PROPAGANDA PERSPECTIVES 25 MAY 1973 SPECIAL GATHERING OF WORLD YOUTH

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79-01194A000200030001-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 45
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 5, 1998
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: May 25, 1973
• Content Type: REPORT

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INTEMNATIONAL YOUTH SERVICE
NORWAY
r
CPYRCHT
CONTENTS
PARTI -
THE FESTIVAL: AN OVER-ALL VIEW
Whom Does the Festival Seek to Influence?
Organisational Apparatus ...................................... 7
PART II
THE FIRST THREE FESTIVALS:
THE INFLUENCE OF STALIN ................................ 12
PART III
THE MIDDLE PERIOD: BUCHAREST, WARSAW, MOSCOW
The 20th Party Congress, Hungary and the Moscow Youth Festival .... 17
PART IV
THE OUTER-WORLD: VIENNA AND HELSINKI ................ 24
Jr is too simple to say that the World Youth Festivals have been partisan
political events, carefully calculated to influence the youth of the world.
It is doubtful that even the organisers themselves have had a single consist-
ent goal as they have arranged them. However, certain characteristics have
not changed from the first through the eighth Festivals. In all of that period
the Soviet Union has supplied the vast majority of the funds for the event.
The persons who have taken the largest role in bringing the Festival into
being, have most often been directly connected with the Soviet Union or
with organisations following the objectives of Soviet foreign policy.
But the goals and tactics of the Soviet Union, over the last twenty years,
have not been immutable, and the aspirations and expectations of the youth
of the world have not been changeless. It is not surprising then, that the
Festivals have themselves been subject to adaption designed to make them
a more nearly perfect component of a given line of policy at a given time.
Candidly considered the Festivals must be acknowledged as superior
technical achievements. They are not a fresh idea, but rather a perfecting of
a kind of mass psychological technique: even the Romans recognized the
emotional impact of large scale demonstrations. By their very nature the
Festivals are directed at large numbers of people. Any event which brings
together 15, 20 or 25 thousand people cannot be concerned with the thoughts
and feelings of the individual who attends. A look at past programs of the
Festivals demonstrates their common characteristic of dealing with man in
woi~i~n vou~,~i
F13S'1'fVALS
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the mass; each Festival opens with a grand parade involving all participants
and as many people of the host city as can be gathered together, the numbers
reach tens of thousands; the opening session is always held in the largest
facility available and is packed with as many people as it will hold; every
Festival includes large rallies adressed only by speakers designated by Fes-
rival sponsors; so many meetings and seminars are held that individual
participants cannot possibly be expected to gain any general knowledge of
what is happening at the Festival as a whole; the living and eating accom-
modations. each of considerable size, are widely dispersed. If one attends
the Festival hoping to have contact with a particular delegation, discuss a
specific issue attend a certain event, the enormity of the gathering makes
it quite likely that this hope will not be achieved.
But. there is nothing wrong with size in and of itself. It does make it
difficult, perhaps almost impossible to have significant political discussion
and it does inhibit one's individual desires. But being small or large is in
itself only a neutral characteristic. The emotional character of the meeting,
however, can only be adjudged a negative attribute. The mass meetings, the
seminars, are punctuated by rythmic clapping, chanting of slogans, a some-
times all-pervasive noise that makes thought difficult and intelligent dis-
cussion impossible.
But is such an atmosphere political at all, and more specifically, is it
political in a partisan way? Certain of the individual events are distinctly
political. An examination of their characteristics and a look at any of the
past programs makes that clear. One may go further and say that the entire
Festival, if considered in context, is indeed political. But part of the diffi-
culty is that any individual, when swallowed up in the mass activities of
the whole, a whole which he cannot begin to see himself, is only indirectly
aware of the totality of the event; it is difficult for him to assess its real
nature.
Individual political events arc easily identifiable. Generally speaking,
there are two kinds: mass rallies, devoted to general political topics and
smaller seminars and meetings, devoted to slightly more specific but not
well-defined topics. The mass tallies may appear at the outset not to be
political in a partisan way. The announced topic is political but it is not
partisan. However, the speakers at the mass rallies, all selected in advance
by the sponsors of the Festival, set the political tone. The partisan content
may be softened by festive mass activities such as singing or slogan chanting.
Only afterwards will the thoughtful participant realise that lie has partici-
pated,in a partisan political rally. But despite the fact. that the individual
participant may differ with the speakers in their partisan approach to the
subject, the massiveness of the affair precludes expression of this opinion.
Whatever his individual opinion, the participant's very presence will later
give credence to the widely publicised reports of huge rallies which lent full
support to partisan views expressed in a public political rally. Thus an
individual's private opinion is submerged, lost and then transformed into
the opinion imposed on the crowd by the carefully planned program.
The smaller seminars and meetings devoted to political subjects follow
much the same pattern, although here the control apparatus is more refined.
In these events, the chairman will have a speakers list prepared in advance
and since there are only restricted microphone facilities, it is relatively easy
for him to dictate and direct the meeting. In the past he has been greatly
aided by a number of individuals, loyal to the Festival purposes. who stand
ready to shout down intervention considered unfriendly. If an individual
wishes to contest a speaker's views or to-raise a question not on the agenda,
his is usually told that orderly rules of procedure prevent such intervention;
as a final deterrent, microphone facilities are conveniently subject to tech-
nical difficulties and translators find it impossible to translate the inter-
venor's views.
There is no denying that there is a true cultural side to the Festival.
Sometimes, of course, even these events will have a specifically partisan
political content, or will take on a partisan political tone by virtue of the
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introductions given them and the narrations accompanying them. Since the
largest and most impressive of the cultural presentations are put on by the
Communist bloc countries, only these countries will gain recognition.
Frequently, they are professional productions and they are put on at most
opportune times. The performances are calculated to leave the individual
participant with the impression that the culture of the Communist bloc
countries is of a uniformly high calibre, and that Communist ideology is
responsible for this. Sporting events and even meetings for hobbyists are
similarly constructed. Each one standing alone may not appear to have a
partisan flavor but in their totality the partisan political impact will be
seen as purposeful and impressive.
Whont Does the Festival Seek to Influence?
The massive nature of the Festival is necessary because it seeks to
influence many different kinds of youth. Perhaps the first Festivals were
directed mainly toward youth from Communist bloc countries involved in
various national organisations and those youth from non-Communist coun-
tries who had no developed loyalities, but who did show a slight inclination
towards Communist ideology. Politically matured youth from colonial or
former colonial areas were the primary target at later Festivals, and in the
last few Festivals a real effort has been made to influence non-Communist
youth in position of responsibility in youth and student organisations in
non-Communist countries.
For youth from Communist bloc countries, participation in the Festival
is both a reward for past endeavors and an incentive for future work. For
many of these young people, the Festival is the first opportunity for contact
with people who have a non-Communist political philosophy. Evidently,
Soviet and East European leaders are conscious that there is some danger
in this contact; generally the Eastern European delegations have been
separately accommodated, sometimes on ships far from the rest of the parti-
cipant's. Moreover, the possibility of significant contact is greatly minimised
by the controlled environment of the Festival itself, an environment which
minimises actual opportunity for individual confrontation and tends, by
virtue 'of the selection process utilised to bring others to the Festival, to
enable Communist youth to have discussions with only a relatively small
number of people willing to challenge their ideology.
For the youth from non-Communist countries who have no developed
loyalty to Communist ideology, but perhaps an inclination towards it, the
Festival is designed to strengthen their faith and provide and incentive for
future work towards Soviet foreign policy objectives. The emotional content
of the meetings is specifically designed to convince these people that only
the Soviet brand of Communism is rolling with the momentum of the
20th century.
The Festival organisers obviously hope that some of the sentiment will
influence politically motivated youth from colonial or formerly colonial
areas. In the past few Festivals, an attempt has been made to convince
these young people that the enemies of the Soviet Union are also the same
people who oppose the goals of their own countries. It will be interesting
to see whether the Soviets will now try to convince these young people that
the Chinese, as well as the Western powers, are working against their best
interests.
The Festival organisers, wherever possible, attempt to entice representa-
tives of youth and student organisations from non-Communist countries to
the Festival. Probably the organisers hope not to convert these individuals
to Communist ideology, but rather to capitalise on their participation so as
to prove that the event is not a wholly partisan one. Of course the Soviets
also want to gloss over any differences which they have with people from
these areas in the hopes that the friendly and emotional atmosphere will
influence or confuse these delegates to the extent that they forget the
difficult issues which divide and set them apart from Soviet objectives.
There are other people whom the organisers seek to influence as well.
In Helsinki and Vienna the organisers hoped to influence the citizens
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of the host country. The Communist press stressed the large internationa
attendance at the Festival to indicate that there was strong international
support for the aims and policies of current Communist ideology. By
holding an event which was meant to inspire good feeling towards the
Soviet Union, the organisers hoped to make the Austrians forget the years
of Soviet occupation which had continued until 1955, and to make the
Finns less inclined to remember the continuous and significant involvement
of the Soviet Union in their economy and foreign affairs.
When the Festival has been held in Communist countries, local citizens
have played an important part in their preparations, and the work on a
common objective has tended to strengthen the faith of the faithful. Even
youth who are not really politically motivated are within the circle of those
whom the organisers hope to influence. It is this class which is most directly
affected by the mass cultural events. The massiveness of the Festival enables
the organisers to change the focus of their appeal so as to concentrate more
highly on any or more of these groups at the various Festivals. The history
of the Festivals themselves makes it apparent that this is, in fact, what
has been done.
Organisational Apparatus
It is possible, yet difficult to argue as Festival supporters have done,
that the organisational apparatus which runs the Festivals does not connote
partisan political influence. Taken in context it seems clear that it does.
The following examples are illustrative.
For twenty years Festival finances have continued to be a total enigma,
although', Festival organisers have never seriously disputed the fact that the
bulk of the money for the event comes from the Soviet Union. They have,
in the past, particularly in the earlier years, gone to great lengths to dis-
claim Soviet Union influence over funds and it is now evident that the
money has been channeled to the Festival through a series of intricate
funding devices. Since the Festival costs tens of thousands of dollars, and
since Communist countries consistently protest the representative character
of the meeting and its significant and admirable qualities. it is a mystery
why, in the past, the organisers have gone to such lengths to conceal the
fact that the funds come from only one ideological segment of the political
world. Even China has been precluded from contributing to the event.
A. second example of the apparatus is the strange collective international
body known as the International Preparatory Committee (IPC), ostensibly
representative of a large number of organisations and individuals from a
variety of countries. The membership of the IPC has consistently included
an impressive number of veterans from the International Union of Students
(IUS) and the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY), as well
as a number of individuals from various countries whose loyalties to the
Communist cause are widely known. To insist, as the organisers have done
over a period of 15 years, that the IPC offers an opportunity for the
expression of diverse points of view which could change the nature of the
Festivals has no tangible support. The character of the IPC has never altered
in the entire history of the Festival, Familiar names have been seen year
after year in prominent positions, as the Appendix illustrates. In fact, this
policy of renewed participation has even become more apparent in recent
years.
The selection of Festival participants does nothing to promote con-
fidence in the representative character of the event. In, the large majority
of cases, individual Festival committees have been dominated either by
individuals of known allegiance to the IUS, WFDY or the Communist
cause or by representatives of organisations who have ties with those
organisations or causes. Where efforts are made by non-Communists to
seize control of the national Festival committees the IPC has two ultimate
weapons: it may inform the national committee that it will provide no
travel grants, or, since the IPC makes the final decision as to which Festival
committee should officially represent each country, it can deny representa-
tive status to the truly representative inct`vidual or groups and accord it to
.,nL-nnwn or non-representative person or organisation.
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na amp apparatus is the pre- and post-Festival tours. Traditionally, these tours have
not been available to all participants. Those who have been included have
been taken only through Communist bloc countries to demonstrate the
"glories of Socialism," but only Soviet Communism is on view, not Demo-
cratic Socialism or even Chinese Communism. One wonders why certain
individuals get free tours while others, if allowed to take them at all, must
pay their own way. The explanation seems to be that the tours are a further
incentive for those whom the Festival organisers have singled out as people
they would like to be especially disposed towards the goals of the Soviet
Union.
Soviet financing, Communist domination of the organising personnel are
facts. But do they matter? They do, because they insure that the Festival
will be tuned to the objectives, and only the objectives of the Soviet Union.
And because the Soviet Union promotes an expansionist ideology its goals
will periodically conflict with those of other nations. The following pages
indicate that Soviet goals are at odds with the goals of those whom they
most seek to influence during the Festivals: the developing countries.
THE FIRST THREE FESTIVAIS:
THE INFLUENCE OF STALIN
It seems as natural today as it must have in 1945 for the students and
youth of the world to try to find a way to bury the horror and turmoil of
the Second World War and to find a basis for mutual understanding that
would prevent subsequent tragedies. Young people whose studies had been
interrupted by those years of nightmare had been active in the resistance
movements of the occupied countries and had worked for exiled governments
in the allied capitals. With the end of hostilities in sight, they turned their
efforts to the organisation of the youth of the world, in order to channel
their energies from resistance to aggression to the building of peace and
understanding.
From this background two organisations developed: the World Federa-
tion of Democratic Youth (WFDY) and the International Union of Students
(IUS). The first, WFDY, was clearly marked from its start with the ideology
of Soviet Russia. The second, the IUS, for some years at least, seemed to
promise to be a means of strengthening student cooperation and under-
standing. Even before the first meeting of the IUS ended, however, some
warning signs appeared on the horizon: the fight over the creation of a
strong executive, the proposal for membership in the WFDY, a struggle
over a constituional requirement that member organisations carry out all
decisions of IUS governing bodies and support organisations pursuing aims
similar to those of the IUS.
\VFDY early proved to be an organ only for attacks on the West and
neutrals in the Cold War. "Western Imperialism" was a term misused to
denounce ventures such as foreign aid and figures such as Nehru. In 1948
at the time of the Yugoslav-Soviet break WFDY condemned and expelled
its Yugoslav affiliates. By 1951 the French government had expelled the
WFDY from its Paris headquarters for subversive activities. Directly after
its move to Budapest, Hungary WFDY announced - "Youth knows no
political or economic oppression only in the Soviet Union, China..." Even
that statement would not be made today since by now it is emminently clear
that the organisation is the instrument solely of the Soviet Union.
By the time of the first Festival, the political rift developing between
the Soviet Union and its allies in the Second World War served to diminish
but not wholly dampen the feeling that the aspirations and unity of youth
could transcend party political divisions of the nation-states. The timing of
the first Festival was most opportune. Festival organisers were not only able
to capitalise on the enthusiasm engendered at early meetings of the IUS
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and WFDY, in order to attract participants to the Festival, but they were
also confident that the Festival apparatus itself could be successfully utilised
to gain greater support for the IUS and WFDY. Thus, from the beginning
there was a link of absolute interdependence between the Festival and
these two organisations. Moreover, the as yet undefined character of the
Festival enabled its sponsors to reach many youth and students who were
not presently involved with the IUS and WFDY, and to tempt those youth
and students already suspicious of the two organisations. The Festival could
also attract youth and students from countries which did not have viable
youth or student organisations. This was especially important in colonial
areas where generally there had been no opportunity for youth and students
to organise. Even this first Festival was organise by an International
Preparatory Committee, demonstrating that the I $S and WFDY were
already recognised as international mechanisms with severe limitations.
Nearly 20,000 people from 67 countries came to Prague to attend the
Festival. They were greeted as the hope of a new world. A city almost
devastated by the war was decked with flowers; a country which was hungry
found food to feed thousands of guests. Here, the pattern for all following
Festivals was first laid out: grand parades, mass rallies, controlled seminars
and meetings, fervent activity, high excitement and emotion. On the surface
a friendly festive event at which youth and students of the world met and
planned for a purposeful future; underneath it all a carefully planned and
executed demonstration calculated to exhibit the strength, solidarity and
future triumph of Stalinist ideology.
The exhibit of the Soviet Union, the most prominent at the Festival,
was dominated by a huge statue of Stalin. Parades were thick with posters
bearing his likeness, speeches describing the heroics of Stalin were numerous.
