PROPOSED JOINT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE OVERSIGHT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79-00957A000100070010-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 5
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 11, 2006
• Sequence Number: 10
• Publication Date: December 11, 1974
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved For Release2oprio2a4 rCiA-RIDP79-0095 010007001
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21066 ONiG*Sg:14:*- RECORD ?SENATE December 11, 1974
6f-66.411 Qcoril miicia'n, 1971, pages V--2
*Pfitatien of military retired pay Is
ptediated.-ftepreSentatives Pfebert'aild
Wfiling- to alloW the normal proc-
democracy to work.'
'ur_ng :the Past Ai years, rendealioteU to
have l a Mifitary `recomPlitaion bill enacted,
.sta.ting,iiiY. belief that the-nierifberi-ef CCM=
zieSS'-Weitid vote overWheinfinglY
,The $efiate paSSed such relishithiri.Twiee-hY
OlierWhelibIng Votes. ft was said
ha itepre-
tve Hebert' Oid:Stragen 131(40;
em-
brs of the 'irtoiio, 61: Representativeslrofh
._?
Vering on its Merits.
i':,TReeently, on AprIl 2-, 1914; these gentle-
charged Rep. Le Aiptif "With-itSing-Oh-
struetive taeties.,te 'Wick lienSe 7,67040i-47
tien of a_174.4 to.,re.frise .the ,t#peeial,pay ,struc-
ture relating 'to medial Offieera of thealined'
services. Co 1mg on . es. Itll that
the flouSe. re.,solfi ltielf_I-41O COMmittee
of the , p e, House, on 44,e,5tat pf., the
Union for Consideration, ,
Mr. Hebert said,.
? ".The gentleman "from Wisconsin (Mr. As-
Pin) . . attempted to block the House from
CPneicleration of.thia
did
chance " to yOte this, legislation . and-
net...dive the Member's a Chaffee to vote..
I -am asking that the rule be adopted to give
the Mernhecaan epportnnity, to express
thernagyes by voting, up Of down; r. Whichever
Way they deeire" . . in order that the Mem-
bers may have an opportunity to discuss this
bill in detail, make_ up their own minds, and
then , vote whichever way they desire" (page
0,2, 415, Congressional Record, April 2, 1974);
(emplaaSis added).
OtrattOii_Sag:
"I siip1y want to .second What the Chair-
-- Mali 'thi-Atnii0i 'SerifeeS KO. said: We, have
before us. in thiS EDW.etoday, I think, a
rather ,,surPrieirig_and shock in_g attempt to
'041-mine the- n.effinil. processes of democ-
racy shiftily "heeatise one, iiierObcr- of the,
. cerrunittee does not _happen to like every-
? thing that is in the hill. I :think those of us
WhO- have, been here, few, years hneW that
the. legislative -process is a compromise. Prob-
ably none of us ever_ likes everything that is
? in a, bill, but We allow the legislative process
to function; we allow the_gotise to,worlt. lts
,and, that,is,preasely what we are pro-
posing here" (pages 112415-2416) (emphasis
aOdeti) .
the .was, adopted, Mr: Mink
rose again and said: _
',merely rise to reexpress what I said
briefly Under the rule, We now have the op-
portunity to vote up or gown on these
changes that have been made to the
bill. . . This Is the opportunity to offer
any amendmentMenibers desire to strike
or to add to the bill Anything they care to
add. I shall ,accept that as the will of the
House. That wee, one, thing I was fighting
,,,,,rt. against-
e2 efforts
ilp-t
trP44Q9140 prevent ti
1 4191 (enhs
IS g'64c'k Ythathi
glihedieit979eilerlg0ffltSe
'P
?
e
,P,l5' P.,c1?t4,P,,. q.;q..4.. to express
-, 'pr..ess
t hcem_, s_e.
l
On P il?glFglr, ,l,
-40e,(1) they say. and,e
,
puld 5,a a .?,W4cjAa Pu
?.wl ll?
f" t to
'75tia-- -IV' A,t processes of dern.ocra
fi--$2vear. ,.Y.,:gklq-,-.6-..iii.--ob...?4,43:._Par 02:
. ?: lic#110.,C,10 -Egg Tdrenosed, (P.
-t.s ki..X-0,7,,91Yirfiz-iiid -A they
t4)4)-:"P 'Lle--- -Jo work itsto' tierni t the _ ensp,_ ...,_,,.
- --t,??th.lr.....-Atgei
' . f -Oh vote as .!,W .9 - -
P-413 ?14'
li' a
i P.
kt7P-PverWheinain vote. .
and 1,489?A
by Rep. f?13.: 7911t- -f ? ?
- 14,? ' ? -'- - ii.,re ,identi
gentleman
wo distin-
ocally that
_have an.
andd, vote
agree, it
ndermine
to block
simply
t hap_pen
omputa-
willing
1 by dis-
d to ac-
'Use, (3)
il pass
ioduced
to the
Hartke one-shot recomputation amendment
Which passed the Senate twice but was scut-
in a-j-oint House-Senate Conference com-
mittee. The Wilson and Hartice measures
have no 'proviSii,en granting re3omputation
to a pre-1949-diaability retiree, not under the
CCA, who, for exannile, was rai;eil 20% ad-
ministratively b persons Who didn't even
see the retiree, -t:,nd *hose acts al degree of
disability may b SO% or more. And these
bills refer to the percentage of disability as
"finally determined . . . at the time of that
determination,"- Which' Would :Drechicle, re-
c6fnynitallori baged'en-aetual degree of dis-
ability, thus depriving over 30,000 pre-1949
disability- retirees of any recomputatithr. -
The arbitrary Hoff ex-parte disabilitY-per-
centages -adniinktrativ-ely assigned aft-el-re-
themene:withou seeing the retirees, "-rife UK-
real. Many who were Ssigned a 20% rating
had greater disaillitiei than some who- were
rated 70%;
Alth ugh ratics are supposee to be --base
oil' the same VA eichedtde of ratings, different
doctors assign difierent ratings to the same
individual.giiairi;;1ei of some of the arbitrary
ratings: Sergeant Charles A. Braga, Jr. (U.S.
