RELEASE OF CIA/RR GM 61-4, ANGOLA 24 JULY 1961, SECRET, TO FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79-01006A000100220001-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 25, 2002
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: August 10, 1961
• Content Type: MF

SUBJECT
Approved For R
2/05/09 : CIA-RDP79-01006A000100220001-2
is Bran DD/CR
blications Staff, ORB
f CIA/RR GM 61-4, hapk.,
24July 1961, Secret, to Foreign
Governments
1. It is requested tha
be forwarded as follows:
#101
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0103
2. All ORR respo8th1it.es as defined in the DDI memorandum of
13 August 1952, Procedures for Dissemination of Finished Intelligence
to Foreign Governments," as applicable to this report, have been fulfilled.
copies of subject report
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Approved For Release 2002/05/09 : CIA-RDP79-01006A000100220001-2
Copy No 198
GEOGRAPHIC
INTELLIGENCE
MEMORANDUM
CIA/RR GM 61-4
24 July 1961
ANGOLA
DOCUMENT NO.
NO CHANGE IN CLASS. 0
DECLASSIFIED
CLASS. CHANGED TO: TS S C
NEXT REVIEW DATE:,
AUTH: FIR 70-2
DATE: REVIEWER:,
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
OFFICE OF RESEARCH AND REPORTS
WARNING
This material contains information affecting the National Defense of the United States within
the meaning of the espionage laws, Title 18, USC, Secs. 793 and 794, the transmission or
revelation of which in any manner to an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.
6 E e R ET
Approved For Release 2002/05/09 : CIA-RDP79-01006A000100220001-2
Angola consists of half a million square
miles of plateau and coastal plain in which a
few Portuguese control more than four million
Africans. Development over the centuries was
designed almost exclusively for the benefit of
the Portuguese economy, and every effort was
made to prevent outside influences from dis-
turbing this relationship. Few Africans were
permitted to acquire even an elementary edu-
cation or to prepare themselves for the com-
plexities of life in the 20th century. Today,
under Portuguese direction, some Africans
participate in the economy by growing export
crops and by mining, but derive little material
benefit from their labor. Roads and waterways
have been neglected and railroads have been
built chiefly to permit the movement of commodities between coast and hinterland
-- not to introduce Western civilization. Recently, Portugal has also attempted
to isolate Angola from its African neighbors by sealing its borders, but nowhere
do the physical features of the country provide adequate natural barriers. Fur-
thermore, in several sectors a single ethnic group lives on both sides of the
border and people cross at will. Portugal is thus at a tremendous disadvantage
in trying to stop the penetration of potent new ideas and, with them, the means
of revolt.
Physical Characteristics
Most of Angola is part of the great plateau. of Central Africa, and has ele-
vations averaging 3,000 to 5,000 feet above sea level. The highest area, in west-
central Angola, is 5,000 to 6,000 feet above sea level and is a drainage center
from which rivers flow in all directions. The rivers in the north, of which the
Cuanza and Cassai are the most important, flow into the Congo Basin. Those of
the east drain into the Zambezi River system, which empties into the Indian Ocean.
The Cubango and other smaller south-flowing rivers disappear at the edge of the
Kalahari Desert; and several short streams flow westward from the plateau to the
coast.
Toward the east and south the plateau slopes gently and continues, with little
change, into Northern Rhodesia and South-West Africa. On the north, where the
plateau has been highly dissected by streams, elevations decrease more rapidly to
the Congo Basin. On the west the plateau drops sharply to a coastal plain only
30 to 50 miles wide.
In climate, Angola is transitional between the rainy Congo Basin and arid
southwestern Africa. The rainy season is from October through April. The amount
of rainfall diminishes from north to south and from east to west. Most of the
plateau -- some two-thirds of the area of Angola -- receives 40 to 60 inches. A
narrow strip along the southern border and the coastal plain as well as adjacent
lower slopes receive less than 20 inches of rain. Offshore, the cool Benguela
current flows northward and causes considerable fog and humidity on the coastal
plain.
The annual range of temperature is not large nor do average annual temperatures
differ much from one part of the country to another. The coastal strip generally
averages, for the year, about 8 Fahrenheit degrees hotter than the highest parts
of the plateau, but many inland areas at altitudes below 3,000 feet are as hot as
the coast. Luanda and Lobito on the coast, and Rho Salvador at 1,850 feet on the
plateau, all have averages of about 74?F for the year, but Si de Bandeira at 5,800
feet has an average of 65?F. In the south and on the dry coast, daily ranges (20
to 40 degrees) are close to those of a desert. December through March are the
warmest months; the coolest months are June through August, when frosts are fre-
quent on the southern plateau.
