MAP INTELLIGENCE REVIEW

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79-01005A000200020008-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: R
• Document Page Count: 35
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 25, 1999
• Sequence Number: 8
• Publication Date: October 1, 1953
• Content Type: REPORT

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Copy No.
ag.5g1,11S
MAP INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
CIA/RR MR-38
October 1953
, or,
DOCUMENT NO. _________________
NO CHANGE IN CLASS. 0
DECLASSIFIED
CL SS. CHANGED TO: TS S C
NEXT REVIEW DATE:
70-2,6
DATE 04 REVIEWER
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
OFFICE OF RESEARCH AND REPORTS
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WARNING
This material contains information affecting
th,3 National Defense of the United States
within the meaning of the espionage laws,
Title 18, USC, Secs. 793 and 794, the trans-
mission or revelation of which in any manner
to an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.
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MAP INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
CIA /RR MR -38
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
Office of Research and Reports
RES
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orrnation
CONTENTS*
Page
The Creation of Andhra and Its Implication for India 1
Indian Railway Developments 18
Current Situation Along the Northern Burma-
Indian Border 22
25
Two New Provinces in the Dominican Republic 27
Economic Map of France
MAPS
Following
Page
India and Pakistan: Internal Administration
(CIA 12293, October 1953)
China-Burma-India Boundary Problems
(CIA 12868)
16
24
* The individual classification for each article in this Review
is given at the end of the article.
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THE CREATION OF ANDHRA AND ITS IMPLICATION FOR INDIA
I. Introduction
On 1 October 1953, Andhra, the home of the Telugu-speaking
population of India, became the first state in India to be created
along linguistic lines. Pressure for the establishment of Andhra
was commonly attributed to the Communists, but within Andhra it
was shared by all major parties, including the Congress Party. The
decision to form the new state was made in December 1952, following
the martyr-death by fasting of a pro-Andhra advocate who was a
member of the Congress Party.
The Communists, however, were the only major party ready to
exploit fully the issue of a linguistic state. Their campaign began
well before the general elections of 1951, in which the Communist
Party gained control of one-third of the seats from the Telugu-
speaking area in the Madras Legislature. The issue of a separate
linguistic state for Andhra had simmered for 30 years prior to the
elections. Before that, Andhran nationalism had been practically
dormant for centuries. The Andhrans, or Telugu-speaking people
as they are now called, declined in power in the Deccan during the
second century, and the nation itself disappeared in the third cen-
tury A.D.
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Well over 20 million people in India speak Telugu, the great
majority living in 12 districts formerly included in Madras and in
8 districts in neighoring Hyderabad State. A small number also
live in Burma, having emigrated there from the northern coastal
districts of Madras. The new state is being carved out of Madras,
and will include the 11 northeastern districts of that state --
Srika-kulam, Vis-aki-Capatnam, East and West Godavari, Kistna.,
Guntdr, Nellore, Kurnool, Cuddapah, Chittoor, and Anantapur --
and three taluks of the district of Bellary.* Agitation has also
begun for the establishment of a "Greater Andhra, " which would
include the 8 districts from the state of Hyderabad in which Telugu
is a common language. All in all, about 20 percent of the Telugu-
speaking people live outside the limits of Andhra as shown on the
accompanying map (CIA 12293, October 1953).
II. The Scope of the Problems Raised by Andhra
A. Proponents' Hopes
Proponerts of Andhra State emphasize the local advan-
tages and tend to ignore the ultimate effects of linguistic division
on a nation like India that has many languages. They cite the fact
that there are more than 20 million I:elugu-speaking people in
*Alur, Adorn, and Rayadrug taluks.
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India, the hope that democratic proceedings could be attained by
using the vernacular Telugu instead of English, and the faith that
the alleged discrimination against the Andhrans would be eliminated
if they were separated from the Tamil-speaking population of the
parent Madras State. Of all the political parties in the Andhra area,
the Communists hope to gain most -- the creation of a state that they
might eventually control.
