INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION DIVISION WEEKLY SUMMARY NO. 50 FOR WEEK ENDING 13 DECEMBER 1949
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CIA-RDP79-01090A000100020002-7
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S
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Document Creation Date:
December 12, 2016
Document Release Date:
September 13, 2000
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Publication Date:
December 13, 1949
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INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS DIVISION
WEEKLY SUMMARY NO. 50
For week ending 13 December 1949
The International Week
r
Mourned on an p
lition forced through a recommendation to internationalize
Jerusalem. Prior thereto the GA adopted a resolution urging
respect for China's integrity and referring the Nationalist
charges against the USSR to the Little Assembly for examination
and study.
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Meanwhile the GA ad-
es onsi a no atho1ic-Soviet-Arab coa-
ir
THE 1949 GENERAL ASSEMBLY
The recent General Assembly session was effective primarily
in the war of ideas where it emphatically registered the almost
universal resentment against the obstructive and negative role
played by the USSR in the field of international cooperation.
Notwithstanding Soviet acquisition of the atomic bomb, this ad-
verse reaction to the Soviet peace offensive was more sharply
and decisively articulated than ever before, resulting in over-
whelming defeat of the Soviet proposal for a big-power "peace
pact," A major factor in this trend was the rupture between
Tito and the Cominform since simultaneous Soviet threats against
Belgrade dramatically exposed the hollowness of Moscow's elabo-
rately mounted "peace" drive. Early in the session, Yugoslavia's
successful campaign for election to the Security Council in the
teeth of raging Soviet opposition set an example for many small
nations previously wont to abstain on controversial issues for
fear of offending the USSR. By the conclusion of the session,
the Soviet delegation apparently became aware of the unprece-
dented extent of the hostility to their tactics, which must have
taken them somewhat by surprise despite their habituation to a
minority role in the UN. Although the GA was nevertheless unable
to take any specific action to reduce the cold war, the chorus of
disapprobation must indicate to the USSR the number of nations
aligned against it and probably exercises some mitigating re-
straint on Soviet aggressiveness. However, resting as it does
on the somewhat intangible basis of world opinion, the extent of
such influence as a curb on Politburo adventures is difficult to
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In the area of concrete accomplishment as contrasted with
propaganda warfare, the GA was less successful, increased ten-
sion between the western powers and the USSR early extinguished
whatever slim chances the GA had of working out a settlement of
the Greek case, The GAP,. while increasingly aware of the urgency
of the issue, failed to make any progress whatever toward agree-
ment on atomic energy control. On the other hand it did succeed
in reaching a decision on dispose.l of two of the three former
Italian Colonies, although the settlement itself, reflecting the
rising tide of anti-colonial sentiment within the GA, displays
dubious wisdom in accelerating the independence of politically
immature populations. It does have the merit of at least ex-
eluding the Soviet bloc from any legal voice in the territories
and will probably enable the UK to perfect desired defense ar-
rangements in Libya. The GA also unanimously approved a techni-
cal assistance program for backward areas thus affording the
US an opportunity to exploit the political and economic advan-
tages of the President s Point IV.
The session was notable for the strong cleavage between the
colonial and anti-colonial powers on trusteeship and related
matters. Here again the GA manifested a strong anti-colonial
trend, arousing marked resentment among the European colonial
states. In the field of international law, the GA displayed a
greater tendency than heretofor to seek advisory opinions of the
International Court. Just before adjournment the UK and US
suffered perhaps their worst setback when an Incongruous combi-
nation of the Vatican, the Kremlin, a Latin American group and
the Arab states forced through a wholly unworkable and mischie-
vous proposal for full internationalization of Jerusalem.
repercussions of this act cannot but be damaging to UN prestige.
