THE CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT IN LATIN AMERICA
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Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP79-00927A004600120002-9
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RIPPUB
Original Classification:
S
Document Page Count:
9
Document Creation Date:
December 20, 2016
Document Release Date:
May 5, 2006
Sequence Number:
2
Case Number:
Publication Date:
November 6, 1964
Content Type:
REPORT
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Body:
61-12101
lease 2006/05/24: CIA-RDP79-0092-WO46001260090ember 1964
OCI No. 035%64A
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THE CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT IN LATIN AMERICA
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THE CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT IN LATIN AMERICA
The decisive victory of Eduardo Frei in the 4
September Chilean presidential election could mark
the emergence of the Christian Democratic (CD) move-
ment as an important political force, not only in
Chile but elsewhere in Latin America. The CD move-
ment is a relatively recent political development
there, coinciding with the efforts of the Catholic
Church in the early 1950s to apply its stated objec-
tives of moderate social reforms throughout the hemi-
sphere. Where the church made such efforts and where
leaders of good caliber emerged, the CD parties have
become, or seem likely to become, the political bene-
factors of this new progressive church "image."
Background
Doctrinally, the Latin Amer-
ican CD movement is similar to
Christian Democracy in Western
Europe., but with a more left-of-
center orientation. The CD move-
ment rejects both Communism and
capitalism, advocating a "third
force" based on papal encyclicals
which encourage social, economic,
and political reforms without
"dehumanizing" the person and
family.
One of the fundamental ap-
peals of the CD movement in Latin
America is the fact that CD par-
ties are based on an ideology.
In this respect they differ from
many Latin American political
parties which have largely re-
volved around some personality
or have been in the pay of the
local oligarchy. The CD move-
ment's commitment to basic so-
cial reform, combined with its
opposition to Communism and "in-
dependence" of the US, makes it
very attractive to Latin Ameri-
can student and middle class
elements. Indeed, CD emphasis
on the use of constitutional
means to achieve major reforms
creates a potentially vigorous
competition for the Communists
and other leftist-extremists.
The CD movement is strl-ong-
est in Chile, Venezuela, Pei-u,
and El Salvador. Frei's im-
pressive victory in Chile at-
tests to CD strength there. In
Venezuela, the CD party is known
as the Independent Political
and Electoral Organization
(COPEI). COPEI, lately a junior
partner in the coalition led by
former president Betancourt,
made gains in the general elec-
tion last December. It has,
however, chosen to remain inde-
pendent of Raul Leoni's govern-
ment, and will probably act as
the "loyal opposition" until the
next election in 1968. The Peru-
vian CD party gained prominence
in June 1963 when it joined an
alliance with the reformist Popu-
lar Action party, and contributed
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to President Fernando Belaunde
Terry's margin of victory. The
CD arty in El Salvador has be-
come the only active, legal op-
position party in the country.
The Cl) movement in Latin
America has its failings, how-
ever. Chief among these is the
tendency of some CD leaders to
depreciate the Communist threat
in Latin America. This is some-
times accompanied by a decidedly
anti-American viewpoint. Both
factors may well be attributable
to lack of political experience
among the leaders of this rela-
tively young movement, as well
as 'to the CD "third-position"
ideology. Political expediency
sometimes makes it tempting to
capitalize on popular sentiments
by,being overly critical of
"American imperialism" or overly
tolerant of Communism and ultra-
nationalism.
Chile and Argentina provide
examples of CD political inex-
perience. CD labor leaders took
their unions into Chile's most
powerful, but Communist-domi-
nated, labor confederation in
19612 in the mistaken view that
they could work from within to
take over the confederation. In-
stead, they have had to follow
the1 lead of the Communists. Simi-
larly, CD political leaders in
Argentina have relentlessly
courted the Peronists until they
are', now accused of advocating
policies "more Peronist than
Peron. "
Alfredo Hoffman, president
of the small CD labor federa-
tion in Honduras,is a good il-
lustration of irresponsibility
within the CD movement. Hoffman
has maintained close ties with
Honduran Communist Party members,
and made trips to Cuba in 1959
and 1961. He is violently anti-
US, pro-Castro, and pro-Commu-
nist. Similar misguided CD ideal-
ists are liberally scattered
throughout CD youth and student
organizations. These relatively
small, but vocal and determined,
elements could eventually dis-
credit and ultimately destroy a
dynamic force for progress in
Latin America if the more moder-
ate CD leaders refuse to act to
check them.
Organized labor could con-
tribute substantially to the de-
velopment of well-organized CD
political parties in the hemi-
sphere,but it also offers the
best chance for CD extremists to
cause harm to the movement. Some
of the more radical CD personali-
ties are leaders in the Confedera-
tion of Latin American Trade
Unions (CLASC), the regional arm
of the International Federation
of Christian Trade Unions. CLASC
leaders generally stress their
anti-Communism, but equally em-
phasize their opposition to the
International Confederation of
Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and
its Latin American associate,
the Inter-American Regional Or-
ganization of Labor (ORIT). In
some instances, such as at the
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fourth CLASC congress held in
Caracas in Late 1962, ORIT has
been attacked as a "tool of US
capitaLism." In mid-1963 an as-
sistant secretary of CLASC de-
clared that ORIT is "an agency
of the US State Department and
an apologist for imperialism."
