PROGRAM OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL (SIXTH WORLD CONGRESS OF THE C.I. - 1928)

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PROGRAM OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL
(Sixth World Congress of the CI. - 1928)
Stencil No. 1
CONTENTS: PAGE:
Introduction 1
I. The World System of Capitalism, its Development
and Inevitable Downfall 4
A. The General Laws of the Development of Capitalism
and the Epoch of Industrial Capital
B. The Era of Finance Capital (Imperialism)
C. The Forces of Imperialism and the Forces of
Revolution
D. Imperialism and the Downfall of Capitalism
II. The General Crisis of Capitalism and the First Phase
of World .Revolution
A. The World War and the Progress of the
Revolutionary Crisis
B. The Revolutionary Crisis and Counter-
Revolutionary Social-Democracy
C. The Crisis of Capitalism and Fascism
D. The Contradictions of Capitalist Stabilization
and the Inevitability of the Revolutionary Collapse
of Capitalism
7
9
11
11
12
15
III. The Ultimate Aim of the Communist International
World Communism 19
IV. The Period of Transition from Capitalism to
Socialism and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat 21
A. The Transition Period and the Conquest of
Power by the Proletariat 21
B. The Dictatorship of the Proletariat and its
Soviet Form
2)4
C. The Dictatorship of the Proletariat and the
Expropriation of the Expropriators 26
D. The Basis for the Economic Policy of the
Proletarian Dictatorship 31
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COMERS:
PAGE:
E. Dictatorship of the Proletariat and
the Classes 33
F. Mass Organizations in the System of
Proletarian Dictatorship 35
G. The Dictatonship of the Proletariat
and the Cultural Revolution 37
H. The Struggle for the World Dictatorship
of the Proletariat and the Principal Types
of Revolution
36
I. The Struggle for the World Proletarian Dictatorship
and the Colonial Revolution 41
V. The Dictatorship of the Proletariat in the USSR
and the International Social Revolution 42
A. The Building Up of Socialism in the USSR
and the Class Struggle 42
B. The Significance of the USSR and its
International Revolutionary Duties 45
C. The Duties of the International Proletariat
to the USSR
VI. The Strategy and Tactics of the Communist
International fn the Struggle for the Dictatorship
of the Proletariat
147
48
A. Ideologies Among the Working Class
Inimical to Communism 48
B. The Fundamental Tasks of Communist Strategy
and Tactics
March 1954
55
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Stencil No. 1
PROGRAM _OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL
Introduction
The epoch of imperialism is the epoch of moribund capitalism. The
World War of 1914-1918 and the general crisis of capitalism which it
unleashed, being the direct result of the sharp contradictions between
the growth of the productive forces of world economy and the national
state barriers, have shown and proved that the material prerequisites for
socialism have already ripened in the womb of capitalist society, that
the Caen of capitalism has become an intolerable hindrance to the further
development of mankind and that history has brought to the forefront
the task of the revolutionary overthrow of the yoke of capitalism.
Imperialism subjects large masses ibf the prolateriat of all
countries--from the centers of capitalist might to the most remote
corners of the colonial world--to the dictatorship of the finance-capitalist
plutocracy. With elemental force, imperialism exposes and accentuates
all the contradictions of capitalist society; it carries class
oppression to the. utmost libits intensifies to an extraordinary degree
the struggle between capitalist states, inevitably gives rise to
world-wide imperialist wars that shake the whole prevailing system of
relationships to the foundations and inexorably leads to the world
proletarian revolution.
Binding the whole world in chains of finance-capital, forcing its
Yoke, by blood-letting, by the mailed fist and starvation, upon the
proletariat of all countries, of all nations and races, sharpening to
an immeasurable degree the exploitation, oppression and enslavement of
the proletariat and confronting it with the immediate task Of con-
quering power--imperialism creates the necessity for closely uniting
the workers of all countries, irrespective of state boundaries and
of differences of. nationality, culture, language, race, sex or
occupation, in a single international army of the proletariat. Thus,
while imperialism develops and completes the process of creating the
material: prerequisites for socialism, it at the same time musters the
army of its own grave-diggers, compelling the proletariat to organize
into a militant international workers' association..
On the other hand, imperialism, splits off the best provided for
section of the working class from the main mass, of. the workers. Bribed
and corrupted by imperialism, this upper stratum of the working class,
which constitutes the leading element in the Social-Democratic parties,
which has a stake in the imperialist plunder of the colonies and is
loyal to "its own" bourgeoisie and "its own" imperialist state, has
lined up in the decisive class battles with the class enemy of the
proletariat; The split that occurred in the socialist movement in 1914
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as a result of this treachery, and the sUbsequent treachery Of the
Social-Democratic parties, which in reality have become bourgeois'
labor parties, have demonstrated that the ilternational proletariat
will be able to fulfill its historical mission?to throw off the yoke of
imperialism and establish the proletarian dictatorship--only by
ruthless struggle against Social-Democracy. Hence, the organization
of the forces of the international revolution becomes possible onlY
on the platform of communism In opposition to the opportunist Second
International of Social-Democracy?Which has become the agnncy of im-
perialism in the ranks of the working class--inevitably rises the Third,
Conmunist, International, the international organization of the working
ol:ji,.Takrach-7153d-fes-Uhre roil unity of the revolutionary workers of
:lie whole world.
The war of 1914-1918 gave rise .to the first attempts to eatabliSh
a new, revolutionary International, as a counterpoise to the Second,
social-chauvinist International, and as a weapon Of resistance to
bellicose imperialism (Zimmerwald and Kienthal). The victorious
proletarian revolution in Russia gave an impetus to the formation of
:Communist Parties in the centers of capitalism and in the colonies.
In 1919, the Communist International was formed, and for the first time
in world history the most advanced atrata of the European dnd American
proletariat were really united in the process of practical revolutionary
struggle with the proletariat of China and India and with the Negro
toilers of Africa and America.
As the united and centralized international Party-of-the-proletariat,
the Communist International is the only heir to the principles of the
First International, carrying them forward upon the new, mass '
MEWIZE-BYTE77evolutionary proletarian movement. The eXperience
gathered from the first imperialist war, from the subsequent period of
the revolutionary crisis of capitalism, from the series of revolutions
in Europe and'in the colonial countries; the experience gathered from
the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialist construction in the
U.S0S.R. and from the work of all The Sections of the Communist Inter-
national as recorded in the decisions of its Congresses; finally, the
fact that the struggle between the imperialivt bourgeoisie and the
proletariat is more and more assuming an international character--all
this creates the need for t program of the Communist International,
a unifOrm and common program for all Sections of the Communist Inter-
national. This program of the Communist International, as the supreme
critical generalization of the whole body of historical experience of the
international revolutionary proletarian movement, becomes the program of
struggle for ,the world proletarian dictatorship, the program of struggle
lor world communism.
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Uniting as it does, the revolutionary workers, who lead the
millions of oppressed and exploited against the bourgeoisie and its
"socialist" agents, the Communist Internatinnal regards itself as the
historical suceessor to the "Communist League" and the First
International led by Marx, and as the inheritor of the best of the
pre-war traditions of the Second International. The First International
laid the ideological foundation for the international-Faetarian
struggle for socialism. The Second International, in the best period
of Its existence, prepared the ground for the expansion of the labor
MoVement among the masses. The Third, Communist, International,_ in
continuing the work of the First International, and in accepting the
fruits of the work of the Second International, has resolutely lopped
off the latter's opportunism, social-chauvinism, and bourgeois distortion
of socialism and has commenced to realize the dictatorship of the
pro3etariat:4 In this manner the Communist International continues the
glorious and heroic traditions of the international labor movement; of
the English Chartists and the French insurrectionists of 1831; of the
French id German working class revolutionaries of 1848; of the
immortal fighters and martyrs of the Paris Commune; of the valiant
soldiers of the German, Hungarian and Finnish revolutions; of the workers
under the former tsarist despotism -- the victorious bearers of the
proletarian dictatorship; of the Chinese proletarians---the heroes of
Canton and Shanghai.
Basing itself on.the experience of the revolutionary labor movement
on all-continents and of all peoples, the Communist International, in
its theoretical and practical work, stands wholly and unreservedly
upon the grOund of revolutionary Marxism and its further development,
Leninism, which is Eanig else but Marxism Of the epoch of
imperraTism and' proletarian, revolution.
Advocating and propagating the dialectical materialism of Marx
and Engels and employing it as the revoluilonary?TgraiZrof The
cognition of reality, with the view to the revolutionary trans-
formation of this reality, the Communist International wages an active
struggle against all forms of bourgeois philosophy and against all forms
of theoretical and practical opportunism, Standing on ,the ground of
Consistent proletarian class struggle and subordinating the temporary,
partial, group and national interests of the proletariat to its
lasting, general, international interests, the Communist International
mercilessly exposes all formsof the doctrine of "Class peace":that the
reformists have accepted from the bourgeoisie. Expressing the historical
need for an international organization of revolutionary proletarians--
the grave-diggers of the capitalist order--the Communist International
is the only international force- that has. for its program:the'dictatorship
of the proletariat 'and Communism; and that openly comes out as the,
organizer of the international proletarain revolution. ?
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I. THE WORLD SYSTEM OF CAFITALISM7=ITS DEVELOPMENT AND INEVITABLE DOWNFALL
A. The General Laws of the Developmer2211La1ism and the
AMPO.
EE2211_2LITylustrial
L. The characteristic features of capitalist society which
arose on the basis of commodity production are the monopoly of the
most important and vital means of prod.uction by the capitalist
class and big landlords; the exploitation of the wage labor of
the proletariat, which, being deprive of the means of production,
is compelled to sell its labor power; the production of commodities for
profit; and these, linked up with all the planless and anarchis
character of the process of productiorr as a whole; exploitation
relationships and the economic domination of the bourgeoisie and
their political expression in the organized capitalist state--
the instrument fot the suppression of the proletariat.
, 2. The history of capitalism has entirely confirmed the
Marxian theory concerning the laws of development of capitalist
society and the contradiction of this development which inevitably
lead to the downfall of the whole capitalist system.
3. In its quest for profits the bourgeoisie was compelled
to develop the productive forces on an ever-increasing scale and
to strengthen and expand the domination of capitalist relationships
of production. Thus, the development of capitalism constantly
reproduces on a wider scale all the inherent contradictions of
the capitalist system, primarily, the decisive contradiction
between the social character of labor and private appropriation,
between the growth of the productive forces and the property
relations of capitalism. The predominance of private property
in the means of production and the anarchy prevailing in the
process of production have disturbed the equilibrium between
the various branches of production; for a growing contradiction
developed between the tendency toward unlimited expansion of
production and the restricted consumption of the masses of the
proletariat (general over-production),-and this resulted in
periodical devastating crises and mass unemployment among the
proletariat. The predominance of private property also found
expression in the competition that prevailed in each separate
capitalist country as well as on the constantly expanding world
market. This latter form of capitalist rivalry resulted in a number
of wars, which are the inevitable accompaniment of capitalist
development.
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4. on the other hand,.the technical and economic advantages
of large-scale production have resulted in the squeezing out and
destruction in the eompetitive struggle of the pre-capitalist
economic forms and in the ever-increasing concentration and
centralization of capital. In the sphere of industry -6his law of
CaTearatiWn?and centralization of capital manifested itself
primarily in the direct ruin of small enterprises and part4 in.
their being reduced to the position of auxiliary units of large
enterprises. In the domain of agriculture Which, owing to the
existence of the monopoly in land and absolute rent, must
inevitably lag behind the general rate of development, this law
not only found expression in the process of differentiation that
took place among the peasantry and in the proletarianization of
broad strata of the latter,. but also and mainly in the open and
concealed subordination of small peasant econnmy to the domination
of big capital.; small farming has been able to maintain a nominal
independence only at the price of extreme intensification of labor
and systematic under-consumption,
5. The ever-growing application of machinery, the constant
improvements in technique and the resultant uninterrupted rise
in the organic composition of capital, accompanied by still
further division, increased productivity and intensity of labor,
meant also increased employment of female and child labor, the
formation of enormous industrial reserve armies which are
constantly replenished by the proletarianized peasantry who are
forced to leave their villages as well as by the ruined urban
small and middle bourgeoisie. The collection of a handful of
capitalist magnates at one pole of social relationships and of
a gigantic mass of the proletariat at the other; the constantly
increasing rate of exploitation of the working class, the
reproduction on a wider scale of the deepest contradictions of
capitallam and their consequences (crises) wars, etc.); the
constant growth of social inequality, the rising discontent of
the proletariat united and schooled by the mechanism of capitalist
production itself -- all this was inevitably undermining the
foundations of capitalism bringing nearer the day of its collapse.
