analysis of the leading trends in pre-
sent world development shows that the growth
of the prestige and influence of the communist
parties, as well as the enhancement of their
revolutionary and transforming role In and
responsibility for peace, democracy, national
freedom, revolution and socialism are an histo-
rical regularity of the social life of our day.
The rapid development of the communist
movement and the enhancement of its revolu-
tionary and transforming role is in no way a
series of continuous successes. In the commu-
nist movement there ,are various splitting fac-
tions and groups, opportunist vacillations in
the policy of some parties, and revisionist
distortions in theory. The revisionist and
splitting currents can be singled out approxi-
mately as follows:
? Right-wing revisionism, which in essence".
consists of revising Marxist-Leninist theory
on the objective regularities of the class strug-
gle and socialist construction, and of denying
revolution as a form of transition from capi-
talism to socialism, as well as of professing
reformism, trivial evolutionism and spontaneity,
and of denying the leading role of the com-
munist party and the working class as the main/
revolutionary forces;
? "Left"-wing revisionism which Is an
attempt to replace the Marxist-Leninist theory
on laws governing the preparation and imple-
mentation of the revolution by a subjective
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CPYRGHT
and idealist theory of voluntarist violence upon
history;
? Nationalism, which denies the dialectics
of the international and the national and, di-
rectly or indirectly, completely or partly opposes
the national interests to the international;
? Maoism which is a specific ideological
and political trend seeking to replace Marxism-
Leninism with Mao Tse-tung's ideas.
No single objective or subjective factor can
account for the emergence of the difficulties,
sharp contradictions, revisionist ?currents and
splitting trends in the world communist move-
ment. Moreover, they cannot be explained only
by mistakes, delusions of illwill of a particular
political leader. Of course, the subjective qua-
lities of a politician can make a serious imprint
on the development of the factional and split-
ting struggle but the deep reasons for the
emergence of different variants of revisionism
are varied and complicated.
Lenin taught that every type of revisionism
should be regarded and studied as a social
product of the entire historical epoch. All mo-
dern trends and manifestations of revisionism
should also be regarded as the effects of com-
plicated causes operating on an international
and national scale.
One of the main causes is that the monopoly
bourgeoisie is now intensifying its ideological
and political struggle against the revolutionary
forces, primarily communists by combining par-
tial concessions, and social and ideological
demagogy with the subtlest forms of violence
and fraud. Using every possible means the rul-
ing classes seek to inculcate in the minds of the
working people the carefully camouflaged pat-
terns of bourgeois ideology and to carry out,
directly or indirectly, various ideological sub-
versions among communists.
It may be said that the gamble on the dis-
integration of the communist and the entire
revolutionary movement from within is one of
the most important trends of the class strategy
of imperialism. In his time Lenin wrote: "The
more victorious we are, the more the capitalist
exploiters learn to unite and the more deter-
mined their onslaught". I
The process of enlarging the social base of
the world revolutionary movement by Includ-
ing the intermediate strata is a process that
engenders serious differences in the conscious-
ness and organisation of separate contingents
of this movement and is an important factor
that feeds various non-Marxist views. ?lice
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 30, p. 450.
drawn Into the revolutionary movement, the
mass of non-proletarian working people bring
with them a powerful revolutionary potential
and hatred for capitalism. At the same time,
they have a vague and sometimes utopian or
even reactionary notion about socialism. They
lack a clear objective and organisation. All
this inevitably exerts an influence on the com-
munistmovement.
We should further note the complicated and
contradictory effects of the rapid growth of the
communist parties. The people of non-proleta-
rian origin who join the party have no prole-
tarian training, often lack experience in the
class struggle, and possess an inadequate
knowledge of Marxism-Leninism; this also
facilitates the emergence and dissemination of
nationalistic views, as well as the Right- and
"Left"-opportunist deviations.
One should also bear in mind that countries
with different levels of development have em-
barked on the road of socialism. That is why
the difficulties encountered by a country which
overturns its system of social relations only
add to the difficulties of levelling out its deve-
lopment and overcoming backwardness.
It is also necessary to mention the compli-
cated consequences of the awakening and self-
assertion of a nation. The very process of a
nation's awakening and self-assertion is one
of the greatest achievements of our age. It is
the result of scores of nations and hundreds of
millions of people being drawn into active poli-
tical life, as well as the changes in the politic-
al balance in the world, At the same time, this
process involves nationalism and infringes
upon the dialectical connection between the
national and the international to the detriment
of the latter. There are also other factors which
feed the complicated gamut of revisionist,
anti-Leninist trends in .the communist move-
ment.
All modern Right and "Left" revisionist
trends have some common political, methodolo-
gical, gnosiological, ideological and theoretic-
al peculiarities which determine the content and
pattern of revisionism as a whole.
The denial of the internationalist character
of the Marxist-Leninist theory, as well as the
unity and continuity of Marxism and Leninism,
and the revision of the basic propositions of
the revolutionary theory present the most im-
portant features of modern revisionism. The
aggressive attacks against Marxism-Leninism
vary in their desigii and arguments. I len' is a
typical way of reasoning.