More recent statements by CLASC
leaders have condemned "the ma-
neuverings of ORIT and the Ameri-
can embassies in Latin America."
CD unions have not developed
significant strength in Latin
America outside of Chile, Brazil,
Venezuela, the Dominican Republic,
and Guatemala. CD efforts among
urban and rural labor contributed
to the Frei victory in Chile, and
strengthened the Romulo Betancourt
administration in Venezuela. The
CD labor confederation in the
Dominican Republic is the second
largest labor organization in
the country with some 130 affil-
iated unions. The emergence in
1963 and 1.964 of a dynamic, well-
financed CD labor movement in
Guatemala is considered by reli-
able observers there to be the
most important recent develop-
ment in the field of organized
labor. In addition, the CD la-
bor arm in Nicaragua recently
was characterized as the most
vital non-Communist labor organ-
ization in the country in terms
of activity and effectiveness.
Although labor is generally weak
in Nicaragua under CD influence,
it is seriously challenging the
Communist-controlled General Con-
federation of Labor for the Lead-
ership of Nicaragua's Labor move-
ment.
National Appraisals
Argentina: The Christian
Democratic party (PDC) has failed
to attract a significant elec-
toral following. It has never
received more than five percent of
the vote in any of the five post-
Peron elections. The uniqueness
of the Argentine political sit-
uation has forced the PDC to
compete with the Peronists for
the support of the country's la-
bor movement. Its strategy of
promoting Peronist-like catses
has generally proved to be a
failure, however. The PDC has
also suffered from persistfnt
party factionalism.
Brazil: The Christian Demo-
cratic Par y (PDC) is a relatively
minor organization that has only
Limited influence on national
politics. It is essentially a
regional party, with its strength
concentrated in two or three
southern states. Nevertheless,
the PDC has steadily increased
its electoral strength. Ire 1962,
eighteen PDC members won seats
in the 409-seat Chamber of Dep-
uties, compared with eight in
the 1958 elections and only three
in 1954. In addition, the first
CD senator was elected in 1962.
One cabinet member of the present
government--Transport Minister
Juarez Tavora--is an active PDC
member. The party is disunited
over basic policy, with the mod-
erate leadership being challenged
by an extreme left-wing faction.
Although there is little chance
that the PDC will become a major
political party in the near future,
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a few outstanding party leaders,
such as Parana Governor Ney
Braga, are likely to become
prominent national leaders in
the next few years.
Bolivia: The Social Chris-
tiOn Party SC) is a small, in-
significant political organiza-
tion without prospects for im-
pr ving its position in the im-
meciate future. It polled Less
than 20,000 votes out of a total
of ''over a million cast in the
1962 congressional election.
Chile: The Christian Demo-
cratic-7-a-rty (PDC) was formed
ini1957, and soon became a domi-
na.6t force among student groups.
President Frei is more moderate
inlhis views than some of his
close party associates. The
PDq program, however, calls for
far,-reaching reforms Leading to
brad economic, educational, and
social development of Chile and
redistribution of national in-
come. The program includes ex-
tensive policy changes relating
to,taxation, money and banking,
foreign trade, industry, mining,
and agriculture.
Colombia: The Christian
Democratic - ocialist Party (PSDC)
ha.s' remained small and generally
uni!nfluential. In some instances
itlhas supported Communist causes.
Notable among these was its July
1963 support for the First Meet-
ing for the Rights of Colombian
Youth--sponsored and controlled
by the Communists--and for send-
ingl representatives to Havana in
19613 for Cuba.'s 26 July celebra-
tidn. The PDC is expected, how-
ever, to join right-wing politi-
cal groups supporting Minister
of War Ruiz if he decides to
run for the presidency.
Costa Rica: The Christian
Democratic Party (PDC) is a small
unregistered organization led
by a professor at the University
of Costa Rica. The party was
founded in 1963.
Cuba: If the present Com-
munis regime were forced out
of Cuba, a Christian Democratic
movement would probably emerge
as one of the more significant
and influential of the many po-
litica.l groups that would, be
vying for influence and control.
The existing Christian Democratic
Movement (MDC) of Cuba was founded
in early 1960 or late 1959 by
democratic-minded Cuban middle-
class leaders who had been back-
ing Fidel Castro, but who were
becoming alarmed at Communist
inroads. The original MDC lead-
ers included some of the most
capable business and professional
people then in Cuba. In 1961
and 1962 the MDC retained some
resistance forces inside Cuba,
but these are no longer opera-
tional. The MDC as an organiza-
tion is one of the Larger and
more militant of the several
hundred Cuban exile factions
based in the Miami area.