B. Opponents' Fears
The Indian Government opposes any division along linguis-
tic lines, but this feeling is not shared by all members of the
dominant Congress Party. Nehru himself has seemed to vacillate
on the issue. The Government fears that the establishment of one
linguistic state may set a precedent for the creation of other states
along similar lines. The Kanarese, Malayam, Tamils, Gujarati,
Marathi, and Punjabi might demand states of their own, thus com-
pletely changing the political map of India.
The delimitation of such states would be difficult. It would be
impossible to draw boundaries corresponding exactly with linguistic
divisions, since language boundaries are not sharp and many minor-
ity speech enclaves are completely surrounded by larger areas in
which other languages predominate. Creation of linguistic states
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would in some cases cause a tra&mentation of administrative areas,
whereas the consolidation of existing units would in many areas be
in the interests of greater cohesion and efficiency. This would be
the case in the frontier state of Punjab, where there has been recent
agitation for a linguistic state, following the example of Andhra.
This frontier area is thought by many to need a stronger and larger
administrative area, a Greater Punjab consisting of the Punjab,
Pepsu (Patiala and East Punjab States Union), and Himachal Pradesh.
The division of multilingual ports, such as Madras and Bombay, on
a linguistic basis might prove even more difficult.. In addition to
creating new states, boundaries between old states might also re-
quire revision -- for example., the Bihar-East Bengal boundary.
Linguistic state governments might have a strong tendency to
promote their language to the exclusion of any minority languages,
thereby automatically depriving the minorities of even a limited
chance for advancement in business or government service. Ulti-
mately, neighboring states set up on a linguistic basis might pull
apart from one another, each emphasizing its own linguistic brand
of nationalism. An example. of how th s works even in its infant
stage occurred in the State Assembly of Hyderdbad when linguistic
division was discussed. Nominally, the speech of the assembly is
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Hindustani and English. During the debate, however, discussions
were primarily in the regional Telugu, Kanarese, and Marathi
languages.
Fear has also been expressed that the effort of setting up lin-
guistic states would slow down the Five Year Plan of the National
Government in many areas. In reply, however, the Committee of
the All-India Linguistic States Conference asserted that the success
of the Plan required redistribution of states on a linguistic basis.
Possibly the greatest fear concerns the ability of the state of
Andhra to be self-sustaining. The new state includes most of the
famine districts of old Madras State; its resources are meager, and
its population is dense and poor.
III. Problems Associated with the Creation of Andhra
A. The Land and the People
The ability of the land to support a dense and increasing
population will be the most serious problem facing the new state of
Andhra after its creation, regardless of which political party dom-
inates the state. According to the 1951 Census of India, Andhra
has a population of 20,037,988, over 81 percent of which is rural
and directly dependent upon the land for its existence. The current
distribution of population corresponds roughly with the geographic
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regions of the state -- the coastal region having a denser population
than the interior plateau.
The coastal region includes the seven districts bordering the
Bay of Bengal. it consists of a coastal plain that increases in ele-
vation to the west, where it becomes hilly and merges into the
Eastern Ghats that border the Deccan Plateau of the interior. The
two northern coastal districts -- Srlikakularn and Visakhapatnam --
are largely hilly. Immediately to the south are the four delta dis-
tricts -- East and West Goda-vari in the delta of the Goda-vari River,
and Kistna and Guntiar in that of the Kistna River. These four dis-
tricts include some hilly country, but most of the land is a relatively
flat and fertile area with rice cultivation interspersed with villages
and gardens. 'flie southernmost district, Nellore, is largely low,
flat, and barren, with only a few small, poor villages. In the east,
however, there are some fairly fertile irrigated areas, and in the
west are a few patches of productive black soil.