? Leninism is opposed to Marxism and
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Lenin to Marx; a subjectivist and voluntarist
approach to the reality is slanderously attribut-
ed to V. I. Lcniii, an approach that allegedly
neither reflects nor explains the latest phenome-
na iii capitalist development and in class rein-
(boils and therefore cafinot serve as an instru-
ment for cognising the present world;
-- Leninism, as revisionists assert) is a
phenomenon engendered by the specific condi-
tions in backward Russia, and it cannot be ap-
plied to the explanation and solution of the
socio-economic problems of developed capital-
ist society, particularly under present-day con-
ditions, when, under the impact of the scientific
and technological revolution, capitalism has
allegedly made a qualitative change;
-- the ideas of_mature Marx are a distor-
tion of the ideas of young Marx, the genuine
content of Marxism ? "humane Marxism" ?
having been elaborated in Marx's early works.
On the basis of this reasoning the revision-
ists have issued the call: Back to young Marx,
to "genuine, authentic Marxism". Of course,
they completely distort the true views of young
Marx.
E. Fischer, an Austrian revisionist, asserts
that Marxist philosophy is -a theory about a
"whole" man. Milovan Djilas, who has complet-
ed his revisionist path as a renegade, said in
his interview to Sulzberger: "...Young Marx
was not a 'Marxist'l He was half Hegelian...
I am for 'open Marxism'... We go back from
Lenin to Marx like the protestants who went
from the Vatican to the Bible". 2
Metaphysical absolutisation of some aspects
of social relations serves as a methodological
basis for present-day revisionism. Revisionists
virtually deny Marxist dialectics. Opposition
of national peculiarities to international essence
and international conditionality of social deve-
lopment is typical of revisiOnist methodology,
while concrete and historical phenomena are
raised to the level of general laws.
in the final analysis, all revisionist theore-
tical and methodological propositions lead to
a denial of the general pattern of social deve-
lopment, of class struggle and revolution. It
Is also a denial of the entire process of transi-
tions from capitalism to socialism, and of the
common pattern of organisation of a socialist
society. They oiler extensive opportunities for
extolling and worshipping spontaneity, some-
thing which dooms any communist party to po-
litical passivity and loss of revolutionary ini-
tiative, as well as for developing any forms
I Tagesanzelger, Dec. 7, 1968.
of voluntarism and subjectivist arbitrariness.
It is a characteristic of all revisionists that
they renounce the principle of a proletarian as-
sessment of events and phenomena when de-
termining their political line and their place in
the. fierce class struggle.
Politically all trends in present revisionism
are characterised by various degrees of anti-
Sovietism. The revisionists deny the interna-
tional significance of the experience of the
CPSU, as well as the historically natural es-
sence of actual socialism as built in the USSR,
and they slander the domestic and foreign poli-
cies of the Soviet government.
All modern revisionists oppose the theory
and practice of the communist parties which
operate on the basis of Marxism-Leninism, and
deny the necessity for a general policy in the
international communist movement.
Such are some of the common features of
all trends of modern revisionism. It would be
erroneous, however, to concentrate attention on
these general features alone. Each revisionist
trend has its own peculiarities, specific argu-
ments, political tendencies, as well as tactics,
methods and forms of struggle. It is important
to know these peculiarities in order that a suc-
cessful struggle against concrete revisionist
trends may be waged.
The exposure of the theory and practices of
Right-wing revisionism, which constitutes the
main danger in many parties, is becoming more
important in the struggle to consolidate the
communist movement and to enhance the mili-
tancy of the communist parties. Most active in
elaborating and disseminating Right-wing re-
visionist ideas are such renegades as R. Ga-
randy, E. Fischer, F. Marek and 0. Sik.
The components of the theoretical and poli-
tical credo of Right revisionism are: denial of
Marxism-Leninism as the single international
theory; denial of the general pattern of a revo-
lutionary transition from capitalism to social-
ism and organisation of socialist society; praise
of the spontaneity of social development; re-
placement of revolution as the cornerstone of the
transformation of society on a socialist founda-
tion by trivial reformism; denial of the dicta-
torship of the proletariat and its replacement
by bourgeois-democratic pluralism; denial of
the common character of the processes of so-
cialist development in society, and propagation
of a qualitative diversity of "models of social-
ism"; and denial of the party's leading role.
The political and ideological credo of the
"Left" revisionists includes all the features of
modern revisionism. However all these points
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CPYRGHT
ot departure are refracted through the prysm
of the subjective and idealistic views and ad-
venturist action. It is on this basis that the
specific features of "Left" revisionism grow.
The "Left" revisionists underestimate or even
deny the objective and regular character of the
preparation for and implementation of the
revolution and overestimate the role played by
subjective factors, as well as the importance
of the accelerating factors. The "Leftists" un-
derrate the role of the masses as a decisive
force in the revolution, ignore the task of poli-
tical educating the broad sections of the work-
ing people, the use of all forms of drawing the
masses into the revolution, and at the same
time absolutise the role played by political
groups, guerrilla detachments and certain
personalities. The "Leftists" revise the Leninist
premise of the abundance and diversity of
forms and methods of struggle and absolutise
the armed struggle alone, regarding it as the
only means of awakening the people and solv-
ing revolutionary problems.
Lenin always waged a relentless struggle
against the pseudo-revolutionary "Leftists",
and showed how to combine revolutionary
enthusiasm with the most sober assessment of the
alignment of class forces and the mood of the
people. The history of the communist move-
ment, the events in Indonesia and some Latin
American countries in particular, as well as
the activity of the White Flag Party in Burma
show that pseudo-revolutionary radicalism has
done considerable harm to the cause of the
working class and socialism.
The struggle against revisionism in 'theory
and opportunism in practice, and also the
struggle against every ideological vacillation
and political uncertainty are, in historical
significance and social content, a struggle for
the popular masses. It is an inseparable com-
ponent of the political strategy aimed at unit-
ing the working people of both town and coun-
try and the manual and white-collar workers
on a revolutionary basis for the purpose of
solving the actitest problems of social develop-
ment, namely those of peace, consistent demo-
cracy, national prosperity, and social progress.