Lower temperatures and greater temperature ranges make the plateau somewhat
more desirable climatically for white habitation than the coast, particularly in
areas above 3,000 feet. Despite this advantage and government pressure to settle
in the central and southwestern highlands, however, Portuguese immigrants have been
influenced largely by economic and cultural factors and have settled chiefly in the
urban areas along the coastal plain, particularly in and around Luanda.
From what little is known of Angolan soils it is assumed that they are charac-
teristically poor and sandy, although interspersed with occasional pockets of
fertile soil. The productivity of the land has been further reduced by acceler-
ated soil erosion induced by deforestation, burning, and poor agricultural prac-
tices. The characteristic vegetation is savanna. From Lobito northward, the
coastal strip has a combination of dry open grassland and grassland with scattered
scrub or trees, whereas most of the coastal desert south of Lobito has only a
scant growth of desert grasses and plants, with some woodland near the foot of the
plateau. Across southern Angola runs a narrow dry strip of short grass and open
woodland. In the remaining three-fourths of the country, vegetation varies from
wooded savarma to open savanna interrupted by large treeless areas. True forest
is found only in small areas of the northwest, generally well inland at high alti-
tudes and interspersed with open savanna. Most of these areas are in a strip about
30 to 50 miles wide that extends through the coffee-growing area from the lower
Cuanza River northward toward the Congo River.
Despite Potuguese attempts to seal off Angola, the geographical position and
characteristics of the country make complete and permanent isolation impossible.
Along much of Angola's 2,900-mile land frontier, infiltration and cross-border
communication is relatively easy. The border areas include no major physical
barriers, with the possible exception of rougher terrain in the north. Economic
development and transportation facilities are primitive, and the white population
is sparse. The coffee-growing area of the northwest is even more vulnerable to
infiltration than other parts of the country because the Quicongo if live on both
sides of the border and because the vegetation in the northwest provides good
concealment. The population of the coastal plain is sparse, except for urban
concentrations near the major ports, and the 1,100-mile coastline is as easy to
penetrate as the land frontiers.
Population
African
The African population of Angola consists of two major groups, the Bantu and
the non-Bantu Khoisan. g/ Over the centuries successive waves of conquering Bantu
have killed or assimilated Khoisan peoples or dispersed them southward. Accord-
ing to the latest available census (1950) the Bantu number more than 4,000,000,
whereas the Khoisan consist of only 45,000 Hottentots and 5,000 Bushmen. A 1955
estimate suggests that the total population of Angola is more than 4,360,000.
The Bantu belong to a family of tribes that engulfed the Congo 1/ and Angola
long before colonial administration deposed native rulers. In Angola today the
Bantu include four main linguistic groups -- Uhbundo, Quimbundo, Quicongo, and
Ganguela -- and a few minor groups such as the Quioco, Haneca-Humbe, Anho,
Xindonga, and Herero (see map). The 1950 census tabulates approximately 1,440,000
Umbundo, 1,083,321 Quimbundo, 480,000 Quicongo, and 328,000 Ganguela. Both major
and minor linguistic groups include many tribes, 74 of which are listed on the
accompanying map. Relatively little information about them has reached the out-
side world. Almost no information is available on the extent to which tribalism
can be expected to affect the pattern of expanding African nationalism as it
spreads into Angola. The number of distinct tribes, however, and the diversity
of native languages may indicate a lack of unity among the Bantu themselves and
little or no cohesion among the entire African population.
Because the Portuguese have encouraged the use of their own language by the
Bantu, hoping it would be a civilizing and unifying force, and because the more
educated Africans came to detest their Bantu languages as being a sign of inferior
status, the use of Bantu among the relatively urbanized Africans has been nearly
eliminated. In an effort to force their children to learn Portuguese, some Afri-
can parents have even prohibited the use of their native tongue at home.