The interior plateau is an eastward-sloping tableland that in-
cludes the districts of Kurnool, Cuddapah, Chittoor, Anantapur,
and Bellary. To the west are the Western Ghats, which rise to
elevations of 3,000 feet. The Eastern Ghats form the eastern bound-
ary. The region between is almost uniformly poor farm country,
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with large expanses of wasteland. Chitoor, the southernmost of the
interior districts, however, is transitional in character between
coastal plain and interior plateau.
Practically all of Andhra is deficient in rainfall, but in general
the amount received annually decreases from east to west. Most of
the rain falls during the southwest or summer monsoon, but along
the coast of the Bay of Bengal some rain generally accompanies the
northeast monsoon, which begins in October. Reliance cannot be
placed on either monsoon. The date of onset may be delayed, the
monsoon may end too early for successful crop production, or it
may fail completely -- sometimes for several years in succession.
The coastal region has a higher annual rainfall than the interior
plateau, averaging about 36 inches but varying considerably from
place to place. The southwestern monsoon brings more rain to the
western part of the coastal region, where the land is somewhat
higher; the northeastern monsoon, on the other hand, brings more
rain to the land near the coast, especially in the south. If the north-
east monsoon is favorable, it may reduce somewhat the famine
hazard after the failure of the southwest monsoon. Most of the crops,
however, are raised during a 65-day period in June, July, and Au-
gust, the period of heaviest rainfall from the southwest monsoon.
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Although the total rainfall is low in view of the high temperatures,
which range from an average winter minimum of 64?-79?F to an
average summer maximum between 86? and 99?F, the coastal region
is less subject to famine than the interior plateau because of the
availability of irrigation water.
All of the interior plateau is subject to irregularly recurrent
droughts. The region, lying in the rain shadow of the higher Western
Ghats, receives less rainfall than the coastal region from the south-
west monsoon and, ecause of its inland location, receives practically
no rain from the northeast monsoon. The average annual precipitation
varies from 30 inches to ZO inches (in the extreme west). Although
droughts are most frequent in the extreme west, the entire inland
plateau comprised tie famine area of old Madras State. Although
the Godavari and Kistna Rivers rise in the rainier Western Ghats
and croas the plateau, they flow through deeply incised valleys and
their waters are not available for irrigation. Only the small patches
of water-retaining "black soil" are good farmland. The extensive
red soils are more subject to drought, and a year of crop production
is generally followed by two years of fallow. Temperatures are more
extreme than in the coastal plain, rising in summer to 110?F or even
higher.
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The coastal region has a considerably denser population
than the interior plateau, with the greatest density in the four delta
districts and the lowest in Nellore District. In general the greatest
increase in population is also occurring in the four agriculturally
productive delta districts, which form the stronghold of Communism
in Andhra. The mean decennial growth rate for the period 1941-
1951 was 15 percent for East Godavari, 14.7 percent for West
Goda-vari, 20.4 percent for Kistna, and 11.3 percent for Guntur.
Over the 50-year period ending in 1941, these districts together
had a 73 percent increase. During the 80 years from 1861 to 1941
the increase amounted to 275 percent. The current census indicates
that the high rate of increase is still continuing.
Before the opening of the first modern irrigation systems
during the period 1850-55, the Godavari-Kistna Delta was a famine
area; today it is a food exporter. As the food supply was increased
and regularized by irrigation, the population, land values, and total
wealth rose but the per capita wealth did not increase proportionally.
The rise in land values incident upon irrigation benefited only the
small landowning class. A large part of the population is made up
of landless laborers who are employed only 4 to 6 months of the
year and live at a bare subsistence level. Not only are these people
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unable to improve their lot by the purchase of land and houses, but
they are also socially ostracized and must live in special segre-
gated quarters. The British Government, Christian missionaries,
and the Congress Party Government have attempted to relieve the
lot of the landless but without marked success. In their discontent,
these laborers have turned towards the Communists.