Indeed, partisan politics were served up wholesale. Most of the speeches
were hard-lined efforts, devoid of references to peaceful co-existence. Direct
attacks were made against those who were not in the Soviet camp. Nor
were progressive leaders spared. Nkrumah, Nehru, and others were directly
attacked; in areas like Indonesia every truly anti-Dutch institution was
attacked. The Soviet rejected proposals that they give aid to anti-colonial
leaders and movements. From the beginning they made rtclear that economic
assistance would go only to Soviet oriented countries. The pro-Ghana, pro-
Indonesia, pro-India elements had to choose between no assistance or a
a-pro-Soviet posture. Contrary to Soviet anticipations, they were to succeed
anyway. Nearly every prominent nationalist leader in the colonial areas,
who was then attempting to gain the independence of his own country, was
attacked as bourgeois. These expressions clearly mirrored the then current
Stalinist line. Not for some years did the Communists support nationalist
causes in colonial areas, for at that time they thought the only correct mode
of action was Soviet Communism, rather than nationalist revolution. The
line on colonialism was to change and so were the flower strewn streets
of Czechoslovakia.
In early 1948 the coup in Czechoslovakia was accompanied by the
killing and wounding of Czechoslovakian students, the dissolution of their
national union of students and the wholesale expulsion of professors and
students from Czechoslovakian universities. Neither the IUS nor WFDY
were to raise a word of protest. Succeeding Festivals were to reminisce
about the Prague Festival but would forget the events of March 1948.
Despite the decline in membership caused by the general unacceptability
of the Stalinist political line, the IUS and WFDY continued to parrot hard,
monolithic phrases. May Day celebrations in Moscow in 1947 through
1949 were accurate reflections of the posture of that country. Heavy
armaments roamed the streets; trade with South Africa enforced the Soviet
armaments capability. Stalin continued periodically to issue statements of
the most war mongering kind and was echoed, in turn, by the IUS and
WFDY. His words, attitudes and criticism, directed not against the West
alone but against all significant leaders of developing countries, had an
evident effect on the Second World Youth Festival held in late August
;949 in Budapest, u, ng.,ry
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Attendance at the Second World Youth Festival was about 10,000 youth
and students from some 80 countries. In two years the antipeace posture
of the Soviet Union and its organisations had cut Festival participation in
two. The event was again used, as it had been in Prague, to gain a maximum
influence on as many groups as possible. Budapest u{ttil then, like most of
the cities in the Eastern European orbit during the, Stalin era, had been
ignored. The Stalinist approach to Eastern Europe was to deplete its re-
sources as much as possible, in order to build up the Soviet Union. But
for this event, the city was virtually rejuvenated and the joyful air, manu-
factured for the Festival, was capitalised upon to raise the spirits of the
depressed citizens as well.
Unceasing publicity within the country stressed the theme of inter-
national solidarity with and support for the Socialist cause that was re-
building Hungary, and its citizens were urged and exhorted to greet their
international guests as partners in the quest for building Socialism. It was
already apparent that Socialism was to be given a narrow definition. It
simply meant the policy of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
Democratic Socialism was already excluded, soon the nationalist tendencies
of Tito's Communism was to be declared heretical, and later still the
Communism of China was to be castigated.
Hungary found the Festival a costly one. The nation's own plans for
future development were temporarily thrust aside because of Soviet pressure.
Economic planning, essential to a functioning socialist system, took a back-
seat to Soviet propaganda. Poland's Gomulka later questioned whether the
Festivals could possibly be worth the economic dislocation they caused.
The Prague script was copied again in Budapest but here, the words
were harsher and the line even a little harder. The parades, rallies, seminars,
even some of the cultural events featured strong partisan exhortations. The
Festival premises were marked by huge pictures of Stalin. Exhibits from
non-Communist countries were prepared with the assistance of JUS and
WFDY personnel to portray the worst possible picture of those countries.
Ugliness and brutality marked the national exhibits from Western countries
- a sharp contrast to the bright, beautiful and service-minded displays of
the Soviet Union. Seminars on such subjects as architecture, literature and
biology featured discussions that ranged into purely political areas. Art in
Budapest was considered a political instrument; modern and progressive
styles such as now flourish in Eastern Europe were condemned as examples
of Western decadence. From the outset. it was clear that no attempt would
be made to woo the non-Communist youth from non-Communist bloc
countries. The Stalinist group prevented any overture to people from
developing nations.
By late 1949, Stalin had read Tito and Yugoslavia out of the Communist
camp because of their deviationist tendencies. In a personal way he thus
made clear what the Festival, as an event, also made apparent - no
differences or criticism of the given line could be tolerated. Predictably,
the IUS and WFDY fell in behind his position.
By the time of the Third World Youth Festival in East Berlin war had
broken out in Korea, and the Soviet Union had precipitated a crisis in the
United Nations by its temporary withdrawal. It was not surprising to find
the United Nation's action in Korea criticised. It was surprising to hear
the United Nations repeatedly attacked as an organisation, and an ideal,
for at that time the United Nations was most active in its efforts to secure
true independence for people in colonial areas.
The techniques of the Festival were now slightly time worn. The old
standbys, first used in 1947, were again redone on a massive scale. Grand
arades, mass rallies, enutnerous cultural presentations - all intended to
bolster the morale of a desolate East Berlin, as well as to impress Festival
articipants - required the expenditure of about 50 million dollars. The
arms were the same, only the content was changed to conform to the
urrent Soviet Party line. Praise of the Chinese communists was lavish, and
or those who have watched the shifting nature of Soviet foreign policy,
t is not surprising that such praise was completely absent by the time of
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One curious aspect of pre-Festival literature for the Third Festival
reflected the continuing Soviet ambivalence and subterfuge on the question
of Germany. Every attempt was made to conceal the fact that the meeting
would be confined to East Berlin, and every efforts was bent towards giving
the impression that all German youth had consented to be host. Propaganda
advantages might have been derived from this questionable technique, but
they were certainly outweighed by the exodus of thousands of Communist-
orbit youth, who, in the unaccustomed freedom and confusion of the Festi-
val, managed to spend most of their time in the Western Sector. Apparently,
this was a lesson the Soviet did not forget; at the next Festivals, held in
countries either bordering or not wholly within the Soviet orbit, the number
of participants from the Soviet bloc countries was sharply reduced.
This was also a difficult period for the IUS and WFDY. Soon after the
formation of the International Student Conference (ISC), the IUS called
for a unity meeting between the IUS and non-members to talk of an
eventual reconstitution. At length the meeting was held and seemed to have
no real consequences, but at the IUS Council Meeting, held immediately
thereafter in Bucharest, Joseph Grohman, who had been president of the
IUS for six years, resigned his post. His resignation had been requested
because of his alignment with his fellow countryman Rudolf Slansky, chief
of the Czechoslovakian Communist Party, who had been purged and subse-
quently executed. (Not even top officials of the IUS were free from the
swift changes in Communist ideology.)
The death of Stalin soon made it clear that Soviet Communism itself
was subject to major re-orientation. The Festivals were to mirror those
changes.
After the death of Stalin and throughout 1953, the-Soviet Union entered
into the period popularly known as the "thaw". This movement reached
a climax during 1956 after Krushchev, speaking at a closed session of the
20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, uttered his
renunciation of certain Stalinist policies and condemned certain aspects
of Stalin's character. By late summer of 1953, Lavrenti Beria, chief of the
Secret Police, had been arrested and the era of terror seemed to be nearing
an end. Within the Soviet Union there was a period of tremendous ferment.
The period was perhaps best typified by Olga Berggolts, a poet who re-
defined Soviet arts so as to substitute lively human figures for robots, and
human conflicts and dilemmas for the mindless opposition of Soviet heroism
and bourgeois villany.
Inevitably, the changes within the Soviet Union had their effect on
Soviet foreign policy objectives. The IUS, reflecting the changes in the
Cominform tactics, restrained its blatantly partisan attacks on the West
and by the time of the 20th Party Congress, the IUS Presidium itself
admitted "that the IUS was slow in reacting to a number of changes that the
student movement underwent in the post-war period ... When going to
our Congress we should openly see that the time when the division took
lace, was a period of cold war with all of its negative influences." Thus,
the 1US indicated that it had received a gentle nudge from backstage. The
Presidium then went on, "this does not mean that the student movement is
entirely dependent on the general international situation but, at the same
time, it would not be realistic to imagine we are living in a vacuum."
The Fourth Youth Festival was held in Bucharest, Romania, in the
ummer immediately after Stalin's death during a period in which the
changes in Soviet foreign policy later evident, were as yet unsecured and
tnclear. Partly because of previous commitments the IUS and WFDY
were committed to holding three big events in 1953: the Festival in
ucharest, August 7 through 16; the Third WFDY Congress also in
ucharest Ittly 25 t
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August 27 through September 3. Insofar as there was by this time a new
Soviet line, these three events adopted it. For the first time the meetings
evidenced a genuine concern over the Soviet Union's relationship to the
leadership elements fighting for independence in the colonial areas. The
old tactic of linking the foremost figures in the struggle for freedom with
Western Imperialists clearly risked Soviet Union isolation when these
leaders came to power. Moreover, the Soviets also began to understand
that in dealing with young people, especially from developing areas, they
were dealing with intelligent, sophisticated and politically alert individuals.
Clearly, it would no longer do to lump all of the West together as if it had
only one ideology, nor was it profitable to blame all of the evil in the world
on non-Communists. And if Soviets goals were to advance, some of the
sabre rattling of the past would have to cease.
The Fourth Festival, then, had a different tone, one reminiscent of the
united front approach of the 1930's. No longer were there dogmatic demands
for complete support from non-Communist organisations, instead Festival
propaganda and prepared statements given in seminars suggested "limited
support" on specific "non-partisan" issues. The old approach of bitter and
belligerently hostile denunciation of all non-Communist countries was soon
condemned as "left deviationism" at the WFDY and IUS meetings, and the
Festival was prophetic in its adaptation of that line. To some extent this
break with the past and the condemnation of the old methods was a
chattering experience. The ideological debate and the acrimonious dis-
cussions of those years closely parallel today's struggles between the Chinese
and Soviet leaders.
The Fourth Festival was the most expensive yet held. Conservative
estimates, including free transportation for delegates coming from Com-
munist countries and from those countries which the organisers wished
to influence, place the cost between 40 and 100 million dollars.
Even though there had been a change in Soviet domestic and foreign
policy lines, it was still too early for the Soviets to reverse their policy
of exploiting the economies of the Eastern European countries to build
up the Soviet Union. The severe housing shortage that had troubled
Bucharest for ten years could not be cured in the summer. But to make
the Festival participants comfortable "volunteer labor" constructed an 80,000
seat stadium, an artificial lake and an open-air theatre. 29,000 young people
from III countries were on hand.
The Festival, in retrospect however, was a curious event. It followed
Stalin's death so closely, and conditions in the Soviet Union were so far
from settled, that it was most difficult for the organisers to capture the
orrect mood or feature the appropriate lines. They found themselves in
in ackward position: the old harsh attacks on the West were repressed, more
f an effort was made to court people from the developing areas, but when
he Korean armistice was signed during the course of the Festival, an hour
ong mass demonstration exorciated the United States and Britain as Impe-
ialist incendiaries. The curious nature of the event, the confused lines and
actics were the inevitable result of a Festival held between the era of
terror" and the era of "good feeling."
For the IUS and WFDY the changes that occured after the death of
talin came none too soon. Both were heavily strained by the burden
f carrying identification with the Stalinist ideology. The Third IUS Con-
ress of 1953 had only 10 non-Communist delegations in attendance. Recent
isaffections included their heavily influential Latin American affiliate, the
razilian National Union of Students. Perhaps because the IUS, as a student
rganisation, detected more quickly the changes in intellectual moods, it
lore readily adapted itself to a somewhat softer position. In part, it utilised
tactic which soon became a regular part of the Festival repetoire - Com-
munists from former colonial areas, in no way representative of students
om those countries, were encouraged to deliver the really strongly anti-
western speeches. In this way the IUS appeared as a moderating influence.
The WFDY never really recovered from the splits that arose at the time
f the Tito crisis. In particular, they were injured by the defection of their
andinavian affiliates. As their youth and student organisations went into
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temporary decline, the Festival became a more important event for te
Soviets.
The decision to hold the Fifth Festival in Warsaw, Poland came at a
time when the Soviet Union had decided to totally refurbish its international
image. The event nearly coincided with the Four Power Peace talks in
Geneva. Hopes for a lasting and productive peace ran high after the Geneva
Conference but were to be dashed by the Geneva Foreign Ministers meeting
in October of 1955. Within the Soviet Union, the principle of collective
Readership suffered a stunning blow in February of 1955 when Malenkov
:resigned from the Premiership. During the preceding months a number of
persons closely connected with Malenkov's career had been demoted and
the proteges of Krushchev had been promoted. During all of 1955 this
process continued apace until it became clear that Krushchev was to be the
single most important figure in the Soviet Union. The one-man rule of
the Stalin era had a resurrection.
In Poland itself, conditions were ripe for political change. Wladyslaw
Gomulka, denounced in 1948, removed from his political post in 1949,
arrested in 1951, was soon to be released from prison in 1955. Only a year
later he was to become the Prime Minister of Poland.
Poland is a country of fierce nationalists, who deeply resent the Soviet
instrusion into their country. It is also a country with a strong intellectual
class that has demanded its right to be heard and to dissent. It must be
presumed that the decision to hold the Festival in Warsaw was a calculated
risk. The fact that large numbers of Polish youth would be able to have
contact with many non-Communists, even if in a controlled environment,
must have somewhat troubled the Soviet leaders.
Perhaps for these reasons the program of the Festival was somewhat
different from those of the past. Cultural events and mass demonstrations
were a more significant part of this Festival than of past ones. No doubt
this was a reflection of the Poles' attempt to influence the meeting toward
an even softer political position; French songs, and slogans with universal
appeal replaced the older, sterner Communist words. It was still true that
cultural exhibitions and awards were limited to those issues considered
politically valuable by Communist organisers. But the 20 days' stay for the
30,000 young people who came to Warsaw, was dominated by receptions,
parades, and athletic events which left little time for serious discussion.
From the organisers' point of view, that was probably all to the good since
Eastern Europe was in those days ready for political mutiny, a mutiny which
Hungary would soon begin with blood in its own streets.
The 20th Party Congress, Hungary and the Moscow Youth Festival
In February 1956, the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union met in Moscow. The windows were thrown open to receive
the fresh breath of criticism. The fiercest speech was made in secret session
by Krushchev himself, a speech containg denunciation of the cult of perso-
nality. The speech exposed Stalin's crimes during the great purge in the
1930's and the World War and in its documentation went a long way
towards proving the arguments of non-Communist opponents.
The tempo of change in Eastern Europe quickened. The Polish Com-
munise leader Bierut died in Moscow while attending the Congress. With
a new-found freedom the press exposed inefficiencies in the economy and
the population's harsh living conditions. The summer of 1956 was a season
of widespread discontent. Everywhere, the peasants were opposed to the
collectivisation and to the various devices used to exploit them for the
economic purposes of the regime. The workers were hostile, and they were
more dangerous to the regime because they were concentrated in the main
cities and because the official ideology required that the working class be
the mainsty of Communism. Most dangerous of all was the dissaffection
of the intellegentia, particularly of its youth. This was most obvious in
Poland and Hungary for there discontent could polarise around two out-
standing personalities, known to be opposed to current policies and leaders
- Gomulka in Poland and Nagy in Hungary. A second factor was that in
both Poland and Hungary there were among the older generation of intel--
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1-1
regime and who had the experience to give a lead to the intellectual youth
which was also against the regime but was inexperienced and inarticulate.
The Soviets soon learned that the youth of Eastern Europe was deter-
mined to be free of the intellectual shackles clamped on it by its Russian-
centered neighbors. It demanded the right to think for itself, to work out
in the privacy of its own nation, free from outside interference, its own
national destiny. Clearly the Communists had underestimated the youth
from developing countries. They too have proved alert to encroachment and
resentful of any outside interference. As colonialism broke down. the new-
found freedom demanded self-determination of a personal destiny.