It is a constituent of revolutionary tactics, the
essence of which is to help the masses master
the most effective forms, ways and means of
the anti-imperialist and anti-monopoly struggle
and to ensure the ideological and political rout
of all those who consciously or unconsciously
deceive the people and prevent them from
effectively using their class energy In the strug-
gle against reaction.
At the present stage, the communist move-
ment has encountered Maoism, another danger
ous form of revisionism with particularly
refined methods of splitting and subversive
activity.
Maoism is an anti-Leninist trend with spe-
cifically Chinese social, historical and ideolo-
gical sources. Under their influence, Marxism-
Leninism was distorted, changed and adapted
to the great-Chinese hegernonistic and chauvin-
ist aims. Maoism has borrowed its reasoning
from various past and present opportunists.
The essence of Maoism is a revision from
a chauvinistic point of view of all the basic
provisions of Marxism-Leninism. It replaces
Marxism-Leninism with an ideology which
eclectically combines vulgar materialistic no-
tions of the objective world, a subjective and
voluntarist understanding of the world histo-
rical process and primitive mechanistic dia-
lectics. Maoism seeks to replace the theory
of scientific communism with a reactionary and
utopian theory of barrack socialism with its
economic equalisation on the basis of poverty
and spiritual levelling based on illiteracy, as
well as an amorphous facelessness of the
people led by a "great personality". It also
envisages a militarisation of social life under
the flag of socialism in order to pursue a hege-
monistic policy.
Politically Maoism is manoeuvring between
classes, social strata and political trends, op-
posing groups to one another or inciting them
? against each other. "The thoughts of Mao" are
aimed at substantiating voluntarism in politics,
arbitrariness in the economy, a possibility of
radically changing the political tasks depending
on a concrete manifestation of the hegemonistic
goals, as well as at substantiating a striving
to use Marxist-Leninist ideas and the revolu-
tionary, communist movement in order to at-
tain these goals,
Maoism advances an anti-Marxist concept
of the class struggle and the world revolution-
ary process. It denies revolutionary content in
the competition between socialism and capital-
ism, conceives revolution as a volition, propa-
gates the export of revolution, denies the policy
of peaceful coexistence, and regards a world
war as the only form of solving the problem
of revolution on a worldwide scale.
Maoist views reflect the historical impa-
tience and confusion of non-proletarlan ele-
ments of Chinese society faced with the coin-
plex problems of transition to socialism, and
surrender to the difficulties connected with
socialist construction, particularly great in so
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backward a conntry as China. The Maoists
have completely broken with the principles of
proletarian internationalism, and have stibsti-
titled for it, taking an overtly
cotirse aimed at establishing
China's world hegemony.
Maoism, more than any other revisionist
trend, is characterised by rabid anti-Sovietism
accusing the USSR of capitalist degeneration
and aggressiveness. As a matter of fact, anti-
Sovietism ensues from the chauvinistic goals.
In words, the Maoists advocate the most revo-
lutionary aims, while in deeds they pursue a
reactionary policy. The appeals to fight impe-
rialism are combined with actual flirting with
imperialist powers, particularly the United
States, and forming alliances with them against
the socialist countries.
The leadership of the Communist Party of
China has attempted to impose its views on
other parties. It has set up its own "Marxist-
Leninist communist parties". These "parties"
arc in a state of crisis or total disintegration.
However, the task for the communist movement
to struggle against Maoism remains very
urgent.
Erich Honecker, First Secretary of the Cen-
tral Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of
Germany, emphasised in his Report to the 7th
Party Congress: "The policies of the Chinese
leadership keep creating serious obstacles to
the further consolidation of the unity of the
socialist states and the entire world communist
movement, and the union of all anti-imperialist
forces. The great-power chauvinistic and anti-
Soviet policy pursued by the Mao Tse-tung
group is spearheaded against all socialist.
countries and all Marxist-Leninist parties".
?
T-I- HE COMMUNIST Party of the Soviet Union,
I created, educated and hardened by V. I. Lenin
has always waged a principled struggle
aimed at enhancing the militancy of the com-
munist movement, consolidating the communist
ranks on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and
proletarian internationalism, and surmounting
all opportunist, revisionist, and 'splitting trends
and currents.
The CPSU has most actively participated
in all international ideological and political
actions which have enhanced the organisation-
al, revolutionary and transforming influence of
the communist movement on the historical de-
velopment of modern society. The CPSU was
one of the initiators and active participants of
the International Meeting of Communist and
Workers' Parties held in Moscow in 19(9.
The Meeting has made an important contri-
bution to consolidating the unity of the
world communist movement, to further develop-
ing the principles of proletarian international-
ism, overcoming the existing differences in the
communist movement, and elaborating common
views on many key problems of our day. The
Meeting emphasised that the cohesion of the
communist and workers' parties is a most im-
portant factor in the alliance of all anti-impe-
rialist forces. The Meeting sharply criticised
the splitting activity of the Maoists in the
international communist movement, and re-
vealed the fatal consequences of the great-
power chauvinistic, and anti-Soviet stand of
the CPC leaders. The Meeting denounced na-
tionalism as an ideology and policy which
feeds various deviations, vacillations and un-
certainties, and is incompatible with Marxism-
Leninism and proletarian internationalism. In
the course of its work, the Meeting condemned
Right and "Left" revisionism, and the various
manifestations of opportunism and dogmatism.