The people of the interior plateau are even poorer than those
of the delta districts and are as strongly nationalistic. Neverthe-
less, the Communists have met with less success on the plateau --
possibly because the people know little about a better way of life,
because they are les politically conscious, or because Communist
efforts were less concentrated there. On the plateau, there is
little irrigation or possibility of irrigation that might reduce the
danger of crop failure, and famines recur frequently. Despite the
history of famine, trie poor soil, the gamble on the timely arrival
and conclusion of the southwest munsoon, and the general aridity
of the region, the population of the plateau is increasing, although
in most places at a lower rate than on the delta. Whereas the
population of the delta districts increased 73 percent between 1891
and 1941, that of the plateau increased only 28 percent. During
the next 10 years the increase amounted to 6.5 percent for Kurnool,
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9.5 percent for Cuddapah, and 15.5 percent for Anantapur. The
abnormally large increase for Anantapur cannot be explained on the
basis of any increase of wealth or opportunity; apparently the people
ignore the history of famines. Anantapur is the district of Andhra
most subject to famine.
In both the coastal region and the interior plateau of Andhra, the
pressure of population on the land is heavy and is increasing. The
result has been the widespread poverty and discontent that breed
Communism. Any improvement in this situation must involve both
the people and the land, but it will vary from place to place in rela-
tion to the climate, terrain, and availability of water for irrigation.
The experience of the coastal plain indicates that increased agricul-
tural production and total wealth do not necessarily increase the per
capita wealth or raise the standard of living of the masses of the
people. Nevertheless, increased food production through the use
of improved agricultural practices adapted to local conditions is
essential to ward off famine.
B. The Selection of the Capital
When the Andhra problem began to boil in 1952, it was
assumed that the question of the location of the new capital would be
the biggest stumbling block to agreement on the setting up of the new
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state. The announcement of December 19 52 creating the state
expressly excluded Madras City from Andhra. A month later,
however, that city was still considered as a possible temporary
capital of Andhra. It was then and still is the capital of Madras
State. In April 195, the Government of India rejected the pro-
posal that Madras be made the capital of Andhra for a 3- to 5-
year period on grounds that establishment of the permanent
capital at the time the state was created would "facilitate full
integration and progress." There was a widespread demand for
rejection of the Government's counter-concession, which allowed
Andhra State to be administered from Madras City until transfer
arrangements could be completed and allowed the Madras High
Court to continue to function as the joint High Court for both states
until a decision had been taken by the Andhra Legislature regarding
a permanent capital. In April 19B3, Tamil leaders voiced the fear
that clear-cut separation of Madras City from Andhra would result
in progressive decline in the importance of the city.
At present Kurnool is serving as the interim capital of Andhra,
having gained this status at a meeting on 5 June 1953. The choice
of a capital lay between Kurnool 'Town in Kurnool District and
Vijayavada in Kistna District, the latter being demanded by the
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Communists, who are reported to have control over the peasants
in approximately 50 villages around Vijayava-da-. In Kistna District,
of which Vijayava-da- is the administrative headquarters, the Com-
munists captured 10 out of 12 assembly seats in the general election.
In sharp contrast, the Communists do not have much influence in
Kurnool District, having captured but 1 out 8 assembly seats.
Recently, however, disgruntled members of the Congress and Praja
Socialist Parties have indicated they would favor Waltair in
Visakhapatnam District in the event the choice of a capital were recon-
sidered. In Visa-kha-patnam District the Communist Party received
only 2 out of 14 assembly seats, the Congress Party none, the
Krishikar Lok Party 5, and the Socialist Party 4. In any case, the
choice of Vijayava-da- seems unlikely.
Kurnool was obviously chosen to avoid selecting a Communist
stronghold as capital. A local humorist (or realist) summed up the
selection when he said:
Kurnool
Is not particularly cool,
But it enjoys the advantage, it is said,
Of not being particularly red.