Simultaneously, a profound change has taken place in the
social and cultural life of capitalist society; the parasitical
decadence of the rentier group of the bourgeois; the break--up
of the family, which expresses the growing contradiction between
the mass participation of women in social production and the forms
of family and domestic life largely inherited from previous
economic epochs; the growing shallowness and degeneracy of cul-
tural and ideological life resulting from the minute specialization
of labor, the monstrous forms of urban life and the restrictedness
of rural life; the incapability of the bourgeoisie, notwithstanding
the enormous achievements of the natural sciences, to create a
synthetically scientific philosophy, and the growth of ideological,
mystical and religious superstition, are all phenomena signalizing
the approach of the historical end of the capitalist system.
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B. The Era of Finance Capital ilmuzialism)
0.????????????????...
7.. The period of industrial capitalism was, in the main, a
period of "free competition"; 'a period of a relatively smooth
evolution and expansion of capitalism throughout the whole world,
when the as yet unoccupied colonies were being divided up and
conquered by armed force; a period of continuous growth of the
inner contradictions of capitalism, the burden of which fell
mainly upon the systematically plundeed, crushed and oppressed
colonial periphery.
. 8. Towards the beginning of the twentieth century, this
period was replaced by the period of imperialism, during which
capitalism developed spasmodically and conflictingly; free competi?
tion rapidly gave way to monopoly, the previously "available"
colonial lands had already been divided up, and the struggle for
a redistribution of colonies and spheres of influence inevitably
began to assume primarily the form of a struggle by force of arms.
9. Thus, the entire scope and truly world-wide scale of the
contradictions of capitalism become most glaringly revealed in the
epoch of imperialism (finance capitalism), which, from the
historical standpoint, signifies a new form of capitalism, a new
system of relationship between the various parts of world
capitalist economy and a change in the relationship between the
principal elasses of capitalist society.
10. This new historical period set in as a result of the
operation of the principal dynamic laws of capitalist society.
It grew out of the development of industrial capitalism, and is
the historical continuation of the latter. It sharpened the
manifestations of all the fundamental tendencies and laws of
capitalist development, of all its fundamental contradictions and
antagonisms. The law of the concentration and centralization
of capital led to the formation of powerful combines (cartels,
syndicates, trusts), to a new form of gigantic cobbinations of
enterprises linked up into one system by the banks: The merging
of industrial capital with banking capital, the absorption of big
land ownership into the general system of capitalist organization,
and the monopolistic character of this form of capitalism
transformed the epoch of industrial capital into the epoch of
finance capital. "Free competition" of the period of industrial
capitalism, which replaced feudal monopoly and the monopoly of
merchant capital, became itself transformed into finance-capital
At the same time, the capitalist Monopolies which grow
out of free competition do not e3iminate competition, but exist
side by side with and: hover over it, and thus give rise to a
series of exceptionally great and acute contradictions, frictions
and conflicts. .
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11. The growing application of complex machinery, of
chemical processes and of electric energy; the resulting higher
organic composition of capital and, consequently, decline in the
Tate of. profit, which only the biggest monopolistic combines are
table to counteract for a time by their policy of high monopoly
prices, ttill further stimulate the quest for colonial super-profits
and the struggle for a new division of the world, Standardized
mass production creates the demand for new foreign markets. The
growing demand for raw materials and fuel intensifies the race
for their sources. Lastly, the system of high protection, which
hinders the export of merchandise and secures additional profit
for exported capital, creates additional stimuli for the export
of capital. Export of capital becomes, therefore, the decisive and
specific form of economic contact between the various parts of
world capitalist economy. The total effect of all this is that
the monopolist ownership of colonial markets, of sources of rlaw
materials, and of spheres of investment of capital extremely
accentuates the general unevenness of capitalist development and
sharpens the conflicts between the "great powers" of finance
capital over the redistribution of the colonies and spheres of
influence.
12. The growth Of the productive forces of world economy
thus leads to the further internationalism of economic life and
- simultaneously leads to a struggle for redistribution of the
:world, already divided up among the biggest finance capital
states, to a change in and sharpening of the forms of this struggle
to superseding to an increasing degree the method of lower
prices with the method of forcible pressure (bOycott, high
protection, tariff wars, wars proper, etc.). Consequently, the
? mOnopoliStic fora of capitalism is inevitably accompanied Vy
? imperialist wars, which, by the area .they embrace and the -
destructiveness of their technique, have no parallel in world history.
C. The Forces of Ir...]perialism and the Forces of Revolution
13. Expressing the tendency for unification of the various
Sections of the dominant class, the imperialist form of capitalism
places the broad masses of the proletariat in opposition, not to
a single employer, but, to an increasing degree, to the. .
capitalist class as a whole and to the capitalist state. n the
other hand, this form of capitalism breas down the national
barriers that have become too restricted for it, Widens the scope
of the capitalist state power of. the .dominant Great Power and
brings it in opposition to the vast masses of the nationally
oppressed peoples in the so-called small nations and in the colonies.
Finally, this form of capitalism brings the imperialist states
most sharply in opposition to eadh other.
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14. This being the case, state power, which is becoming the
dictatorship of the finance-capitalist oligarchy and the expression
of its concentrated might, acquires Special significance for the
bourgeoisie. The functions of this multi-national imperialist
state grow in all directions.. The development of state cppitalist
forms, which facilitate the struggle in foreiga markets (mobilization
of industry for war purposes) as well as the struggle against the
working class; the monstrous growth cf militarism (armies, naval
and air fleets, and the employment of chemistry and bacteriology);
the increasing pressure of the imperialist state upon the working
class (the growth of exploitation and direct suppression of the
workers on the one hand and the systematic policy of bribing the
bureaucratic reformist leadership on the other), all this
expresses the enormous growth of the power of the state. Under
these circumstances, every acre or less important action of the
proletariat becomes transformed into an action against the state
power, i.e., into political action.
15. Thus the development of capitalism ad particularly
the imperialist epoch of its development, reproduces the
fundamental contradictions of capitalism on an increasingly
magnified scale. Competition among small capitalists; where
competition among big capitalists subsides, it flares up between
gigantic combinations of capitalist magnates and their states;
local and national crises become transformed into crises affecting
a number of countries and, subsequantly, into world crises; local
wars give way to wars between coalitions of states and to world
wars; the class struggles change from isolated actions of single
groups of workers into nation-wide conflicts and subsequently, into
an international struggle of the world proletariat against the
world bourgeoisie. Finally, two main revolutionary forces are
organizing against the organized might of finance capital -- on
the one hand, the workers in the saltalist states,on bhe other,
the victims of the oppression of foreign capital, the masses of the
kmple in the colonies, marching under the leadership and the
hegemony of the international revolutionary proletarian movement.
16. However, this fundamental revolutionary tendency is
temporarily paralyzed by the fact that certain sections of the
Eupopean, North American and Japanese proletariat are bribed by
the imperialist bourgeoisie,and by the treachery of the national
bourgeoisie in the semi-colonial and colonial countries which is
grightened by the revolutionary mass movement. The bourgeoisie
of imperialist countries, which is able to secure additional
surplus profits from the position it holds in the world market
(more developed technique, export of capital to countries with
a higher rate of pfof it, etc.), and from the proceeds of its
plunder of the colonies and semi-colonies--was able to raise the
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wages of its "ow nu workers out of the surplus pfofits, thus
giving these workers an interest in the development of "their"
capitalism, in the plunder of the colonies and in being loyal to
the imperialist state.
17. This systematic bribery was and is being widely
practiced in the most powerful imperialist countries and finds
most striking expression in the ideology and practice of the labor
aristocracy and the bureaucratic strata of the working class, i.e.,
the Social-Democratic and trade union leaders, who proved to be
the direct agencies of bourgeois influence among the proletariat
and stalwart pillars of the capitalist system.
18. However, while it has stimulated the growth of the
corrupt upper strttum of the working class, imperialism in the end
destroys their influence upon the working class, because the
growing contradictions of imperialism, the worsening of the
conditions of the broad masses of the workers, the mass
unemployment among the proletariat, the enormous cost of military
conflicts and the burdens they entail, the fact that certain
powers have lost their monopolistic position in the world market,
the break-away of the colonies, etc., serve to undermine the
basis of Social-Democracy among the masses. Similarly, the
systematic bribery of the various sections of the bourgeoisie
in the colonies and semi-colonies, their betrayal of the
national-revolutionary movement and their rapprochement with the
imperialist powers can paralyze the development of the revolutionary
crisis only for a time. In the final analysis, this leads to the
intensification of imperialist oppression, to the decline of the
influence of the national bourgeoisie upon the masses of the
people, to the sharpening of the revolutionary crisis, to the ,
unleashing of the agrarian revolutirn of the broad masses of
the peasantry and to the creation of conditions favorable for
the establishment of the hegemony of the proletariat in the
colonies and dependencies in the popular mass struggle for in-
dependence and complete national liberation.
D. Imperialism and the Downfall of Capitalism
19. Imperialism. has greatly developed the productive forces
of world capitalism. It has completed the preparation of all the
material prerequisites for the socialist organization of society.
By its wars it has demonstrated that the productive forces of
World economy, which have outgrown the restricted boundaries of
imperialist states, demand the organization of economy on a world,
or international, scale. Imperialism tries to remove this
contradiction by hacking a road with fire and sword towards a
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single world state-capitalist trust, which is to organize the
whole world economy. This sanguinary utopia is being extolled by
the Social-Democratic ideologists as a peaceful method of a new,
"organized", capitalism. In reality, this utopia encounters
insurmountable objective obstacles of such magnitude that
capitalism must ineiTitably fall beneath the weight of its own
contradictions.. The law of the uneven development of capitalism,
accentuated in the epoch of imperialism, renders firm and durable
international coMbinatinns of imperialist powers impossible. On
the other hand, imperialist wars, which are developing into world
wars, and by which the law of centralization of capitalism
strives to reach its world limit--a single world trust--are
aceompanied by sc) much destruction and. place such burdens upon the
shoulders of the working class and of the millions of colonial
proletarians and peasants, that capitalism must inevitably perish
beneath the blows of the proletarian revolution long before this
goal is reached.
20. Being the highest phase of capitalist development,
developing the Productive forces of world economy to enormous
dimensions, refashioning the whole world after its own image,
imperialism draws into the orbit of finance-capitalist exploitation
all colonies, all races and all nations. At the same time, however,
the monopolistic form of capital increasingly develops the
elements of parasitical degeneration, aecay and decline of
capitalism. By destroying, to some extent, the driving force of
competition, conducting a policy of monopoly prices, and having
undivided mastery of the market, monopoly capital tends to retard
the further development of the forces of production. In
squeezing enormous sums of surplus profits out of the millions of
colonial workers and peasants and in accumulating colossal in-
comes from this exploitation, imperialism is creating a type of
decaying and parasitically degenerate xentier--states as well as
whole strata of parasites who live by clipping coupons. While
complet:ng the process of creating the material prerequisites for
socialism (the concentration of means of production, the enormous
.socialization of labor, the growth of labor organizations), the
epoch of imperialism intensifies the antagonisms among the Great
Powers and gives rise to wars which cause the break-up of unified
World economy. Imperialism is therefo::e moribund and deca.ylpg
csypitalism. It is the final stage of development of the capitalist
system. It is the threshold of world social revolution.
21. Thus, international proletarf:an revolution emerges out of
, its imperialist phase in particular. itie capitalist system as a
whole is approaching its final collapse. The dictatorship of
finance capital is perishing to give way to the dictatorship of the
proletariat.