In addressing the Meeting, Janos Kadar,
First Secretary of the Hungarian Socialist Wor-
kers' Party, said: "We must fight with firmness
and political courage the different attempts of
the imperialists to undermine, weaken and
disunite our ranks. It is necessary to intensify
the struggle against the bourgeois ideas which
penetrate into our ranks, against the revisionist
and dogmatic views which distort the principles
of Marxism-Leninism and lead people astray".
An important step aimed at improving the
ideological arid theoretical arsenal of the com-
munist movement was the Centenary of
V. I. Lenin's birth, which, both in the USSR
and throughout the world, was celebrated with
a view to aiding creative development, enrich-
ing and deepening revolutionary theory.
The 24th Congress of the CPSU was an
outstanding event in the life of Soviet Commu-
nists and the entire international communist
movement. The Congress proved anew that thc
CPSU was, is, and will continue to be a party
of creative Marxism, a party of unity of revo-
lutionary theory and practice, and a staunct.
fighter for enhancing the militancy and unit)
of the communist movement. The creative
Marxist-Leninist analysis of the latest develop.
merits in the socialist and capitalist worlds
made by the Congress is of decisive importance
in the struggle against revisionists. The Con
gress documents furnish people with an answer
to the question about the concrete ways and
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means to be used in strengthening socialism,
and fostering an economic upsurge, and social
progress.
Summarising the latest experience of social-
ist development, the Resolution on the CC
CPSU Report to the 24th CPSU Congress has
once again confirmed "the correctness of the
Leninist tenet that for the successful construc-
tion of socialism it is necessary to proceed
from the general laws of socialist construction,
and also to take account of each country's spe-
cific features". The entire work of the Congress,
as well as the decisions it adopted were a new
blow at all concepts denying in one way or
another the dialectics of the international and
the national and the world significance of the
CPSU's experience.
The premises of the Congress concerning
developed socialist society and the laws govern-
ing its functioning and improvement have been
further enriched by the theoretical and poli-
tical activity of the communist parties of the
fraternal countries. At the congresses of the
fraternal parties of the socialist countries the
concept of developed socialism has been con-
cretised in accordance with the real and specific
conditions prevailing in each country and en-
riched with national characteristics.
The theoretical and political activity of the
CPSU broadens the initiating revolutionary
and transforming role of world socialism. At
every new stage, it more effectively and con-
vincingly proves that the socialist road, as
scientifically substantiated by Marx, Engels and
Lenin and as experienced by the Soviet people,
is the general line of development for all
mankind, as well as the only way of progres-
sively solving the most acute social problems
in the interests of the people all over the world,
The CPSU's contribution to the Marxist-
Leninist theory of developing the world revo-
lutionary process, its driving forces and histo-
rical task of the working class has a great im-
portance for enhancing the militancy and unity
of the communist movement. The documents of
the 24th CPSU Congress, which deal with all
the latest processes show that the International
working class was and continues to be the only
force capable of transforming society.
The working class is the most conscious and
consistent fighter for the overthrow of the pow-
er of capital, and the genuine creator of social-
ist society. All present attempts of the Right
and "Left" revisionists to depreciate the role
played by the working class and minimise its.
leading role in the present world revolutionary
process are doomed.
The Congress stressed that the powerful
upsurge of the working-class and democratic
movements reveals that there is evidence of
impending class battles which may lead to fun-
damental social changes and the establishment
of working-class power in alliance with the
other sections of the working people. The
CPSU has been tirelessly participating in the
strenuous theoretical work of the communist
movement which implements Lenin's behest on
applying the theory of scientific communism to
the conditions prevailing in countries with a
backward socio-economic structure. The CPSU
also takes part in developing the Leninist idea
of the transition by the peoples of these coun-
tries to socialism, bypassing capitalism.
During the course of this struggle to find
the only correct forms of social progress, and
the strenuous ideological battles, powerful
blows are delivered at the theories of the
"Left" extremists, at the Maoists and Trots-
kyists consciously or unconsciously leading
the peoples of the developing countries to the
pernicious path which, in the end, brings
defeat.
By its political, ideological and organisa-
tional activities the CPSU fosters cohesion of
the communist ranks. The struggle against re-
visionism is waged on the basis of the creative
development of Marxism-Leninism, the enrich-
ment of the principles of proletarian interna-
tionalism, the elaboration of a constructive
and scientifically substantiated programme,
and its translation into reality.
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NEW TIMES No. 8, Moscow
February 1972
PROBLEMS AND OPINIONS
CPYRGHT
ANATOMY OF MODERN REVISIONISM
ALEXANDER SOBOLEV, Ph. D.
THE Communist and Workers parties are the vanguard of
social progress, a powerful, organized force with a follow-
ing greater than any other political movement of our time.
.They guide the constructive labours of the peoples of the
socialist countries. head the class struggle waged by the in-
tarnational proletariat, and are the leading force of the
national liberation move.ment. The responsibility that rests on
'-am for the destinies ol peace, democracy and socialism, for
, civilizatien, the future M humanity In general, is great Indeed.
Hence he importance of struggle against revisionist trends
and croaps of every shade and hue, of combating the divisive
machisations anti-Leninist elements out to paralyze the
activity, VI p the militancy and diminish the fighting capacity
of the Communist movement.
Modern revisionism is a complex, multi,faceted phenomenon.