CiMrt of -Claims Yo. 97-65, 6-9-97), and Cap..
'taM Bernard G. Rieth (Army Times, April
1972)-, descifbeci On pages 17247-17246,
17260, HASC 92 -78, (Hearings before the
Stratton subbommitteel.
Military disabilty retirees should be pro-
tected from the ranges of inflation and al-
lowed to enjoy the fruit of their labor which
Congress ordained in thanks for having dedi-
ca,ted their lives ex) service of OU:7 Nation and
are due the benefits earned in that service.
r mctusrpil
Senator Hartke's amendment No. 494 (Title
VIII, HR 9286) regarding recomputation of
military retired pay, should be improved as
In Section 802, lines 17 and 18, the words
"in accordance wiih Section 411 of the Career
Compensation A-1, of 1949 (63 Stat. 823)"
Should he deleted.
In Section 802, line 22, after the word "to,"
the following words should be Inserted: "be
examined by ths Veterans Administration
which shall fix a percentage of disability un-
der the standard schedules of rating disabil-
ities in use by tie Veterans Administration,
and".
The FY 1975 cwt would be about $85 mil-
lion.
The South VieLnamese budget calls for a
$85 million contribution from the U.S., for
construction of a fertilizer plant (Congres-
sional Record, October 1, 1974, Senator Aiken,
page S 17931). As of June 30, 1974, there
was about $4.6 billion in the U.S. foreign aid
pipeline (same flongressional Record date,
Senator Fulbrigb 1,, page S 17934).
Purpose: eradi, ate present and avoid fu-
ture discriminat on against pre 1949 dis-
? ability retirees wile) were retired under then
existing law on the ground that their dis-
abilities are pern.anent in nature, sustained
,
lid of a severity which pre-
vented them frsin continuing to perform
active duty. No diLability percentage was then
assigned.
Respectfully submitted.
D. GEORGE PASTON.
PROPOSED JOINT COMMITTEE ON
INTELLIG',NCE OVERSIGHT
Mr: WEICKET-t. Mr. President, on De-
cexnber 10, I offt..red testimony before the
Senate Government Operations Subcom-
mittee on Intergovernmental Relations
outlining the :(reed to create a Joint
Committee on Intelligence Oversight.
I ask unanimous consent that the ftla
text of my remarks be printed in the
ApproV
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TESTIMONY BY SENATOR LOWELL WEIGHER
Watergate has dramatically detailed the
dangers to democracy posed by secret intel-
ligence and law enforcement agencies when,
unaccountable and unchecked, their re-
sources, mitlin-ds and personnel are recruited
to the "dirty tricks" detail of the American
political process.
',The -Watergate scandal was a_warning of
a sinister potential for domestic meddling
by secret agencies that cannot be left as
unfinished business.
or too many years, the American. Intel-
14enee community has taken t13.i_CMigress
-6"ftlie- tinned States for granted; has treated
our citizenry more like an audience than as
partiapants in government.
"Fortimately, we have surVived, -mil _period
Of 'besmirched constitutional r1,g4Ss. But
With-Tiolhanks to established oversight sys-
:terns. Neither can these abuses im,dIsnosseci
as isolated instances of individual excesses.
Not an agency but agencies plural were in-
volved. Not one misstep but a trampling of
Constitutional democracy.
The lesson is that accountability cannot
be assured without Meaningful congressional
oversight?oversight that has constancy,
purpose and legislative power.
By their very natures, law enforcement
and intelligence are in direct conflict with
democratic concepts and ideals. I do not
argue for their elimination; their mission
argues most convincingly for supervision by
the democracy.
Yet of' all government activities, including
those of the military, the doings of the fed-
eral law enforcement/intelligence commu-
nity go unnoticed and unchallenged to the
greatest degree.
HUD or HEW can't overthrow democratic
concepts. The FBI, CIA, etc. have. Once
shame on you, twice shame on me.
It is the duty of Congress, not the option
in a democracy, to police the vast American
intelligence setup. It is the duty, not the
option, of Congress to establish a structure
of legislative activities. It won't wash for
Congress to complain that it was not in-
formed of some nefarious action when Con-
gress has permitted itself to remain ignorant
or passive when knowledgeable.
We can no longer tolerate "briefing sys-
tems" in which agency spokesmen tell a select
few in Congress what they feel like telling
them.
We can no longer tolerate pallid agency
disclaimers on covert operations.
We can no longer tolerate an Executive
Branch monopoly on law enforcement and
secret intelligence which negates any Con-
gressional role in policy formulation.
We can no longer tolerate the unchecked
and unaccountable spending of taxpayer's
dollars to fund giant intelligence bureaucra-
cies. (According to estimated figures, the
U.S. intelligence community employs 150,000
personnel on an annual budget of $6.2
billion).
(In May of 1973 Richard Crossman, a
Labour M.P. wrote:)
THE WARTIME _ TACTICS THAT LED TO
WATERGATE
I do not know which is sillier?to go on
trying to pretend that Mr. Nixon is an Amer-
ican Macmillan in trouble with a clutch of
Profumos, or to sit in judgment on him for
defiling the purity of American machine pol-
itics. Mr. Peter Jenkins was right to re-
mind us in The Guardian on Monday that
Mr. Nixon has conducted some of the dirt-
iest election campaigns in recent history.