The selection of Kurnool came about as a result of an under-
standing among the Congress, Praja Socialist, and Krishikar Lok
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Parties. Not all members of the .former two parties, however,
were in favor of Kurnool. Apparently a little persuasion in the
form of threats of party disciplinary action was required to get
dissidents into line. On a secret ballot, Kurnool Town might well
have been rejected as the capital.
The leaders of the Congress and Praja Socialist Parties were
able to muster the following additional arguments for Kurnool Town
as capital:
(1) The people of the 5 districts on the interior plateau, known
collectively as Ray ilaseema, are anxious to have the capital located
within their area in accordance with the Sri 13a.gli Pact.*
(2.) Kurnool, ocat(d only I bU miles from the city of HyderaThad
and only I mite from the Hyderaba-d State border, might serve as
a stepping stone to attaining a "Greater Andhra," which would
include Telugu districts from Hyderaiia-d, Mysore, and the residual
part of Madras State.
(3) T he locatLon of the capital in Rayalaseema would help
*The districts included in Rayalaseerna are i3ellary, Anantapur,
Cuddapah, Kurnool, and Chittoo:. According to the Sri Bagh Pact
of November 1937, the Congress Party, to gain the support of the
Rayalaseemite leaders, gave them the right to establish either the
Capital or High Court of Andhra within Rayalaseema.
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the future administration to concentrate on development projects
in an essentially backward area.
(4) Vacant land, totaling 4,000 to 5,000 acres, is available
around Kurnool Town as a capital site.
(5) The water supply of Kurnool is better than that of other
cities of Andhra.
The selection of Kurnool was actually a politically expedient
choice. It is uncomfortably hot, having a mean maximum tempera-
ture of 112?F for the three hottest months. During this period the
people suffer acutely from a shortage of drinking water, the water
system having been designed for a population of 26,000 instead of
the 60,000 population of today. Living costs are abnormally high,
higher than in Madras City, and the city has a housing shortage.
It is also subject to inundation when the Tungabhadra and Handri
Rivers are simultaneously in flood -- as in 1851, 1916, 1949, and
1952.
C. The Bellary District Issue
Bellary Taluk in Bellary District is a good example of what
can happen when Andhra people are left outside the linguistic state.
Bellary District was partitioned, leaving only 3 out of 10 taluks to
Andhra. The disposition of a fourth taluk, Bellary, was disputed
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between the Kannadigas (Kanarese-speaking peoples) and the
Andhrans. An incuiry conducted by the Government of India
recommended that Bellary Taluk be awarded to Mysore State.
In mid-June, mob violence and looting broke out, and Kannadigas
were assaulted. A week later, violence shifted to the communica-
tion network; a train was delayed and telegraph and telephone wires
were cut. Finally, a resolution urging a plebiscite was adopted by
the agitators. Ironically, the Andhrans in Bellary Taluk who de-
manded inclusion within Andhra are outnumbered two to one by the
Kanarese-speaking group and are barely equal in number to all the
other linguistic groups together.
A problem also arises regarding the disposal of the part of
Bellary District not included in Andhra. This residue is cut off
from the truncated Madras State by the main body of Andhra but is
adjacent to Mysore. Indications are that residual Bellary District
became part of Mysore on 1 October 1953.
D. The Chitt:)or District Issue.
Chittoor District is a bilingual problem area completely
enclosed within the boundary of Andhra. Here the Tamil-speaking
people in the 6 southern taluks are protesting against inclusion
within Andhra. The Tamil-Nadu North Boundary Protection
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proposed Andhra State will be composed of
fo owir4 eleven districts: Srikekulam y.
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Anantapur, addapah,Adt.06, ogigi Ch,ttoor. Bellary
district will be. alvided between Andhra and Mysore
stares along linguistic lines.