It eon-Ma-es a variety of trends which, though In many res.
peck --,sringing from common roots, differ from one another
as roe lois sncial background, theoretical argurnentation, ide-
olorecal pesitions, organizational forms, the scope of their
infleenc.e and political activity, and, hence, their role. More-
over, VISigtrif,In has its national features. -
In the moss then 100 years of Its history, the Communist'
movcroent has accumulated a wealth of experience in fighting
the I` ,I?cr el revisionism. This experience has shown that
oi,Irr cifectivoly to combat opportunist trends a differentiat-
ed approach must he taken to each, and this requires a correct
under landing of their social roots, ideological essence and po-
lilical role. In some cases ideological struggle on the theoretical
Orme i3 most effective, in others political and organizational
action IF needed, and in still others scientifically substantiated
criticism of mistakes may suffice.
Ihe political line of the international Communist movement,
its Marxist-Leninist principles and strategic and tactical plat-
form. and the principles of proletarian internationalism are
Asnailed and distorted by variety of quarters, namely:
Pieht.wing revisionist groups and trends of diverse kinds
which ssek to revise the fundamental Leninist theses con-
terms's! the. universal laws of the socialist revolution and
soctslist orsanization of society and to replace them with
abstract utopian piped reams of gradual evolution from
capitalism to socialism through reform and reactionary
romancine about the spontaneous development of socialist
society and the possibliity of qualitatively different models of
sncialism arising;
-- Left revisionist groups and trends that likewise deny that
there are any erneral laws governing the revolutionary
ivity cif the working class to remake society, but substitute
"jr ttr'm voluntarist interpretations of the historical process
?,-'h Sod expression in eruptions of petty-bourgeois ravolu-
' reeachment of subjectivism, or extremist actions;
ionallst elements who deny the dialectical intetcon-
n,:_ ..:1 between the international and the national, Rive
ittssal.itc priority to national features, oppose national interests
to the common objective of strengthening the positions of
world socialism, propound national political self-sufficiency,
self &olio tiAmsdet6vilica
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? splinter groups that substitute Maoism for Marxism-
Leninism and "drill-ground communism" or scientific
communism, seek to subordinate the Communist movement to
the ideological and political hegemony, of Maoism, and work
to split the ranks of the champions of peace, democracy and
socialism.
Pressures are also exerted on the Communist movement by
various anti-Leninist groups of Trotskyites, anarchists, and the.
"new Left."
Besides the openly revisionist trends there are also cam-
ouflaged, ''shamefaced" revisionists, who profess fidelity to
Marxism/Leninism but ignore its universal internationalist
essence in propounding their views on the political line,
strategy and tactics of the Communist movement. They pay lip
service to the method of Leninism but discard its fundamen-
tal theoretical principles, vow loyalty to proletarian interna-
tionalism but diffuse it in nationalistic hyperbole.
Bourgeois ideologues make extensive use of the arguments
advanced by revisionists of all hues to assail the general line
of the Communist movement, Marxism-Leninism, the Com-
munist Party of the Soviet Union and other truly revolutionary
parties.
The opponents of communism harp on the allegedly insur-
mountable differences, dissension rind division in the Communist
movement, claiming that it is in the throes of crisis and that
proletarian internationalism has lost to nationalism on the
battleground of history. Although the facts of life give them
the lie--witness the growth of the Communist movement
and the decisive role its influence has come to play in social
development In our time?it would nevertheless be a mistake
to underrate the clanger pre.sented by revisionism.
' Why the Activation
A cardinal precondition of success in fighting revisionIshs
Is thorough examination of the factors underlying the riSe and
spread of its various trends.
It would be incorrect to attribute the activation of re-
visionism to any ono isolated cause. Every anti-Nfarxist trend
of course has its social roots, but Right-wing revisionism,
Left extremism, Maoism, Trotskyism and anarchism, for in-
stance, can hardly be said to stem from a petty-bourgeois
mentality alone, thaugh it goes without saying that its in-
fluence should not be ignored.
It k essential to see the social, historical, epistemological,
and political sources of the various trends, but even more im-
portant is it to explain why they have gained currency.
"Opportunism Is no chance occurrence, sin, slip, or treach-
ery on the part of individuals, but a social product of an
entire period of history," Lenin said.
The causes of the rise and spread of revisionism in general
and its various trends in particular can be monody grasped
and explained only in the light of an analysis of the basic
tendencies in world politics, the sharpening confrontation
between socialism and capitalism, .the shifts In alignments of
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process, the intetaction of these forces, a thorough nssessment
of the activities of political parties, and the content and In-
tensity of the Ideoloeical stregele.
In CX4InInitm the question one must weigh 'a number of
factors In their complex and fluid interaction.
Above all it ts necessary to bear In mind the sharpening
of the confrontation between world socialism and world
capitalism In all spheres of social life. Although the historical
initiative ',clones to the forces of socialism, .the monopoly
boureeoisie Is constantly perfecting its machinery of self-
preservation, seeking in every svay to adapt to the new
situation and find the social, economic, political and Ideologi-
cal answers to the challenge of sociallsm.
In the socio-econornIc sphere the monopolies, harnessing the
scientific and technoloeical revolution to serve their selfish
ends, on the one hand intensify the exploitation of the
workers, and on the other make forced conceSsions to the
fighting working class, concede isolated reforms, and propound
demagogic policies of social partnership, protit-sharine and the
like.
In Ow political sphere they incessantly Modernize the
system of coercion, seek overtly or covertly to Ruppress the
revolittionary forces, damp down In every possible way on
the Communist parties. At the same time, under pressure
from the rapidly growing activity of the masses, they are
compelled to preserve and, at times, even to broaden dem-
ocratic freedoms.