So it was in Hungary. A new degree of freedom demanded an even
greater right of self-determination. In Hungary on the 23rd of October a
series of demonstrations, demanding social and political liberties, started
a crisis. Security forces were ordered to fire on the people and soon the
students and bystanders were joined by groups of armed workers from
factories in the Budapest suburbs, and then by individual soldiers and units
of the Hungarian Army. Soon no one was fighting for the regime except
a few thousand Security Policemen and foreign troops.
The Hungarians won an armistice from the Soviets and Imre Nagy
formed a new government in which the old socialist and peasant parties
were represented. But on November 4th large forces of the foreign Soviet
Army attacked the Hungarian capital. They met bitter resistance, especially
from the workers, but it was soon crushed. For some weeks, however, the
frontier with neutral Austria was open and 200,000 Hungarians, mostly
workers and their families, chose an uncertain life in exile.
In Eastern Europe the oppression of the Hungarian Revolution had a
more depressing effect than anything since 1948 when the Communist
dictatorships had been prefected. No one was more pleased than Walter
Ulbricht of East Germany, the outstanding survivor of the purest Stalinist
breed. Relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union again deterio-
rated. In Poland the changes of October 1956 were real - non-political
literature and art were almost completely freed and political argument was
tolerated provided that it was confined to non-official meetings of small
groups of people.
These changes in Eastern Europe were the inevitable result of breaking
down the walls which had inhibited freedom during the Stalin era. It is
interesting to speculate what role the Warsaw Youth Festival of 1955,
providing a breath of fresh air and a glimpse of a different life, played in
arousing the sentiments of the young intellectuals of Eastern Europe. Within
the context of the Festival, Eastern European delegations were never to be
so free again.
The implications of the 20th Party Congress were not lost on the IUS,
and neither were the lessons of Hungary. The Presidium planned to curtail
its own powers sharply. In the past it had made all important decisions
backstage, using the conference's ratification merely to heigthen the dramatic
effect of unanimity. This year IUS leaders decided to bring more out onto
the floor itself to give at least a glimpse of open debate. But from the very
irst session it was clear that democratisation and the IUS goal of unity
were incompatible. The Presidium's overriding desire for unity lead it to
ry to squash even an attempt from the floor to endorse support for the
Algerian Revolution. Then shortly later, an Arab-Israeli dispute broke out,
nd was quelled only when the Presidium reverted to its old railroad tactics.
he meeting reflected the uncertain goals of Soviet foreign policy, which
till hoped somehow to form common fronts that could encompass French
ationalists and Algerian revolutionaries, Arabs and Israelis. It was a vain
ope. The truly revolutionary forces could see in the Soviet phalanxes only
roops in disarray and a stained banner.
The chaos in Eastern Europe, the confusion caused by the 20th Party
ongress, the uncertain course of the Soviet controlled IUS and WFDY,
d to the decision that in 1957 Moscow was the only spot for a Festival.
%nd if the event was to detract attention from the unpleasant realities of
he last 18 months, it would have to be a spectacular one indeed. By sheer
ize, 34,000 foreign participants from 131 countries, the event was just that.
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A closer look at the figures reveals that 27,000 of those participants were
from Communist countries or Western Europe, less than 5,000 came from
Africa, Asia and Latin America.
These figures indicate that the primary purpose of the Moscow Youth
Festival may well have been to curb dissent among the young people of the
Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The event was meant to be a monumental
public reaffirmation of their loyalty to the aims of international Communism
as defined by the Soviets. An editorial in the Komsomol Monthly, May
1957, gave detailed instructions to the Soviet participants on how to explain
certain shortcomings in Soviet social and economic life and how to present
Soviet achievements most favorably.
A second aim of the Moscow Festival was to give the youth of the world
/a case of mass amnesia. By a display of hospitality and goodwill, the organi-
sets hoped to counter the negative impression engendered by the events
of the past few months. Consistently. attempts were made to discredit the
Hungarian Revolution and soon that event was never to be mentioned at all.
In line with the doctrine of peaceful co-existence. a third purpose of
the Moscow Youth Festival was to assure everyone of the good intentions
and peaceful aims of the Soviet Union. Many of the Festival events empha-
sised the peaceful. nature of Communism in general, and blamed the non-
Communist world for disrupting international peace and understanding.
Yet another aim of the Festival, one which became much more important
at the time of the Seventh and Eighth Festivals, was the goal of influencing
young people from Asian and African countries. They were the primary
objects of all efforts to impress Festival participants with the strength of
the Soviet Union and to convince them of the superiority of Communism,
especially for ameliorating conditions prevaling in the developing countries.
The Secretary of the British Young Communist League may have, indicated
yet another reason why they were the objects of such intensive effort. Upon
his return to Britain he made it clear that recruitment of people for the
Communist party hierarchies was one of the goals of the Festival.
Evaluating the effects of the Festival is always a precarious affair.
Whether, for example, people from developing areas were impressed by
Communist propaganda is hard to say. The Moscow -of 1957 was not an
economic paradise, and in those days, as now, even if one were inclined
to be influenced by Communism, one would have to decide whether he
wished to be influenced by the Soviet, the Polish, the Yugoslav or the
Chinese variety. In those days too, he would have to decide whether he
wished to forget the violent past. No doubt, the relatively small number
of Africans and Asians who were there realised the very important fact
that if one chose Socialism one did not have to choose Communism. They
must also have realised that they were only an incidental goal of the Festival,
less important in the organisers' eyes than their own disenchanted youth.
One effect of the Festival is fairly clear, the Soviets were not altogether
pleased with the impact the event had on Soviet youth. Alex Shelepin, Vice-
President of WFDY, and soon to be chairman of the Soviet Secret Police
(K.GB), said, "We must be critical of what we saw at the Festival because
we cannot agree with and fully accept the actions and behavior of some
of the youth delegations at the Festival. Komsomol organisations should
continue to struggle against the penetration into our milieu of ideology,
morals, and customs which are alien to us." Shelepin clearly had no use
for the youthful Asian and Africans who came to tell the Soviet that they
had as much to teach them as to learn from them.
The Festival then, in capping the middle 1950's reflected the stresses
and strains of that era of Soviet history. Those were years of looking inward.
years in which Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, in breaking away
from some old dogmas, had to reassess their old beliefs and their relations
with one another. The comparatively slight attention given to Africans,
Asians and Latin Americans would not be repeated in the coming years.
The Soviet Union decided to look beyond its internal difficulties by looking
toward the developing nations.
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In 1959, the Festival was held for the first time in a non-Communist
country. Unquestionably this gave the event a more respectable and non-
political air, and it increased the possibility that several groups from un-
committed nations, groups which had refused to participate in the past,
would now attend. The difficulties within the Communist camp were less
grave than they had been in the past few years and the problem with China
had not yet fully come to the surface. Memories are short and the Budapest
repressions were all but forgotten by youth and students within a year or two.
The new freedom within the Soviet Union allowed the IUS to develop
internal politics, and it thus became a forum for debate, even if only within
the Marxist-Leninist framework. Where before there had been only praise
of the IUS Secretariat, there was now real debate on questions such as
peace, disarmament, relative importance of the German question as opposed
to the struggle against Western Imperialism. IUS officers from developing
countries were capable, and were able to sustain an image of independence
from Soviet policies. IUS membership began to grow, especially its member-
ship in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. As it grew, the organisation
became even more concerned with its image in those areas.
The Soviet Union in 1955 had entered the field of foreign aid to devel-
oping society. Statesmen, who only a few years before had been the object
for Soviet scorn and ridicule, soon became recipients of Soviet loans and
grants in aid. The aid was not without its strings. Even the Chinese were
cut off when they elected not to follow the line.
The still ambivalent Soviet foreign policy goals can be traced in the
Soviet Union's relationship with Yugoslavia. In August of 1957, Tito met
Krushchev in Bucharest and the preceding quarrels seemed to be laid to
rest. But, in November of the same year, the Yugoslav refused to sign a
manifesto published after the celebration of the 40th anniversary of the
BoLshevic Revolution. This refusal. based on the Yugoslavs realisation that
signing would have caused them to abandon their uncommitted foreign
policy, led to a new deterioration of Yugoslav-Soviet relations. The Yugo-
slavs soon thereafter issued a draft program which contained three points
totally unacceptable to the Soviet Union. The first was that it was possible
to achieve Socialism without revolution; second, that Communist parties
do not possess a monopoly on the ability to lead a nation towards Socialism
- Socialism can be built under the leadership of parties that are not Com-
munist, that is, are not Marxist-Leninist and do not recognise the supreme
authority of the Soviet Union. The third controversial Yugoslav point was
the assumption that the principal cause of the danger of war in the world
was the existence of two power blocs: the Western and the Soviet.
Naturally, the Soviets were unwilling to admit that their own aims
and nuclear bombs were a source of danger. In all three points, the Yugo-
slav leaders were looking towards a position which could be influential in
Africa, Asia, and Latin America. The Soviet repection of these points was
further proof that they desired to have relations with developing nations
only when it served their own interests.
The Seventh World Youth Festival indicated that although the Soviets
fished to have a greater influence and a greater contact with youth from
leveloping nations, they were unwilling to work towards that end in a free
and open forum. The 17,000 youth and students who attended were quickly
nade aware of the fact that most Austrians were not pleased to have the
vent on their soil. Soviet occupation of Austria had ended only in 1955
and both the Democratic Socialist and Catholic youth organisations in
Austria were opposed to the Festival. Approximately 6,000 youth from
sia, Africa and Latin America attended, although, once again neutral
ountries such as the United Arab Republic, India and Ghana refused to
end official delegations. The usual events of a mass nature, including a
Peace demonstration, anti-colonial rally, and ceremonial opening and closing
essions were held. All of these adopted positions which could be totally
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identified with Soviet foreign policy pronouncements and indicated the
degree to which the Soviet Union rather than China, Yugoslavia. or Poland
influenced the organisation and content of meetings. As a result of the fact
that the Soviets ran into more opposition within Austria than they had
anticipated. there were several outbreaks of physical violence. Two notable
incidents concerned the brutality inflicted on an Egyptian girl journalist
and a dispute which arose between the Chinese delegates and some Africans
who questioned the Chinese position on Tibet.
Whether the Festival was successful is an open question. The hostility
of the Austrians who remembered too well the years of Soviet occupation,
the proximity of the Hungarian border which was, at that time, still pat-
rolled, the disagreements in approach to the Festival among the Communists
themselves, particularly between Soviets and Poles, Soviets and Yugoslavs,
Soviets and Chinese, all detracted from the event. Many of the delegates
who the Soviets were most interested in influencing were appalled by the
heavy-handed and sometimes violent techniques of the organisers.
Post-Festival meetings of. the WFDY revealed controversy about the
merits of the event. Some considered it totally negative in its impact on
youth from developing nations; others believed that the event should be
less political and more cultural. After Vienna there were some shake-ups
in WFDY personnel and for the first time the Festival was held again after
an interval of three rather than two years.
In the years between the Seventh and Eighth Festivals, it became obvious
that trouble was brewing within the international Communist movement.
Ideological and policy differences between the Chinese and Soviet Com-
munist leadership were still unresolved. The compromise declaration patched
together at the Moscow meeting of the 81 Communist parties in November
and December of 1960, provided superficial unity, but the exacerbation of
relations between Moscow and Albania, ande the Chinese adoption of the
Albanians as a client party, made unity pronouncements seem increasingly
hollow. On the eve of the 22nd Party Congress, Krushchev faced some hard
alternatives. If Chinese and Albanian dependence were left unanswered,
Soviet leadership of the bloc and of the world Communist movement would
be further undermined. If he chose to demand a confrontation and capitu-
lation from the Chinese, there was the serious possibility that the ranks of
the movement would be split. Krushchev directed his propaganda against
the Albanian party leadership rather than the Chinese. The tactic was with-
out success; Chou-En-Lai reserved his most biting remarks for Krushchev's
attack on the Albanians but he also had a few scorching phrases for Yugo-
slavia. The 22nd Congress only served to underscore many internal problems
within the bloc. It also made it clear that the Soviet Union intented to
maintain its position of leadership within the Communist movement at any
cost. permitting as little dissention as possible.
There were indications both before and during the Congress that the
Soviet policy in the underdeveloped parts of the world was undergoing re-
examination. Soviet distribution of future largesse would provide support
only for friendly nations that followed the Soviet foreign policy line, cut
their economic ties with the West, organised their economy on a Com-
munist basis, and made room for local Soviet-styled Communists in their
government arrangements.
The Congress also witnessed Krushchev's renunciation of nuclear weap-
ons as the key to victory for World Communist. This pronouncement rang
less hopefully in the world's ears, when at the time of the Helsinki Festival,
close to the anniversary of Hiroshima, the Soviets tested a 40 megaton bomb.
The tensions within the Communist world were reflected in Helsinki.
At the Moscow Youth Festival in 1957, 1,566 Chinese delegates had
attended, in Helsinki there were only 99. The Chinese, like the Poles, the
Democratic Socialists, the delegates from the United States, had the dubious
distinction of having their views totally unrepresented during the course
of the meeting. The 12,000 delegates from 135 countries who attended
quickly learned that, as in Austria, the native population was not happy to
host: the event. The usual mass events that characterise all Festivals, were
held and the usual appeals were made to the aspirations of the people from
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developing areas. But on the morning of August 6, when it became known
that the Soviet Union had resumed nuclear testing with a tremendous 40
megaton blast, many of those same delegates were shocked into disbelief.
Later when several Festival delegations attempted to carry banners reading
"STOP TESTS - EAST AND WEST", they were forbidden to do so by the
International Preparatory Committee. In the specially constituted Free Trib-
une, neutral voices did nearly succeed in taking over the discussion, and they
were highly critical of Soviet foreign policy. But, for the most part, the
same seminars, the same cultura levents, had the same easily identified
objectives: the glorification of the goals of Soviet foregn policy to the
exclusion of Western economics, Democratic Socialism, Chinese Communism
and more importantly to the exclusion of discussion of the real problems
facing developing nations.
The Soviet decision to break the moratorium on nuclear testing at the
time of the Helsinki Festival may indicate that they found it necessary to
adopt a more militant posture in their struggle against the Chinese. It clearly
demonstrates that in the final analysis, they are not at all concerned about
the hopes and opinions of the neutral world.
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. ELIMA, Kinshasa
EAST GERMANS IIOS`1'_ 10I'll Wn121.1) YO[1'11I1 FESTIVAL
25/March 1973
another World Youth Festival the Tenth -
ears
of five
a
Af
,
y
p
ter+ g
9 i
I in Iitat;t Berlin from July 28 to August 5. The 10th Festival
t
agcc
s to be s
coincides with the 25th anniversary of the Festival movement and, according
to its organisers, will be. "the largest ever organised".
As usual the Festival is sponsored by two Soviet-controlled
iuternati.onal. Couununi.si front organisations, the World Federation of
Democratic Youth (WFDY)' and the International Union of Students (IUS).
Arrangements car being handled by a 60--strong International Preparatory
Conmritiee (I.PC), drawn from international organ i. sat ions and national
preparatory committees in participating; countries. tint the IPC, whose
consti.tucnt: meeting; was in Sofia in .January, 1972, meets infrequently,
and the real power lies with a Permanent Conunis.;inar, c-omprising 22 full-
time, paid officials, mostly from the WFDY, the 1[IS, and the East German
Youth Org;ani.sation (F11J). Fts Ieadiaig; members are Roberto Viezzi (Italy),
President of WFDY, a former member of the ItaIi.an Communist Party Central
Commit.tce and a m(nrber of the Italian Ccnnmunist Youth Federation (FGC1);
Alain Th rouso (France), WFDY Secretary-General. and a mrmher of the French
Communist Youth Org;atiisat.i.on (f]C), Fathi of Fadl (Sudan), I.US Secretary-
CC.neral; and Dominique Vidal, the Festival. Coordinating Secretary who is
a Bureau member of the French Conumuni st Students' Union (UEC).