BOMBAY
1. AMRELI
HYDERABAD
2. SECUNDERABAD
AREAS*t
MADHYA BHARAT
3. GIRD
SOUTH
PATIALA AND EAST PUNJAB STATES
6. FATEHGARH
7. KAPURTHALA
8. MOHINDERGARH
9. PATIALA _
10. KANDAGHAT
UTTAR PRADESH
12. LUCKNOW
WEST BENGAL
13. CALCUTTA*
State(Rajpramukh's State)
State (Centrally administered state)
State* (Centrally administered state)
PAKISTAN
STATES
14. AMB
15. PHULRA
BALUCHISTAN PROVINCE
16. BOLAN PASS
17. KOHLU
18. NASTRABAD
NORTH-WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE
19. PESHAWAR
* Municipal area that does not necessarily have true district status
t Enact limits unknown
**Administrative center of Punjab and Himachal Pradesh
'States specified in Parts A, 8, C, and D of the
First Schedule of the Constitution of India
State or tribal area under Ministry
of States and Frontier Regions or
special provincial administration
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Committee was formed to prevent such inclusion and to agitate for
the creation of a Tamil-speaking state. Disturbances in the district
followed the usual pattern -- train stopping and telephone-telegraph
tampering. (RESTRICTED)
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INDIAN RAILWAY DEVELOPMENTS
The Government of India is steadily furthering the development
of the nation's railroad system to meet the economic needs of the
people. Progress on some current construction and proposals for
future projects in the different railway zones have been described
in several recent press reports.
In the Western Railway Zone of India, a traffic survey will be
conducted prior to the construction of a meter-gauge (3'3-3/8")
rail line extending southward from Raniwgra to Bhiladi. The pro-
posed line will be 43. 6 miles in length and connect the Kandla-Deesa
line with Riniwira, the present terminus of a meter-gauge line ex-
tending northward in western Ra-jasth-an. Completion of this line
will reduce materially the rail distance from western and central
Rijasthan and the southern Punjab to Kandla, the new Indian port on
the peninsula of Kutch.
Business communities in the same zone are also in favor of a
new broad-gauge (5'6") link that would join the state of Saurishtra
with the Gujarit area of northern Bombay State and parts of central
India. The question of connecting Saurishtra with other parts of
India by a broad-gauge rail line has been before the Indian Govern-
ment for more than 6 decades. In the past the conflicting interests
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of the ruling chiefs of Saurashtra prevented any such construction.
This obstacle, however, has been removed by the integration of the
princely states, which has taken place since India was granted
independence. The current proposal calls specifically for a broad-
gauge line between the port city of Bhavnagar on the Gulf of Cambay
and the station Tarapur in the Gujarat area. At present Saurashtra
is connected with other parts of the country by only two lines of
meter gauge, and the most economic utilization of ports in
Saura-shtra by the people of the Gujarat area is therefore not poss-
ible. The construction of a new line would radically alter the
present railway freight pattern. The rail distance between Bhavnagar
and Anand, which is centrally located in the Gujarat area, would be
reduced by 106 miles, and Ahmedabad would be about 168 miles
nearer to the port Bhavnagar than to its present outlet, Bombay.
Consequently, it would be far more economical for the business
community of Gujarat to shift its export-import trade from Bombay
to Bhavnagar. Another alteration in the rail traffic pattern would
involve the movement of material between Saurashtra and north-
central India. For example, as a result of poor rail connections
from Saurashtra, salt needed in north-central India is now shipped
by sea around India to Calcutta and is then transported west again
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by rail to Allahabid, Ka.npur, and even Agra. The proposed link
would eliminate the need for such circuitous routing and permit
direct rail shipment to the consuming areas.
In the Northern Railway Zone a line is to be extended from
Manir5.m on the Gorakhpur -Nautanwa branch line through the forest
areas of the Terai that parallel the Nepal border to a point near the
border. This line will link the neglected interior of Maharajgunj
Subdivision of Gorakhpur District with the district headquarters
and provide better facilities for movement of rice, forest produce,
and spices which grow in abundance in the Terai lands.