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II. THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM AND THE FIRST PHASE OF WORLD
REVOLUTION
A. The World War and the Progress of the Revolutionary Crisis
22. The imperialist struggle among the largest capitalist
states for the redistribution of the globe led to the first
imperialist world war (1914-1918). This war shook the whole system
of world capitalism and marked the beginning of the period of its
general crisis. It bent to its service the entire national economy
of the belligerent countries, thus creating the mailed fist of
state capitalism; it increased unproductive expenditures to
enormous dimensions, destroyed enormous quantities of the means of
production and human labor power, ruined large masses of the
population and imposed incalculable burdens upon the industrial
workers, the peasants and the colonial peoples. It inevitably led
to the intensification of the class struggle, which greg into open
revolutionary mass action and civil war. The imperialist front was
broken at its weakest link, in tsarist Russia. The February
revolution of 1917 overthrew the domination of the autocracy of
the big land-owning class. The October revolution overthrew the
rule of the bourgeoisie. This victorious proletarian revolution
expropriated the expropriators, took the means of production from
the landlords and the capitalists, and for the first time in human
history set up and consolidated the dictatorship of the proletariat
in an enormous country, brought into being a new, Soviet type of
state and initiated the international proletarian revolution.
23. The powerful shock to which the whole of world
capitalism was subjected, the shErpening of the class struggle and
the direct influence of the October proletarian revolution gave
ripe to a series of revolutions and revolutionary actions on the
continent of Europe as well as in the colonial and semi-colonial
countries: January, 1918, the proletarian revolution in Finland;
August, 1918, the so.-called "rice--riots" in Japan; November, 1918,
the revolutions in Austria and Germany, which overthrew the semi-
feudal monarchies; March, 1919, the proletarian revolution in
Hungary and the uprising in Korea; April, 1919, the Soviet
government in Bavaria; January, 1920, the bourgeois-national revolution
in Turkey; September, 1920, the Seizure of the factorLes by the
workers in Italy; March, 1921, the rising of the advanced workers
of Germany; September, 1923, the uprising in Bulgaria; autumn, 1923,
.the revolutionary crisis in Germany; December, 1924, the uprising
in Estonia; April, 1925, the uprising in Morocco; August, 1925,
uprising in Syria; May , 1926, the general strike in England;
July, 1927, the proletarian uprising in Vienna. These events,
as well as events like the uprising in Indonesia, the deep
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ferment in India, the great Chinese revolution which shook the
whole Asiatic continent, are links in one and the some inter-
national revolutionary chain, constituent parts of the profound
general crisis of capitalism. This international revoutionary
process embraced the direct struggle for the dictatorsAip of
the proletariat, as well as national wars of liberation and
colonial uprisings against imperialism which are inseparably
linked with the agrarian mass movement of millions of peasants.
Thus, an enormous mass of humanity was swept into the
revolutionary torrent. World history entered a new phase of
development -- a phase of prolonged general crisis of the
capitalist system. In this process, the unity of world economy
found expression in the international character of the revolution,
while the uneven development of its separate parts was expressed
in the absence of simultaneity in the outbreak of revolution in
the different countries.
24. The first attempts at revolutionary overthrow, which
sprang from the acute crisis of capitalism (1918-1921), ended in
the victory and consolidation of the dictatorship of the
proletariat in the U.S.S.R. and in the defeat of the proletariat
in a number of other countries. These defeats were primarily due
to the treacherous tactics of the Social-Democratic and reformist
trade union leaders, but they were also due to the fact that the
majority of the working class had not yet accepted the lead of the
Communists and that in a number of important countries Communist
Parties had not yet come into existence at all. As a result of
these defeats, which created the opportunity for intensifying
the exploitation of the mass of the proletariat and the colonial
peoples, and for severely depressing their standard of living,
the bourgeoisie was able to achieve a partial stabilization of
capitalist relations.
B. The Revolutionary Crisis and Counter-Revolutionsal Social-
Democracy
25. During the progress of the international revolution,
the leading cadres of the Social-Democratic parties and of the
reformist trade unions on the one hand, and the militant capitalist
organizations of the fascist type on the other, acquired special
significance as a powerful counter-revolutionary force actively
fighting against the revolution and actively supporting the
partial stabilization of capitalism.
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26. The war crisis of 1914-1918 was accompanied by the
disgraceful collapse of the Social-Democratic Second International.
Acting in complete violation of the thesis of the Communist
Manifesto written by Marx and Engels that the prolelariat has no
fatherland under capitalism, and in complete violation of the anti-
war resolutions passed by the Stuttgart and Basle Congresses, the
leaders of the Social-Democratic parties in the various countries,
with a few exceptions, voted for the war credits, came out
definitely in defense of the imperialist "fatherland" (i.e., the
state organizations of the imperialist bourgeoisie) and instead
of combatting the imperialist war, became its loyal soldiers,
bards, and propagandista (social-patriotism, which grew into
social-imperialism). In the subsequent period, Social-Democracy
supported the predatory treaties (Brest-Litovsk, Versailles);
it actively aligned itself with the militarists in the bloody
suppression of proletarian uprisings (Noske); it conducted armed
warfare against the first proletarian republic (Soviet Russia);
it despicably betrayed the victorious proletariat(Hungary); it
joined the imperialist League of Nations (Albert Thomas, Paul
Boncour, Vandervelde); it openly supported the imperialist
slave-owners against the colonial slaves (the British Labor
Party); it actively supported the most reactionary executioners
of the working class (Bulgaria, Poland); it took upon itself the
inititative in securing the passage of dmperialist "military
laws" (France); it betrayed the general strike of the British
proletariat; it helped and is still helping to strang3e Chine
and India (the MacDonald government); it acts as the propagandist
for the imperialist League of Nations; it is capital's herald
and organizer of the struggle against the dictatorship of the
proletariat in the U.S.S.R. (Kautsky, Hilferding).
27. In its systematic conduct of this counter-revolutionary
policy, Social-Democracy operates on two flanks: .The Right wing
of Social-Democracy, avowedly counter-revolutionary, is essential
for negotiating and maintaining direct contact with the
bourgeoisie; the "Left" wing is essential for the subtle deception
of the workers. Whice- playing with pacifist and at times even
with revolutionary phrases, "Left wing" Social-Democracy in
panctice acts against the workers, particularly in acute and
critical situations (the British I.L.P. and the "Left"
leaders of the General Council during the general strike in 1926;
Otto Bauer and Co., at the time of the Vienna uprising), and is,
therefore, the most dangerous faction in the Social-Democratic
parties. While serving the interests of the bourgeoisie in the
ranks of the working class and being wholly in favor of class
cooperation and coalition with the bourgeoisie, Social-Democracy,
at certain periods, is compelled to play the part of an
opposition party and even to act as if it were defending the class
interests of the proletariat in its economic struggels, in order
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thereby to win the confidence of a section of the working class
and thus be in a position the more shamefully to betray the
lasting interests of the working class, particularly in the midst
of decisive class battles.
28. The principal function of Social-Democracy at the
present time is. to disrupt the essential fighting unity of the
proletariat in its struggle against imperialism. In splitting
-and-disrupting the united front of the proletarian struggle
against capital, Social-Democracy serves as the mainstay of,
imperialism in the working class. International Social- -
DerperacTof all shades, the Second International and its trade
union branch, the Amsterdam Federation of Trade Unions, have thus
become the last reserve of bourgeois society, its most reliable
pillar of support.
C. The Crisis of. Capitalism and Fascism
???????????? ?????????????? mierwnamor
29. Along with Social-Democracy, with whose aid the
bourgeoisie suppresses the workers or lulls their class vigilance,
fascism comes into the scene.
30. The epoch of imperialism, the sharpening of the class
struggle and the growth of the elements of civil war--particularly
after the imperialist war--led to the bankruptcy of parliamentaris
Hence, the adoption of "new" methods and forms of administration
(for example, the system of inner cabinets, the formation of
oligarchical groups acting behind the scene, the deterioration
and falsification of the function of the "popular representative"
institutions, the restriction and annulment of "democratic
liberties", etc.). Under certain special historical conditions,
the progress of this bourgeois, reactionary offensive assumes
the form of fascism. These conditions are: instability of
capitalist relationships; the existence of a considerable de-
classed social element, the pauperization of broad strata of
the urban petty bourgeoisie and of the intelligentsia discontent
among the rural petty bourgeoisie, and finally the constant menac
of mass proletarian action. In order.to stabilize and perpetuate
its rule, the bourgeoisie is compelled to an increasing degree
to abandon the parliamentary system in favor of the fascist
system, which is independent of inter-party arrangements and
combinatiens. The fascist system is a system of direct
dictatorship, ideologically masked by the "national idea" and
representation of "occupations" (in reality, representation of
the various groups of the ruling class) It is a system that
resorts to a peculiar form of social demagogy (anti-Semitism,
occasional sorties against usurers' capital and gestures of
impatience with the parliamentary "talking shop") in order to
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utilize the discontent Of the petty bourgeoisie, the intellectuals
and other strata of society, and to corruption--the creation of
a compact and well-paid hierarchy of fascist units, a party
apparatus and a bureaucracy. At the same time, fascism strives
to permeate the working class by recruiting the most backward
strata of workers to its ranks, by playing upon their discontent,
by taking advantage of the. inaction of Social-Democracy, etc.
The principal aim Of fascism is to destroy the revolutionary
vanguard of the working class, i.e., the Communist sections of
the preletatiat and their leading forces. The combination ?I
social demagogy, corruption and active white terror, in con-
junction with extreme imperialist aggressiveness in the sphere
of foreign politics, are the characteristic features of fascism.
In periods of acute crisis for the bourgeoisie, fascism resorts
to anti-capitalist phraseology, but after it has established
itself at the helm of state, it pasts aside its anti-capitalist
rattle and discloses itself as the terrorist dictatorship of
big capital.
31. The bourgeoisie resorts either to the method of fascism
or to the method of coalition with Social-Democracy according to
the changes in the political situation; while Social-Democracy
itself often plays a fascist role in periods when the situation
is critical for capitalism.
32. In the proCess of development Social-Democracy manifests
fascia-b.:tendencies which, however, does not prevent it, in other
political situations, from posing as an oppbsition party
against the bourgeois government. The fascist method and the
method of coalitien with Social-Democracy are not the methods
employed in "normal" capitalist conditions; they are symptoms
of the general capitalist crisis, and are employed by the
bourgeoisie in order to stem the advance of the revolution.
D. The Contradictions of Capitalist Stabilization and the
Inevitability of he Collapse Of Capitalism
33. Experience throughout the post-war historical period
has shown that the stabili7ation achieved by the repression Of
the working clabs and the syatematic depression of its standard
of living can be only a partial, transient and decaying
stabilization.
34. The spasmodic and feverish development of technique
bordering in some countries on a new technical revolution, the
accelerated ,process of concentration and centralization of
capital, the formation of giant trusts and of "national" and:
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"international" monopolies, the mergimg of trusts with the state
power and the growth of world capitalist economy cannot, however,
eliminate the general crisis of the capitalist system. The break-
up of world economy into a capitalist and a socialist sector,
the shrinking of markets and the anti-imperialist movement in
the colonies intensify all the contradictions of capitalism, which
is. developing on a new, post-war basis. This very technical
progress and rationalization of indus7;ry, the reverse side of which
is the closing down and liquidation o-2 numerous enterprises,
the restriction of production, and the ruthless and destructive
exploitation of labor power, lead to Chronic unemployment on a
scale never before experienced. The absolute deterioration
of the condition of the working class becomes a fact even in
certain highly developed capitalist countries. The growing
competition between imperialist countries, the constant menace of
war and the growing intensity of class conflicts prepare the
ground for a new and higher stage of development of the general
crisis Of capitalism and of the world proletarian revolution.
35. As a result of the first round of imperialist wars (the
World War of 1914-1918) and of the October victory of the working
class in the former Russian Tsarist empire, world economy has
been split into two fundamentally hostile camps: the camp of
the imperialist states and the camp of the dictatorship of the
proletariat in the U.S.S.R. The difference in class structure
and in the class character of the government in the two camps, the
fundamental differences in the aims each pursues in internal,
foreign, economic and cultural policy,. the fundamentally different
courses of their development, bring the capitalist world into
sharp conflict with the state of the victorious proletariat.
Within the framework of a formerly uniform world economy, two
antagonistic systems are now contesting against each other: the
system of capitalism and the system of socialism. The class
struggle, which hitherto was conducted. in forms determined by
the fact that the proletariat was not in possession of state power
is now being conducted on an enormous and really world scale;
the working class of the world has now own state--the one and
only fatherland of the international proletariat. The existence
of the Soyiet Union and the influence it exercises upon the
toiling and oppressed masses all over the world is in itself
a most striking expression of the profound crisis of the world
capitalist system and of the expansion and intensification of
the class struggle to a degree hitherto without parallel in
history.