The Festivals claim to be open to all. young people aged between
14 and 32 "irrespective of nationality, creed or politics". Dominique
Vidal has claimed Ihat over 130 countries wi.11 he represented in East
Berlin, but up to two-thirds of these will belCommunists or supporters of
Conununi sm, despite the organisers' avowed aim of attracting young people
of all persuasions, provided that they are "progressive" and "against
imperialism". China and Albania will again presumably not be invited but
Cuba which boycotted tJae Sofia Festival, is to send a large delegation
and has promised to ":,par( no Cfforts to support the 1Ot:h Festival"
reflecting her improv'd relations with the Soviet Union.
The cost of the Festival runs into millions of dollars. The
most. expensive - cystIma(.td to have cost IOl) mi I 1 ion dollars - was in
Moscow in 1957. 1)f,;'pite scaling down since then, the hills for the last
three ?- in V i c-nna, Helsinki and SF i ;a - are be 1 i eved to have been arnnnd
10 miilion dollar;;. Participants p;iy +n enroluu,alt fee and an "all-in"
sum for (ravel and aecc,nunoclatioil Cxprn:;c ;;, lhotigh these are often heavily
subsidised or even waived for delegates from developiii cotraatries. To
`cover the cost of non-payiaig? participant ..and the rest of tile. Festival.'s
expenses, a World Snl id:trit.y Fund has; been ~;ctr up, to which national
preparatory committees, interunt ion;al organisations and individual
de l'gales are asked to cone r i but e, and nmacl+ publicity is being given to
act ivit ie;; of "Sttlrbotnil;s" (voluntary Saturday labour
Lhe f and-rca i .; i ng,
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battalions) in East Germany. But those efforts fall short of mceting the
total cost. A Substantial subsidy, mainly from the Soviet Union, is
always required.
East Berlin could rosejohlems
Of the nine Festivals, the first six were held in East European capitals
(Prague 1947; Budapest 1949, East Berlin 1951, Bucharest 1953;, Warsaw 1955,
and Moscow 1957). The next two were staged in neutral countries - Vienna
in 1959 and Helsinki in 1962 - in the hope of minimising the'Festivals'
Communist associations. In both cases, however, lack of enthusiasm by
people in the host countries dampened the proceedings, and for the last Festival
in 1968 the organisers were forced to retreat to the Communist bloc,to Sofia,afte>f
vain efforts to find a Third World venue. Festival plans for Ghana and
Algeria fell through.
The choice of East'Berlin for the 10th Festival.is hardly auspicious:
the divided city, with the East Germans' wall, seems unlikely to make a
favourable impression on Festival visitors, while the proximity of West
Berlin could create problems for the organisers - especially if delegates
accompanied by East German friends wish to cross to the West. The organisers
claim that the choice of Berlin - "in a State building Socialism" - will be
received with cnt.husiasm by young people everywhere, and it is being
presented as a gesture of solidarity with East Germany in its campaign for
international recognition. In an interview with the East German peace
movement journal., Inpi"oati nt (No. 7, 1972), Dominique Vidal said the choice
of East Berlin "is a sign of the confidence which the youth of the world
feel towards the GDR, its party and government, its, people and its rising
generation. It shows that the youth of the world realises the importance of
the GDR's correct policy as a contribution to the struggle for peace'and
security. It confirms the firm will of the youth of the world to see the
GDR finally recognised by all countries and recognised as a member of the
United Nations and its specialised organisations".
The Festivals used to take place every two years. The five year
gap between the 9th and 10th is probably due not so much to difficulties
over a venue, but to indecision about what form the Festival should take,
or whether it should take place at all. Even before the 9th Festival it
was rumoured that Moscow was no longer willing to meet the costs involved
and preferred smaller, regional gatherings. Observers believed that the
future of the Festivals would hinge on success in Sofia. But the 9th
Festival failed to blur the disunity of the international Communist move-
ment and exposed the gap between orthodox Communism and the "New Left".
Complaints were made about discrimination and the manipulation of debates,
the unsubtle methods used by't.hc Bulgarian police to keep the Festival on
prescribed lines, and the way the organisers set out. to muzzle, isolate
and discredit: cl legations like those from Czechoslovakia (pro-Uubcek) and
Yugoslavia.
By the cncl of the Sofia Festival the concept of the movement in its
present form was being openly questioned Some delegates suggested that
the three sections of politics, sport and ccillure should in future be
separated. Others said that the Fvstivals should be held on a 'regional basis;
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CPYRGHT
aevera delegations t.hought the Festivals a relic o. tile. co war era
be d' continued.
Aithoue'h tlic' tioviet and other Festival or.gau.isers have presumably aeuaLeu
ideas of previous events ".according to Jean 17iar.d, the rcti.r.i.ng Festival
these questions over the past four years, the 10th FcsLi.val will "tollow Elie
Coordinating Secretary, at the 1.PC meeting in 5ofi.a in January, c1.9IZ.
Political slant
Traditionally, the Festivals have combined a wide range of activities
attractive to young people - films, concerts, musical and sports competitions,
dancing, exhibitions, :;ight"seeig - with political debates, seminars and
demonstrations on issues of particular interest to the Soviet Union. The
organisers no longer seem to try to conceal the Festival's political and
partisan -character: the Czechoslovak newspaper, MLac:la ?'ronta, stressed on
January 22, 1972, that the Festivals arc an enormous political manifestation";
three days later Gunther Jahn, First Secretary of the FDJ Central Council,
was quoted in MLacla Pronto as saying that the 10th Festival would have a
"clearly political character in view of its anti-American bias". An article
in the Belgian Commtani.st Party newspaper, be Drapeau Rouge, on January 19, 1973,
said the Festival. "will be a strong manifestation of solidarity with the people
of Socialist (Communist) countries who are building a new society". The
January, 1972 Appeal issued by the iPC forecast that the Festival would "allow
the world's youth and students to show their solidarity with the youth of the
'Socialist countries building Socialism in the face of imperialist manoeuvres
and provocations".
.Plans for Vietnam to take a prominent plaee'on the Festival agenda
may be tempered by the recent signing of a ceasefire agreement. The IPC Appeal
had marked the 10th Festival as "a unanimous expression of international
solidarity with the heroic struggle of the peoples of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia":
Le Llrapeau Rouge reported on January 19 that as well as a day of solidarity
with the youth of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, there would also be a forum where
expressions of solidarity with Indochina would occupy a decisive place.
The IPC Appeal said the 10th Festival would also be a "powerful
demonstration of solidarity" with other liberation movements and with "the
struggle of the youth of Africa, Latin America and Asia, for their freedom,
national independence, democracy and social progress". There appears to be
no mention in the Festival programme of West German "revanchism" - presumably
omitted in deference to Moscow's i.mprovc,d relations with Bonn.
Details so far published suggest that the "struggle against imperialism"
may su dI ant Vietnam as the dominant theme of the Festival, which is being
presented as thus c l imax of the campaign launched by WFDY in 1971-72 - "Youth
Accuses Imperialism". 'The IPC Appeal. promised that the Festival would be "a
pledge,by the youth of the world Co fight against. imperialism, above all US
imperialism, and i:ii.!i.tarism". The slogan of the 10th Festival. is "For Anti-/
imperialist Solidarity,l'eacc and Friendship". Among, "anti-imperialist" events,
according to tc! !)rapc;au R'ou;7e, will be a day of. "solidarity with youth struggling
against imperialist aggression" and a tribunal where "the crimes of imperialism
will be publicly denounced and condemned".
1?
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In support of the Soviet Union's policies in the proposed European
Security Conference, the IPC Appeal predicted that the Festival would
"confirm youth's deep aspirations and conuniLments to the struggle for disarmament
and peace, as is evidenced by the many important initiatives of young people
in Europe for security and cooperation in their continent". There would be
a day of "solidarity for peace, security and cooperation". Other Festival
days are be devoted to solidarity wi.Lth East Germany, Youth and Students
Fighting Imperi.nl.ism, Fascism and Repression, Students and Women.,
CPYRGH7
Apr6s un Intervatle de cinq ans, un autre Festhral mondial de to
jeunesse -- le dixieme - aura lieu du 28 juillet au 5 ao0t a Berlin-Est,
Le 10me Festival coincide aver to vingt-cinquiemc anniversatre du mou?
vement du festival, -et salon s-;s organisateurs, cc sera ON plus grand
jamais.organis6 .
Comme d'habitude, to festival es+,
parrainO par deux organisations
para-communistes internationales
d'obedience sovietique, la Federa-
tion mondiale de la jeunesse dO-
mocratique (FMJD) at l'Union Inter-
nationale des Otudiants (UIE). Un
ComitO prOparatoire international
(CPI) de soixante membres venant
d'organisations ihiernationales at do
comitOs prOparatoires nationaux des
pays participant s'occupent des ar-
rangements. Mais le CPI, qui fut cr06
tors d'une reunion tenue an ianvier
1972 a Sofia, ne se reunit pas frO-
quemment, at to pouvoir reside vrai-
ment dans to Commission perma-
nence, taquelle comprend vingt-deux
membres a plain temps, dont ca plu-
part sont des fonctionnaires salaries
de la FMJD, do I'UIE at de la FedOra-
lion do la jeunesse est-allemande
(FDJ). Ses principaux membres sont
Roberto Viezzi (Italia), president de
la FMJD, ancien membre du Comite
central du Parti communiste italien
at membre do la Federation de fa
jeunesse communiste italienne
(FGCI); Alain Therouse (France),
secretaire genOral de la FMJD at
membre du Mouvement (francais) do
la jeunesse communiste (MJC);
Fathi at Fadl (Soudan), secrOtaire
general de I'UIE; at Dominique
Vidal, seerOtaire charge de la coordi-
nation du festival, qui est membre
du Bureau de ('Union (francaise) des
etudiants communistes (UEC).
Les festivals affirment Otre acces-
sibles a tous les jeunes aBOs do qua-
torze a trente-doux ans, 'queiles quo
5oient lour nationatitO, tour croyance
)u tour politique". Dominique Vidal
i affirmO qua plus do 130 pays seront
opresentOs a. Berlin-Est, mais jus-
1u'a deux-tiers d'entre eux seront
Jos communistes ou des sympathi
.ants du communisme, malgr6 I'ob-
?ictif avouO des organisateurs d'atti-
or des jeunes de toutes tes croyan-
es pourvu quits soient ,progressis-
's" at "anti-imperialistes,,. Una fois
e plus, on no croit pas que to Chine
t I'Albanie seront invitees, mais
:uba, qui a boycottO to Festival de
ofia, enverra uric delegation impor-
;rite at a prornis de "s'employer a
cter son appui au 10me Festival"
faisant ainsi ressortir I'ameliora-
m intervenue clans ses relations
'ec l'Union Sovietique.
Ces festivals content des millions
dollars. C'est celui qui se dOroula
1957 a Moscou qui a coute le plus
on estimait quit aurait coiitO 100
,lions do dollars. MalgrC, la reduc-
-n intervene depuis fors, on croit
voir que les derniers festivals --
urs a Vienne, Helsinki at Sofia -
raient coute environ 10 millions do
do;;drs. Les participants payent un
droit d'inscription at un inontant "for-
faitaire", pour les frais do dOplace-
ment at do logement, nais ceux-ci
font souvent ('objet de ~ubsides Ole
vas ou mama do dOroaations pour
les delOgues venant de pays an vote
de developpement. Pour couvrlr les
frais encourus par les dclOgues parti-
cipant a titre gratuit at Ics autres dO-
penses du feFlival, it e, ,t fnstituO un
Fond_ de solidaritO mordiale auquel
on 'sollicite la contrbution des
comitOs prOparatoires nationaux,
des organisations internationales at
des deleguOs individue s, at on fait
beaucoup de pubficitO autour de t'ac-
tivite des "soubbotniks,' (bataiilons
de volontaires trava!llart to samedi)
an Atlcmagne orientate pour recueit-
lir dr,s fonds. Mais ces a torts no suf-
fisent pas pour payer to montant total
des frais encourus. II est toujours nO-
cossaire d'avoir un subs de substan-
tiel, principalernent de f't inion Sovie-
tique. Le 16 fOvrier, ADN, Agence
d'informations est?alleriarde, rap-
portait que I'on savait ,due plus de
18 millions do marks Ote:ient mainte-
nant deposes an credit du compte
du festival. Etant donne quo, salon
to quotidian lchecoslovaque Mlada
Fronta du 11 janvier, tf :i'y aura pas
"assez de temps, de fonds ou d'ou-
vriors" pour eriger des logements
ternporaires a f'intentio i des dOle-
guOs du festival, on a Persuade les
citoyens de Berlin-Est de recovoir
chez eux les visiteurs en qualit& de
hCtes. AprOs une ca npagne de
recrutement menee les 6 at 7 janvier,
Mlada Fronta annoncait qu'environ
100.0CO lits seraient mis a la disposi-
tion des ddleguOs au festival. La plu-
partd'entro eux seront probablement
des Allemands.
Berlin-Est po,.irrait
poser des proNemes
Sur les neufs festivals [as six pre-,,
miers ant eu lieu dans ces capitales
d'Europe orientate (Prague 1947,
Budapest 1949, Berlin-Est 1951,
Bucarest 1953, Var sovie 1955 at
Moscou 195)7). Les deux. suivanis so
sont derou!Os dans des gays noutres
- Vienne en 1959 at Helsinki an
1962 -? dan, i'espoir d:? reduire au
minimum ies associations commu-
nistes du festival. Dans 13s deux cas,
cependant, to roanquo d'enthou-
siasme'des pays hOte:, a diminue
I'ardeur dos d' ha 7,; at pour cc qui
est du dern;c>.r lostival tc.iu on 1968,
Ics organisateurs so :ont trouves
dans ('obligation do batti o an retraite
at do to lenir dans un clays du bloc
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CPYRGHT
communiste, notamment a Sofia,
apres de v2irr;, Eaforts ;your trouver
uno vine du tiers monde pour l'ac-
cueillir, On a du abandonner Is
plans visant a organiser le festival
au Ghana ou on Algario.
Le cho:rix do Berlin-Est comme vile
d'accueil du 1Ome Festival nest pas
de bon augure. En effet, it semble
invraisemblable que.Ia vine diviseo
entour6e du mur des Altemands do
I'Est false une impression favorable
aux visiteurs du festival, tandis que
j;" proximit6 de Berlin,-Guest pourrait
crber des prob16mos pour les organi-
sateurs - surtaut si les d6I6gu6s ac-
compagn6s d'arrris est-aliemands
souhaitcnl so rendre a l'Ouest. Los
organisateurs prt:tendent cependant
que i cnoix do Berlin --- situe ?dans
un pays 6difiant le socialisme- -?
soya recu avec enthousiasme par les
4eunes du monde entier, et fls le pr6-
March, _1973
sentent comme un gesto de solidari-
tc avec I'Allemagne orientate daps
sa campagne an faveur dune recon-
naicsance intornation'!c. Da",.c
inerviow qu'ii a accorci6e a Informa-
tion (N? 7, 1472), revue du motive-
ment est-aI orrand de la paix, Domi-
nique Vidal a d6clar6 quo le choix
c+e Bernn-Est 6tait tin signe de
confiance quo les jounes du monde
ressentert pour la RDA, son parti et
son gouvernement, son peuple et sa
jeune gein6ratlon. 11 montrait, a-t-il
ajout6, que la jeunesse mondiaie se
rend compte de I'irnportance que.
revet la politique correcte pratiqu6e;
par la RDA comme contribution a Ia
lulte pour la pair, et la sdcurit6. II
confirmail la ferme volont6 de la jeu-
nesse mondiaie de voir la RDA re-,
connue en.fin do compte par tous
les pays et admise en Cant quo
membre des Nations Unles et do ses
agences scecialis6es, _ _
Les Festivals avalent lieu toes los
dew ans. L'inlervalle de cinq ans
entre le rIeuvi6me et le dixieme festi-
val nest pi obablement pas tenement
di) iuy diffici riffs pour trouver ,in fir-Mu
de reunion qu'a l'ind6cision quant a
la forme que devrait assumer le festi-
vat,' ou stir la question de savoir s'ii
devait avoir lieu. Meme avant le neu-
vi"?ma festival, to bruit courait que
Moscou no voulait plus en payer les
i frais et pr6f6rait des reunions plus
limit6es sur une base r6giunale. Les
observateurs pensaient que I'avenir
des festivals d6pendraient du succbs
remport6 a Sofia. Mats le neuvi6me
I festival n'a pas r6ussf a-att6nuer to
manque d'unit6 r6gnant au sein du
(mouvement communiste Internatio-
nal et a r6ve16 la distance s6parant
to communisme orthodoxe et fa
?Nouvelle gauche-.