Dominican Republic: The
SociaI Christian Revolutionary
Party (PRSC)-.-which was formed
in 1961--drew less than five
percent of the total vote in the
December 1962 elections, but
the party has attracted many
young and able members from its
student organizations. The PRSC
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professes to be anti-Communist,
but its "anticapitalist" and
"anti-Yankee" propaganda often
rivals that of Communist and
pro-Castro groups in the Domini-
can Republic. In February 1964
an insurgent self-styled "left-
ist revolutionary" group took
over the PRSC national conven-
tion, forcing the party's more
moderate leadership to resign.
Ecuador: Ecuador does not
have a. CD party or movement in
the usual sense of the term. The
so-called Ecuadorean Social
Christian Movement (MSC) has as-
serted that its program is based
on Christianity and on a. desire
for economic and social justice.
Considered within the context
of a nation of pronounced reli-
gious conservatism, however,
this has generally meant a de-
cidedly rightist orientation,
out of step with the focus of
the CD movement in the rest of
Latin America.
EL Salvador: The Christian
Democratic Party (PDC) was founded
in 1960 and has become the only
really active, legal opposition
party in the country. It is the
only non-Communist party based
on a, well--defined set of princi-
ples rather than formed around
a political personality. In the
elections last March the PDC
picked up 14 of the 52 seats in
the legislature and the mayoralty
of the capital of an Salvador.
The party polled almost 26 per-
cent of the vote; its strength
lies principally in urban Santa
Ana and San Salvador, but is
growing rapidly in the rural
areas.
Guatemala: The small Guate-
malan Christian Democratic Party
(DCG) appears to be the most
active, determined,and well-mo-
tivated political group in the
country. The Pera.lta government
opposes the party, however, and
may not permit it to participate
in the next national elections.
Despite the government's opposi-
tion, the appeal of the DCG's
philosophy is strong in Guatemala.
The party has an excellent poten-
tial to become an important po-
litical force with broad appeal.
Its important assets are a vigor-
ous leadership, backing from the
international Christian De,uo-
cratic movement, and its support
in the politically important
university and labor movements.
Haiti: An embryonic CD
movemen exists in Haiti but,
like all other opposition groups,
it is suppressed and operates
clandestinely.
Honduras: There is no CD
political-party in Honduras. A
small Labor federation is affil-
iated with CLASC, and is led by
pro-Communist Alfredo Hoffman.
Mexico: The ruling Irtsti-
tutionalized Revolutionary Party's
(PRI) long-standing domination
of politics and labor has pre-
vented the development of any
significant CD movement in Mexico.
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Nicaragua: The Social Chris-
tian Party ) is a minuscule
pol;itica.l organization, offering
no threat to the established po-
lit,ical parties. The PCS is
both anti-Communist and anti-
Somoza (the dominant family in
Nicaraguan politics). It dis-
plays little of the anti-US line
followed by some CD adherents
elsewhere in Latin America. The
party is supported by Managua's
leading opposition daily La.
Pre,nsa.
Panama: The small Panamanian
Chris .ian Democratic Party (PDC)
has been registered only four
years. Its philosophy of social
justice, however, makes it more
soundly based than most Panama-
nian parties which are largely
personalistic or tied to finan-
cia!1 interests. The PDC has sev-
erall capable leaders who are out-
spokenly anti-Communist.
Paraguay: The Christian
Democratic ocial Movement (MSDC),
founded in 1960 with the passive
blessing of President Stroessner,
is of only minor significance in
Paraguay. The party lacks com-
petent leadership and, since 1962,
has experienced harsh treatment
from the government. Its strength
lies with young professional peo-
ple and students.
Peru: The Peruvian Chris-
tian Democrat Party (PDC) was
founded in 1955, and gained po-
litical prominence by joining
a coalition with the Popular Ac-
tion (AP) party to help elect
Fernando Belaunde Terry to the
presidency in June 1963. Two
PDC members hold cabinet posi-
tions, and another is one of
Peru's two vice presidents. PDC
support for AP-PDC candidates
in Peru's muncipal elections in
December 1963 contributed to the
coalition's 60-percent nation-
wide vote total. A PDC member
was elected mayor of Lima in
that election.
Uruguay: The Christian Demo-
cratic Party (PDC) has only lim-
ited appeal in Uruguay. It is
one of the few CD parties in Latin
America which appears to be los-
ing political strength. The
party polled only 3 percent of
the total votes cast in 1962
compared with 5 percent in 1954.
The party is split by faction-
alism. Party moderates are be-
ing seriously challenged by a
radical wing. Last August a
group of disgruntled conserva-
tives who had been unable to ac-
cept the PDC's increasingly mili-
tant public stands broke away to
form a new group.
Venezuela: The Social Chris-
tian Party or Independent Polit-
ical and Electoral Organization
(COPEI) polled over 20 percent
of the popular vote for its can-
didate, Rafael Caldera, in the
December 1963 elections. This
was a 4-percent increase over
the 1958 election. The party
also won 49 of the 229 congres-
sional seats compared to 25 in
1958. COPEI was a coalition
partner in the administration of
former president Betancourt; it
has chosen to remain independent
of the Leoni administration.
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