But that is not the real trouble. What
Watergate let off was an explosion of disillu-
sionment with the American_ government
so.,51 all it stands for, which has, been _boil-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE S 21067
alcember 11, 1974
;ing up ever since -Vietnam began VS go fidence is far easier betwS en two birds of a Plumbers, General Robert V. Cushman, the
Wrong. ' ' - feather such as Nixon and Brezlinev than if Deputy Director and now Marine Corps Com-
have :jug come- across a remark by by some freak of fortune a genuine Liberal mandant, immediately complied. Later, when
Ilea Sheehan; of the New Yoric Times, got in.to the White House the Watergate prosecution, requested a state-
the matter. He made it when the Pentagon "worst ha,ppens and t
Papers first came into his newspaper office affair does irreparable damage to the inner
end he had to read them through. "My remembering that the 1 silted States was
created by free men. who -ejected the dicta-
torship and power politics of the Old World.
It remained a wonderful pace, so long as it
was selfishly dedicated to i's neutralist ideals
and had to be dragged into war in defense of
freedom. Since 1945, an attempt has been
made to reshape this isolationist demociacy
as a superpower capable oi replacing the Fax
Britannica by the Pax .A mericana. In, the
early years of the Marshal- Plan, the attempt
seemed to be succeeding. But since then It
has failed because the io id of centralized
bureaucracy and secret departments required
by the government of a superpower are in-
compatible not only wi i.h the American
Constitution but also la ith the American
tradition of freedom. A Communist super-
power makes sense beam- e Communism is a
totalitary creed. The leeson of Vietnam '
and now of Watergate is that an Amelecan
superpower is a contradietion in terms.
If public feeling is stroi ig enough to cause
a liberal purge in Washirn ton, we can be sure
that Nixon's successor wi -I turn his back on.
Europe as well as on Asia And a good thing,
too. In his first reaction to Watergate, Mr.
Heath on Monday gave as a vision of the
United States and the European Community
as "twin pillars of a revivified and invigo-
rated Atlantic alliance". wonder. Since the
Russians will be concerned with the Chinese
threat for the next 20 years, there has ceased
to be a military threat to Europe and the
case, therefore, for an As Witte alliance- and
an American army in Germany has disap-
peared. Even if it had r et, I would rather
see a liberal America returning to its neutral
tradition than a continuence of the effort to
transform the Republic- into militaiized
superstate.
which seems to me to get near the heart of Nevertheless, I persona ly hope that the ment from Cushman, then Deputy Director
William Colby told him to clear it with
Ehrlichman, and Cushman complied with
Ehrlichman's demand that his name be
dropped from the formal affidavit.
Finally when H. R. Haldeman, on Nixon's
instructions, ordered Cushman's successor,
General Vernon D. Walters, to divert the
FBI investigation of Watergate, Walters
promptly did so. And Helms, who attended
the meeting, with full knowledge that the
CIA would not be compromised by an in-
vestigation, offered no opposition.
The Watergate inquiry was thus put off
the track for a critical two weeks in its
crucial opening stage. And only when Acting
FBI Director Patrick Gray demanded that
Walters put it all in writing did the CIA
at last formally withdraw its. original re-
quest for a diversion of the investigation and
admit that it was completely uninvolved.
As the transcript of a pertinent conver-
sation between Nixon and Haldeman shows,
the President decided to bring the CIA into
the cover-up with the full expectation that
it would go along.
Do we need to be reminded that the
burglars who broke into Democratic Na-
tional Headquarters at Watergate had CIA
backgrounds, and one, Eugenio Martinez,
was still on the CIA payroll at a $100 a
month retainer? Have we forgotten that one
of its former clandestine operatives, E. How-
ard Hunt, was provided with equipment used
in the break-in of the offices of Ellsberg's
psychiatrist.
Have we already dismissed the fact that
a President created his own secret police
force?the Plumbers and their assorted aco-
lytes?to conduct covert operations against
domestic "enemies"?real and imagined.
The intelligence files of the Justice De-
partment's Internal Security Division were
routinely shipped to the Committee to Re-
elect the President,
The Secret Service, which taped the phone
of the President's brother, F. Donald Nixon,
also was recruited to submit "intelligence"
information on political candidates they al-
legedly were assigned to protect.
Mail sent to an affiliate of the Democratic
Party was opened and photographed by the
U.S. Army and military sleuths spied on the
Concerned Americans in Berlin, a group of
McGovern supporters who were officially
recognized by the Democratic Party.
The Internal Revenue Service became a
lending library for the White House, turning
over confidential tax files on so-called
"enemies". Its ultra-secret Special Services
Section collected information on ideological
organization. This was not tax collection.
It was the conversion of the IRS into a
spy and harassment agency.
I will spare you a recitation of the latest
FBI embroglio. I am sure you are all familiar
with "Cointelpro" which, by the FBI's own
admission, involved "isolated instances of
practices that can only be considered abhor-
rent in a free society.
All of the above, however, enunciates the
need for tight and total congressional over-
sight of all snoop shops, real or potential.
More judgements are not involved here;
Constitutional ?judgments are. No Constitu-
tion directs the United States to intervene in
the domestic affairs of other nations or gives
its intelligence agencies the right to spy at
home.
Instead, I raise the point that covert mili-
tary operations are unconstitutional. The
Constitution vests the war power in the
Congress. And while the President has a
constitutional responsibility to protect na-
tional security, this does not encompass the
waging of undeclared wars against foreigners
abroad or American citizens at home.
main, impression," he observed, 'was that
the government of the United States was
not what I thought it was; it was as if here
were an inner United States Government, a
centralized State, far more powerful than
anything else, for whom the enemy is not
simply the Communists but everything else,
its own press, its own judiciary, its own Con-
gress . . . It does not function necessar-
ily for the benefit of the Republic, but rather
for its own ends, its own perpetuation; it
has its own codes, codes which are quite dif-
ferent from public codes. Secrecy is a way of
protecting itself, not so Much from threats
by foreign goveenments, but from detection
by its own population".