At least four of the Bantu linguistic groups live on both sides of interna-
tional boundaries: the Quicongo along the Congo border; the Quioco (Tschioco)
along the Congo and Rhodesian borders in the east; and the Herero and Ambo along
the South-West Africa border. Of these the Quicongo, numbering 1/2 million in
Angola and approximately 1 million (Bakongo) in the Congo, are by far the most
significant cross-border ethnic group. Their ancestors have lived in northwestern
Angola and the western Congo for many centuries, and present ethnic ties are
close. Li
Theoretically the Africans have been given the opportunity to achieve Portu-
guese citizenship through assimilado status, but actually most of them have re-
mained indigenes -- natives having no political rights and subject to lower wage
rates and obligatory labor for 6 months of the year. Although assimilation of the
native population is a legal premise of Portuguese colonial law, it is more of a
concept than a functioning policy. No more than 10,000 and possibly as few as
5,000 African males in Angola have achieved assimilado status. The remainder of
the 30,000 assimilados -- the term used for natives who are Portuguese citizens --
listed in the 1950 census are wives and Children, who acquired derivative citizen-
ship through the husband or father, or are legitimate mulattoes, who automatically
received Portuguese citizenship at bir. To become an assimilado, a male African
must (1) be more than 18 years old, ( leterOVed Th--Weilease12002/05/0
and his family, p) have completed militgrl service or possess proof that he is
not a deserter, 4) speak Portuguese correctly, and (5) have acquired the demeanor
and habits of a Portuguese citizen and have no police record. In exceptional
cases the restrictions have been modified or waived in part, but almost exclusively
for the few Africans who are government employees.
The assimilados do not have an effective voice in Lisbon nor in the local
affairs of Angola, nor have they had the opportunity -- either in Angola or Por-
tugal -- for the kind of education that might prepare them for political and
administrative responsibilities. The 1950 census showed that more than 19,000 of
the total number of 30,000 assimilados were illiterate. Presumably most of these
illiterates were women and Children. Although, according to the same Census,
some 5,000 assimilados had had some school education, few had finished the primary
course; and none had completed secondary school.
Educational facilities have been provided chiefly for the Portuguese rather
than the African population of Angola, and all school systems are closely control-
led by the government. The basic African schools are run largely by the Roman
Catholic Church and offer a 3-year suhprimary course. European children are re-
quired by law to attend the 4-year government-operated primary schools, where they
are in a slight majority over the Africans. Secondary schools are attended almost
exclusively by Europeans. The cost of education is an important factor in limit-
ing African attendance at all levels, and without proof of school attendance the
African child is subject to being drafted for manual labor.
Portuguese
The non-native population of Angola is overwhelmingly Portuguese. Many Portu-
guese in Angola today were born there and consider themselves Angolan; they have
a primary loyalty to Angola rather than to European Portugal. Since 1950 the
Portuguese population has increased from 79,000 to about 180,000. This rapid
buildup of the white population may be the result not only of a Portuguese desire
to strengthen the Angolan economy and retain a firm hold on the province but also
of a need to relieve the pressure of population in Portugal.
Throughout the years the stimulus for Portuguese emigration to Angola has come
mostly from private interests and effort, chiefly through connections with earlier
settlers in the colony. Official schemes have been tried from time to time since
1928, when the Portuguese Government made the first step toward planned coloni-
zation. These early schemes were unsuccessful, however, in part because of inef-
ficient government supervision and in part because of lack of cooperation among
the colonists themselves. Not until the past decade have the Portuguese tried
seriously to colonize Angola through both private and government-sponsored plans.
Some of the recent attempts have been moderately successful; others have failed,
largely because they did not follow sound planning principles. For example, con-
siderable sums of money have been wasted on a project at Cela -- the largest
government-sponsored project in Angola although it was to include only 300 families
-- and prospects for its future are dim. Villages were built without benefit of
soils studies or the necessary research on possible crops, and transportation
facilities were poor. Settlers assigned to the project, many of whom had COMO
from Portuguese cities, had little understanding of African farm management and
knew even less about how to care for animals and machinery.
Some of the Portuguese in Angola live on farms and plantations, but most of
them are concentrated in the cities. Even so, they constitute a relatively small
proportion of the total population in six of the eight largest cities in Angola
(see map). Of the approximately 56,000 Portuguese employed in Angola in 1960,
some 33,000 were in industry, business, trades, or professions; 14,000 in govern-
mental occupations; 7,000 in agriculture; and about 1,000 each in fishing and
mining. Emigrants from Portugal have included few skilled workers, professional
people, or other educated persons because it was not to their financial advantage
to leave their homeland. Instead, Angola has attracted the unskilled and semi-
skilled workers who could earn higher wages there than in Portugal This advan-
tage has been gradually offset, however, by a rise in living costs at a time when
salaries have remained constant and also by the fact that these unskilled immi-
grants had to compete with even cheaper African labor. Unemployment during the
economic recession of 1960 was acute enough to cause concern over the growth of
the "poor white" class in Angola. During 1960, more white people left Angola
than entered it, thus reversing the trend of former years.