In the aleolegical sphere, hielant anti-commonism and
anti-Sovleteering, slander of socialism as It eXiSig today, la
demARoRic.illy Combined with recognition of one or another
virtue of socialism end attempts to embellish capitalism, to
discover in it "popular," "democratic" and even "socialist"
fratiires. Propaoanda of "improved" socialism and concoctions
miming from tlw convergence concept to all manner of pseudo-
tevolutionary theories have become part of the capitalist
ideoloeites' stork In trade..
In the final nnalysis all the efforts of the monopoly
bourgeoisie only aegravate the contradictions Of capitalism
Rod underscore its histerical doom. Yet it would be mistake
tn Ignore them. flor they Influence the behaviour of social
strAta and political forces. Among some sections of the work.
fne pcoplo these complex machinations are capable of eiving
rise to ithisions, among others, they are apt to heighten
confusion and the desire artificially to accelerate the march of
history. In either case they tend to create the soil for the
emergence and spread of non-Marxist concepts.
Nor sholild Meld be lost of the fact thnt the need for pro-
reetilation anti forecastIne as conComitants of thci
scientific and technological revolittion, and the autometion rind
Mechanizatlen of management lend to rematifiRee the domi?
mince of the properittel classes and to delude a part of the
workers into helievine thot the nature of capitalism IS
chaneing and that it can evolve into socialism.
The cilect of the. iiitmerical growth of the working elass
and the structural chances that have taken place In it should
Also be borne in mind. Even though the dominant historical
tendency k for the revolutionary role, political activity and
organized strength of the working class to grow, the inflow
expandine its ranks comes largely from the middle strata,
bilneing with it the preconceived concepts and delusions of
these strata. The structural chanees accompanying technoloei-
cal progress too make the workine class less homogeneous,
learlIng as they do to a differentiation of Interests among its
various sections, And not all sectiens of the -working tless
are at the same level of political Maturity arid ideOlogicat
clarity, not all are equally class-conscious, oreanized along cleat
lines, or sell-disciplined. Linder the corrupting influence And
ideoloeical pressure of the propertied classes, the specific
interests and outlook of the privileged, and also of the back-
ward, sections of the working class may?and do?breed
political instability and ideological vacillation in the labour
movement.
The constant influx Into the revolutionary liberation move-
ment of ever new. sections of society has its negative aspects
as well. That more 'and more peasants, intellectuals, clerical
and service workers and sisiderits are joining the struegle
against the reactionary policy of the monopoly bourgeoisie, for
peace, democracy and socialism, is of course testimony le
steady, Irreversible social progress. But at the same time the
newcomers bring to -the democratic and liberation movement
not only a new charge of revolutionary energy, but also
preconceived notions, not only a burning loathing of cap-
italism, but also utOpian illusions, political waverine, ideolog-
ical Instability. And only too often this finds reflection In the
emergence of diverse non-Marxist political movements And
theories.
It should also be borne in mind that the rapid growth of
the Communist movement itself is not free of adverse features.
As a result of the military, moral and political defeat of fasc-
ism, the emergence of the socialist world system. and the,
crisis of many traditional political parties, the prestige and
influence of the CoMmunist movement and the numerical
strength ot 'Communist parties have Increased ereatly. Rot
while the entry of large numbers of revolutionary-minded
peasants, clerical workers and intellectuals strengthened the
parties' ties with the masses. it resulted, wherever ideoloeical
education was Inadequate, in a lowering of the level of Rs-
Mica! maturity, Ideological. staunchness and theoretical
grounding of the.membership.
This beers out, In other conditions and another context, what
Lenin said In IMO: "One of the most profound causes that per-
iodically give rise to differences over tilttiCS is the very
growth of the labour movement.. The enlistment of larger
and larger numbers of new 'recruits,' the attraction of nevr
sections of the working people must Inevitably be accompa-
nied by wavering In the sphere of theory and tactics, by
repetition.s of olkl. mistakes, by a temporary reversion to
antiquated, views and antiquated methods. and so forth. The
labour movement of every country pericalically? spends a
varying amount of energy, attentiOn and time on the 'train-
ing' of recruits."
Oers Is an epoch of struggle by the revolutionary, demo-
cratic forces against national Oppression, Innpoch of the rise.
development and self-assertion of a growine number of nations
that were subjected to exploitation and oppresslon. The po-
litical and ideological banner of the fieht these nations rl Tit
aging for freedom and national Independence Is nationalism,
various concepts of which have Rained with currency. ilot
nationalism has two aspects: the national democratic. Pxpins-
sive of the Interests of the working people, and the conserva?
live. standing for the interests of the propertied classes.
Moreover, national consciousness Is one of the most complex.
stable and tenacious forms of social consciousness.
National consciousness evolves In the process of bitter
strugele. If the conservative 'aspect prevails, It becomes the
political and ideological banner of insularity, divides nations and
sets them one against the other. becomes reactionary and
degenerates tnto chauvinism. The democratic, popular elements
can assert themselves and play an Increasingly progressive
role only if they are transmuted into a .genulne Patriotism or
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the. people, socialist patriotism, on the basis of proletarian
internationalism. Under certain circumstances, however, the
piessure of nationalism can be extremely great; In many cases
It penetrates into the labour and even the Communist move-
ment, where It Is hound to coma into Conflict with the
principles of proletarian internationalism, with the process of
tho internationalization of the class struggle, and provides a
fertile soil for the poison weeds of Right and Left revisionism.