The inner government is, of course, a
necessary apparatus of total war; and the
best paid and most attractive of its depart-
ments are those which deal with covert op-
erations in which we British have always ex-
celled. Indeed, apart from the RAF success
at pioneering the firestorm which cooked
mop Hamburgers and 150,000 Dresdeners
alive while officialy claiming we were bomb-
ing military targets, subverSive operations
and black propaganda were the only aspects
of war at which we achieved a real pre-
eminence. We trained a small army ofgifted
amateurs for all the dirtiest tricks from ly-
ing, bugging, forging and embezzlement to
sheer murder?all, of course, in the cause of
preserving the democratic way of life. We
taught them hew to organize a black mar-
ket, how to win friends in order to betray
them, and how to persuade a stubborn pris-
oner to COMO clean With the vital informa-
tion he Posaeseed.
The Aniericans adored subversion, but they
were too heavy-handed and they never
learned from us to "play it as a game and
give it up when the war was MOT. Whereas
here? the secret departments withered away
harnilessly, in' America they multiplied and
found plenty of opportunity in Korea and
Vietnam, not to mention the Dominican
Republic and Guatemala. It was only a mat-
ter of time before the wartime experts were
being ernpIoyed by buainess flims and by
political parties against their rivals. As for
the inner central government In Washing-
ton, how could it fail to employ these tech-
niques against anyone who obstructed it
when the United States was engaged in a
cold war against the Communist enemy who
regularly used every kind of dirty trick?
So the politicians of both parties came to
rely on the authoritarian inner government
and the covert operators, and most of the
time they sit on top of it without being able
to control it. Watergate is the first time a
corner of the curtain of secrecy has been
jerked aside and ordinary Americans have
been able to see a little of what goes on be-
hind it. What effect would all this have on
Mr. -Nixon's peace offensives in Peking and
Meeeow? None whatsoever, provided ? only
that the President regains control: believe
Mr Brellanev felt- Mare at home with Mr.
Nixon than -with any other American he had
met becdttae" here at last was as man. of his
own kind, an appatatehik?a creature of a
-pinta-al' machine which in some feepects is
beginning to reseinble his awn Russian ap-
paratus of bureaucratic power.
Mr, Brezlinev' takes- for granted- that the
mai. in control of a nick:leis( State machine
will, of course; emPloy all the -Watergate
tecluainties Agabist Fila opponents. As for the
horrors of Vietnam,- there is nothing here?
Wept- ragtire-L'etO upset the mast who sent
the 4,11se1eal tanks In Prague. Mutual con-
'
s
From the 11-2 and the Bay of Pigs, through
the taint of Watergate, T. 0 the belated reve-
lation of successful effoets to "destabilize"
the Marxist government of Salvador All ande
in Chile, the CIA's covert capers have raised
the spectre of that agency's potential for
domestic s,hennanigans.
Victor Marchetti and ,iohn D. Marks, au-
thors of a recent .bestseller about the agency,
pointed out that Americans should be appre-
hensive. _
"Nurtured in the adversary setting of the
cold War," they wrote, "rhielded by secrecy,
and spurred on by patriotism that views dis-
sent as a threat to naa tonal security, the
clandestine operatives 01 the CIA have the
capability, the resources, he experience--and
the inclination?to ply their skills increas-
ingly on the domestic scene."
For in ways never contemplated, or com-
prehended by the Congress, the CIA has op-
erated domestically. These facts were
shrouded from the public and the Congress
at large. It did not bea one blatantly clear
that covert intelligence techniques had in-
vaded American politics until the Watergate
revelations.
The Watergate scandal exposed how willing
the CIA was to be used-- eit least at the out-
set?and how close the White House came to
turning the CIA and the FBI into a political
police force.
When Tom Charles 11- mton solicited sup-
port for Nixon's illegal intelligence plan. CIA
Director Richard Helms readily subscribed
to it.
When the White Howe demanded a psy-
chological profile of Daniel Ellsberg, a private
American citizen, the CIA produced it.
When John Ehrlichmeh sought technical
assistance for E. Howprd Hunt and the
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S 21068 CO241GRESSIAN41. RECORD ?SENATE Decentber 11 19'i4.!
During twenty-Ave years of Cold War
American existing intelligence agencies LIQ
only grew in size, but several new ?nee were
created. For example, the National Socueit
Agency was born by Executive Order hi iS52
end the Defense Intelligence Agency was
created by Department of Defense Directly
in 196h.
Let me erephasLess again that these tw
maaslve institutions liens crested by execii
tive fiat and not congressional statute.
The Executive Branch has at It. deposal
a massive Intelligence apparatus--the CIA
the FBI, the NSA and the DIA among others
The point of Watergate is tiat the Nixon
Administration simply used st home what
had been developed In slancies: lee operations
abroad.
U Congress remains blocked from access
to Information on the structure, operations
and product of the law enforcement intelli-
gence community, Its role in the democracy
will remain the role of reacticn rather than
action.
It is in this interest of strengthening this
Congressional responsibility that Senator
Baker and I have introduced legislation to
establish the Joint Committee on Intelligeuce
Oversight. ft is imperative thas the Congress
be armed with broad powers to authorize, in-
vestigate and legislate 'netters related to our
intelligence agencies, as well in the Intelli-
gent:1e activities of all other federal agencies
and departments.
/n this way we seek to consolidate the Con-
grestional intelligence oversight function le
one Joint Committee with sweeping powers
te hernand full and current accountability.