Transportation
The construction of railroads leading eastward from the Atlantic coast ports
provided the basic transportation for opening up the interior of Angola. Four
of the six separate lines start at a port and run roughly eastward to a terminal
on or beyond the plateau; the Congo and the Cube cross only the coastal plain.
Although the railroad companies have been plagued by vacillating and costly gov-
ernment policies for both construction and operation, they have promoted increased
cultivation of export crops as well as the building of towns in the interior. The
Benguela Railroad, owned by Tanganyika Concessions Limited and serving the port
of Lobito, is the most important. It is the western link of the only railroad
that crosses Africa in any direction and has been linked with southern and eastern
African lines since 1931. The Luanda and Mocgmedes Railroads are domestic lines
owned by the Angolan government. The construction of a third government-owned
line -- the Congo, extending northeastward from Luanda -- was started in 1955 to
tap the coffee-growing area. Short lines, owned by plantation companies, also
run inland from the small ports of Amboim and Cub.
The two main ports, Lobito and Luanda, differ considerably. Largely because
of minerals shipments from the copper areas of Katanga and Northern Rhodesia,
Lobito has developed faster and has led all Angolan ports in the volume and value
of total transit trade and in volume of foreign trade. The bulky corn crop pro-
vides the highest single tonnage of domestic products leaving Lobito. Luanda,
however, has consistently led in the total value of foreign trade. Luanda has
the advantage of being the capital of Angola as well as a trading center serving
about half of the white and assimilado population and close to 40 percent of the
unassimilated African population. The hinterland of Luanda includes 83 percent
of the coffee area, over 33 percent of the sugar area, and virtually all of the
cotton area.
Road building has been largely neglected or kept to a minimum, and a greatly
expanded program of road construction is necessary for further development of the
Angolan economy. Of a total mileage of 22,000, less than 500 miles are asphalted.
The existing dirt roads are often impassable in the rainy season, particularly in
March; and, even in the dry season, they are so poorly maintained that movement
is difficult. Nearly 10,000 miles of the road network consist of unclassified
roads, many of which are merely tracks. To an American, even some of the primary
roads resemble tracks.
Although several rivers in Angola are navigable, nothing approaching a network
of inland waterways has been developed. The only service known to be currently
available is on the Cubango River, in the southern part of the province.
Angola has a rapidly developing domestic air transportation network linking
most of the urban centers with Luanda, where international connections can be
made. The administration, operation, and maintenance services of Divisgo de
Exploracgo dos Transportes Aeros (DTA), the government-owned airline, are said to
be among the best and least expensive in Africa. DTA operates DC 3's, Beechcraft
D 18 S's, and Dragon Rapides; it is planning to replace the DC 3's with Fokker
Friendship aircraft. The Portuguese national airline, Transportes Aeros Portuguese
(TAP), and Air France also use the Luanda airport, which can handle Boeing 707's.
Altogether the air transportation picture is one of the better accomplishments of
the Portuguese Government in Angola.
Economy
The economy of Angola is primarily agricultural and remains so despite gov-
ernmental attempts at economic diversification. According to recent estimates,
only 2 percent or less of the total area of Angola is used for cultivated field
and tree crops, but this small agricultural area provides nearly 80 percent, by
value, of Angola's exports. Coffee is the largest single item, representing
approximately 40 percent of the exports in 1960. Favorable rains in 1959 and
1960 helped to produce record crops, and the production outlook for 1961 was good
before the northwestern growing areas began to feel the effects of the rebellion.
Sisal contributes 12 percent of the value of all exports; corn, cotton, sugar,
and fish account for lower percentages.
Although diamonds are the second ranking export -- accounting for 15 percent
of the value of total exports in 1960 when other minerals accounted for but 5
percent -- only small areas of Angola have been thoroughly investigated for min-
eral resources. The diamonds are mined in the northeast, near Portugglia. Iron
ore is mined in west-central Angola, north and south of Nova Lisboa, and is the
only mineral other than diamonds that now makes a significant contribution to the
economy. Most of it is exported.
Although its exports are of no basic importance on the world market, Angola
is of considerable economic value to Portugal -- chiefly because Portugal is able
to alleviate its foreign trade deficit with Angolan exports. Portugal is not
obliged to spend its own foreign exchange to obtain the agricultural produce that
is available in Angola, and Angola provides a protected market for some Portuguese
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products that cannot be sold on the world market. Only 5 percent of Portugal's
total imports come from Angola, whereas more than 15 percent of its exports are
sent there. Angola also provides an opportunity for the private Portuguese in-
vestor to make large profits.