36. The capitalist world, powerless to eliminate its
inherent contradictions, strives to establish international
associations (the League of Nations) the main purpose of which is
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to retard the irresistible growth of the revolutionary crisis and
to strangle the union of proletarian republics by war or blockade.
At the Same,tite, all the fordes.of_the reVolutIonary Proletariat
and of the oppressed colonial masses are rallying around the U.S.S,R.
The world coalition of capital, unstable, internally corroded, but
armed to the teeth, is confronted by a single world coalition of
labor. Thus, as a result of the first round of imperialist wars
,
a new, fundamental antagonism has arisen of world historical scope
and significance--the antagonism between the U.S,S.R. and the
capitalist world.
37. Meanwhile, the inherent antagonisms within the capitalist
sector of world economy itself have become intensified. The
shifting of the economic center of the world to the United States
of-Aterica and the fact of the "Dollar Republic" having become
a world exploiter have caused the relations between United States
and European capitalism, particularly British capitalism, to become
strained. The conflict between Great Britain -- the most powerful
of the old, conservative iMperialist states -- and the United States
the greatest of the young imperialist states, which has already
won world hegemony for itself -- is becoming the pivot of the
world conflicts among the finance capitalist states. Germany,
though plundered by the Versailles peace, is now economically
recovered; ?she is resuming the path of imperialist politics, and
once again she stands out as a serious competitor in the world
market. The Pacific is becoming involved in a tangle of contradic--
tions which center mainly around the antagonism between America
and Japan. Along with these main antagonisms, the conflict of
interests among the unstable and constantly changing groupings
of powers is increasing, while the minor powers serve as the
auxiliary instruments in the hands of the imperialist giants and
their coalitions.
38. The growth of the productive capacity of the industrial
apparatus of world capitalism, at a time when the European home
markets have shrunk as a result of the war, and in face of the
Soviet Union's dropping out of the system of purely capitalist
intercourse and of the close monopoly of the most important
sources of raw material and fuel, leads to ever-widening conflicts
between the capitalist states. The "peaceful" struggle for oil,
rubber, cotton, coal and metals dnd for a redistribution of markets
and spheres for the export of capital is inexorably leading to
another world war, the destructiveness of which will increase
in proportion to the progress achieved in the furiously
developing technique of war.
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39. Simultaneously, the antagonisms between the imperialist
home countries and the colonial and semi-colonial countries are
growing. The relative weakenl.ng of European imperialism as a
result of the war, the development of capitalism in the colonies,
the influence of the Soviet revolution, and the centrifugal
tendencies within the premier maritime and colonial empire--Great
Britain (Canada, Australia, south Africa), have stimulated
rebellions in the colonies and semi-colonies. The great Chinese
revolution, which roused hundreds of Millions ?of the Chinese
people to action, caused an enormous breach in the imperialist
system. The unceasing revolutionary ferment among hundreds of
millions of Indian workers and peasants is threatening to break
the domination of the world citadel of imperialism, Great Britain.
The growth of tendencies directed against the powerful imperialism
of the United States in the Latin-American countries threatens to
undermine the expansion of North American capital. Thus, the
revolutionary process in the colonies, which is drawing into the
struggle against imperialism the overwhelming majority of the
world's population that is subjected to the rule of the finance-
capital oligarchy of a few "great powers" of imperialism, also
expresses the profound general crisis of capitalism. Even in
Europe itself, where imperialism has put a number of small nations
under its heel, the national question is a factor that intensifies
the inherent contradictions of capitalism.
4o. Finally, the revolutionary crisis is inexorably maturing
in the very centers of imperialism: the capitalist offensive
against the working class, tha attack upon the workers' standard
of living, upon their organizations and their political rights,
and the growth of white terror, rouse increasing resistance on
the part of the broad masses of the pnpletariat and intensify the
class struggle between the working class and trustified capital.
The great battles fought between laboa' and capital, the
accelerated swing of the masses to the Left, the growth in the
influence and authority of the Communist Parties; the enormous
growth of sympathy of the broad masses of workers for the land
of the proletarian dictatorship -- all this is a clear symptom
of the maturing of a new revolutionary upsurge in the centers
of imperialism,
41. Thus, the system of world imperialism, and with it the
partial stabilization of capitalism, is being corroded from -
various causes; by the antagonisms and confliats between the
imperialist states; by the rising of the vast masses in the.
colonial countries; by the action of the revolutionary proletariat
in the imperialist home countries; finally, by the leading force in
the world revolutionary movement -- the proletarian dictatorship in
the U.S.S,IL The international revollation is developing.
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.42. Against this revolution, imperialism is gathering its
forces Expeditions against the colonies, a new world war, a
campaign against the U.S.S,R. are matters which now figure
prominently in the politics of imperialism. This must lead to
the release of all the forces of international revolution and
to the inevitable doom of capitalism.
III. THE ULTIMATE AIM OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL -- WORLD COMMUNISM
43. The ultimate aim of the Communist International is to replace
world capitalist economy by a world system of communism. Communist
society, the basis for which has been prepared by the whole course of
historical development, is mankind's only. way out, for it alone can
abolish the contradictions of the capitalist system which threatens
to degrade and destroy the human race.
44.. Communist society will abolish the class division of society,
i.e.., simultaneously with the abolition of anarchy of production, it
will abolish all forms of exploitation and opPression of man by man.
Society will no longer consist of antagonistic Classes in conflict with,
each other, but will represent a united commonwealth of labor. For the
first time in its history mankind will take its fate into its own hands.
Instead of destroying: innumerable human lives and incalculable wealth in
struggles between classes and nations, mankind will devote all its, energy
to the struggle against the forces of nature, to the development and
strengthening of its own collective might.
45. After. abolishing private ownership in the means of production
and converting them into social property, the world system of communism
will replace the elemental forces of the world market, of competition
and the blind process of social production, by consciously organized and
planned production for the purpoae of satisfying rapidly growing social
needs. With the abolition of competition and anarchy in production, the
devastating crises and still more devastating wars will disappear.
Instead of colossal waste of productive forces and spasmodic developtent
of society there will be planned utilization Of all material resources
and painless economic development on the basis of the unlimited,
harmonious and rapid development of the productive forces.
46. The abolition of private property and the disappearance of
classes will do away with the exploitation of man by man. Work will
cease to be toiling for the benefit of a class enemy. Instead of being
merely a means of livelihood it will become a necessity of life. Want
and economic inequality, the misery of enslaved classes, and a wretched
standard of life generally will disappear; the hierarchy created in the
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division of labor system will be abolished, together with the antagonism
between mental and manual labor, and the last veutige of the social
inequality of sexes will be removed. At the same time, the organs of
class domination, and the state in the first place, will disappear also.
The state, being the embodiment of class domination, will wither away
insofar as classes disappear, and with it all measures of coercion
will expire.
47. With the disappearance of classes the monopoly of education
in every form will be abolished. Culture will become the acquirement
of all and the class ideologies of the past will give place to
scientific materiallst philosophy. Under such circumstances, the
domination of man over tan, in any form, becomes impossible, and a
great field will be opened for the social selection and the harmonious
development of all the talents inherent in humanity.
4u. In communist society no social restrictions will be imposed
upon the growth of the forces of production. Private ownership in
the means of production, the selfish lust for profits, the artificial
retention of the masses in a state of ignorance, poverty--which retards
technical progress in capitalist society--and unproductive expenditures
will have no place in a communist society. The most expedient utilization
of the forces of nature and of the natural conditions of production in
the various parts of the world; the removal of the antagonism between
town and country that under capitalsm results from the low technical
level of agriculture and its systematic lagging behind industry; the
closest possible cooperation between science and technics, the utmost
encouragement of research work and the practical application of its
results on the widest possible social scale, planned organization of
scientific work; the application of the most perfect methods of
statistical accounting and planned regulation of economy; the rapidly
growing social needs, which is the most powerful internal driving
force of the whole system--all these will secure the maximum pro-
ductivity of social labor, which in turn will release human energy
for the powerful development of science and art.
49. The development of the productive forces of world
communist society will make it possible to raise the well-being of the
whole of humanity and to reduce to a minimum the time devoted to
material production and, consequently, will enable culture to fluurish
as never before in history. This new culture of a humanity that is
united for the first time in history, and has abolished all state
boundaries, will, Unlike capitalist culture, be based upon clear and
transparent human relationships. Hence, it will bury forever all
mysticism, religion, prejudice and superstition and will give a
powerful impetus to the development of all-conquering scientific
knowledge.
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50. This higher stage of communism, the stage in which communist
society has already developed on its own foundation, in which an
enormous growth of social productive forces has accompanied the
manifold development of man, in which humanity has already
inscribed on its banner. "From each according to his abilit,i.ee; to each
according to his needs!" --presupposes, as a preliminary historical
condition, a lower stage of development, the stage of socialism.
At this lower stage, communist society only just emerges from capitalist
society and bears all the economic, ethical and intellectual birthmaris
it has inherited from the society from whose woMb it is just emerging.
The productive forces of socialism are not yet sufficiently developed
to assure a distribution of the products of labor according to needs:
these are distributed according to the amount of labor expended.
Division of labor, i.e., the system whereby certain groups perform
certain labor functions, and especially the distinction between mental
and manual labor, still exists. Although classes are abolished, traces
of the old class division of society, and , consequently, remnatts
of the proletarian state power, coercion, laws, still exist. Con-
sequently, certain traces of inequality, which have not yet managed
to die out altogether, still remain. The antagonism between tuwn
and country has not yet been entirely removed. But none of these
survivals of former society is protected or defended by any social
force. Being the product of a definite level of development of
productive forces, they will disappear as rapidly as mankind, freed
from the fetters of the capitalist system, subjugates the forces
of nature, re-educates itself in the spirit of communism, and passes
from socialism to complete communism.
IV. THE PERIOD OF TRANSITION FROM CAPITALISM TO SOCIALISM AND THE
DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT
A ?
The Transition Period and the Conquest of Power by the Proletariat
51. Between capitalist society and communist society a period
of revolutionary transformation intervenes, during which the one
changes into the other. Correspondingly, there is also an
intervening period of political transition, in which the essential
state form is the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.
The transition from the world dictatorship of imperialism to the
world dictatorship of the proletariat extends over a long period
of proletarian struggles with defeats us well as victories; a
period of continuous general crisis in capitalist relationships
and the maturing of socialist revolutions, i.e., of proletarian
civil wars against the bourgeoisie; a period ofnational wars and
colonial rebellions which, although not in themselves revolutionary
proletarian socialist movements, are nevertheless, objectively,
insofar as they undermine the domination of imperialism, constituent
parts of the world proletarian revolution; a period in which
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capitalist and socialist economic and social systems exist side
by side in "peaceful" relationships as well as in armed conflict;
a period of formation of a Union of Soviet Republics; a period of
wars of imperialist states against Soviet states; a period in -
which the ties between the Soviet staes and colonial peoples
become more and more closely established, etc
52. Uneven economic and political development is an absolute
law of capitalism. This unevenness is still more pronounced and
acute in the epoch of imperialism. Hence, it follows that the
international proletarian revolution cannot be conceived as a
single event occurring simultaneously all over the world; at
first socialism may be victorious in a few, or even in one single
capitalist country. Every such proletarian victory, however,
broadens the basis of the world revolution and, consequently,
still further intensifies the general crisis of capitalism.
Thus, the capitalist system as a whole reaches the point of its
final collapse; the dictatorship of finance capital perishes
and gives place to the dictatorship of the proletariat.
53. Bourgeois revolutions brougat about the political
liberation of a system of productive relationships that had
already established itself and become economically dominant, and
transferred political power from the hands of one class of
exploiters to the hands of another. Proletarian revolution,
however, signifies the forcible invasion of the proletariat into
the domain of property relationships of bourgeois society, the
expropriation of the expropriating classes, and the transference
of power to a class that aims at the radical reconstruction of the
eoonomic foundations of society and the abolition of all
exploitation of man by man. The political domination of the
feudal barons was broken all over the world as the result of a
series of separate bourgeois revolutions that extended over a
period of centuries. The international proletarian revolution,
however, although it will not be a single simultaneous act, but
one extending over a whole epoch, nevertheless- thanks to the
closer ties that now exist between the countries of the world-
will accomplish its mission in a much shorter period of time.