The Joint Committee would be composed
of fourteen members evenly deeded betv.ven
the Rouse and Senate, eleven by the leader-
ship. In order that this important Committee
remains independent and healtnly skeptical,
we would encourage the leade of both
Rouses to consider some form of rotating
membership for the Joint Conunittee.
The Joint Cornmitte would possess pri-
mary authorization and leglaiative juriadie-
tIon over an activities and operations of:
The Central Intelligence Agency.
The Federal Bureau of Investigstion.
The United States Secret Service.
The Defense Intelligence Arency.
The National Security Agency
as well as over all intelligence or earrelliance
activities or operations of any ,the r depert -
merit or agency of the federal government.
The bill clearly states the directors of tie
above-named agencies -shall keep the Joint
Committee fully and currently informed
with respect to all of the activities of their
respective organizations, and the heads of all
other departments and agencies of the Fed-
eral Government conducting intelligence
ks
tivit or operations or the surveillance of
persons shall keep the Joint Committee fulle
arid currently informed of all intelligence
and surveilleuice activities and operations
carried out by their respective departments
and agencies."
The Joint Committee may sequlre from
any department or agencf of the federal
government periodic written reports regard-
ing activities and operations within the
jurisdiction of the Joint Committee. To back
Up requests for the relevant informatiee, tIre
' Committee would have lull subpoena powers
Furthermore the legislation provides that.
"No funds may be appropristed for the
purpose of carrying out any Intelligence or
surveillance act or operation by any office.
or any department, or agency of the Federal
Government unless such funds for ouch
activity or operation have been specUlcally
authorized by legislation enacted after the
date of enactment of this act."
Therefore, the budgets of secret igenclee
Itke the CIA and NSA could not be hidden
In Defelige apprOpriation billet and no blame'
. ket authoriestione could be used to avoid the
t Coniziltteces scrutiny of intelligence agency
budgets.
SI While tee creation of the Joint Committee
would not deprive the current oversight
committees (Armen Services, Appropriations,
e Foreign Relations, etc.) of the opportunity to
exercise overedght over intelligence matters.
o related to the jUriedietion of theee commit-
tees, no legislation or no provision contained
in any legtelietien dealing with any matter
within the juried.ction of the Joint Com-
, mate@ can be considered by either House
. unless such legisietion has been reported by
the Joint Ceenniiittee or is a floor amendment
to Committee
And, given naeional security considera-
tions, the Joint Coeuzilttee would be empow-
ered to take any lend all precautions neces-
eery to maintain the Confidentiality of sensi-
tive information before in
Me. Chairman, let me add one anal note for
the record. The litany of abuses paints 4
sordid picture--a clear and convincing mes-
sage that uniese Cengress exercises its over-
sight responsibility, our Constitutional
ennoeracy 1, vulne:ab.e to continued sub.
version,
The subversion we have survived was not
the fault of those o ferworked members of the
four Congressional subcommittees respon-
sible for reelewite tire intelligence com-
munities operatime; and budgets. But, it
should be noted *hat none of these sub-
committees publishes reports of the hear-
ings they hold. The budgets are not made
public. but are Interrated into the budgets of
orher goverecnent departments,
The chart below Indictees the number of
meetings of recerd- -or paucity of meetings?
held annuany betsfeen the Director of the
CIA or high officiab of the CIA and members
of the special frubeornmillees. The chart,
compiled in September is based on records
of the subcommittee stela, with the excep-
tion of the figura' for the Senate Armed
asevioss subcom mit tee when the legislative
calendar was used through the year 1970.
You,
1.eaate Senate
?ionei oppro-
,ervves peations
Haim
armed
services
1974 2 5 6
4 8 2
1972 2 2 0
2 3 0
2 3 3
I 3 2
3 ? 2 1
5 4 11
2 5 3
II 11 9
2 2 4
, 4 3 5
'962 i 6 6
2 1 3
1 0 2
7 1 7
2 7
1971
1970 .
lee,
19;18
.90'7
:931_
11151
1957 0
1053 . 1
11155. .. 1
Role: House oppropt,otioni.--CIA Doec1or Ones Worm
Sobeorrtrnfttoe 3 or 4 times *or. Ito IntalianeoSubcommittes
spow;13 2 of 3 days a yew eke Deeds es West
One last but most important point. The
question is asked as to how much informa-
tion Senators and Representatives should
tie allowed from the various law enforce-
ment Intelligence agencies. Just the asking
of the question indicates, to me anYwaY, a
presumption that In the order of our insti-
tutions, Congress Ben somewhere below the
FBI, CIA, EIS, etc
Let iris spell it out Constitutionally, con-
ceptually and vrithont qualification.
In this country the people rule. From the
idiom physical demands that would occur,
clearly not every person can be given access
to the agencies of government. But every
Congressman and Senator can and should.
It is up to the agency to justify withholding
information, not up to representatives of the
people to justify obtaining it.
Could there be security risks? Yes. But
they are subject to the continuing judge-
ments of the people. It is the non-account-
able security risk who resides in the agency
that I fear most. It is the "no people's Judge-
ment" government that we seek to eliminate
here.
Efficiency has never been the hall mark of
American democracy. Greatness has.
A DECLARATION OF DEPENDENCE
Mr. METCALF. Mr. President, the Oc-
tober issue of Sea Power, publication of
the Navy League of the United States,
has an editorial entitled: "A Declaration
of Dependence." It includes the thought
that most Americans do not realize our
nation Is "now heading for a minerals
crisis which will make the energy crisis
look like small Potatoes."
The editorial continues:
Well, "most Americans" better wake up
fast. The energy crisis is alive and well and
now gathering its second wind, and the min-
eral crisis is about to descend on us in full
force.