10TH WORLD YOUTH FESTIVAL
EAST BERLIN, JULY 28-AUGUST 5, 1973
CPYRGHT
THE "MOST POLITICAL" FESTIVAL
Mike Down, Secretary of the British National Preparatory Committee,
wrote that the Festivals of the 1960s had inevitably become "more
politicised, less European-centred", causing many problems, both political
and organisational. Because of the crisis in world capitalism and the
upsurge of the liberation struggle in Asia, Africa and Latin America, this
Festival would be "the most political so far". With so many events
devoted to Vietnam it would "bring home the reality of the great victory
won by these heroic people". (Comment, February 24)
FESTIVAL "A FIRST CLASS SCHOOL FOR THE POLITICAL MOULDING" OF YOUTH
In an article on the Festival movement entitled "comrades-in-
arms to meet", V. Vasilenko wrote that the Festivals while tackling
concrete practical problems, also fulfilled certain general political tasks.
By the last one in Sofia Lin 19687 the movement had reached political
maturity and "clear-cut anti-imperialist objectives". He refuted "bourgeois
propaganda" claiming that the Festivals were purely "Communist affairs".
Young Communists had always been the core of the Festival movement and
delegates usually held strong views on peace and progress, but far from all
were Communists.
The youth leagues of the "Socialist" countries saw the Festival as
an important form of "popularizing the peace-loving foreign policy of their
States and the great gains of the Socialist system in every sphere of
Public 1'.fe"". The- F tnt:vee of pv:7ie s r '
w .. eweiee?: ~6al pABit'ii9T16 i1i1f~ ri'iiiiC,lPlo,, f- he
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 CPYRGHT
complexity of organisational problems made the Festivals "a first-class
school for the political moulding of the active members of the international
democratic youth and student movement". Their success was largely due to
the fact that they enjoyed the support not only of youth and student
organisations, but also of a number of progressive governments, and such
organisations as the WPC, the WFTU, the.WIDF and the IOJ. They were also
backed by the Governments and Communist Parties of the "Socialist"
countries. Many inter-governmental organisations and above all the UN and
its agencies regarded them as an ideal way of imbuing the younger generation
with the ideals of peace and social progress. All in all more than 10,000
young Russians have participated - they have invariably demonstrated a high
level of political consciousness. (MoZodoi Kommunist, No. 1).
IUS PRESIDENT SPEAKS ABOUT IMPORTANCE OF FESTIVAL
"The International Union of Students attaches the greatest
importance to the 10th World Festival in Berlin as a forum of anti-
imperialist;solidarity" said Fathi el Fadl (Sudan), IUS Secretary General,
in an interview with the ADN Prague correspondent. As with all nine
previous festivals, the IUS was taking "an active part" in the preparation
and organisation of the Festival. He stressed the importance of the
"solidarity days" during the Festival and the student programme including
seminars on the role of students in the anti-imperialist struggle, on the
tasks of students concerning reform and the democratisation of education
,and on cultural questions, as well as of the various scientific discussion
groups.
The IUS Secretariat had already sent delegations to various parts
of the world which visited among others several countries in Asia, Africa
and Latin America and Australia and New Zealand to help student
organisations set up National Festival Committees and to inform them
about the Festival programme and plans. The next meeting of the IUS
Executive Committee Jin Sofia on March 2-5/, in which representatives from
the Festival Committee would also participate, would discuss Festival
preparations. The IUS had received many letters from would-be participants
from students in IUS affiliated and non-affiliated organisations.
(Neues Deutschland, February 7).
FESTIVAL SLOGAN OUT OF TUNE WITH DETENTE AND PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE
The Festival slogan, "For Anti-imperialist Solidarity, Peace and
'Friendship" was described by the Daily Telegraph's Eastern European
correspondent Annelise Schulz as striking "a discordant note, somewhat out
of tune with the phrases of detente and peaceful co-existence coming from
Eastern bloc leaders these days. It leaves little doubt that the political
-and ideological struggle against the West is going on unabated". Proceeds
from an international bazaar would swell a fund for supporting "liberation
fighters" in the Portuguese colonies, South Africa and Latin America or
member organisations forced to function illegally, an open admission from
Communists who label as "interference in internal affairs" even harmless
contacts of Western citizens in Eastern countries.
MEETING OF EAST GERMAN FESTIVAL COMMITTEE, BERLIN, FEBRUARY 16
The 3rd meeting of the East German National Festival Committee was
held in Berlin on February 16 to discuss the state of Festival preparations.
 CPYRGHT
Present were Prime Minister, Willi Stoph, and representatives of the
Politbureau of the SED Central Committee, the Council of State, the
International Preparatory Committee (IPC) including Dominique Vidal (France),
Co-ordinating Secretary, and of the IPC Permanent Commission. Greetings
were conveyed from Erich Honecker, party First Secretary and Chairman of the
National Preparatory Committee.
In the foyer of the meeting hall was a model of Berlin showing how
Berlin would be decorated from Karl-Marx-Allee to Unter den Linden with
flags and chains of pennants. New posters spelt out the Festival slogan -
"the fight for anti-imperialist solidarity, peace and friendship".
GUnther Jahn, first secretary of the FDJ Central Council reported on
national and international preparations, claiming that preparing for the
10th World Youth Festival had become "a matter of the heart" for the whole
population of East Germany. He said that the Festival project had an appeal
among youth. Over 1.3 million youths were familiarising themselves during
the FDJ study year with the themes of the international youth movement so as
to be "class-conscious conversation partners". The forthcoming 125th
anniversary of the Communist manifesto had provided the opportunity for them
as the heirs of the manifesto to understand better the world-changing views
of the working class. More than 1.7 million youths had undertaken personal
Festival tasks. The FDJ's membership was the highest ever. "It is already
clear that working youth regards the fulfilment and possible over-fulfilment
of the 1973 economic plan as its best contribution to the Festival
preparations". On March 7, the FDJs anniversary,appeals to all affiliates
and pioneer friendship organisations would open the third and final stage
in East Germany of preparation for the Festival. {'Thereby, more and more
the competition of all the FDJ affiliates for the 50 Ernest Thalmann
banners of honour of the Central Committee of the SED is intensified".
The Festival concept was fundamental to the discussions between the
FDJ and representatives from 403 organisations from 118 countries. The FDJ
was to use the occasion of the International Fighting Day of Youth to
invite members of the Permanent Commission and representatives of the
international democratic youth movement to the second "Festival Journey of
Friendship" in the DDR from April 27 till May 2.
Rudi Singer, Chairman of the State Radio Committee, spoke of the
extensive political, ideological, cultural and organisational preparations.
There would be a series of radio discussions, a week of radio dramas for
young people, etc. Paul Verner, SED Politbureau member, declared that
Festival guests expected from East Germany not only the necessary organi-
sational and technical conditions for a successful Festival, but also a
worthy contribution to the interesting Festival events and that East German
youth would contribute to solving "the burning questions of our time". For
many participants it would be their first step on Socialist soil, and
therefore, "our young people must prepare themselves to stand their ground
and, as young citizens of East Germany, to worthily represent their
Socialist state". All young East Germans, he said, were called upon to
accomplish in the coming months new achievements, in continuing the
Festival preparation, for the universal development of East Germany in the
political, economic, cultural and military sphere, so that socialism was
furtheF strengthened and peace made more secure.
/ Much of the Festival's success would depend on how fully East Germany
=ii prereq-isites is that the proor-me b- L1111at
23
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impleehtoed e East Germany would set to work to make this manifestation into
an event whose effect would extend far into the future. (ADN, Tass,
'February 16; Neues Deutschland, February 17).
PROGRAMME
The programme /see also International Organisations, No. 26, p.10/
of which politics will be the central issue, will be finalized in March.
There will be a separate theme for each day of the Festival, the most
urgent being that of solidarity with Indochina. The Middle East having
"taken the centre of the stage" in the peace struggle, an additional theme
on the problem of the Arab countries has been included. (Morning Star,
London, March 23). The Festival will begin on July 28 in the Chauseestrasse
Stadium with a performance of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony and will end on
August 5 with a final demonstration in the Marx-Engels Platz. There will be
about 1,500 events ranging from beat-groups to top-level orchestras. There
will be song contests including political songs, a carnival, a grand ball,
exhibitions of photographs and children's drawings; an Anti-Imperialist
Centre at Humboldt University; an International Solidarity Centre at the
Television Tower; meetings, conferences, and seminars as well as sporting
events. The basic content of the cultural programme will emphasize the
Festival's political character.. The results of the "Youth.Accuses
Imperialism" campaign will be reviewed. (Neues Deutschland, February 9;
Tass and ADN, February 16; Komsomolskaya Pravda, March 6).
IPC PERMANENT COMMISSION OFFICES
The Permanent Commission of the International Preparatory Committee
and the East German Organising Committee both have their headquarters at
Mauerstrasse 39. The 22-member Permanent Commission, the executive organ
of the IPC, has six offices whose work is controlled by Permanent Commission
members, namely: Festival Programme, headed by Nikolai Smelov (USSR);
Communications, headed by a WFDY representative; Students, headed by an IUS
representative; Press and Propaganda; Finance; and General Services.
(Komeomolskaya Pravda, March 6).
ATTENDANCE FIGURES
About 20,000 is reckoned to be the limit for foreign delegations
mainly for technical reasons. /Previous figures given, however, were
30,000 foreigners and 70,000 East Germans7. Countries have had to be
allocated quotas. Some, such as Spain, Greece, Portugal, South Africa,
Jordan and the Dominican Republic, are not on the "open" list, but this
will/not necessarily prevent their attendance. (Morning Star, London, March 23).
Prominent guests expected include Angela Davis and Jane Fonda from the USA,
and'Valentima Nikolaeyeva-Tereshkova (astronaut) and Maya Plisetskaya
(ballerina) from the USSR. (Daily Telegraph, March 8).
The IPC has started to publish a newspaper entitled Festival in
ix languages - English, Arabic, Spanish, German, Russian and French
dited by Herbert Khemann. It will'inform youth about the work of the
PC and publicise the views of important representatives of the Festival
ovement and well-known politicians, and carry detailed
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Berlin. Its total circulation is about 150,000. In addition festival
placards and information bulletins have been sent to nearly 130 countries.
(Mlada Fronta, February 8; 1Comaomolakaya Pravda, March 6).
FESTIVAL ACCOUNT
M. (Ostmark) 21,000,000 (about ?2,500,000) has now been paid into
the Festival account as a result of the proceeds of voluntary work and
donations by FDJ members. (ADN, March 6).
INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY FUND
Erwin Farkas, Treasurer, claimed that "considerable. results" had
been achieved since the beginning of the world-wide solidarity campaign
to enable delegates from under-developed countries to attend the Festival.
The proceeds from voluntary work benefited the Festival as did lotteries
And cultural events; badges, propaganda material and home-made articles
have been sold or will be sold during the Festival. (Festival, No. 2).
The British have promised to raise ?1,000 for the Solidarity Fund and
expect every delegate to collect at least E2. Any extra will be given
towards the Nguyen Van Troi children's hospital. (Festival, '73 leaflet).
ORGANISATIONAL ARRANGEMENTS
Accommodation
Berliners have offered some 77,000 flats for Festival guests. In
addition 1,100 school and college buildings are being prepared to house
visitors. (MZada Fronta, January 10).
Entertainment
A varied programme of films, concerts, dances and discotheques
willl be put on for Festival guests. (Mlada Fronta, February 6).
Transport and Restaurant facilities
A programme is in preparation for putting on 343 special trains.
Foreign guests will be fed in 22 restaurants and East German guests in
12 large open-air restaurants. (Z'Humanite', March 19).
ARAB LEADER MEETS IPC PERMANENT COMMISSION MEMBERS
On February 21, Yasir Arafat, leader of the Palestine Liberation
Organisation (PLO), met members of the IPC Permanent Commission and was
briefed by Dominique Vidal on the state of preparations. (ADN, February 21).
PERMANENT COMMISSION APPEAL ON VIETNAM
The Permanent Commission, welcoming the Vietnam peace agreement,
appealed to youth and student organisations to help the Vietnamese people;
to demand that the US end its "aggression" in Laos and Cambodia; and for
donations for the construction of the Nguyen Van Troi children's hospital.
(Taos, February 9).
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NATIONAL PREPARATIONS
Africa. The All-Africa Youth Movement is sending the largest yet
contingent to the Festival. African preparations are to culminate in an
All-African Youth Festival in Tunis from July 15-22 to be attended by
over 4,000 young people from nearly 40 African countries. (Molodoi
Kommunist, No. 1; Advance, Nigeria, February 11-17).
/ Argentina. The National Preparatory Committee set up last September
has organised several events and has participated in others, mostly
connedted with Indochina. (WFDY, No. 1).
Burundi. The NPC was founded by numerous public figures, the
Rwagasore Revolutionary Youth (JRR) assuming overall responsibility.
(festival, No. 2).
Chile. A Chilean Federation of Socialist Youth delegation visiting
the USSR discussed Festival preparations with Gennadiy Yanayev, chairman
of the Soviet NPC. (Moscow Radio, February 6).
Cuba. Young Cubans are preparing for the Festival with new achieve-
ments in the field of production. Local preparatory committees are carrying
out economic tasks in honour of the Festival. (WFDY News, No. 1). A Cuban
Communist Youth Union (UJC) delegation has gone to Berlin to attend
"consultations" on preparations for the Festival. (Prensa Latina, March 18).
Czechoslovakia. The Czechoslovak Socialist Youth Union wants to
show itself through its participation in the Festival as a "strong united
organisation" which is once again "a firm link in the progressive youth
and students movement of the world". (Miada Fronta, March 3).
Denmark. The "broadest-based ever" NPC has published the first
issue of its Festival newspaper and will issue posters, pamphlets and
stickers. The first informative meeting about the Festival has been held
in Copenhagen and similar meetings will be held in other towns.
(Mlada Fronta, February 17).
East Germany. The Secretariat of the FDJ Central Council held a
course for FDJ officials in Bogensee near Berlin from February 21 till
March 1 on the basic preparations for the third and last stage of work
for the Festival, to begin on March 7. Paul Verner, Politbureau member,
spoke on-"Our tasks in the further execution of1the decisions of the SED
8th Conference" and the importance of fulfilling them. GUnther Jahn,
member of the SED Central Committee and first secretary of the Central
Council of the FDJ, spoke about their political and organisational tasks
for the last stage of the Festival: the main thing was to further
strengthen the FDJ as a political fighting organisation. A meeting was
held in Berlin on March 1 of representatives of factories, educational
institutes, young people and members of the National Front, which discussed
how to prepare school children for the Festival more effectively.
(Neues Deutschland, March 2).
ESyptt. NPC members were among delegates to a friendly meeting at
the East German Culture and Information Centre in Cairo where they learned
of the state of Festival preparations and of the Festival programme.
(Neues Deutschland, February 26).
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Finland. President Kekkonen agreed to act as patron of the Finnish
ipreparatio' ns.- About 800 young Finns will attend the Festival. 54 national
youth organisations are participating via the NPC including, for the first
time, Conservative Youth and Students Organisations. The NPC whose
chairman is Ilkka-Christian Bjbrklund M.P. is organising a campaign "An
hour's pay for the Festival Solidarity Fund". They have already collected
$250,000 towards the Nguyen Van Troi hospital. Two main issues were
involved in preparations in Finland - national preparations and cooperation
of youth organisations started durin& preparations for the LWFDY-CENYC?