Only after the proletariat has achieved victory and consolidated
its power all over the world will s prolonged period of intensive
construction of world socialist econcmy set in.
54. The conquest of yrver by the proletariat is a necessary
condition precedent to the growth of socialist forms of economy
and to the cultural growth of the proletariat, which transforms
its own nature, perfects itself for the leadership of society in
all spheres of life, draws into this process of transformation all
other classes and thus prepares the ground for the abolition of
classes altogether.
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55. In the strug.gleforthe dictatorship of the proletariat,
and later for the transformation of the social system, as against
the alliance of capitalists and landlords an alliance of workers
and peasants if formed,under the intellectual and political hegemony
of the former, an alliance which serves as the basisfor the
dictatorship of the proletariat.
56. The characteristic feature of the transition period
as a whole, is the ruthless suppression of the resistance of the
exploiters, the organization of socialist construction, the mass
training of men and women in the spirit of socialism and the
gradual disappearance of classes. Only to the extent that these
great historical tasks are fulfilled will society of the transition
period become transformed into communist society.
57. .Thus, the dictatorship of the world proletariat is an
essential and vital condition precedent to the transition of
world capitalist economy to socialist-economy. This world
dictatorship can be established- only_when the victory of socialism
has been achieved in certain countries or groups of countries,
when the newly established proletarian republics enter into a
federative unionwith the aiready-exibting proletarian republics,
when the number of such federations has grown and extended also
to the colonies which have emancipated themselves from the yoke
of imperialism; when these federations of republies have finally
grown into a World Union of Soviet Socialist Republics uniting
the whole of mankind under the hegemony of the international
proletariat organized as a state,
58. The conquest of power by the proletariat does not mean
peacefully "capturing" the ready-made boUgeois state machinery
by means of a parliamentary majority. The bourgeoisie resorts
to every means of violence and terror to safeguard and strengthen
its predatory property and its political domination. Like the
feudal nobility of the past, the bourgeoisie cannot abandon its
historical position to the new class without. a desperate and
frantic struggle. Hence, the violence of?the bourgeoisie can be
suppressed only by the stern violence of the proletariat. The
conquest of power by the proletatiat is the violent overthrow of
bourgeois power, the destruction of the capitalist state apparatus
(bourgeois armies, police, bureaucratic hierarchy, the judiciary,
parliaments, etc.), and substituting in its place new organs" of
proletarian power, to serve primarily as instruments for the
suppression of the exploiters.
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B. The Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Its Soviet Form
59. As has been shown by the ex:?erience of the October revolu-
tion of 1917 and by the Hungarian revolution, which immeasurably
enlarged the experience of the Paris Commune of 1871, the most
suitable form of the proletarian state is the Soviet state -- a
new type of State, which differs in principle from the bourgeois
state, not only in its class content, but also in its internal
structure. This is precisely the type of State which, emerging
as it does directly out of the broadest possible mass movement of
the toilers, secures the maximum of mass activity and is, conse-
quently, the surest guarantee of final victory.
60. The Soyiet form of state, being the highest form of
democracy, namely, proletarian democracy, is the very opposite
of bourgeois democracy, which is bourgeois dictatorship in a masked
form. The Soviet state is the dictatorship of the proletariat,
the rule of a single class-- the proletariat. Unlike bourgeois
democracy, proletarian democracy openly admits its class character
and aims avowedly at the suppression of the exploiters in the
interests of the overwhelming majority of the population. It
deprives its class enemies of political rights, and , under special
historical conditions, may grant the proletariat a number of
temporary advantages over the diffused petty-bourgeois peasantry
in order to strengthen its role of leader. While disarming and ?
suppressing its class enemies, the proletarian state at the same
time regards this deprivation of political rights and partial
restriction of liberty as temporary measures in the struggle aga_nst
the attempts on the part of the explciters to defend or restore
their privileges. It inscribes on its banner the motto: the
proletariat holds power not for the purpose of perpetuating it,
not for the purpose of protecting narrow craft and professional
interests, but for the purpose of uniting the backward and scattered
rural proletariat, the semi-proletariat and the toiling peasants
still more closely with the most progressive strata of the
workers, for the purpose of gradually and systematically over-
coming class divisions altogether. Being an all-embracing form
of the unity and organization of the Masses under the leadership
of the proletariat, the Soviets, in actual fact, draw the broad
masses of the proletariat, the peasants and all toilers into the
strtuggle for socialism, into the work of building up socialism,
and into the practical administration of the, state; in the whole
of their work they rely upon the working-class organizations and
practice the principles of broad demacracy among the toilers to a
far greater extent and immeasurably closer to the masses than any
other form of government. The right of electing and recalling
delegates, the combination of the executive with the legislative
power, the electoral system based on a production and not on a
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residential qualification (election by workshops, factories, etc.)-
all this secures for the working class and for the broad masses
of the toilers who march under its hegemony systematic,
continuous and active participation in all public affairs--economic,
social, political, military and cultural-.and marks the sharp
difference that exists between the bourgeois-parliamentary
republic and the Soviet dictatorship of the proletariat.
61. Bourgeois deMOcracy, With its formal equality,of.alli
citizens before the law, is in reality based on a glaring material
and economic inequality of classes. By leaving inviolable,
defending and strengthening the monopoly of the capitalist and land-
lord classes in the vital means of production, bourgeeis democracy,
as far as the exploited classes and especially the proletariat
is concerned, converts this formal equality before the law and
these democratic rights and liberties, which in practice are
systematically curtailed, into a juridical fiction and,
consequently, into a means for deceiving and enslaving the masses.
Being the expression of the political domination of the bourgeois
so7called democracy is therefore capitalist democracy. By
depriving the exploiting classes of the means of production, by
placing the monopoly of these means of production in the hands
of the proletariat as. the dominant class in .society, the Soviet
state first and foremost guarantees to the working class and to
the toilers generally the material conditions for the exercise of
their rights by providing them with premises, public buildings,
printing plants, traveling facilities, etc.
62. In the domain of general political rights the Soviet
state, while depriving the exploiters and the enemies of the
people of political rights, completely abolishes for the first
time all inequality of citizenship, which under systems of
exploitation is based on distinctions of sex, religion and
nationality, in this sphere it establishes an equality that is
not to be found in any bourgeois country. In this respect, also,
the dictatorship of the proletariat steadily lays down the
material basis upon which this equality may be truly exercised
by introducing measures for the emancipation of women, the
industrialization of former colonies, etc.
63. Soviet democracy, therefore, is proletarian democracy,
democracy of the toiling masses, democracy directed against the
exploiters.
64. The Soviet state completely disarms the bourgeoisie and
concentrates all arms in the hands of the proletariat, it is the
armed proletarian state. The armed forces under the Soviet state
are organized on a class basis, which corresponds to the general
structure of the proletarian dictatorship, and guarantees the role
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of leadership to the industrial proletariat. This organization,
while maintaining revolutionary disc:ipline, ensures to the warriors
of the Red Army and Navy close and constant contacts with the
masses of the toilers, participation in the administration of
the country and in the work of building up socialism.
C. The Dictatorship of the Proletariat and the Expropriation of
the Expropriators
65. The victorious proletariat utilizes the conquest of
power as a lever of economic revolution, i.e., of the revolutionary
transformation of the property relations of capitalism into
relationships of the socialist mode of production. The starting
point of this great emonomic revolution is the expropriation of
the landlords and capitalists, i.e., the conversion of the
monopolistic property of the bourgeoisie into the property of
the proletarian state.
66. In this sphere the Communist International advances the
following fundamental tasks of the proletarian dictatorship:
1. Industry, Transport and: Communication Services:
A. The confiscation and proletarian nationalization
of all large private capitalist undertakings (factories,
plants, mines, electric power stations) and the
transference of all state and municipal enterprises
to the Soviets.
B. The confiscation and proletarian nationalization
of private capitalist railyay, waterway, automobile and
air transport services (commercial and passenger air
fleet) and the transference of all state and municipal
.transport services to the Soviets.
C. The confiscation and proletarian nationalization
of private capitalist communication services (telegraphs,
telephones and wireless) and the transference of state
and municipal communication services to the Soviets.
D. The organization of workers' management of
industry. The. establishment of state organs for the
management of industry with provision for the close
participation of the trade unions in this work of
management. Appropriate functions to be guaranteed for
the factory and plant committees.
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E. Industrial activity to be directed towards
the satisfaction of the needs of the brad masses of
:the toilers. The reorganization of the branches of
industry that formerly served the needs of the ruling
'class ,(luxury trades,, etc.). The strengthening of the
branches of industry that will facilitate the development
of agriculture; with the object of strengthening the ties
between industry and peasant economy; of facilitating
the development of State farms, and of accelerating the
rate of development of national economy as a whole.
Agriculture:-
. A. ?-The confiScation.and proletarian nationalization
of 'all large:landed:estates in town and country (private,
churcht,.mOnastery and other lands) :and the transference
Of State and municipal landed' property including forests,
:minerals; lakes, rivers, etc.-, to the Soviets with
subsequent nationalization of the whole of the land.
.B. The Confiscation4Of all property utilized in
production belonging to large landed estates, such as
buildings, machinery and other inventory, cattle,
enterprises for the manufacture of agricultural products
(large flour mills, cheese plant$) dairy farms, fruit
and vegetable drying plants, etc.).
? C. The transfer of large estate's, particularly
model estates and those of considerable economic
imPortante, to the management of the organs of the
proletarian dictatorship and of the Soviet farm
organizations.'
D. Part of the land confiscated from the landlords
and others, particUlarly where the land was cultivated
by the peasants on a tenant basis aid served as a means
of holding_the peasantry in econdmic bondage, to be
transferred to the us& of the peasantry (to the poor
and partly also to the middle peasantry). The amoutt
of land to be ,S0 transferred-to:be determined by
economic expediency 4s 'well as by the degree of necessity
to neutralize the peasantry and to win them over to
the side of the proletariat; this amount' must necessarily
vary, according to the different circumstances.
E. Prohibition of buying and selling of land, as
a means of preserving the land for the peasantry and pre-
venting its passing into the hands of capitalists, land
speculators, etc.Violations of this law to be energetically
combatted.
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F. To combat usury. All transactions entailing
terms of bondage to be annulled. All debts of the
exploited strata of the peasantry to be annulled. The
poorest stratum of the peasantry to be relieved from
taxation, etc.
G. Comprehensive state measures for developing
the productive forces of agriculture, the development
of rural electrification; the manufacture of tractors,
the production of artificial- fertilizers; the production
of pure quality seeds and raising thoroughbred stock
on Soviet farms; the extensive organization of
agricultural credits for land reclamation, etc.
H. Financial and other support for agricultural
co-operatives and for all ftrms of collective production
in the rural districts (co-tperative societies, communes,
etc.). Systematic propaganda in favor of peasant co-
operation (selling, credit and supply cooperative societies)
to be based on the mass activity of the peasants them-
selves; propaganda in favor of the transition to large-
scale agricultural production which---- owing to the
indubitable technical and economic advantages of large-
scale production --- provide the greatest immediate
economic gain and also a method of transition to
socialism most accessible to-the broad masses of the
toiling peasants.
B. Trade and Credit:
A. The proletarian nationalization of private
banks ( the entire gold reserve, all securities, deposits,
etc., to be transferred to the proletarian state); the
proletarian state to take over state, municipal, etc. banks.
B. The centralization of banking; all nationalized
big banks to be subordinated to the central state bank.
C. The nationalization of wholesale trade and
large retail trading enterprises (warehouses, elevators,
stores, stocks of goods, etc,), and their transfer to
the organs of the Soviet state.
D. Every encouragement to be given to consumers
co-operatives as representing an integral part of the
distributing apparatus, while maintaining uniformity
in their system of work and securing the active
participation of the masses themselves in their work.
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E. Monopoly of foreign trade.
F. The repudiation of state debts to foreign and
home capitalists.
h-.
Conditions of Life, Labor, etc.
A. Reduction_of the working day to seven hours,
and to six hours in industries, Particularly harmful to
the health of the workers. Further reduction of the ?
working day and transition to a five-day week in
countries with developed productive forces. The regulation
of the working day to correspond to the increase of
the productivity of labor.
B. Prohibition, as a rule, of night work and
employment in harmful trades for all females. Prohibition
.of child labor. Prohibition of overtime.