De gc ' in UN t e i system el . The cleavage
between colonial and non-colonial powers in the has been more
than ever evident in this year's General Assembly where the non-
colonial powers, taking the ball early in the game, have rushed
forward to pass nineteen resolutions increasing', supervision
over d+ppendent areas. Angry and alarmed, Belgit*i has stated
that it may have to refuse to file further reports on its non--
s e lf-governing territories q France has suggested that the US,
which for the most part voted with the non-colonial powers re-
consider its position; while the UK announced it will not ~urnish
political information on its colonies. To a great extent how-
ever, the moderate language of the resolutions j which employ such
words as "invite," "recommend," or "consider the desirability of,"
should permit the colonial powers to disregard some of their
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provisions without risking more than severe criticism, at least
for the time being. Beyond this, Trusteeship Council preoccu-
pation with the drawing up of agreements for Jerusalem and
Italian Somaliland will give the colonial powers a breathing
spell during which they may consider a new approach to problems
raised by the UN. Despite the resentment of the colonial powers,
an impasse in the system itself does not seem probable.
Ch's increased business. After three years of placid
existence hearing only one case and handing down only one ad-
visory opinion, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has
emerged as an active UN organ whose offices are being increas-
ingly sought, After holding Albania liable in the Corfu Channel
case early this year, the Court is at present determing indiv-
idual claims arising from the incident. In addition7 the ICJ
the
has been asked by the recent GA for advisory opinions on:
alleged violations of the human rights clausds of the satellite
peace treaties; (2) the obligations of South Africa as to South-
West Africa under the League of Nations mandate and the UN
Charter; and (3) the necessity for prior SC recommendation of a
state for UN membership. Other disputes recently laid before
the Court by the parties concerned are the old UK-Norway con-
troversy over fishing rights in certain Norwegian waters; and the
Colombia-Peru quarrel over the asylum given in the Colombian
Embassy in Lima to the Peruvian leader, Haya de la Torre.
While the ICJ is too dignified to "drum up business?" its
President has declared that the Court is at all times available
to states which wish to bring their differences to it; and all
too many long-standing legal disputes, appropriate for adjudica-
tion by the ICJ 1 exist. Moreover: the recent UN session estab-
lished a procedure for non-member states such as Switzerland to
adhere to the ICJ statute. We may accordingly expect an in-
creaing number of cases to appear on the ICJ calendar, and that
soon the Court will follow the example of its prototype, the US
Supreme Court? and find more than enough litigation to divert
what had previously been the ample leisure of the distinguished
jurists who adorn the bench.
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SC faces difficult negotiations over Kashmir. The SC, hav-
ing so far failed to solve the Pakistan-India conflict over Kash-
mir, will probably try a new approach recommended by the UN Com-
mission which involves naming a single mediator-arbitrator to
seek a settlement, Without abandoning any of the gains already
made by UNCIP, the Council hopes in private negotiations with
GOI and GOP to secure broad and flexible authority for the medi-
ator to permit him to explore arbitration fully, while, at the
same time, giving him latitude to use other methods in case
India's attitude rules out arbitration.
The Council's preliminary negotiations with India and
Pakistan are apt to be long and difficult. Pakistan, agreeable
to arbitration, is becoming increasingly impatient for settle-
ment and, unless the SC is able to bring about a definite step
towards a plebiscite in Kashmir, trouble might break out in the
sub-continent. However, Nehru, although he professes to adhere
to the "principle of arbitration" has held so far that arbitra-
tion cannot be used to effect demilitarization of Kashmir, a
condition necessary to the holding of a final plebiscite. Nehru
also continues to show stubborn coolness toward Nimitz,.favored
as mediator-arbitrator by the Councils and Indian agreement to
conferring broad authority, including arbitration, upon Nimitz
will be slow in coming, if at all. The SC also finds itself
working against time, for its task will become even more compli-
cated if the groundwork for a new Kashmir resolution is not laid
in December. In January the Chinese Nationalist representative
on the SC will assume the presidency and by that time the
Chinese Communists will probably have been accorded Indian rec-
ognition.
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