MX. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the editorial be printed in the
REcoao.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD
as follows:
A DECLARATION OF DEPENDENCE
It Is difficult to report the news anymore
without sounding like an alarmist.
As Paul Revere used to say.
But the news these days Is not the sort to
lull one into a false sense of security. On the
other hand, maybe a false sense of security
is better than no sense of security at all. It
Is, at any rate, the only type of security we
might have for some time to come.
We're referring, initially, to the energy
crisis. You remember the energy crisis, don't
you? It was in the winter of 1973-74, as we
recall, and resulted in a lot of long lines,
:short tempers, and medium-sized speeches
about rationing and national unity and pull-
ing together, etc. About 20,000 gas stations
s eventually went out of business, according to
the economists, and Congress passed a 55-
mile-per-hour speed limit?now observed,
it seen's, only in narrow alleyways and down-
town Manhattan.
So much for the energy crisis. Out of sight.
out of mind. That, at least, is the impression
one gets from observing the business-as-
usual attitude of most Aernricans, who ap-
parently don't realize how close to disaster
we really were.
Most Americans don't realize, either, that
the nation is now heading for a minerals
;mists which will make the energy crisis look
-like small potatoes.
Well, "most Americans" better wake up
last, The energy crisis is alive and well and
now gathering its second wind, and the
-mineral crisis Is about to descend on us in
full force. Anyone who doesn't think so had
-beet listen carefully to the words of John
Sfyl, the Interior Department's Assistant Sec-
retary for Congressional and Legislative
Affairs.
, "There is an illusion abroad in this nation
'which leads people to believe that if there
ever was a real energy problem, that problem
is now gone," Inyi recently told a Des Moines
413drisb a.
"I satisfying thought. /t is wrong. It
is dangerous," he immediately added.
Such illusions are dangerous. Kyl said, be-
awe "the basic reasons' for the recent
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD?HOUSE December 11, 1974
with an argument that we are saving
nations from communism.
Italy is on the brink of going Commu-
'nist but no one in our Government seems
to give it a thought.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recog-
? nizes the gentleman from Iowa (Mr.
Gaoss) .
Mr. GROSS. Mr. Chairman, I invite
? the House to reflect on the fact that we
? have expended at least $260 billion on
foreign aid since its inception. It seems
to me that this kind of business, in terms
of the condition of this country, is be-
yond all reason and is, in fact, financial
insanity.
? AMENDMENT OFFERED BY MR. CARNEY OF OFHO
Mr. CARNEY of Ohio. Mr. Chairman,
I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. CARNEY of
Ohio: Page 30, atter line 12, insert the fol-
lowing new section:
TEN PERCENT RED17CTION OF EACH
4 AUTHOR/ZATION
SEQ. 36. Notwithstanding any other pro-
vision of this Act, each amount authorized
by any amendment made by this Act and
each allocation and limitation of any such
authorized amount shall be reduced by ten
percent
Mr. CARNEY of Ohio. Mr. Chairman,
this amendment would reduce each of
the authorizations, allocations and lirn-
etatlone contained in this act by 10 per-
cent. It would save the American tax-
payers $260 million.
In recent months, the President has
emphasized one overriding economic
fact which threatens every American?
an escalating inflation which is sapping
our economic gains and, unless con-
trolled, will destroy our Nation's econo-
my. The President told us that everyone
has a stake in combating inflation, that
the Government must curtail excessive
spending, and that we in the Congress
have a responsibility for staying within
the Federal budget by making prudent
cuts.
It seems obvious to me, Mr. Chairman,
that the one area where the most sen-
sible and justifiable cuts can be made
is in the area of foreign aid.
From 1945 through 1973, we spent
$185 billion of the taxpayers' money to
help other nations?first to rehabilitate
those ravaged by the war, then to hell)
others withstand Communist subversion
and aggression, and finally to help
newly-independent nations find their
place in the Sun, or at least provide the
necessities of life for their own peoples.
Mr. Chairman, the time has come for
us to exercise prudence in our overseas
giving, and prudence demands that for-
eign aid be cut to the bare essentials. We
must not be wasteful of our own sub-
stance when our own people stand in
need.
This bill authorizes $2.6 billion in for-
eign aid during fiscal year 1975. While
the Foreign Affairs Committee has au-
thorized $600 million less than the ad-
ministration requested. This bill still
provides $746.3 million more than Con-
gress appropriated for the same aid pro-
grams last year.
Furthermore, despite mass starvation
in Africa, Bangladesh, and other parts
of the world, this foreign aid bill is
heavily-weighted with military assist-
ance: $1.15 billion of the $2.6 billion au-
thorized in this bill goes directly to mili-
tary assistance, $E85 million is for mili-
tary-related "Security Suppordng As-
sistance" programs, and $573 million is
for assistance to our allies in South Viet-
nam, Laos and Cambodia.
Mn Chairman, these military assist-
ance programs do not increase the secu-
rity of the countries that receive such
assistance, and they do not increase our
own national security. In fact, they have
the opposite effect. Look at India and
Pakistan; look at Greece and Turkey.
These countries used American military
did against each other.
Mr. Chairman, we could phase out our
military aid over a short period, say 3
years, use a percentage of that money
and additional cuts in economic aid to
build up our own economy here at home.
The 10-percent, across-the-board cut in
foreign assistance programs which I pro-
pose will demonstrate that we are seri-
ous about reducing wasteful and unnec-
essary Federal Government spending.
Mr. Chairman, what was wrprig with
our foreign aid programs 10 years ago
is wrong with our foreign aid programs
today. The count' les that were supposed
to be eliminated from our foreign aid lists
are still on them; programs are still be-
ing overfunded; inefficient personnel are
making the same enormous mistakes;
uncommitted and undisbursed carry-
over funds are as large as ever; specula-
tion in aid goods is as rife as ever; inef-
fective planning for too many projects
Is as sloppy as ever; recipient countries
are being played off against each other;
ability to repay is not considered.