European Youth Security Conference /held in Helsinki last August, see
No. 259, p.77. (Kansan Uutiset, Helsinki, March 8; Morning Star, London,
March 23).
France. Interviewed on French preparations for the Festival,
Roland Favaro, Secretary General of the French Communist Youth Federation
said that the French delegation of 2,000 would be "very representative"
but would not include gauchietes for fear of "incidents". (Magyar Ifjusag,
March 2).
Great Britain. The British delegation of 500 previously "about
600"7 must be representatives of either a trade union, student union or
youth group. Attempts to establish Scottish and Welsh committees were
unsuccessful. Priority will be given to increasifig participation of young
trade unionists, and in involving young people in. solidarity work on
international issues. The task of appointing delegates and broadening
support for the Festival was urgent. (Morning Star, February 9; undated
circular from the British Preparatory Committee). The'British NPC is
emphasising the political side of the Festival. Its Appeal, referring
explicitly to US "imperialism" in Vietnam, white "racist" regimes in
Southern Africa, the struggle for "civil rights" in' Ireland, the workers'
struggle against Tory anti-union laws and the fight for sexual and racial
equality, has the support of 15 organisations. (Comment, February 24).
NPC Representatives recently visited East Germany to get up-to-date
information on the Festival. Anthony Burnell. was impressed with Berlin,
saying "Any young person coming from a capitalist country can see here
with his own eyes what 'Socialism' is". (WFDY News, No. 1). The NPC
has appointed a full-time organiser at its office at 129 Seven Sisters
Road, London, N.4. A Soviet Komsomol delegation in the UK discussed the
Festival with youth and student groups. (National Union of Students
(NUS) Information Bulletin, No.2).
Mozambique. "Active preparations" are going on for the Festival.
In the "li br rat:ed zones, Festival commissions to popularize and prepare
for the Festival have been set up. (WFDY News, No. 1).
Norwa . An NPC has been set up and local ones are planned.
(WFDY News, No., 1).
Panama,. The NPC,. consisting of more than 50 organisations, is
beginning an intensive propaganda campaign and is organising a national
youth and student festival soon. (WFDY News, No. 1).
Sierra Leone. The All-Peoples Congress (APC) National Youth League
is forming a Festival preparatory committee. (Sierra Leone Radio, March 1).,
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 CPYRGHT
Apprg gl~aorwMlg jeI 999//09d/O~w CCIA-its quota RDP779 OQ f194AOg002200030001-1
(Morning Star, London, March 23).
Switzerland. The headquarters of the NPC is in Basle. All
organisations represented on it will participate in a youth camp at Whitsun.
(WFDY News, No. 1).
USSR. As well as the official Soviet delegation of about 1,000
Komsomol members, many young Soviet tourists are sure to participate in
the Festival. (Neues Deutschland, March 22). G. Yanayev, NPC Chairman,
said in a Pravda interview on March 7 that the Festival would be a
reflexion of the increasing political activityof youth. The extensive
composition of the participants adhering to various political views would
make it a place of heated discussion. Young people from 59 countries
discussed Festival preparations at a 10-day Seminar at Abramcev near
Moscow. (Mlada Fronta, February 5).
Venezuela. The NPC has appealed to youth organisations to join in
preparations which will include a series of financial activities to
collect funds to finance the trip to Berlin. (Tribuna Popular, Caracas,
February 4).
Vietnam. The Youth of the Workers' Party of Vietnam appealed on
February 8 to young Vietnamese to prepare for the Festival. (Granma,
Havana, February 9).
Yugoslavia. Some 400 young people will attend the Festival.
The NPC has adopted a programme which will express Yugoslavia's specific
views on the Festival slogan and on the principles underlying the
international policy of the Yugoslav Youth Union. The Youth Union favours
"the broadest representation" at the Festival, especially from the non-
aligned countries. The Festival should be "a gathering to work and not a
series of manifestations". Yugoslav youth would like it to avoid being an
occasion for competition between youth organisations, but an opportunity
for world youth to put forward its achievements and aspirations on a basis
of equality. National preparatory committees have not yet been informed
about the exact content of the Festival programme nor the full list of
those invited. The Yugoslav Youth Union was unequivocally in favour of
China and Albania being invited, and also of entirely open and democratic
proceedings within the Permanent Commission of the IPC, and the immediate
convocation of the third session of the International Committee (presumably
IPC). (Yugoslav Telegraph Service, Tangug, March 13 and 23).
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LA PRESSE, Tunis
5 March 1973
CPYR3HT
Gi tr oo .r r ~~
C4.~
iti:7 (~C ?ice; i, O1'9C;ut:s crt (",".J5 ceni ir?
_"L:.::I lt;'.Hi t e h .}L'11t1.^."'fie. ?1.~ ) i `l.i:i'.,
tl G1 j:;1 St i Cede I:1:11)ifest'itio:l i:.'StG1'?F~l'et
r(ui['ient n ins; corisacrer !es efforts enircpris par le
?tlcu t?cr.ie it P;uiafr:c ain de In Jeu3!esse, 1'orgaili,a-
tid Co31i.i11 i1:.31C tle l;l jCau csse africai;12, an cr;arrs
de se's 'I'x ;111lit c d_ existe:.( C'tst au'le (1e1)tIt
d'u:i uJus gra:1:1 61.IryissC11:cnt de son Ref?oil, de x',0:1
atla:te:.;ce et de soft ilt;vcioppement. Cet 6.,6rclne:lt
dont leg din c21sions dellassent faire du continent
africain, s'inscrit coililne une contribution concrete
de in jeuna`sse africaine ? la lute multiforme de la
Ijeunesse ofricoine fa-
.u probl?me de !'unite
continent pour la sou-
arde de 1'independan-
et lo solidorite inter-
c,c i re.
jeunesse ofricaine
ofrontee'a to situotic;t
omique du continent,
,cmisme des ecc,no-
s nnctiona tes pour l'in-
endorce dons I'u:iite
t.! C;l .:J Yi VA"..i'L'1v:Ir`~;~W=
r lit:L's a (~%:^,CC1'::[1(;.2t et p1'ogfcsss'.ste [de par IC 111011?
de CVi1 .re i'1;)ST LYiii?isitl , iC C(.1C~?i"li.`ilat, l I1tC-cG-
1(;u1: iisttie, le sic111s,`:le et le raC:1s i e. tti:e rei-cm-Itre
q ii fern certainel:leilt elate.
Nobs p:Illllons ci-(1esEc i. tjtlcl:;t'cs t11c111e;; qa:i se.
ront dClbatttas atl ci,llrs des for-Ems qui, Ser(?nt ni-g3-
niss i1J1'aMlei lent alts a:itres activit6s c'-ilhtirel'es
et Sl)!;1'th'cs. ? Echa gi b , o'_lvrc scs cclonnes i. toute
personne desireuse d;_,pporter :=.a c :.trii~tltio l a la
discussion de ces pro hlemes c ui, as nucun doute,
sont d'un interet capital pour 1'Afrique et sa jeu-
Hesse,
frique et le Tiers-.
nde, sol'idarite dar..a
dorr(cine econorniqua
r enrayer 1'exploita-
des pays d its sous-
elcppe's dams le cadre
leur independance et
leur unite.
role de Io jeunesse
s la rehabilitation, l'l
tion et le developpe-
nt de la culture afri-
tte coritre les derniers
imes coloniaux et ra-
tes, facteur de stabili-
on de I'Afrique.
le de 1'universite en
Les problemes poses pour
la jeur:e file aafricoine
dons ? I'evoluticii et la
participation effective a
la vie et a la responsobi-
lite en Afrique.
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 CPYRGHT
prprove or a ease 1999/09/02 : o Danger is enetration - (- ~?.tft mccrles
sinniSta nn Afrinuio_ a R(aneonl;ra, &s e.udia ts.
c. L'Af: ique face cu copita-
Reforme de 1'universS-
te' africaine.
lisme et ou sionisme. - Democratisatipn . de
CY
n R
Q.`ii >1l afi aiV~rr`s tom.) Y~i -tv'~~''+~:.--.
?i e c ~tt~~ ct~tc a ~cu s
Cireostes et journalis-
i'es.
L'ecole et la vie.
La r fornv3 c;:_- 1 uns~-i-
gnement, olphebeiiso-
tion.
_ Activite's extra-scoloi-
res.
-- RE'hobilitotion des lon-
gues ofricaines.
CPYRGHT
ir. i:- ,:a ~:> ~.~ ~,.i ir..~ Div:
r C '
CPYRGHT
E-T ix .p all (L:!?;;e) On 28
i' .. .. 31 (IitCe .b-C! 1.i 2 cline s'esL
tiq} teruu Ia secs:o n 'twat,':e:.e du
r ~t Co::t:te ex_cutif du Mouve-
nte:il Panc:ricain de la Jcu-
nesse (M.P.J.). Fonde en 1! 62 'ors du
ccngres do Conakry (Guin-5e). le %1PJ
rcgroupc aujourd'hui 35 organ)~a:ems!
du crm,.incnt 11 a o'.:enu
e s'aut cans.;l:atif a I'UNESCO ct
i nibtic:e d'.t souk- de FOrgamsation.
de I'L'r.ite A:r:Caine (O.U.A.)
R61c de 1'ecrivc)in dons
la societ"; africoine.
Role de i'inforr.nation
en Afr igue.
- Us cinema en Afrique.
Quinze pays africains (Wont troa~
mcuvc:r.ents de l' 'b,-ration) oat p1rt1-
c!re a cette sess;on annuelle. L'i : _}re
du jour co:iter.a!t, outre 1'examr. de3
rapports fimmncicrs et d'activitc, de cu rrogran-imo pour 1973 et . ;u.'
part?culier(-ment la pr9?paration du
1" fesuval panafrieain de !a jeu!.er,se
qui se deroilera a Tunis du 15 au 22
juillet prccha.'n 14.000 jeunes venatot
de toute I'Africiue y sont attendu.:.
Les participants ont adopte A i'un1-
nin'it6 la decision do conf:cr A douze
pay:. la respo;sabil::te du Comite cfr.-
earn prr:paratoire (C.A.P.. ctui font
bonne ci pu!s 1Ivrier et done
la -Tuniste -assume le secretariat ge
nera'). Le C.A.P. en collaboratio
avM to r nrdr., ,.ta. A- M D T ?
Charge We'hrtuer ua, i_?
Ics pays africains a po?;r seen..,...r;
les chefs d'Etat sur I'Imporac:c:? de
cette grandiose manifestat!rn pit
l o oiYer'.r une aide
c '-'per u;o a la rJa!is:t: ic;. c ce
tivil. Des de;marches S1n4! .:sea
effectuies aupres do 1'O.L.A..
Ligue arabe et de !,UNESCO, De :us.
des Comites nationaux pre-parent de-
jA activenient lour participation a:a
festival dins .de nonibreux pays.
Outre !a prdparat:on de son propre
festival, le Comitd e::ect:c c Icnc;-
temps discute de is panic:i.tion des
me ven:eats de ;e;:rtessc :?cn:bres du
%.P-J. au X11c festival c ondia. c:e
a .ieunesse et des etudiznts crgan)se
Berlin-Est A partir du 22 ju:'.let
ar Ia Federation Mondiaie des Jeu-
esses !)emt.cr tiques (F.M.J.D., Bu-
. pt.st). Lors 6'u,-,e Con"6rence tie
presre tenue is Alger Ic 3 janvier le
ccrctatre g2n3ral du M.?'-J., :d. Sc-
- L0 tC'unesse et le syii-
diccliismc.
'r- Les ai-t saris de Ia m o m
?7
it la rncchi-ne, expres-
sion motifs.
Li crck..'fif'r'.r. e+-'Pj're lr'er.:.~n~'.pi
irr}c;es=t' Cr:".r.;ea. F
-- Emancipation de to
femn- africoine.
Les formes de i'exploita-'
tion de la terre et le role
de la jeunesse rurale.
? ? iOI a 7 1/.. moyen
I ou Si::snko a affirntc quo. sl la ;cu.
nesso d'Afrigt:e souhs1t o psrl:c:ptr a
la rer_contre de Berlin. elle 'e furs
unlquement A certaines conditions et
si la dignite afr!caine est rt,pectec.
Les prealables de participation
soot
a) 1'excluslor. du festival de Pcri.z%
do togs 'es pays pratiquant uns p,)-
litique d'apartheld ou tmper: ,i;ste
(Afri,^,ue du Sud. Portugal, I r ci'l.
Rrod~'sie, etc...
L') la ron-; a:ticipat ~r cps
pus;ules, des ct
des individus nor reprrrc:attics,
c) to p47h elp^!on de 'a
to d.ii nouvame::t t :...-i : : ,:....,.
de Ia jeunesse et la pnr:ic::a+t:on ~e
i3 jc?unc?s~e paleotiraenno. C:s
tlons prclalobies posees par '.a jc:;""c re
a.rica!ne no constituent pis ur.e ..-
novation. Par dcux fois dej :, tors de
r,Aunions du Cornice International
Prh parato`.re (C.I.P.) du Xme fosrival
(I. Sofia en janvier et A Bcr.:n en
octobre), le M.P.J. avail man:l(-s'd+
cc sa fe:rra volontC- do refusar u't?tre
aignti Bans les pie:nes rams t,ue
I'apartl:eid et le ractsnie n. C'est , )ur-
quoi 1'avertissement du M.P.J. a cttte
fo:s et?d sans aucune amb:gulce : E1
les detnandes africaines e:aient reje-
tecs, ce qu? serail regrettable, a :&If:r-
nae le sccrltaire gene-ral ;.f. S.:'OU
Sisso':o, le .d.P.J. cntend :c:mer..ent
e bogcotter Is rencontre da Buri.l
par u::e action directe de taus kE3
memcres eb par un largo appel a coos
les pays progre::sistcs et t.pris do palx.
de justice et J t galiti ?.
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LA PRESSE, Tunis
1 January 1973
PAN-AFRICAN YOUTH FESTIVAL SET FOR TUNIS IN JULY
CPYRGHT
Tripoli is the site from 27 to 30 December 1972 for the
meeting of the executive committee of the African commission
named to plan the first Pan-African Youth Festival in Tunis,
which will take place from 15 to 22 July 1973
The plans for the festival are not precisely new. The
idea is a pretty old one, and has been advocated by many of the
organizations that belong to the MPJ [Mouvement Panafricain de
Jeunesse; Pan-African Youth Movement].
For that matter,, an initial attempt to put together such
a festival for African young people was made back in 1965 in
Bamako.
'y That first attempt, probably because it was ahead of its
time, amounted to not much more than an encounter among the
young people of a few African nations. A delegation of Tunisian
young people, consisting of just a few chosen leaders, went to
that meeting.
At the second conference of the Pan-African Youth Move-
ment, which was held in Algiers from 20 to 23 July 1967, Tunisia's
bid to organize and host the first Pan-African Youth Festival
was accepted, and a planning commission was set up to work to-
ward a target date of 1972. It was to work out the program for
this great demonstration, and to send out a summons to all Afri-
can youth. A letter of information about the planned festival
was in fact sent to the African chiefs of state.
In Dakar, the third MPJ Conference, which met from 25 to
30 December 1969, again confirmed the choice of Tunisia as the,
rendezvous for all of Africa's young people, but postponed its
date by .`i year, since the planning and preparation had not made,
much headway.
That work was to lead to adoption of an overall program
for the festival at the meeting of the planning commission, which
was held from 18 to 21 January 1970.
The high point in preparations for this great manifesta-
tion came in the spring of 1972 at Rabat, where the 9th OAU sum-
mit meeting passed a special re=.olution dealing with the festi-
val.
Furthermore, the speech delivered at that summit meeting
by [Tunisian] President Habib Bourguiba was adopted by the MJP
leaders as the charter for African Youth.