C. Special reduction of the work-day for the youth
(a maximum six-hour day for young persons up to 18 years
of age). Socialistic reorganization of the labor of
young 'persons so as to combine employment in industry
with 'general and .political education.
D. Social insurance in all forms (sickness, old
age, accident, unemployment, etc.) at state expense
.( and at the expense, of the owners of private enter-
prises where they: still exist), insurance affairs to be
managed by the insured themselves.
E. Comprehensive measures of hygiene; the
organization of free medical service. 1I1(3 combat social
diseases (alcoholism, venereal diseases; tuberculosis,
etc.).
F, Complete equality between men and women before
the law and in social life; a radical reform of marital
and family laws; recognition of maternity as a social
function; protection of methers and infants. Initiation
of social case and upbringing of infants and children
(creches, kindergartens, children's homes, etc.).
The establishment of institutions that will gradually
relieve the burden of house drudgery .(public kitchens and
laundries);, and systematic cultural strUggle against the
ideology and traditions of female bondage.
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5. Housing'.
A. The confiscation of big housing property.
B. The transfer of coafisctted houses to the
administration of the local Soviets.
C. The bourgeois residential districts to be
settled by workers.
D. Palaces and large :private and public buildings
to be placed at the disposal of labor organizations.
E. The carrying out 0.2 an extensive program of
housing construction.
6. National and Colonial Questions:
A. The recognition of the right of all nationa,
irrespective of race, to complete self-determination,
that is, self-determination inclusive of the right to
state separation.
B. The voluntary unification and centralization
of the military and economic forces of all nations
liberated from capitalism---for the purpose of fighting
against imperialism and for building up socialist economy.
C. Wide and determineL struggle against the
imposition of any kind of limitation and restriction
upon any nationality, nation. or race. Complete
equality for all nations and. races.
D. The Soviet state to guarantee and support with
all the resources at its coranand the national cultures
of nations liberated from capitalism while carrying out
a consistent proletarian policy in the development of
the content of such cultures
E. Every assistance tc be rendered to the economic,
political and cultural growth of the formerly oppressed
"territories", "dominions" and "colonies", with the
Object of transferring them to socialist lines, so that
a durable basis may be laid for complete national equality.
F. To combat all remnants of chauvinism, national
hatred, race prejudices and other ideological products of
feudal and capitalist barbarism.
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7. Means of Ideological Influence;
A. The nationalization of printing plants.
B. The monopoly of newspaper and book-pUblishing.
C. The nationalization of big cinema enterprises,
theatres, etc. ?
D. The Basis
67. In
proletariat,
D. The utilization of the nationalized means of
"intellectual production" for the most extensive
political and general education of the toilers and for
:the building up of a new socialist culture on a
Droletarian class basis.
for the Economic Policy Of the Proletarian Dictatorship
carrying out all these tasks of the dictatorship of the
the following postulates must be borne in mind:
1. The complete abolition of private property in land, and
the nationalization of the land, cannot be brought about
iMmediately in the more developed capitalist countries, where
the principle of private property is deep-rooted among broad
strata of the peasantry. In such countries, the nationalization
of all the land can only be brought about gradually, by means
of a series of transitional measures.
.2 Nationalization of production should not, as a rule be
applied to small and middle-sized enterprise? (peasants, small
artisans, handicraft, small and medium shops, small manufac-
turere,etc4 First, because the proletariat must draw a strict
distinction between the property of the small commodity producer
working for himself, who can and must be gradually brought
into the groove of socialist construction, and the property
Of the capitalist exploiter, the liquidation of which is an
indisPensible prerequisite for socialist construction.
68. Second, because the-proletariat, after seizing power, may
not have sufficient organizing forces:at its disposal, particularly
in the first phase's of the dictatorship, for the purpose of
Adestroying-Capitalism and at the same time to establish contacts
with the Sraller.and medium individual units of production on a
socialist basis: These small individual enterprises (primarily
peasant enterprises) will be drawn into the general socialist
organization of production and distribution only gradually, with
the: pOwerfUl and 'systematic aid the proletarian ,State will render
to organize them in all the various fOrms of collective enterprises.
Any attempt to break up their economic system violently- and to compel
them to adopt 'collective methods by force would only lead to harmful
results.
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3. Owing to the prevalence of a large number of small
units of production (primarily peasant farms, farmers'
enterprises, small artisans) small shopkeppers, etc.) in
colonies, semi-colonies and economically backward countries,
where the petty-bourgeois masses represent the overwhelming ma
majority of the population, and even in the centers of the
capitalist world economy (the United States of America,
Germany, and to some degree also England), it is necesaary, in
the first stage of developMent, to preserve to some extent,
Market forms of economic contacts, the money system, etc. The
variety of prevailing economic forms (ranging from socialist
large scale industry to small peasant and artisan enterprises),
which unavoidably come into conflict with each other, the
variety of economic forms, each having different stimuli for
economic activity and conflicting class interests and finally,
the prevalence in all spheres of economic life of habits and
traditions inherited from bourgeois society, which cannot be
removed all at once,--all this demands that the proletariat,
in exercising its economic leadership, shall properly combine,
on the basis of market relationship, large- scale socialist
industry with the small enterprises of the simple commodity
producers, i.e., it must combine them in such a way as to
guarantee the leading role to socialist industry and at the
same time bring about the greatest poslible development of the
mass of peasant enterprises. Hence, the greater the weight
of scattered small peasant labor in the general economy of
the country, the greater will be the scope of the market relations,
the smaller will be the significance of direct, planned management,
and the greater will be the degree to which the general economic
plan will depend upon an estimation of the uncontrollable
economic relations. On the other hand, the smaller the
wieght of petty husbandry and the greater the proportion of
socialized labor, the more powerful the concentrated and
socialized means of production, the smaller will be the scope
of the market relations, the greater will be the importance of
planned management as compared with the uncontrolled dconomic
activities, and the more considerable and universal s.11 be
the application of planned management in the sphere of
production and distribution.
69. Provided the proletarian dictatorship carries out a correct
class policy, i.e., provided proper account is taken of class-
relationships, the technical and economic superiority of large-.scale
socialized production, the centralization of all the most important
economic key positions (industry, transport, large- scale
agricultureal enterprises, etc.) in the hands of the proletarian
state, planned management of industry, and the power wielded by the
state apparttus as a whole (the budget, taxes, administrative
legislation generally), render it possible continuously tnd
systematically to dislodge private capital as well as the new outcrops
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of capitalism which, on the basis of more or less free trading and
of the market relations, emerge in town and country with the
development of simple commodity production (big farmers, kulaks).
At the sate time, by organizing peasant farming on co-operative lines,
and as a result of the growth of collective forms :of economy, the
great bulk of the. peasant enterprises will besystematically:drawn
into the main channel of developing socialism The outwardly
capitalist forms and methods of economic activity that are bound up
with market relations (money form of acCounting?,jjayment for labor
in money, buying and selling, credit and banks, etc:), serve as
levers for the socialist transformation insofar as they to an
increasing degree serve the consistently socialist type of enter-
prises, i.e., the socialist Section of economy.
70. Thus, provided the state carries out, a correct policy, the
market relations under the proletarian dictatorship_destroythem-
Selves in the process of th-oir own development_by helping to dis-
lodge private capital, by changing the character of peasant economy,
by further centralization and concentration of the means of
'production in the hands of the proletarian state; by these means
.they help to destroy market relations altogether.
71. 1ft the event of probable capitalist military intervention,
and of prolonged counter-revolutionary wars against the dictatorship
of the proletariat, the necessity may arise for a war-Communist
economic policy. (War Communism), which is nothing more nor less than
the organization of rational consumption for the purpose of military
defense, accompanied by a system of intensified pressure upon the
capitalist. groups (Confiscation, requisitions, etc.), with the more
or less complete liquidation of freedom of trade and market
relations and a sharp interference with the individualistic,
economic' stimuli of the small producers, which results in a
diminution of the productive forces Of the country. This. policy
.bf War Communism, while it undermines the material basis of the
strata of the population in the country that are hostile to the
Working class, secures a rational distribution of the available
supplies and facilitates the military Struggle of the proletarian
dictatorship, which is the historical justification of this policy,
it nevertheless dannot be regarded as the "hormal" economic policy
of the proletarian diCtatorship,
E. Dictatorship of the Proletariat and the Classes.
72. The dictatorship at the proletariat is a continuation of
the class struggle under new conditions. The dictatorship of the
proletariat is a stubborn fight?bloody and bloodless, violent and
ppaceful, military and economic, pedagogical and. administrative,--
against the forces and :traditions of,the.old:society; against
external capitalist enemies, against the remnants of the exploiting
classes within the country, against the upshoots at the new bourgeoisie
that spring Up on the basis of still existing commodity production.
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73. After the civil war has been brought to an end the
stubborn class struggle continues in new. forms, primarily in the form
of a struggle between the survivals of previous economic systems and
fresh upshoots of them on the one hand, and socialist forms of
economy on the other. The forms of the struggle undergo a change
at various stages of socialist development, and in the first stages
the struggle, under certain conditions, may be extremely severe.
74. In the initial stage of the proletarian dictatorship,
the policy of the proletariat towards other classes and social groups
within the country is determined by the following postulates:
1. The big bourgeoisie and the landowners, a section of
the officer corps, the higher conmand of the forces, and the
higher bureaucracy?who remain loyal to the bourgeoisie and
the landlords--- are consistent enemies of the working class
against whom ruthless war must be waged. The organizing skill
of a certain section of these strata may be utilized, but as
a rule, only after the dictatorship has been consolidated and
all conspiracies and rebellions cf exploiters have been decisively
crushed.
2. In regard to the technical intelligentsia, which was
brought up in the spirit of bourgeois traditions and the higher
ranks of which were closely linked up with the commanding
apparatus of capital, the proletariat, while ruthlessly
suppressing every counter-revolutionary action on the part of
hostile sections of the intelligentsia, must at the same time
give consideration to the necessity of utilizing this skilled
social force for the work of socialist constructions it must
give every encouragement to the groups that are neutral, and
especially to those that are friendly, towards the proletarian
revolution. In widening the economic, technical and cultural
perspective of socialist construction to its utmost social
limits, the proletariat must syttematically win over the
technical intelligentsia to its side, subject it to its
ideological influence and secure its close cooperation in
the work of social reconstructior-
3. In regard to the peasantry, it is the task of the
Communist Party, while placing its reliance in the agricultural
proletariat, to win over all the exploited and toiling strata
of the country-side. The victorious proletariat must draw
strict distinctions between the various groups among the
peasantry, weigh their relative importance, and render every
support to the propertyless and semi-proletarian sections of
the peasantry by transferring to them a part of the land taken
from the big landowners, by helping them in their struggle
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against usurer's capital, etc. Moreover, the proletariat must
neutralize the middle strata of the peasantry and mercilessly
suppress the slightest opposition on the part Of the village
bourgeoisie who ally themselves with the landowners. As its
dictatorship becomes consolidated and socialist construction
develops, the proletariat must proceed from the policy of
neutralization to a policy of.durable alliance with the masses
of middle peasantry, but must not adopt the viewpoint of sharing
power in any form. The dictatorship of the proletariat implies
that the industrial workers alone are capable of leading the
entire mass of the toilers On the other hand, while representing
the rule of a single class, the dictatorship of the proletariat
at the same time represents a spethial form of class alliance
between the proletariat, as the vanguard of the toilers, and
the numerous 4.011-pro1etarian sections of the toiling masses, or
the majority of them. It represents an alliance for the
complete overthrow of capital, for the complete suppression
of the opposition of the bourgeoisie and its attempts at
restoration, at alliance aiming at the complete building up
and consolidation of socialism.
4. The urban petty bOurgeoisie, which continuously wavers
between extreme reaction and sympathy for the proletariat, must
likewise be neutralized and, as far as possible, won over to
the side of the proletariat. This can be achieved by leaving
to them their small property and permitting a certain measure
of free trade, by releasing them from the bondage of usurious
credit and by the proletaflat's helping them in all sorts of ways
in the struggle against all and every form of capitalist oppression.
F. Mass Organizations in the System of Proletarian Dictatorship
75. In the process of fulfilling these tasks of the proletatian
:dictatorship, a radical change takes place in the tasks and functions
of the mass organizations, particularly of the labor. organizations.