Other factors that tend to animate revisionism are the
difficulties encountered in building up the revolutionary
movement and Its slow growth, primarily in the developed
capitalist countries, as well as the strategic and practical
mistakes and blunders made by one or another Communist
party. !fence in some cases it Is the reaction of unstable
elements to the retarded development of the class struggle,
an instance of revolutionary impatience, In others it is a matter
of seizing on difficulties and mistakes in pursuit of ulterior
ends. And there are also cases that can be traced to both of
these considerations.
Modern revisionism can also be a distorted reflection of
confusion among one or another section of the working people
In the capitalist as well as the socialist countries in face of
the formidable tasks involved in building the new society
and the attendant difficulties, which are accentuated by the
pronounced unevenness of initial levels of socio-economic
development. R mirrors the complexity and sharpness of the
olobal confrontation of socialism and capitalism in the condi-
tions of the scientific and technological revolution.
Such, then, are the basic objective and subjective causes of
the rise of revisionist trends. These causes do not operate in
isolation from one another, but neither can they be regarded
as the mechanical sum of diverse factors. They are in complex
dialectical interrelation with one another, an interrelation that
varies depending on the concrete situation, the national back-
wound of the given country, and the specific features of
the activity rpf the given Communist party. In some instances
Rieht-wing revisionism comes to the fore, in others Leftist
distortion of Marxist-Leninist theory and practice.
Behind the Screen of Pluralism
The political and ideological concepts of Right and Left
revisionism often appear to be diametrically opposed to each
ether, and within each of these trends too there are different
shades of opinion. But in the course of the political and
oteateleical struegle points of contact between them are in-
creesinely revealed. It becomes more and more obvious that
the fundamental methodological and theoretical tenets of all
varieties of contemporary iswisionism coincide.
The prime common denominator is denial of the universal,
Intermitional significance of Marxism-Leninism, of the laws
eovernine the world revolutionary process and socialist de-
velopment discovered by Marxism-Leninism. The hallmark
of all revisionists is anti-dialectical mode of thought, meta-
phrkal absolulization of some aspects and phenomena of
social life, rejection of the dialectical link between the in-
ternational find the national. This logically leads to denial of
the international sienificance of the experience of the CPSU
and other Communist parties. At the same time they maintain
that the. International Communist movement needs no general
line, that such a line is not viable, and that unity of its po-
litical, strateeie end tactical principles can be dispensed with,
Contrary to the impend Internationalist Marxist-Leninist
doctrine and methodolciey, find at variance with the established
practice M the international Communist .movement, both Right
and Left revisionists propound pluralism,
The modern revisionists advocate social pluralism. Distorting
the Leninist thesis concerning the diversity of the paths ol
revolutionary transition to socialism rind forms of Hocialist
organization of society, they claim that there can brt a variety
of models of socialism qualitatively different from one enuth-
er, different not only as regards form but also as reeards
content. It is a stock argument of both overt and covert TOVI?
sionists that all existing "models of socialism" have evolved cm
the basis of a backward economy and hence allegedly bear the
Imprint of historical "inadequacy." In their opinion the victory
of socialism in the developed capitalist countries will at
once change the outward features as well as the substance of
socialism.
Needless to say, the further development of socialism, the
growth of the strength of the socialist 'world system, will
steadily improve the historical setting for the transition of
more and more countries to socialism, make this transition
less painful. But as experience arid Marxist-Leninist therm/
show, this will be a matter of the further operation of tho
general laws, not of their negation.
The modern revisionists advocate political pluralism. In
their opinion, the dictatorship of the proletariat. and the
experience of the socialist countries in the organization of '
political life have outlived their time and should be succeed-
ed by spontaneous development and coinpetitive struggle
among all social and political forces, all political parties,
which in effect signifies abandoning the use of the instru-
ments at the disposal of the working class organized as the
state to uphold the people's revolutionary gains. At a time
when the monopoly bourgeoisie is steadily building up the
machinery of its domination, its political mechanism of self-
preservation, the revisionists deny the people and their leader,;
the working class, the right to suppresis the resistance of thel
exploiters.
The modern revisionists advocate ideological pluralism. Ne- ?
Ration or ,the universal, international character of Marxism-
Leninism is accompanied with the claim that there exist differ-
ent, national forms of Marxism. At the same time it is
maintained that equal and competitive. co-existence of diverse
ideological concepts is possible in the working-class move-
ment and the socialist society.
All varieties of revisionism find political expression in
anti-Sovieteering, bellicose anti-communism, and divisive
activity in the ranks of the Communist movement.
While rioting the common groundwork on which the
theoretical-cognitive and methodological principles and po-
litical views of all modern revisionists rest, it is essential
also to have a clear idea of the specific argumentation
advanced by the Right and the Leftist trends and the degree
of danger they present at different staees of the struggle,
in different countries, and in different historical conditiuns,
, The Right Revisionists
Right-wing revisionism remains a serious threat to the
Communist parties' capacity lor action and the tinily of
their ranks. Piominent among its most active theorists and
propagandists are Roger Garaudy (France), Ernst Fischer and
Franz Merck (Aus(ria), n group, of theolizers associated with
the journal Praxis (Yugoslavia), O. Sik and K. Kosik. Thuile!)