All too often our foreign aid benefits
only the ruling cass and never reaches
the millions of poor people for whom it
was intended. One wonders whether our
aid programs exist for the benefit of the
People in the recipient nations or solely
for the benefit of ale overblown bureauc-
racy that administers these programs.
How often has our foreign aid been used
by other nations to compete against our
own American workers and American
businesses?
Clearly, America can no longer afford
a policy of foreign aid business-as-usual.
The time has come for Congress to make
further cuts in foreign aid spending and
to divert this money to the transporta-
tion, health, housing, and education of
our own people here at home. Let us show
the American people that their Govern-
ment is genuinely concerned about their
welfare rather than the welfare of some
foreign dictator.
I urge my colleagues to support this
amendment.
The CHArRMAN. The Chair recog-
nizes the gentlemln. from Wisconsin (Mr.
ZABLOCKI).
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Chaim an, I rise
reluctantly in opposition to the amend-
ment, because I count the gentleman
from Ohio (Mr. CARNEY) a very close
friend; however, T. must submit that this
is not a responsible amendment. The
committee has already cut $609 million
from the bill and with these cuts selec-
tively made, it is much more responsible
than it was when submitted by the ex-
ecutive branch.
This bill is a bill to help the develop-
ing countries to help themselves to grow
the necessary food they are in such dire
need of, if we are, indeed, going to fulfill
the commitments we have made, we must
not vote for this amendment.
Mr. SYMMS. Mr. Chairman, I rise in
support of the amendment offered by,the
gentleman from Ohio, I think it is a very
responsible amendment for the taxpayers
of the United States.
The Foreign Assistance Act authorizes
a 39 percent increase over last year's
expenditures. For years and years, we
somehow labored under the false notion
that friends and allies could somehow be
bought on these massive foreign aid give-
aways. I think the gentleman from Ohio
Is absolutely right in offering this
amendment, in fact, I have a similar
amendment at the desk that I will now
not offer.
I have just a little additional note on
what foreign aid has done for us. Since
1955, 21 wars have been fought by the
governments around the world. In nine
of these wars, the United States sup-
ported one of the opposing sides, but in
the other 12, the United States financed
and supported both sides. The cost of
this kind of activity, when all things are
considered, probably is in the neighbor-
hood of $200 billion.
Mr. Chairman, I think this is a very
good amendment, and I urge its passage.
(Mr. SYMMS asked and was given per-
mission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. FRASER. Mr. Chairman, I rise in,
opposition to the amendment.
Should this amendment pass, it will be
cutting our assistance to Israel and
undercutting the commitment made by
Secretary Kissinger in the Middle East
which is a part of the diplomacy he is
carrying on there. It will be cutting even
more from the already reduced amount
for food assistance, which represents a
pledge made both by President Ford and
Secretary Kissinger, both here and in
Rome.
Cutting indiscriminately will not solve
some of the problems we have. It is no
substitute for specific cuts. It will weigh
very heavily in places such as Israel.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on
the amendment offered by the gentleman
from Ohio (Mr. CARNEY) .
The amendment was rejected.
AMENDMENT OFFERED BY MR. RANGEL
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I offer
an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. RANGEL: Page
19, after line 9, insert the following new
section.
CONTROL OF TURKISH OPIUM
SEC. 23. Section 620 of the Foreign Assist-
ance Act of 1961 is amended by adding at the
end thereof the following new subsection:
"(8) All assistance under this Act with re-
spect to the Government of Turkey and all
sales and guarantees of such sales under the
Foreign Military Sales Act with respect to the
Government of Turkey shall be suspended
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December 11,1074 C-ONGRESSIONAL LECORD ?HOUSE
prcsdrie that the Commonwealth of Puerto
Nino may not receive horn the Caribbean
Dricalopment Bank any funds provided to
Ito Bank by the United States.
Ur. MORGAN.' Mr. Chairman, I now
move that all debate on the Me and all
ateendreeMts thereto cease at 7 o'clock.
The motion was agreed to.
rearm or oil=
Mr. CARNEY of Ohio. Mr. Chairman, I
have a point of order.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman will
state it.
Ur. CARNEY of Olin. What about
those of us who have had amendments at
the desk all day?
The CHAIRMAN. Have they been
printed in the Recoup?
Mr. CARNEY of Ohio. No; but I Save
them to the desk Wale
'rho CHAIRMAN (Mr. Piaci of nu-
licds). If the ernendments are printed in
the RECORD., under the Rules of the
House the proponents will be wattled to
5 intriutes of debate.
Members standing at the time the
motion was made ail) be recognized for
1 minute each.
Ir recognizes the gentlewoman
ram e ? York (Ms. HoLez)teri t.
AMENDMENT OVIPTILID BY BAIL LIOL.T.LALAN
Ms. 'HOLTZMAN. Mr. Chairman, I
offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment ?rend by Ms. HOLTZMAN:
23, line 14, etrite out "important to
he national security' and Insert tn lieu
hereof "vital to the national derenz".
(Ms. HOLTZMAN asked and was
given permission to revise and extend
her remarks.)
Ms. HOLTZMAN. Mr. Chairman, the
purpose of this amendnieut is very sim-
ple. It is designed to enlarge congres-
sional control over the Central Intel-
ligence Agency's non-Intelligence-gath-
ering functions.
The provisions of this bill relating to
the CIA constitute a major improvement
over the situation in the past. This hill
permits the CIA. to engage in covert ac-
tivities only after the President reports
about these activities to the House and
Senate committees deelleg with foreign
affairs and the House and Stnate Armed
Services Committees.