Under capitalism, the mass labor -organizations,in which the broad
masses of the proletariat were originally orgatized and trained i.e.,
the trade (industrial), unions, serve as the principal weapons in
the Struggle against trustified:capital and its state. Under the
proletarian dictatorship, they become transformed into the
principal lever of the state; they become transformed into a school
of communism, by means of which vast masses of the proletariat are
drawn into the work of socialist management of production; they are
transformed into organizations directly connected with all parts of
the state apparatus, influencing all branches of its work, safeguarding
the lasting as well as the day to day interests of the working class
and fighting against bureaucratic distortions in the organs of the
Soviet state. Thus, insofar as they promote from their tanks leaders
in the work of construction, draw into this work of construction broad
sections of the proletariat and particularly as they undertake the
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task of combating bureaucratic distortions which inevitably arise
as a result of the operation of class influences alien to the
proletariat and of the inadequate cultural development of the masses,
the trade unions become the backbone of the proletarian economic
and state organization as a whole.
y6. Notwithstanding reformist utopias, working class co-
operative organizations under capitalism are doomed to play a very
minor role and in the general environment of the capitalist system
not infrequently degenerate into mere appendages of capitalism.
Under the dictatorship of the proletariat, however, these organizations
can and must become the most important" units of the distributing
apparatus.
77. Lastly, peasant agricultural co-operative organizations
(selling, purchasing, credit and producing), under proper
management and provided a systematic struggle is carried on against
the capitalist elements, and that really broad masses of the toilers
who follow the lead of the proletariat take a really active part
in their work, can and must become one of the principal organizational
means for linking up town- and country. To the extent that they
were able to maintain their existence at all under capitalism, co-
operative peasant enterprises inevitably became transformed into
capitalist enterprises, for they were dependent upon capitalist
industry, capitalist banks and upon capitalist economic enviroriment,
and were led by reformists, the peasant bourgeoisie, and sometimes
even by landlords. Under the dictatorship of the proletariat,
however, such enterprises develop amidst a different system of
relationships, they depend upon proletarian industry, proletarian
banks, etc. Thus, provided the proletariat carries out a proper
policy, provided the class struggle is systematically conducted
against the capitalist elements outside as well as inside the
cooperative organizations, and provided socialist industry exercises
its guidance over it, agricultural cooperation will become one of
the principal levers for the socialist transformation and
collectivization of the countryside. Ail this, however, does not
exclude the possibility that in certain countries the consumers'
societies, and particularly the agricultural cooperative societies
led by the bourgeoisie and their Social-Democratic agents, at first
be hotbeds of counter-revolutionary activity and sabotage against
the work of economic construction of the workers' revolution.
'f8. In the course of this militant and constructive work,
carried on through the medium of these multifarious proletarian
organizations--which should serve as effective levers of the Soviet
state and the link between it and the masses of all strata of the
working class--the proletariat secures unity of will and action
and exercises this unity through the medium of the Communist party,
which plays the leading role in the sys-:em of the proletarian
dictatorship.
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'(9. The Party of the proletariat relies directly on the trade
unions and other organizations that embrace the masses of the workers,
and throagh these, relies on the peasantry (Soviets, cooperative
societies, Young Communist Leagues) etc.), by means of these levers
it guides the whole Soviet system. The proletariat can fulfill its
tole as organizer of the new society only if the Soviet government
is loyally supported by all the mass organizations, only if class
unity is maintained, and only under the guidande of the Party.
G. The Dictatorship of the Proletariat and the Cultural Revolution
80. The role of orn'anizet of the new human society presupposes
that the proletariat itself will become culturally mature, that it
will transform its own nature, that it will continually promote
from its ranks increasing numbers of men and women capable of
mastering science, technics and administration in order to build
up socialism and a new socialist culture.
81. Bourgeois revolution against feudalism presupposes that a
new class has arisen in the midst of feudal society that is culturally
more advanced than the ruling class and is ulready the dominant
factor in economic life. The proletarian revolution, however,
develops under other conditions. Being economically exploited
politically oppressed and culturally downtrodden under capitalism,
the_working class transforms its own nature only in the course of
the transition period, only after it has conquered state power,
only by destroying the bourgeois monopoly of education and .
mastering all the sciences, and only after it has gained experience
in great works of construction. The mass awakening of communist
consciousness, the cause of socialism itself, calls for a mass
change of human nature, whiCh can be achievdd only in the course of
the praatical movement, in revolution. Hence, revolution is not
only necessary because there is no other way of overthrowing the
ruling class, but also because, only in the process of revolution
is the overthrowing class able to purge itself of the dross of
the old society and become capable of creating a new society.
82. In destroying the capitalist monopoly of the means of
production, the working class must also destroy the capitalist
monopoly of education, that is, it must take possession of all
the schools, from the elementary schools to the universities. It
is particularly important for the proletariat to train members of
the.Working class as experts in-the sphere of production (engineers,
technicians, organizers, etc.), as.well as in the sphere of
military affairs, science, art, etc. Parallel with this work stands
the task of raising the general cultural level of the proletarian
masses, of improving their political education ,of raising their
general standard of knowledge and technical skill, of training
them in the methods of public work and administration, and of
combating the survivals of bourgeois and petty-bourgeois prejudices,
etc.
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$3. Only to the extent that the proletariat promotes from
its own ranks a body of advanced men and women capable of occupying
these "key positions" of socialist construction and culture, only
to the extent that this body grows, and draws increasing numbers of
the working class into the process of revolutionary-cultural
transformation and gradually Obliterates the line that divides the
proletariat into an "advanced" and a 'backward" section will the
guarantees be created for successful socialist construction and
against bureaucratic decay and class degeneracy.
84: 'However, in the process of revolution the proletariat not
only changes its own nature, but also the nature of other clasees,
primarily the numertus petty-bougeois strata in town and country and
especially the toiling sections of the 'peasantry. By drawing the
wide masses into the process of cultural revolution and socialist
construction, by uniting and communistically educating them with all
the means at its disposal, by strongly combating all anti-proletarian
and narrow craft ideologies, and by persistently and systematically
overcoming the general and cultural backwardness of the rural
districts, the working class, on the basis of the developitg
oollective forms of economy, prepares the way fot the complete
removal of class divisions in society.
85. One of the most important tasks of the cultural revolution
affecting the wide masses is the task of systematically and un-
swervingly combating religion--the opium of the people. The
proletarian government must withdraw all state support from the
church, which is the agency of the former ruling class; it must
prevent all church interference in state-organized educational
afdairs, and ruthlessly suppress the counter-revolutionary activity
of the ecclesiastical organizations. At the same time, the
proletarian state, while granting liberty of worship and abolishing
the privileged position of the formerly dominant religion, carries
on anti-religious propaganda with all the means at its command and
reconstructs the whole of its educational work on the basis of
scientific materialism.
H. The Struggle for the World Dictatorship of the Proletariat
and the Principal Types of Revolutions
86. The international proletarian revolution represents a
combination of processes which vary in time and character; purely
proletarian revolutions; revolutions of a bourgeois-democratic type
which grow into proletarian revolutions, wars for national liberation;
cOlonial revolutions. The world dictatorship of the proletariat comes
only as the final result of the revolutionary process.
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87. The uneven development of capitalism, which became more
accentuated in the period of' imperialism, has given rise to a variety
of types of capitalism., to different stages of ripeness of capitalism,
in different countries, and to a variety of specific conditions of
theirevolutionary process, These circumstances make ,it historically
inevitable that the proletariat will come to power by'a variety of
ways and degrees of rapidity; that a number of countries must pass
through certain transition stages leading:to the dictatorship of
the proletariat and must adopt varied forms of socialist construction.
88. The variety,of conditions and ways by Wlich the proletariat
will achieve its dictatorship in, the various countries may be .
divided schematically into three main types.
89. Countries of highly developed capitalism (United States. of
America, Germany, Teat Britain,. etc.), having powerful productive
forces, highly centralized production, with small-scale production
reduced to relative insignificance, and a long established
bourgeois-democratic-political system. In-such countries- the
fundamental' politicaldemand of the programis direct transition
to the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the economic sphere,
the most characteristic demands are: expropriation of the whole
of large-scale industry, organization, of a large number of state
Soviet farms and, in contrast to this., ?a relatively small portion
of the land to be transferred to the peasantry; uhregulated market
relations to be given comparatively small scope; rapid rate of
socialist development generally, and of collectivization of.peasant
farming in particular.
.90. Countries with a medium deVeloPment Of capitalism .(Spain,
Pbrtugal, Poland, Hungary, the Balkan countries, etc.), having
numerous SurVivaSbf:Semi-feudal-YelationshipS'inagriculture,-
posSeSsing; to 'b.-Certain-extent; the material-prereqUiSites for -
socialist construction, and in which the bourgeois-democratic reforms
have not yet been completed. In some of these countries a process
of more or less rapid development from bourgeois-democratic revolution
to socialist revolution is possible. In others, there may be types
of proletarian revolutions which will have a large number of
bourgeois-democratic tasks to fulfill. Hence, in these countries,
the dictatorship of the proletariat may not come about at once,
but in the process of transition from the democratic dictatorship
of the proletariat and peasantry to the socialist dictatorship of
the proletariat; where the revolution develops directly as a
proletarian revolution it is presumed that the proletariat
exercises leadership over a broad agiariat-peasant_movement. In
general, the agrarian,revolution.plays amost important part in
these countries,, and in. some cases-a decisive role; in the process
of expropriating large landed property a-Considerable portion of the
confiscated land is placed at the disposal of hhe peasantry; the
scope of market relations prevailing after the victory of the
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proletariat is considerable; the tahk of organizing the peasantry
along cooperative lines and, later, of uniting them in cooperative
production, occupies an important place among the tasks of socialist
construction. The rate of this construction is relatively slow.
90. Colonial and semi-colonial countries (China, India, etc.),
and dependent countriesTATTEine, Brazil, etc), having the
rudiments of and in some cases considerably developed industry,
but which in the majority of cases is inadequate for independent
socialist construction.; with medieval feudal relationships, or
."Asiatic mode of production" relationships, prevailing in. their
economics and political super-structure finally, their most important
industrial, commercial and banking enterprises, the principal means
of transport, the large landed estates (latifundia), plantations, etc.
are concentrated in the hands of foreign imperialist groups. The
principal tasks in such countries are, on the one hand, to fight
against foreign imperialism and for national independence. As a
rule, transition to the dictatorship of the proletariat in these
countries will be possible only through a series of preparatory
stages, at the outcome of a whole period of the transformation of
the bourgeois-democratic revolution into socialist revolution, while
in the majority of cases, successful socialist construction will be
possible Only if direct support is obtLined from the countries in
which the proletarian dictaborship is established.
92. In still more backward countries (as in some parts of
Africa) where there are no wage workers- or very few, where the majority
of the population still live in tribal conditions, where survivals
of primitive, tribal forms still exist, where a national bourgeoisie
is almost non-existent, where the primary role of foreign
imperialism is that of military occupation and unsurpation of land,
the central task is to fight for national independence. Victorious
national uprisings in these countries May open the way for their
direct development towards socialism and their avoiding the stage
of capitalism, provided real, powerful assistance is rendered to
them by the countries in which the proletarian dictatorship is
established.
93. Thus, in the epoch in which the proletariat in the most
developed capitalist countries is confronted with the task of
capturing power, in which the dictators-hip of the proletariat is
already established in the USSR and is a factor of world significance,
the liberation movements in the colonial and semi-colonial countries,
which were caused by the penetration of world capitalism, may lead
to their socialist development --- notwithstanding the immaturity
of social relationships in these countries taken by themselves--
provided they receive the assistance and support of the proletarian
dictatorship and of the international proletarian movement generally.
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I. The Struggle for the World Proletarian Dictatorship and the
Colonial Revolutions
94. The special conditions of the revolutionary struggle
prevailing in colonial and semi-colonial countries, the inevitably
long period. of struggle required for the democratic dictatorship of
the proletariat and the peasantry and for the transformation of
:this dictatorship into the dictatorship of the proletariat,'and,
finally, the decisive importance of the national aspecta of the
struggle, impose upon the Communist Parties of these countries a
number of Euslal tasks, which are preparatory stages to the general
taSks, of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Communist
International considers the following to be the most important of
. these specialtasks:
1. To overthrow the rule of foreign imperialism, of the
feudal rulers and of the landlord bureaucracy.