31
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 CPYRGHT
n a itaon, t ese same lenders talked with Mr Mohamed
Masmoudi, Tunisia's foreign minister, who assured them of the
total support and encouragement of the Tunisian government.
Finally, the current meeting in Tripoli will be dealing
with certain points relating to the coming festival, and will
have to work out procedures for Africa's participation in the
9th World Youth Festival, which is to be held in East Berlin
next summer (see below).
Before the Tunisian delegation left, we were able to get
in touch with Mr Mohamed Eltaief, who is in charge of foreign
relations for the UTOJ [Union Tunisienne des Organisations de
Jeunesse; Tunisian Union of Youth Organizations], who was kind
enough to tell us something about the festival organization and
some of the problems the MPJ leaders are having to deal with.
'"The only major problem facing us right now is that of
organizing, in the same month of the same year, and with only
a week's interval between them, our own festival and the 10th
world festival, under the auspices of the FMJD [Federation Mon-
diale des Jeunesses Democratiques; World Federation of Demo-
cratic Youth Organizations] in East Berlin.
"The leaders of this movement have contacted several
African countries, including Tunisia, asking them to postpone
the African festival by another year.
"We have of course rejected this suggestion, explaining
to the FMJD leaders that there is no reason to delay our festi-.
val, and that the African youth groups will go together to take
part in the 10th world festival as soon as the Pan-African one
is over.
"This means that Tunis will be the departure point for
African youth for East Berlin, where we shall come in as a united
front.
"Actually, we have decided to go together to this 10th Fes-
tival, meaning that we shall go as the youth of a whole continent,
,or we shall not go at all.
"The whole matter, however, is still being studied.
"But there will be no change in our position.
"Besides, at the international meeting of young workers in
Moscow/from 10 to 15 November of this year [1972), the people in
charge of African Youth insisted, when the Komsomol leaders de-
manded that we postpone the Tunis festival, that a paragraph
concerning the festival be inserted into the final resolution
adopted at the close of that meeting.
"But the thing that greatly surprised us was finding that,
in the Moscow News [Nouvelles de Moscou] for 2 December 1972,
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no 48) this paragraph had been removed, and the final resolution
as published. in that paper carried no mention of it.
"This was an act which the African leaders regret and de-
plore, and they have demanded an explanation of it from the peo-
ple in the Soviet youth movement who were responsible for it.
"In any case, aside from this problem which will be dealt
with in Tripoli, the preliminary work is moving ahead satisfac-
torily.
"We have set up a national preparations committee made up
of representatives of the national youth organizations and of the
,government departments involved.
"This national committee, which is headed by Mr Ahmed
Chtourou, the Minister'for Youth and Sports, will be primarily
concerned with the selection of the people for the Tunisian de-
legation."
And so, as of now, there is frantic activity in the Tuni-
sian youth organizations to prepare every tiny detail of this
tremend'ous event, which will bring together no fewer than 4,000
African' young people inspired by the loftiest aspirations of
the African peoples, all of them eager for total independence,
unity, and solidarity.
/.
"Africa's youth," it says in the appeal issued by the MPJ,
it gathers for its first festival, aware of the historic role
tinent, joins in the vast campaign for winning independence, the
,only path open to the African masses for emancipation and social
,advancement.
"Many countries have achieved political independence. New
exigencies and new imperatives have come to light. Africa finds
itself facing the problems which derive from freedom, finding
that real freedom is economic freedom, and that political inde-
pendence is only a first step toward it.
"Africa needs the vitality of its children to solve these
problems."
in the present political, social, and economic state of the con-
And so the Pan-African Youth Movement, by organizing next
July's historic encounter, will surely emerge in the vanguard of
,the African revolution. [This is a] revolution aimed at unifying
the continent and devoted to open and ongoing struggle against
all the real. ills of present-day society: colonialism, neo-colo-
nialism, imperialism, and Zionism.
On another level, this encounter, this coming together of
the real forces in Africa will make it possible to discover the
vast artistic and cultural wealth of our continent, and, in so
doing, beyond any doubt to enrich civilization as a whole.
t
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DAILY TELEGRAPH, London
31 March/ 1973
CPYRGHT
Pax. Soviet
fl
the young
ANNEI,ISE SCITUTI, in Vienna, on
the 1Olilt World Youth Festival
"FOR anti-imperialist soli- sorerl by the Soviet-rlurninated even:s with close altcntion stn..e
darity, ncace and l:ricndship." World Federation of Democratic ;trrrlistire there diet not mean
This ?s the slo.?an under Youth, with headquarters in Iir?'I peace. A "youth court"
which some 20,0()(1 y'tullg Budapest, and by, the Inter- is !,1 iriihle undrr (he slogan
people of Cotll,)11t1ilst and national Union of Students, Youth accuses intpcrialism,"
another Communist front organ- %vith the aim to expose "crimes
other Leftist-spon;iorrrl organ- isation, have been held at of international imperialism."
___~._.... l....,.. 12x1 nnnntrinc . , . . ,. .,__ _..__
will
July 28? -file' the, I0th . Vrorld.
Youth Festival.
The motto strikrs a disrordaitt
note somewhat out, of tune with
the phrases of di?tcntr and
rpeacriul Co CXISten('(' rnmin.
from F.;tslern bloc I.?,nlrrc thr c.
days. it leaves lit.ii' d.rnht that
the polil;ral and idrnlnt;ic;tl
struggle against 0w 1\ r-: is
going rill cllah;rrc'd. III Ihr in-
onlyy the British ctrlrcatc who events had subsided, the efli-
opposrd the wood: "anti- cient Fast Germans could he
intprrialist." Ile imliralrrl th;It trusted with preparing the next
the Brill' h wilt cantpai_n nndr-r festival in the right spirit, all
their old stn."an, "or solidarity, the more so as most ncrrnbers
peace and Iiicndship." of the Politburo are in the
'Ihe United King*rl,)nl Prepara- Preparatory Cnnimittre, 1lradctt
tory Cnnniltcc, tender the by Frich I[onetkrr hirn:rlt'. The
chairmanship of Alike Terry, party leader had hrrn leader
secretary of the National Union of East German Comnncnist
of Students, has inade it clear, Youth at the time of file third
thou--fl, that they arc also festival in East Bet-lift i;t 15151.
"whulchcarlcdly anti-imperial-i "Peace," in the context of
_.._._1 ..,..,.
he festival mntin is nhvinnsly
e
itlrrally. money wiii go above
all to the three Portuguese
colunu', to South Africa and
Latin America, a statement from
Bur, rprst said. This open ad-
mission comes from Communists
who are inclined to label as
"interference itn internal affairs"
even harmless contacts of \Lest-
ern citizens in East ern countries.
i\1ore on the charitable side
will be a collection for hospital
building in North Vietnam. It
is said that about ?200,000 is
to he handed over at the festi-
600 delegates to lids! Berlin, at identical with pax Suvictica. v.al to Hanoi delegates for this
a cost not exceeding 00 a head. he visitors will hrar appeals Purpose.
World Youth Festivals, spoil o follow the 1ndo-Chineso On the lighter side will - be
the last in Sofia in 1968. In lilt- ',nrli?imper?ialist.crnlre, lobe
that tense suronlrr of the r?tihti?,h!?d' ill *tile ilumboldt
Prague reformers, the ft~lthering University. Topics will include
had demonstrated little peace the strurCCle for social progress
and even less fi irndship as h;rrd- in Africa, Asia and Latin
liners col fronte.d "liberals" over America, and the fight of Arab
developments in Czcchastuvakia, p'npk's against "Israeli aggres-
The Soviet invasion (ollowiiig skin.''
hot on the heels of tits festival II occetls From an international
was not conducive to Iriendly bartar selling souvenirs are to
organ-
feelings either. So the organ s'~. ,ll a fund for supporting
isers gave the festival idea a . liberation fights" or member
five-year respite. organisations lurced to function
displays of gymnastics and fire-
ivorks. Five hundred theatre
and , film performances are
scheduled, and a " house of
political song."
Prominent guests expected in-
dnde Angela Davis and Jane
Fonda, iron America, and the
Soviet woman cosmonaut Valcn-
tina l'ereshkova, and the bal-
lerina Maya Plisetsk;n?a.
The World Federation of
Democratic Youth was founded
in November, 1945, at a can-
frrunre in London. It esiah-
lished headquarters in Paris but
was exp'llcd by the French
authorities in 1951 autl has been
functioning since then froly,
Budapest.
Tilt,, original plan was to
found an ostensibly non-partisan
organisation, and at first it did
attract a number of uncorn-
milted youth groups. But. when
the pro-Communist pasilinn of
the federation's executive he-
c1ine ever more ntil''trent, non-
Comnrtnti.,ts wit trlrev:.
'flee federation cl,tiii, to have
oldie th,ut 100 million mem-
bers in over 100 countries, the
ovrrnhelminfi maioiily natur-
ally in Cntnmunict Slates. Dr-
tails of its finanrec are not
pt,hlished, and claims that the
organisation is run cnlrly on the.
prncerds of membership fees
cannot be verified.
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DRAPEAU ROUGE, Brussels
19 January 1973
CPYRGHT
EAST BERLIN PREPARES TO WELCOME WORLD YOUTH
Even though Belgium was the first NATO power to establish
diplomatic relations with the German Democratic Republic (27 De-
cember 1971), we should not forget that it took Belgium's diplo-
mats more than 23 years to recognize the CDR.
Nevertheless, the first socialist state in German history,
founded on 7 October 1949 in the poorest, least industrialized
part of Germany, on the rubble of WW II, has long been an uncon-
testable reality. And what a reality! Today the eighth-ranking
among the world's industrial powers, the GDR is considered by many
observers the real "German miracle."
From 22.32 billion marks (308 billion Belgian francs) in
1949, the national revenues of this country with very limited na-
tural resources had grown to 113.6 billion marks (1)568 billion
Belgian francs) by 1971. During the same period, the GDR's foreign
trade has grown from 2.702 to 42.140 billion marks. As for the
average monthly income of workers and employees, it has gone from
439 marks in 1955 to 762 marks in 1970. In order to grasp the full
significance of this trend, you must bear in mind the remarkable
stability of prices typical of the GDR's economy, as it is typical
of most of the socialist economies, at a time when inflation is
a phenomenon afflicting all the capitalist countries. During the
first 9 months of 1972, individual consumption has increased by
6.3 percent, and 250,000 people have experienced a substantial
improvement in their housing conditions.
In addition to industrial development, the public health
'and educational systems are GDR achievements which have won it a
glowing international reputation. We recently held ,a round-table
discussion on the health delivery system'in the GDR (Drapeau Rouge,
1-7 December 1972)? As for the school system, we shall say simply
in 1972, 85 percent of school-age children had received 10 years
of general polytechnic education, and that by 1975 every school
child in the nation will be getting it. The GDR is one of the
top nations in book publishing: in 1970, its 78 publishing houses
brought out 5,234 titles, with a combined press run of 121.8 mil-
lion copies. During the years from. 1969 to 1970, 660 works from
,some 40 foreign countries were translated in the GDR, and pub-
lished in a total of 13 million copies.
This, boiled down to a few figures, is the GDR which mil-
lions of tourists and millions of West Germans and West Berliners
discovered before official Belgium did so in its turn, just a few
months before the GDR's entry into the United Nations this year.
The capital of the German Democratic Republic will be the
setting this summer for a huge international youth meeting: the
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 CPYRGHT
10th UPk0veAf W e' PERUuderit-s'~ es ,OvaA01%0 e 2 OAOt3000a 1
tional committee for this festival has just recently held another
meeting in Berlin, in the impressive Stadt Berlin Hotel, which
rises 36 stories above the Alexanderplatz. Perhaps it is symbo-
lic: the hotel was built by young workers in the Fr-eiv Deutsche
Jugend [Free German Youth]. The meeting provided the occasion
for the committee to see how preparations for the festival were
coming along, both in the GDR and abroad.
No Little Thing
Mounting a world festival, even in a city of 1.2 million
souls, even when the people have a real gift for organization,
is no small thing. For example, you have to find accomodations
for tens of thousands of foreign participants, as well as for
some 100,000 young men and women who will be coming from all parts
of the republic. This means that housing must be built -- and
occupied after the festival by Berliners. The city must be beau-
tified, and it is being beautified, thanks mainly to its "subbot-
niks. "
Erich Rau, secretary of the central council of the FDJ,
talked to us about these problems and these activities. First
of all, we asked, what is a "subbotnik"? The word comes from
Russian, and means something like "volunteer unpaid work on Sa-
turday." Before WW II, the young people in the Soviet Union made
a great contribution to the success of the 5-year Plans through
their "Red Saturdays." In their own republic's early years, the
young people in the GDR volunteered their "subbotniks" to rebuild
the celebrated Berlin zoo, the Friedrichshain Park, housing, schools,
and day-care centers. Twenty years later, their sons and daugh-
ters are beautifying Berlin by the same, still-young means.
We were present at such a "subbotnik." It is more accurate
to say that we were one little ant among the mass of 10,000 people
who, across the square from the Rote Rathaus (Red City Hall) were
transforming a vacant lot into a park. Elsewhere in Berlin, some
90,000 more were busy on other projects. People fed them and gave
them drink. But the yield of their day's work was totally paid
into the Festival fund: more than a million marks.
They told me that the FDJ brigades in the Eisenach automo-
bile plants have sent five Warlburg automobiles to the central
council of the Youth Organizations. All five cars were built after
regular production quotas had been filled, and they were built
just for the Festival. At Sommerdau, the local FDJ section orga-
nized a scrap metal drive and netted 13,860 marks. At Zwickau,
the young workers in the synthetic resins plant produced an extra
5,000 cans of paint, which is being sold on little stands in the
city.. In addition to all this, and still just as an example, the
young workers in the porcelain china plant in Ilmenau, together
with their comrades in two other plants, made some 249,000 bricks.
Funny porcelain factory, you may say. But relax: these young
people traveled all the way to Erfurt to form a special brick-mak-
ing brigade. All this for the Festival.
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Tuned In to the World
But, Erich Rau warned us, these efforts should not make us
forget that the GDR's young people are tuned in to the world.
They know what is happening in the capitalist countries as well as
in the socialist countries. They travel (mainly in Belgium), they
read, and they talk'.
And then of course they sing and dance a lot. There is
certainly not a single FDJ singing group that has not yet made
its contribution to preparations for the Festival.
The newspapers publish the words and music for new songs.
Lyricists and composers are working on what is to become the "Fes-
tival Song." Very soon it will be chosen. The dancers have been
practicing ever since October, when a number of early previews of
their work was staged for the public. Nobody will doubt me when
I say that the GDR's young athletes and sports enthusiasts are
doing their best too.
Gradually, the program is taking on shape and polish. At
work on it are artists, directors, producers, party members, and
thousands of "'willing helpers" who vie with one another in ingenuity
in preparation for the festivities, which will include a major pro-
duction whose theme will be "The GDR's Youth Greets the Youth of
the World."
And of course the students are into it too. During their
vacations, they helped work on the subway, on building new hous-
ing, and on finishing a giant stadium.
As Erich Rau sees it, success is a foregone conclusion:
"Preparations for the Festival are in full swing, but there
is still a lot to be done. We have to create such a climate among
all the young men and women in the republic that we shall be able
to say that-the-whole country is welcoming the youth of the world
to Berlin. Everybody together, under the slogan 'Bring everybody
in, touch everybody, don't leave anybody out; we want to be the
best possible hosts to our guests.,
60 Countries Already...
Dominique Vidal, coordinating secretary for the interna-
tional committee, told us that a national festival committee has
already been set up in 60 countries all over the world.
In Peru, for example, 27 youth movements are taking part,
and in Argentina the communist, radical, and Peronist groups are
coming. Committees are operating in almost all the European
countries. The committees are underground in Spain, Greece, and
Portugal, In the USSR, Poland, and Denmark there are large-scale
plans afoot. But even in India, local festivals are planned in
all the federal states to prepare for the big one in the GDR. In
98 countries, 230 youth organizations are pledged to collect $400,
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 CPYRGHT
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000 for a children's hospital in Hanoi, as part of the campaign
called "The Youth of the World Accuses Imperialism."