Right-wing revisionism springs up on national soil. il 1,InitilY
acquires in implications, and htinn, I ntl-
tionalist responsibility of all ISlarxists-Leninists 1,1 r ombot it,
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CPYRGHT
The Right revisionists seek to recast the fundamental prin.
doles of the ftlarxist-Lcsninist outlook. They reject Leninisrn.
which they claim k a variant of tstarxism confined to Russia
alone. The philosophical works of Lenin and Uneels, they
argiir, "misitirressdit" the teachings of Marx, anti socialism
exists today they label a "bureancratic.etatist" distortion
01 thn Marxist doolinc. of humane socialism. This offensive
ngainst the substance of Marxist theory is waeed on the
pretext of "TV-41.111ine the real views of Marx, moreover, the
views of thr^ young Marx, by removing the "later theoretical
and practical accretions."
The Right revisiimisls deny the revolutionary role of the
working class In the reconstinction of society, malnlaining
that, as cl result of tile technological revolution, It is being clit.
fused In the general mass of working people directly
or indirectly connected with production. In this way the
leading role of the working class in the fight for socialism
k disposed of. Garaudy, for instance, advances the idea of
what he calls a "historical bloc"?a bloc of the workers and
initAlectissis with the latter playing the leading role.
? The Right-wing revisionists reject the scientific theory and
pradtice of socialism, counterposing to them the concept
of a socialism governed by the blind forces of the Market,
What this concept so zealously championed by Sik, Garaudy,
Fischer and other revisionists leads to was convincingly shown
by what happened In Czechoslovakia. The latest facts offer
incontrovertible proof that any kind of blind operation of
economic forces Is bound to have grave social consequences.
In both theory and practice the Right revisionists often find
themselves In the same camp with the reformists, who believe
In spontaneous evolution leading to socialism. The fallacy of
this concept has been amply proved by the historical -ex.
perience of the working class, yet for the Objective and
silbjective reasons mentioned above It still has Its supporters
and seriously impedes the mobilization of the masses to the
struggle for peace, democracy, national freedom, and socialism.
The Lett Extremists
The need to combat Left revisionism in all its manifestationS
is as urgent as ever. Its basic premises-.-negatIon of the
objective laws governing the class struggle, the development
of the rovoliition, rind organization of socialist society, denial
of the revointionary mission of the working class and the van.
guard role nf he. Communist parties, anti-Sovietism, nnti-com-
tnimism. and nMionnlism?do not differ In principle from
those of tlw Right-wing revisionists. What is specific to the
Left revisionists dle non-scientific voluntarist and subjectivist
concepts of revolution, tactics, forms and methods of struggle.
1-he Slanifesto group in Italy and the Teodore Petkoff group
In Vrnezueln are to one or another extent exponents of Left
revisionist views. Left extremism determines also the political
course of the Communist Party of Burma (the "White Flag"
party) which, operating In the jungles, has for a long time
nnw beer% tvagine an armed struggle against the democratic
government.
In a ntimisrsr of countries Left revisionism is represented by
small eroupings raneing from the 5ectadan-dogmadc to the
revolutionary.adventurist. Some have appropriated the name
of the Indomitable Latin American revolutionary Che Guevara
and 'have sot up detachments which call for immediate.
essentially adventuristtc armed actions without regard for the
mood of the masses., rir the concrete situation. In Ceylon, for
Instance. such self-styled "Gitevarists" played a central role in
the reactionary armed uprising against the democratic forces.
in some countries there are smell but extremely agerevave
parties that call themselves "Marxist-Leninist" and seek to
implant in the workers movement tho ideas, policy and
tactic's of Maoism. As for Maoism, It is a trend of a specific
order, which, like the present-day Trotskyttes who Seek to
infiltrate the revolutionary working-class movement, merits
special examination.
The Left extremists underestimate the role of the objective
conditions in the preparation and carrying out of revolutionary
changes, and overestimate the subjective factors, the role of
volition. For them politics Is the Demiurge of history. They
underrate the role of the masses in the revolution and tbe.
need to prepare them, and regard the actions of small isolsted
armed detachments as decisive. They ignore all other forms
and methods of struggle against the reaction, of rallying the
masses to active struggle, and rely exclusively on armed force.
Yet among them there are a great many who are eager to
come to grips with the oppressors, ready to lay down their
lives for the revolution, people who sincerely believe that
isolated armed actions can bring success, but who are captive
to the most confused revisionist and often anti-Communist
illusions. To be real revolutionary fighters what these people
need, besides enthusiasm, is clarity of perpose, political con-
sciousness.
The Fight Against Revisionism
The fight against Right and Left revisionism, against the
nationalists and Maoists that have tacked themselves on to the
international Communist movement, aeainst the Trotskyites
and anarchists, is not an end in itself for the Communist
parties. It is not a matter of intolerance, or a doctrinaire
striving for abstract purity of theoretical dogma, as 61111-
Marxists of every hue claim in their efforts to slander the
Communists and mislead the masses.
For historical and social purport, the fight against revision-
ism in theory and opportunism In practice, against all manner
..of ideoloeical wavering and political vacillation, iS a fight
to win the masses. It is a component of a political strategy
projected towards tinning the working people of town and
country, manual and mental workers, on a revolutionary plat?
form with the aim of resolving the most pressing social prob-
lems?strengthening pe.ace, giving effect to consistent democ-
racy. ensuring national prosperity and social progress. It is
a component of revolutionary lectica designed to Map the
mnsses master the most effective forms, methods and means
of anti-Imperialist and anti-monopoly struggle, to ensure the
ideological and political defeat of all who consciously or un-
consciously deceive the masses. doom them to wander aimlessly
in the labyrinths of history and prevent them from channel-
ling all their class energy to the defeat of the reaction.
The political effectiveness of struggle against all valieties
of opportunism depends primarily on being able to