Eighty percent of the coffee and all the sisal, sugar, and wheat are produced
on European farms and plantations. Most of the corn, cotton, cassava, beans,
peanuts, oil palm, rice, beeswax, sesame, and hides and skins are produced on
small African farms. The marketing of all commodities is monopolized by register-
ed white traders and merchants, who are members of officially recognized trade
associations. With the exception of the government-sponsored colonization project
at Cela, which was designed specifically for Portuguese workers, the entire agri-
cultural system is dependent on African labor. Although African skills are rudi-
mentary, they are adequate for the kind of work required. Often it is the African
farm laborer who helps his newly arrived Portuguese overseer adapt to local
conditions.
On the basis of 1960 statistics, it is estimated that approximately 330,000
Africans are employed in the modern economy, controlled entirely by the Portuguese;
1,285,000 are "self-employed" in agriculture, raising enough to feed their families
and have a small surplus to sell; and 475,000 are in the subsistence economy, rais-
ing barely enough to feed themselves and their families. These Portuguese Govern-
ment figures, however, may be misleading. Considering the low annual income and
the prevalent standard of living of the "self-employed" Angolans, it is likely-
that they also are close to the subsistence level. Most of the Africans employed
in the modern economy work as contract labor in Benguela, Huambo, Luanda, Bie-Cuando
Cubango, Cuanza Sul, Zaire, and Ulge Districts.
The industrial sector of the Angolan economy was insignificant until recently
and even today consists primarily of small agricultural processing plants located
in the major cities. In 1955, however, the Belgian firm Compagnie Financiere de
Petroles (Petrofina) found oil in the Luanda area and constructed a refinery which
now has a capacity of 180,000 metric tons. The refinery imports oil because the
wells do not meet its capacity requirements. Petrofina united with Portuguese
interests to found the Companhia de Petroleos de Angola (Petrangol), which has
taken over the operation of the wells and the refinery. The Gulf Oil Company
began exploring for oil in the Cabinda Exclave in 1958, but ceased operations
after the outbreak of the rebellion in the spring of 1961. A rather imposing and
varied list of new industrial plants was under consideration by the government
earlier in the year.
3
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During the past 3 decades while the Belgians were speeding up the development
of the mineral wealth of the Congo and the British were exploiting the Rhodesian
copper deposits, the Portuguese displayed a singular lack of interest in assessing
and tapping the mineral resources of Angola. The Portuguese Government has spent
very little on development of any kind in Angola, spending only about $39 million
between 1939 and 1959; and, because the Portuguese planned to develop Angola es-
sentially without outside capital, little foreign capital has flowed into Angola.
Perhaps to make up for lost time, Portugal's current development plans are much
more ambitious. The Six-year Plan (1959-64) that was drawn up by the Angolan leg-
islature to cost $254 million has been scaled down by Portugal to $165 million,
of Which 70 percent is to be contributed by Portugal in the form of loans to
Angola. The plan is being implemented, but slowly.
1. A Bantu linguistic group. Its traditional territory includes part of what is
now the Republic of the Congo and part of Angola. In Angola, it is called
"Quicongo;" and, in the Congo, "Bakongo."
2. Khoisan is a Portuguese term that lumps together the two main elements of the
non-Bantu -- the Hottentot and the Bushman (Bochimane) -- whose words for man are,
respectively, khoi and san.
3. The term Congo is used for the Republic of the Congo, formerly the Belgian
Congo.
Is. This ethnic affinity between the Bakongo of the Congo and the Quicongo of
Angola was apparent in the early support of the Angolan nationalist party, Union
des Populations de l'Angola (SPA), by the Congo Government. The Congolese party
Associations des Bakongo (ARUM) furnishes tribal support to Joseph Kasavubu,
President of the Congo, who is a Bakongo. Recently, however, the UPA has been
losing the support of ABAKO. Reportedly, one reason for diminished support may be
the latent ambition of ABAK0 to create a Bakongo state that would unite all of the
tribal group who now live in the two Congo states (formerly French and Belgian)
and Angola, whereas the SPA apparently wants to establish an independent Angola
within its present boundaries. Another reason may be that ABAKD wants to annex
Angolan tribal territory to the Congo in order to strengthen its position against
pressures from neighboring Congo tribes.
4
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aEER:Et
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