Despite the improvement, I se.' think
these provisions are 3010114:y ddicient.
"This bill authorizes CIA activities de-
signed to subvert or undermine foreign
goVerrMents so long as they are "im-
portant to national security." This
rubric is so braid as to he Almon mean-
ingless. Thus, the President is tnipose
end to authorize CIA actions to yubvert
foreign governments basically Veen he
thinks it would be desirable. It genie to
me, however, that the cheutnstiteces in
which the CIA ought ever to be permitted
to subvert a foreign governmeet with
which we are at peace should be vete
limited at best.
My amendment would permit the CIA
to engage in non-intelligence-gaatering
activities only when such activities are
"vital to our national &Lena." My
amendment would thus limit the ba-
stanees in which the CIA would rtM
afoin of international law, and els? we
would be lionteig the instances in which
foreign policy is in essence being creat-
ed by the President, the CIA, and four
committees of Congeeme
I urge sunpart of zo.y aznendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the
gentlewoman has =sired.
The Chair recognises the gentleman
Irene Michigan tele. Ns= ) .
Mr. NEDZ/. Mr. ChalrMah, I rise in
ppoltion to the amendment.
We have in this bill a provision re-
straining certain operatious of the ate
to those "Important to the national
security" and in timely lesbian they are
obliged to bring to the notice of Congress
any activities which the CIA maY be
engaged in which are important to the
r.ational security. I Patent that is a eery
esPortant statutory provision arei a
depte Lure from what the aituatioia is at
the present time. Whim we speak about
matters "vital to the national defense"
we are then it seems to me restraining
the agency from perhaps operating in
antidrug programs or the ageney could be
prevented from conducting antlterrollet
activities programs, among others, In
my judgment it Just is not the kind of
constraint tires it is desirable to apply
with respect to the President and the
CIA. The language offered has broad
Implications and shoted not be approved
without careful and detailed considera-
tion by appropriate examinees prior to
bringing the matter before the entire
House under circumstances of very
limited debate.
for purpose
Wh have y eareesUzekomen e
of -the C. i Ina th
of nage in ".
pecrsin_oeonsgrirg Ins CIA
tiurnrasneznvmrmvads_
it
Stake and the Director I ? el-
lA
meat contained committee bill
carries out. endnecivillee fucthee
basis for for the
eien Littman
bait...inferred as it spiies the (erg=
llreeeekeelated opeerurnmorvm of CIA.
The . e recog-
nises the gentleman from Pennsylvania
+ear. Mom/mi.
Mr. MORGAN. Mr. Chairman, the
cernectittee adopted at amendment to
bring the CIA under niore selective con-
gresisional control and the anther of the
amendment, the gentleman from Cali-
fornia (Mr. ItYsiU , b here. I yield to
him to speak in opposition to this
ireensireent.
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Chairman, I oppose
this amendment for I think substantive
reasons. This ws.s my emendmerd in the
teramittee and It wee very easefully
worked out.. We deal here with a very
seneltave area. It was me intention and
the intention of the committee to ire
to bring the CIA miler scene kind of
Jurisdiction by the Foreeem Affairs Com-
mittees because obviously the decisions
of CIA have an enormous effect UP=
our foreign effetely.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recog-
if 11627
nises the gentleman from New Jersey
(Mr. PRELINGIIUYSEN).
Mr. F'RELINGHUYELEN. Mr. Chair-
man. I should like to speak in or/Posi-
tion to the amendment. In my opinion
we should have reservations about the
language in the committee bill with re-
spect to intelligence activities. And cer-
Laney we would be very unwise to change
the language of "Important to the na-
tiotial security" to "vital to national de-
This would preclude many activi-
tie, which might well be needed in our
own interest, I hope this amendment
is spindly defeated.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes
th4 gentleman from Florida (Mr. HALEY).
(By neerdmous consent, Mr. HALEY
yielded his time to Mr. Moiterete
Me MORGAN. Mr. Chairman, I yield
to he gentleman from California (Mr.
Resee).
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Chairman, I was about
to say that present language in this bill
is very carefully prawn to derive the
maitimum amount of support from the
vaelous elements involved. If we can get
this language through for those who are
interested in having some kind of closer
supervision for the CIA activities, this
Particular amendment is one which
members of the committee think will
page and which we would be able to have
sleeted. Without this particular language
think we will have serious problems
with supervision of the CIA by the For-
eign Affairs Committee.
I am concernd about the manner in
which this particular subject is ap-
prottched. On the one hand we have to
be Careful and delicate and on the other
hand we do need jurisdiction.
Mr. Chairman. I oppose the amend-
ment of the gentlelady from New York
because I believe that the language we
have now is as strong as we can get at
this particular time.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on
the amendment offered by the gentle-
wortian from New York (Ms. HOLTz-
MAN).
The amendment was rejee
The CHAIRMAN, The Chair recog-
nizes the gentleman from Pennsylvania
(Mr. Dun).
Mr. DENT. Mr. Chairman, I do not
have an amendment, but I would like to
say :that I intend to vote against this
legislation. I intend to vote against it for
many reasons, particularly so because we
nota owe $503 billion. When we started
thee game of Godfather to all the world,
we owed $4 billion The interest alone on
our debt is as great as the budget was in
190. There is no way under the Sun that
this. Nation can possibly grow all the
food for the world, provide all the guns
for the world, provide all the machinery
for tire world, and then provide a mar-
ketplace lor, all the world's mods.
We are as poor as any nation we are
heir:ens, when we consider the kind of
life that we have become accustomed to
with our standard of living. If we really
want to help some nation that is in emi-
nent danger of collapse, one might sug-
gest, that we help the poverty-stricken
country of Italy.
We sell this legislation many times
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