In the Central Railway Zone, it is expected that work will be
started by the end of 1953 on the construction of a broad-gauge
line between Indore and Maksi, via Dewas, which will connect with
the existing Maksi-Bhopal broad-gauge line. It has not as yet been
decided whether the line should follow a direct route from Dews
to Maksi or a longer route via Ujjain.
In the Eastern Railway Zone the restoration of the Bhagalpur-
Mandar Hill line is in progress and is scheduled for completion by
the end of 1953. Work has also been started on the new Madhepura-
Murliganj line in the Northeastern Railway Zone, but it will probably
not be completed until the end of 1954.
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Two recent reports note new developments in the Southern
Railway Zone. The first concerns the proposed construction of a
line between the village of Tellicherry on the west coast of India
and the city of Mysore. This rail link would give Mysore direct
access to the coastal railroad that extends from Mangalore to
Cochin. The second report indicates that the Madura-Usilampatti
section of the Madura-Bodinayakkanur rail link, which was dis-
mantled during World War II and which has been in the process of
restoration, is scheduled to be reopened for traffic in September
1953. (UNCLASSIFIED)
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CURRENT SITUATION ALONG THE NORTHERN
BURMA-INDIA BORDER
Border incidents and the growing threat of Communism have
focused attention on the largely undemarcated and indefinite northern
section of the Burma-India boundary. In March and April 1953, the
Prime Ministers of India and Burma met in this area for a series of
conferences whose purpose was to dramatize to the primitive Naga
tribespeople of this remote frontier area the interest of the Burmese
and Indian Governments in their welfare, including the stopping of
headhunting and pillaging in some Naga villages. A latent yet potent
political force is the Chinese Communist territorial claim to all North
Burma, which has undoubtedly influenced Burmese and Indian officials
in the formulation of their recent courses of action in the frontier zone.
(See accompanying map, CIA 12868.)
The areas inhabited by the Nagas coincide roughly with the unde-
fined and undemarcated sections of the boundary. From approximately
25?33'N-94?55'E to about 26?48'N-95?30'E the boundary has not yet
been demarcated, and from 27?11'N-95?57E to roughly 27?051N-
970101E it has not even been defined. Many maps show no line for
this latter section. If shown, the boundary commonly is drawn along
the watershed between the Chindwin and Brahmaputra Rivers. The
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entire course of the boundary runs through heavily forested mountains
with elevations ranging from 7,000 to 12,000 feet above sea level.
The Nagas are the most important and numerous of several ethnic
groups inhabiting the border area. In Burma, they number about
76,000 and are considered the most primitive Burmese minority group.
About 500,000 somewhat more civilized Nagas inhabit the Indian side
of the boundary. Because of the remoteness of the border area, the
difficult terrain, and the almost complete lack of transportation facili-
ties, many of the Nagas in both India and Burma have remained outside
of effective administration. In 1951, only about half of the Burmese
Nagas were in administered areas. During a border incident that
year, a party of headhunting Burmese Nagas crossed into India and
took some 93 utrophies.'1 This raid spurred both governments into
action to subdue and administer recalcitrant Naga villages. Military
action in early 1953 resulted in the extension of control over most
Naga-inhabited areas. Along the undefined section of the boundary,
some Naga groups are still not under effective administration. During
the 1954 dry season, the Burmese and Indian Governments reportedly
are planning to send out a joint expedition to bring under control these
last unadministered areas.
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When all of the Naga tribal areas have been brought under admini-
stration, negotiations leading to the demarcation and definition of the
indefinite section of the Burma-India boundary may be expected. De-
marcation of the boundary reportedly is under consideration by the
Government of India, but no official announcement regarding future
plans has been made.
Several aspects of the current situation could be exploited by the
Chinese Communists. For some time, they have been actively indoc-
trinating minority groups with Communism.' Although their efforts
have thus far been confined to China, they may attempt to exploit the
minority groups in northern Burma, particularly since Communist
China claims the area. A small group of Nagas in the Kohima area of
India are pressing for an independent ' 'Nagaland. " Although the exact
relation between this independence movement and the Communists is
not clear, the situation could very well be exploited by the Communists.