Asked about delegations to Berlin, Dominique Vidal says
they are counting on representation from more than 130 countries.
Nine Unforgettable Days
While the program is not yet cast in its final form, we
can give you some idea of what it will be like. In the 9 days
from 28 July to A. August, there will be:
1. the opening demonstration;
2. a day of
solidarity
with young people struggling..
against imperialist
3. a day of
aggression;
solidarity
with young people struggling
against monopolies, exploitation, militarism, fascism, and ra-
cism;
4. a day of solidarity with the GDR's young people who
are building socialism;
5.
a day of peace, security, and cooperation;
6.
a day of rights for young people, students, and chil-
dren;
7.
a day for women and girls;
8.
a day of solidarity with the young people of Vietnam,
Laos,
and
Cambodia;
9. the closing ceremonies, with an appeal to the young
people of the world.
In addition to this, there will be a ceremony called "The
Youth of the GDR Greets the Youth of the World," a solidarity
center in which Indochina will occupy a key position, and another
which will put imperialism in the dock -- with, among other things,
a tribunal where the crimes of imperialism will be publicly de-
nounced and condemned.
There will be sports competitions, meetings, seminars,
pageants and parades, and all the encounters which Festival
buffs know about, with the human warmth and contagious enthusiasm
they bring with them.
Because the Festival is not just a get-together for young
people out for a good time. It is meant to express the interna-
tional solidarity of youth in the struggle against the forces of
war, against imperialism, against fascist oppression, against
exploitation and racism, and for peace and friendship among peo-
ples.
Practical Solidarity
The 10th Festival, the greatest international encounter of
young people and students in the world, will be a powerful expres-
sion of the solidarity of all young people with the struggle of
the heroic peoples of Indochina against imperialist American ag-
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Asia, as well as with the national liberation movements in
Asia, in Africa, and in Latin America, and with the struggle of
the peoples of the capitalist countries.
Open to all young democrats and progressives the world
over, the 10th Festival will be at the same time a mighty demon-
stration of solidarity with the peoples of the socialist countries,
who are building a new society.
There is no doubt that a great many young Belgians will be
eager to take part.
Thousands want to go to Berlin next summer. But in many
countries, the young people's participation is involved with the
financial and material resources of the youth organizations and
the progressive student movements. This is particularly true of
countries where the young people, the students, and the people
are struggling against imperialist aggression and colonial op-
pression, against fascist terrorism, for national liberation and
independence, and for democracy. This is why every effort must
be made to enable young men and women from these countries to
attend the 10th Festival. .
The means are there: the international preparation commit-
tee has set up a World Solidarity Fund for the Festival. All
money collected can be sent to the Fund's account, number
8.13.6773.00 at the Deutsche Aussenhandelsbank AG DDR-102 Berlin,
Unter den Linden 24-30.
UNSERE ZEIT, Du,essel orf
19 March 1973
CPYRGHT
SOVIET YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS LEADER DISCUSSES WORLD YOUTH
FESTIVAL
(Interview with G Yanayev, Chairman of the Committee for
Soviet Youth Organizations by H Kuschnik, Unsere Zeit Moscow
correspondent; place and date not given)
(TEXT) UZ: What is significant about the situation in
which preparations for Berlin's Tenth World Youth and Student
Festival is taking place?
YANAYEV: As you know, the words "youth festival" were first
heard in October 1945 in somber, gaslit London's venerable
Albert Hall where the World Youth Conference was taking place.
Two years later Prague was the first capital in the world to
receive youth from all over the earth.
'A look at the past shows clearly how the festivals faithfully
reflect all the stages in the fight waged by the world's pro-
gressive democratic forces in the postwar period. Many criti-
cal problems are now no longer-on the agenda of the fight.
Hundreds of millions of people have created dozens of new
free countries to put on the postwar map.
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 CPYRGHT
Tod ay 'onnceens a~ eolu? 9cO war re b79 ng19epiaceaOoy0001-1
hopes of mutual understanding and cooperation. The great
power of the people's solidarity and the triumph of reason
have brought peace to sorely tried Vietnam. Efforts to
understand, to work together despite divergent points of
view, the conviction that the most complicated problems can
be solved without prejudice or threat, these are new aspects
in the current international situation. They directly affect
the development prospects of the international democratic
youth movement.
Soviet Union's Peace Program
This is an outcome of the foreign policy activity of the Soviet
Union and other socialist countries. It is also the result
of consistent implementation of the peace program sumbitted
by the 24th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union which announced that the party would work to guarantee
peace and security, reach international detente, wipe out
the war spots and imperialist aggressions, and develop
international cooperation. These changes would have been
impossible without the help of world public opinion in
which progressive, democratic youth is the motive power.
The international youth movement's recent history is char-
acterized by youth cooperation on a broad front in soli-
darity with the peoples and youth-of Indochina, in guaranteeing
security all over the world, in supporting the people and
youth who are fighting against colonialism, fascism and
reaction for the welfare and rights of youth, and also in
supporting the national liberation movement.
Not only traditional but also new forms of cooperative work
are being developed. A system of international consulta-
tions and meetings between national and international youth
organizations is developing. The possibility of solving
critical questions in youth's life and struggle is evidenced
by the outcomes of the world rally of working youth in Mos-
cow which included representatives of 271 youth organizations
and youth sections of unions from 115 countries as well as
representatives of international organizations. The forum's
representative character and the wide range of subjects re-
flected the world's new situation, and contributed to further
development and cooperation and to consolidation of working
youth's unity.
After 22 years the World Festival will again be held in
Berlin, the capital of the German Democratic Republic. In
the capital of a sovereign socialist state, the first worker-
and-farmer state on German soil. The constructive policy
of peace and friendship between peoples followed consistently
by the GDR has won it international respect. The voice of
the young republic can be heard on all continents; without
its participation no important international problem can be
solved.
40
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CPYRGHT
The stubborn and continuous refusal of several governmenTs
to recognize the GDR, and the policy of discrimination against
it have proven themselves. totally unrealistic and unnecessary.
As a result of the country's active foreign policy program
and due to the concerted efforts of world public opinion, in-
cluding youth, tie diplomatic blockade of the GDR was broken
and it now has diplomatic relations with more than 70 coun-
tries. In the GDR a new generation grew up; its moral and
political character is marked by a profound sense of social
duty in the fight to consolidate the workers' power, to de-
velop the socialist homeland and make it flourish, to estab-
lish friendship and alliance with the socialist brother
countries, and to create permanent peace among nations.
The Free German Youth's (FDJ) initiative to hold the Tenth
World Festival in the GDR capital was applauded around the
world. The fact that Berlin was chosen as the tenth meeting
place of world youth is an expression of world youth's con-
fidence and respect for the GDR. In the GDR the festival
preparations became an affair not only for youth fut for all
the people in the republic.
UZ: Just a short time ago in many a place one could hear
the opinion expressed that world festivals had had their
day, that their ideas were hopelessly obsolete and therefore
had no future. What is your comment on that?
YANAYEV:' Since the time of the first world meeting of youth
and students in 1947 a new generation has grown up. The
fact that boys and girls of all countries still carry the
festival baton is evidence that the ideas of the world
youth rally are up to date, that young people still like
the festival movement slogans, that its noble aims have
support, and finally,-that the best traditions of the demo-
cratic youth movement have continuity.
Free Platform of Youth
Today, questions on the widening of contacts and on exchan-
ging of ideas being discussed so widely, it is probably in
order, Ito recall that all nine previous festivals promoted
these' very goals. They gave their emphatic Yes to all ideas
on good-neighbor relations, friendship, mutual. understanding
and cooperation. And also their emphatic No to ideas of
war, militarism, misanthropy, and rational hatred.
The world youth festivals strengthened the feeling of mutual
trust among the boys and girls with different skin color,
different creeds and political convictions. They became
powerful manifestations of youth solidarity in the anti-
.imperialist fight for peace, against war, for national in-
dependence of peoples and for the rights of the young genera
tion. Hundreds of thousands of young people from all coun-
tries thus had the opportunity to use the platform of the
i
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 CPYKWbved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200030001-1
festival freely to express their opinions on the future, on
the roads to progress and on the problems that affect youth
now.
The festivals taught young people respect for the culture
of every nation and confidence in their ability to accomplish
their mission to contribute to the enrichment of the world's
cultural heritage. They stood for renunciation of the ob-
solete concept of a policy of force and aggression, of mis-
trust and fear, for denunciation of ideas and actions that
humiliate men. They developed the feeling of social
responsibility for the civilization of our time and the
future of mankind.
The world festivals became so popular because they promote
youth's creative spirit and are in line with its efforts
to develop and apply its talents widely. The atmosphere
of friendly competition helped many artists and artist col-
lectives to become famous. At such competitions, talented
poets and writers were discovered. Countless expositions
and competitions became a kind of debut for young painters.
No!i1to War and Militarism
These unforgettable rallies popularized among the youth of
all continents, works which propagate the ideals of peace,
pooperation and humanism.
Picasso's famous "Dove," the Greek revolutionary poet
Kostas Jannopoulus' poem "The Last Song," written in a dark
.dungeon before his assassination, and-awarded the highest
prize; Anatoli Novikov's song "Youth March," that became
the hymn of democratic youth; Maya PlTsetskaya, creator of
the "Dying Swan," and the laughter of Yuri Gagarin, the
world's first cosmonaut -- these are unforgettable facets
of these rallies.
Nazim Hikmet, Gerard Philip, Frederic Joliet-Curie, Pablo
Neruda, Salvatore Quasimodo, Madelaine Riffauld, Bertrand
Russell and Thomas Mann, Jorge Armado and Herluf Bidstup
actively supported the world festivals idea, placed their
art at the service of these ideas, and inspired the festival
participants with good talks and impassioned exhortations to
peace and cooperation for the sake of the future. They saw
here a new form, rich in prospects for understanding and
cooperation among young people of the world.
Of course not everyone will applaud the festival. It has
many enemies. Today's generation has not forgotten how the
very word festival was entered on the police lists immediately
after its creation, and was even prohibited in some places.
The world has not forgotten how attempts were made in the
Viennese Prater to unloose hoards of "red" rats on the
platform. In Helsinki the delegationstof the socialist
countries were pelted with stones and plastic bombs. No
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CPYRGHT
matter what efforts the hate-filled enemies of the unity
of youth may make nor how great the sums they may spend for
bribes to bring discredit on world youth's efforts for
solidarity and the anti-imperialist fight, all these plans
are destined to fail.
UZ: What questions, in your opinion, will be the focus of
attention at the Tenth World Festival?
YANAYEV: The Tenth World Festival will be an important
milestone in the world campaign "Youth Unmasks Imperialism."
This campaign has become the mobilizing factor for the broad
masses of youth and students.
he new tone of the Berlin world youth rally is also expressed
in the call of the international (line omitted) solidarity
for peace and friendship."
Representatives of various countries will report in Berlin
on how they are collecting funds to rebuild Vietnam, on
voluntary efforts by youth, on the superior fulfillment of
assignments by the Vietnamese patriots and on the tremendous
support and brotherly help for their contemporaries who are
enthusiastically and with perseverance raising their country
up again out of the ruins and are healing the wounds caused
by barbaric aggression.
Understanding, Humanism
The voice of solidarity with the peoples of Laos and Cambodia
who are fighting for their independence can be heard every-
where.
The Tenth World Youth and Student Festival will also be a
great manifestation of solidarity with the struggle of the
Arab peoples and the Palestinian people as well as with the
national liberation movements in the Portuguese colonies and
the south of Africa, and the countries of Asia, Africa and
Latin America -- all of whom are fighting imperialism, col-
onialism and neo-colonialism, racism, fascism and zionism for
freedom, national independence, democracy and social progress.
The festival will offer the progressive youth of the world
an.. opportunity to express solidarity with the youth of the
socialist countries who are building a new society and making
a decisive contribution to the anti-imperialist fight. It
will demonstrate solidarity with youth and students in the
capitalist countries in the fight and activate their partici-
pation in the campaign for disarmament, peace and European
security.
Traditionally the festival program includes forums of repre-
sentatives from international and regional youth and student
organizations, the "free platform of youth," conferences and
seminars on such current problems as youth's fight for its
socio-economic.and democratic rights, the fight against
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monopolies, and also cultural and athletic events.
At present the permanent commission of the international
preparatory committee is at work in Berlin. The festival's
aims are published in Festival, the paper put out by the
commission. The World Federation of Democratic Youth, the
International Student Federation, the Pan-African Youth
Movement, the Organization of Young Democratic Christians of
Latin America, their regional organizations as well as other
associations in the entire world are making a great contri-
bution to the World Youth Festival preparations.
The festival movement found wide acclaim. Hundreds of thousands
of boys and girls of all countries are preparing for it ac-
tively. Countless rallies, demonstrations and manifestations
are being held. In many countries national preparatory com-
mittees are already at work; they combine various political
organizations, unions, cultural institutions and youth and
student athletic'clubs that support the festival idea.
Young Americans want to tell about their fight to end the
Vietnam war; they are gathering funds to build a children's
hospital to be named in honor of Nguyenivan Troi, the national
hero. In the liberated areas of Mozambique, the National
Liberation Front organized festival commissions to popularize
the festival. Teachers, soldiers and officers collaborated
on these commissions. Respected artists in the Federal Re-
public called upon progressive West German young people to
hold a singing contest called "The Tenth.World Youth and
Student Festival." In Panama, within the framework of prepa-
ration for the Berlin rally, there is to be a national youth
and student festival. In Argentina athletic competitions
for the "Tenth Festival Prize" are being prepared.
Europe: Cradle of the Festival
UZ: What space will you devote to such questions as consoli-
dation of European security, and development of cooperation
and mutual understanding among representatives of Europe's
young generation at the world festival?
YANAYEV: Europe can justifiably be called the cradle of the
festival. Nine European capitals have already received young
people from all over the world and put concert halls and
theaters, stadiums and university auditoriums at their dis-
posal. Recently the youth of Europe has been agitating more
and more actively for guarantees for peace, security and
cooperation on the continent as well as for calling a pan-
European' conference. That is why representatives of various
international and national youth organizations in Europe
participated in the World Opinion Forum for Security and
Cooperation in Brussels in June, 1972.
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At this forum constructive initiatives of the general public
were developed. Their aim was to transform Europe into a
continent of peace.; Motivated by the desire to underpin and
further develop the results attained at the Brussels forum,
young communists and social democrats, Catholics and liber-
als, members of the worker-and-farmer youth as well as students,
all assembled in Helsinki in August 1972 at the International
Conference of Youth and Students for European Security and
Cooperation. This became a new milestone on the road to union
of Eastern and Western youth organizations in their peaceful
fight for the continent's peaceful future. Doubtless a great
deal will be said about this in Berlin.
UZ: How is Soviet youth preparing for the festival?
YANAYEV: The boys and girls of our country, the youth organi-
zations, heeded the call of the preparatory committee and are
actively cooperating in the preparations. In June 1972 the
Soviet preparatory committee was formed. Preparation for the
World Festival was discussed at numerous youth gatherings and
conferences. The Sixth Plenum of the Komsomol Central Com-
mittee in the name of the Komsomol with its 30 million mem-
bers, supported the Tenth World Festival of Youth and Students
to the hilt.
An important event in the course of the preparations was
the union festival of Soviet Youth. The successful conclu-
sion of the first stage of the union festival was a pro-
duction exposition by the Komsomol and all Soviet youth at
the jubilee of the Soviet state. The second stage will be
determinant in Soviet youth preparations for the Tenth
World Festival. The Soviet delegation will display triumphs
and feats at the Berlin Festival that were perfected in
the multinational Soviet state for the 50th jubilee.
The delegation will la ve the best representatives of Soviet
youth, representatives of various nationalities and peoples
as well as winners in the union festivals and competitions
to be organized within the framework of preparations for the
festival. Soviet youth and the Leninist Komsomol will do
everything in their power to contribute to the successful
course of the Berlin festival.
Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200030001-1