WEEKLY SUMMARY SPECIAL REPORT BRAZIL: NEW DIRECTION IN FOREIGN POLICY

Document Type: 
Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP79-00927A006100010002-4
Release Decision: 
RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
S
Document Page Count: 
8
Document Creation Date: 
December 16, 2016
Document Release Date: 
December 21, 2004
Sequence Number: 
2
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
October 13, 1967
Content Type: 
REPORT
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PDF icon CIA-RDP79-00927A006100010002-4.pdf430.71 KB
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Approved For Release 2005/01/05 : CIA-RDP79-00927A00 00010002-4 ecret 25X1 DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE WEEKLY SUMMARY Special Report Brazil: New Direction in Foreign Policy Secret N?_ 42 13 October 1967 No. 0311 / 67A Approved For Release 2005/01/05 : CIA-RDP79-00927AO06100010002-4 25X1 Approved For Release 2005/01/05 : CIA-RDP79-00927AO06100010002-4 Approved For Release 2005/01/05 : CIA-RDP79-00927AO06100010002-4 Approved For Release 2005/01/05 : CIA-RDP79-00927AO06100010002-4 SECRET F_ -1 The seven months since President Costa e Silva's inauguration have seen a shift in the di- rection of Brazilian foreign policy. Although Brazil's basically pro-Western outlook remains unquestioned, an "independent" policy is replacing the unfailingly pro-US stance of the Castello Branco days. Foreign Minister Magalhaes Pinto, who nurtures strong presidential ambitions, has had the leading voice in creating the "New Look." He has pushed for more nationalistic foreign policy stands, accurately gauging not only their popular appeal but also their attraction to many Brazilian mili- tary men. Brazil's foreign policy is likely to continue to follow this new path, more frequently diverging from US views, but perhaps more nearly reflecting national aspirations. Background Most Brazilians regard their country as ready for "Great Power" status--primarily by virtue of its vast size (larger than the continental US), burgeoning pop- ulation (85 million plus), and tremendous natural resources. Few of them, however, would deny that only rarely has any Brazil- ian government used these advan- tages to exert significant inter- national--or even domestic-- leadership. Under Presidents Quadros and Goulart a strongly nationalistic foreign policy developed, includ- ing harassment of foreign compa- nies, criticism of the Alliance for Progress, and espousal of "third world" doctrines. Rela- tions between Brazil and the US deteriorated greatly as Brazil forged new links with the Commu- 25X1 nist countries of Europe and with the more vocal of the underde- veloped "socialist" states. The revolt by military and civilian leaders that ousted Goulart in April 1964 quickly led to a distinct change in for- eign policy orientation. Under President Castello Branco, Bra- zil not only returned'to its traditionally close ties with the US, but strengthened them to the point that many Brazilians accused the government of "sell- ing itself to the Yankees." Encouraged by opposition politi- cians and leftists of all stripes, the public tended to associate unpopular government economic stabilization programs with the US. When Arthur da Costa e Silva succeeded Castello Branco as president in March 1967, many SECRET Approved Fop eIsse 20 @,'kL C 79-002g7AQ0109010002-4 Approved For Release 2005/01/05 : CIA-RDP79-00927A006100010002-4 SECRET 25X1 Brazilians considered this shift simply a changing of the guard. In practice, however, Costa e Silva has proved considerably different from his predecessor. He has sought to broaden his ad- ministration's political base-- still =ssentially military--often by disassociating himself from some of the policies and prac tices of Castello Branco. Strin- gent economic controls have been relaxed to some extent, produc- ing an upswing both in business confidence and in general popu- lar approval of the administra- tion's announced intent to "hu- manize" the revolution. Foreign policy emphasis has been shifted to more popular, nationalistic lines. Costa e Silva's method of operating has also had a consid- erable impact on foreign policy. He encourages his cabinet minis- ters to operate independently-- within broad policy guidelines. He apparently does not exercise tight day-to-day control nor does he provide the leadership and guidance so obviously exer- cised by Castello Branco. This has resulted in considerable in- dependence in enunciating policy, as well as a good deal of jock- eying for position among the more ambitious cabinet ministers, particularly by Foreign Minister Jose Magalhaes Pinto. The Foreign Minister Magalhaes Pinto ardently desires the Brazilian presidency, and many of his actions are pred- icated upon this desire. He is an extremely clever politician who does not operate from any fixed ideolocical base or belief. Over the years he has allied himself with conservatives or leftists as Circumstances dic- tated. He is noted for his ability to mi.nipulate opposing factions for his own political profit withoit antagonizing either side. His ability to wheel and deal has been honed by years of Iolitical infighting both in his Lome state of Minas Gerais, when he served as gov- ernor from 1!61 to 1966, and in national campaigning. He re- ceived more ' ?otes for federal deputy than ,.ny other candidate in the 1966 ongressional elec- tions. Magalhaes Pinto was one of the key supporters of the 1964 revolution. He broke with Cas- tello Branco however, when the federal Government decided to permit direct gubernatorial elections, t].warting his bid to have his own term extended and in his view ~,ompromising his political pr