In view of these conditions, consolidation of administrative control,
promotion of a program designed to improve the welfare of the Nagas,
and demarcation of the frontier would strengthen the positions of the
Burmese and Indian Governments against any future subversive politi-
cal activities by the Chinese Communists. (RESTRICTED)
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N'73 Ledo0 '4
Lite?
-5-
Charduar
? 0 Lmopera
Bro""
Rangia 0
CHINA-BURMA-INDIA
BOUNDARY PROBLEMS
Mrdete
Approximate location
of Naga tribes.
Area unadministered
April 1953
4.0 80 120 Miles
40 80 120 Kilometers
inurfoyff./ /669/8..,/1311 .
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ECONOMIC MAP OF FRANCE
France Economique , 1:1,040,000, published by Fernand Nathan,
/19517, is a poster-style, highly generalized map that portrays on
one sheet the overlapping features of the varied economy of France
(CIA Map Library Call No. 81952). Although the map is useful for
regional differentiation and is the best map available for purposes
of briefing, it has several serious failings and should not be used
as a source for specific locations. The most serious fault is the
lack of uniformity in the detail presented for various parts of the
country. For an industrial area, only the most important compo-
nents of the economy are indicated, whereas relatively insignificant
items are shown for less well developed areas. Similarly, types
of information given for some areas are completely omitted for
others. For these reasons, the map should be supplemented by
other materials that give more details for the various regions shown.
The map distinguishes six incommensurable categories of land-
use areas: valuable cultivated land, poor cultivated land, fruit and
market-gardening areas, grazing lands, vineyards, and forests.
Both major and minor products of each area are named. For the
fertile Paris Basin, for example, flax, rape, hops, chicory, cattle,
and horses are indicated in addition to the primary crops of wheat
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and sugar beets. A surprisingly large number of specialty crops,
such as flowers for the perfume industry in the vicinity of Nice, are
also located.
The general location of coal basins, bauxite and iron mines,
petroleum deposits and refineries, rock salt deposits, and hydro-
electric and thermoelectric powerplants is accurate. Although some
mineral deposits are omitted, the map locates a petroleum deposit
and refinery near St. Marcet that earlier maps fail to show.
Town and industrial regions are located and defined as to area.
Fishing ports and commercial ports are differentiated, and types of
imports and exports are listed. (UNCLASSIFIED)
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TWO NEW PROVINCES IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
In 1952, the Dominican Republic created two new first-order
administrative divisions -- the provincias of Salcedo and SSnchez
Rami'rez. For purposes of the general elections of 16 May 1952,
these territorial reforms became effective as of 8 March 1952; for
all other purposes, 16 August 1952 was the effective date. Provincia
Salcedo was formed by combining the comunes of Salcedo and Tenares
from Provincia Espaillat and the seccidn of La Jagua from Provincia
La Vega. La Jagua was elevated to the status of a distrito municipal,
and the town of Salcedo was designated the capital of the Provincia.
Provincia SSrichez Rax-ni'rez was formed from the comdn of Cotui and
the distrito municipal of Cevicos, both formerly in Provincia Duarte,
and the seccidn of La Pina, of Provincia La Vega. The distrito munici-
pal of Cevicos became a corridn; the seccidn of La Pina was raised to
the status of a distrito municipal under the new name of Fantino; and
Cotui became the capital of the Provincia.
The law creating the two new provincias also elevated various
secciones in other parts of the Republic to distritos municipales and
various distritos municipales to comunes. Thus, as of 16 August 1952,
the Dominican Republic consisted of the Distrito de Santo Domingo, 22
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provincias, 69 comunes, 15 distritos municipales, and approximately
1,600 secciones. (UNCLASSIFIED)
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