2. To establish the democratic dictatorship of the
proletariat and the peasantry on a Soviet basis.
3. Complete national independence and national unification.
. 4. Annulment of state debts.
5. Nationalization of the large--scale enterprises
(industrial, transport, banking and others) owned by the imperialists.
6. The confiscation of landlord, church and monastery
lands. The nationalization of all the land.
1. Introduction of the eight-hour day.
8. The organization of revolutionary workers and
peasants' armies.
95. In the colonies and semi-colonies where the prbletariat
is the leader of and commands hegemony in the struggle, the con-
cistent.bourgeois-democraid_reVolution will grow_ into proletarian
revolution?in proportion as the struggle develops and becomes more
intense (sabotage by the beurgeoisie, confiscation of the enter-
prises belonging to the sabotaging section of the bourgeoisie, which
inevitably extends to the nationalization of the whole of large-
scale industry). In the colonies where there is no proletariat,
the overthrow of the domination of the imperialists implies the
establishment of the rule of people's (peasant) Soviets,. the
confiscation and transfer to the state of foreign enterprises and
lands.
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96. Colonial revolutions and movements for national liberation
play an extremely important part it the struggle against imperialism
and in the struggle for the conquest of power by the working class.
Colonies and semi-colonies are also important in the transition
period because they constitute the world rural district in relation
to the industrial countries, which function, as it were, as the
urban centers of the world. Consequently, the problem of organizing
socialist world economy, of properly cbmbining industry with
agriculture is, to a large extent, the problem of the relation
towards the former colonies of imperialism. The establishment of
a fraternal fighting alliance with the masses of the toilers in the
colonies constitutes one Of the principal tasks which the world
industrial Proletariat must, fulfill as, the leader in the struggle
against imperialism.
97. Thus, the -world revolution is the course of its development,
while rousing the workers in the imperialist countries for the
struggle for the proletarian dictatorship, rouses also hundreds of
millions of colonial workers and peasants for the struggle against
foreign imperialism. In view of the existence of centers of
socialism represented by Soviet Repub:Acs of growing economic power,
the colonies which break away from imperialism economically
gravitate towards. and gradually combine with the industrial centers
of world socialism. Thus, drawn into the channel of socialist
conttruction, they skip the further stage of development of capitalism
as a predominant system, and obtain opportunities for rapid
economic and cuttural progress. The Peasants' Soviets in the back-
ward ex-colonies and the Workers' and Peasants' Soviets in the more
developed ex-colonies group themselvea politically around the
centers of proletarian dictatorship, Join the growing Federation
of Soviet Republics, and thus enter the general system of the
world proletarian dictatorship.
98. Socialism, as the new method of production, thus obtains
world-wide scope of development.
V. THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT IN THE USSR AND THE INTERNATIONAL
SOCIAL REVOLUTION.
A. The Building Up of Socialism in the USSR and the Class Struggle
99. The principal manifestation of the profound crisis of
the capitalist system is the division of world economy into capitalist
countries on the one hand, and countries building up socialism on
the other. Therefore, the internal consolidation of the
proletarian dictatorship in the USSR, the success achieved in the
work of socialist-construction, the growth of the influence and
authority of the USSR among the masses of the proletariat and the
oppressed peoples of the colonies signify the continuation, strengthening
and expansion of the international socialist revolution.
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100. , Possessing in the country tho necessary, and sufficient
material prerequisites not only, for the overthrow of the. landlords
and the bourgeoisie but also for the establishment. of complete .?
socialism, the workers of the Soviet Republic, -with the aid of the
international proletariat, heroically repelled the attacks' of the
armed forces of the internal, and foreign counterrevolution, consolidated
their alliance with the bulk of the peasantry and achieved
-considerable success in the sphere of socialist .construction,
101. The linking up of the proletarian socialist industry
with the small peasant economy, thus, stimulating the growth of the
productive forces of agriculture and at the same time assuring the
.leading role to socialist industry;, the collaboration of this
-industry with agriculture, instead of its catering, as was the case
under, capitalismi, to the unproductive, consumption of parasitic classes;
Production, not for. capitalist profft, but. for the satisfaction, of
the growing needs of the masses of the consumers; the growth of the
needs of the masses, which in the final analysis greatly stimulates
,the entire productive process;: and ?finally, the close concentration
of the economic key positions under the command of the proletarian
state, the growth of planned management and the more, economic and
expedient distribution of the means of production that goes, with it__
all this enables. the proletariat to make rapid progress along the
road of socialist. construction.
102. In raising the level of the productive.forces of the whole
economy of the country, and in steering a straight, course for the
industrialization of the USSR--the rapidity of which is dictated
by the international and internal situation, the proletariat in, the
USSR, notwithstanding the systematic attempts on the part of the
capitalist powers to. organize an economic and financial boycott ,
against the Soviet Republics, at the same time increases the
relative share of the socialized (socialist)sector of national
economy in the total means of production in the country, in the
total output of industryand in the total trade turnover.
103. 'Thusi. with the. land nationalized) and with the increasing
industrialization of the country, the state socialist indUPtrY,
transport-and banking are more and more guiding,by the means of
the state trade and the rapidly growing cooperatives. , the activities
of the small and very small peasant enterprises.
104. In the sphere-of agriculture especially, the level of
the forces of production is being raised. amidst the conditions that
restrict the process of differentiation among thelpeasantry.(nationaliza-
tion of the land, and consequently, the prohibition of the sale
and purchase of land, , sharply graded progressive taxation; the ,
financing of poor -and middle peasants' cooperative-societies,and
producers' organizations; laws regulating the hiring of labor;
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depriving the kulaks of certain political and public rights;
organizing the rural poor in separate crganizations, etc.). However,
in so far as the productive forces of socialist industry have not
yet grown sufficiently to provide a broad new technical base for
agriculture and, consequently, to render possible the immediate and
rapid unificatinn of peasant enterprises into large social enter-
prises (collective farms), the kulak class, too, grows, establishing
economic and, later, also political collaboration With the elements
of the so-called "new bourgeoisie".
105. Being in command bf the principal economic key positions
in the country and systematically squeezing out the remnants of
urban and private capital, which has greatly dwindled in the last
few years of the New Economic Policy; restricting in every way the
exploiting strata in the rural districts that arise out of the
development of commodity and money relationships; supporting existing
Soviet farms in the rural districts and establishing new ones, drawing
the bulk of the peasant simple commodity producers into the general
system of Soviet economic organization and, consequently, into the
work of socialist construction, through the medium of the rapidly
growing cooperative movement, which -- under the proletarian dicta-
torship and in view of the economic leadership of socialist industry--
is identical with the development of socialism, passing from the process
of restoration to the process of expanded reproduction of the
entire productive and technical base of the country -- the proletariat
of the USSR sets itself, and is already beginning to fulfill, the
task of large-scale basic construction production of means of
production generally, development of heavy industry and especially
of electrification) and, developing still further, selling, buSting
and credit cooperatinn, sets itself the task of organizing the
peasantry in producing cooperatives on a mass scale and a
collectivist basis, which calls for the powerful material assistance
of the proletarian state.
106. Thus socialism--which is already the decisive
economic force determining, in the main, the entire economic
development of the USSR--makes still further strides in its
development and systematically overcomes the difficulties that
arise from the petty-bourgeois character of the country and the
periods of temporarily acute class antagonisms.
107. The task of re-equipping industry and of large--scale
basic construction must give rise to serious difficulties in the
path of socialist development which, in the last analysis, are to
be attributed to the technical and economic backwardness of the
country and to the ruin caused in the years of the imperialist
and civil wars. Notwithstanding this, however, the standard of living
of the working class and of the broad masses of the toilers is steadily
rising and, simultaneously with the socialist rationalization and
scientific organization of industry, the seven-hour day is gradually
being introduced, which opens up still -wider prospects for the
improvement of the living and working conditions of the working class.
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the steady increase in the relative importance of the socialist sector
of its econouy; never for a moment halting the struggle against
the kulaks, relying upon the rural poor and maintaining a firm
alliance with the bulk of the middle peasantry, the working class,
united and led by the Communist Party which has been.hardened in
revolutionary battles, draws increasing masses, scores of millions
of toilers into the work of socialist construction. The principal
means employed towards this aim are: the development of broad
mass organilations (the Party, as the guiding force; the trade unions,
as the backbone of the entire system of the proletarian dictatorship;
the Young Communist League; cooperative societies of all types;
working women's and peasant women's organizations; the various so-
called "voluntary societies"; worker and peasant correspondents'
societies sport, scientific; cultural and educational organizations);
full encouragement of the initiative of the masses and the promotion
of fresh strata of workers to high posts in all spheres of economy
and administration. The steady attraction of the masses into the
process of socialist construction, the constant renovation of the
entire state, economic, trade union and Party apparatus with men and
women fresh from the ranks of the proletariat, the systematic
training, in the higher educational institutions and at special
courses, of workers generally and young workers in particular as
new, socialist experts in all branches of construction-7-all these
together serve as one of the principal guarantees against the bureau-
cratic ossification and social degeneration of the stratum of the
proletariat directly engaged in administration.
B. The Significance of the USSR and Its International Revolutionary
Duties
109. Having defeated Russian imperialism and liberated all tle
former colonies and oppressed nations of the tsarist empire, and
systematically laying a firm foundation for their cultural and ?
political development by industrializing their territories,. having
guaranteed the juridical. position of the Autonomous Territories,
Autonomous Republics and Federated Republics in the Constitution of
the Union and having realized in full the right of nations to
self-determination?the dictatorship of the proletariat in
the USSR has thereby secured, not only formal, but also real
equality for the different nationalities of the Union.
110. As the land of the dictatorship of the proletariat and
of socialist construction, the land of great working class achievements,
of the union of the workers with the peasants and of a new culture
marching under the banner of Marxism, the USSR inevitably becomes the
base of the world movement of all oppressed classes, the center of
international revolution, the greatest factor in world history. In the
USSR, the world proletariat for the first time has acquired a country
that is really its own, and for the colonial movements the USSR becomes
a powerful center of attraction.
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111. Thus, the USSR is an extremely important factor in the
general frisis of capitalism, not only-because it has dropped out
of the world capitalist system and has created a basis for a new
socialist system of production, but also because it plays an
exceptionally great revolutionary role generally; it is the inter-
national driving force of proletarian revolution that impels the
proletariat of all countries to seize power; it is the living example
proving that the working class is not only capable of destroying
capitalism; but of building up socialism as well; it is the prototype
of the fraternity of nationalities in all lands united in the world
union of socialist republics and of the economic unity of the
toilers of all countries in a single world socialist economic system
that the world proletariat must establish when it has captured political
power.
112. The simultaneous existence of two economic systems
the socialist system in the USSR, and the capitalist system in other
countries--imposes on the proletarian state the task of warding off
the blows showered upon it by the capitalist world (boycott,
blockade, etc.). This also compels i-tto resort to economic
maneuvering and to utilize the economic contacts with the
capitalist countries (with the aid of the monopoby of foreign trade,
which is one of the fundamental conditions for the successful
building Up of socialism, and also with the aid of credits, loans,
concessions, etc.). The principal and fundamental line to be followed
in this connection must be the line of establishing the widest
possible contact with foreign countries- within limits determined
by their usefulness to the USSR, i.e., primarily for strengthening
industry in the USSR, for laying the base for its own heavy industry
and electrification and finally, for the development of its own
socialist machine manufacturing industry. Only to the extent that
the economic independence of the USSR from the encircling capitaljA
world is secured can solid guarantees be Obtained against the danger
that socialist construction in the USSR may be destroyed and that
the USSR may be transformed into an appendage of the world
capitalist system.
113. On the other hand, notwithstanding their interest in
the markets of the USSR, the capitalist states continually
vacillate between their commercial interests and their fear of the
groWth of the USSR, which means the growth of the international
revolution. However, the principal ana fundamental tendency in the
policy of the imperialist powers is to encircle the USSR and to
conduct counter-revolutionary war against her in order to strangle
her and to establish a world bourgeois terrorist regime.
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114. The systematic imperialist attempts politically to
encircle the USSR and the growing danger of an armed attack upon her,
ao not, however, prevent the Communist Party of.the Soviet Union--
a section of the Communist International and the leader of the
proletarian dictatorship in the USSR .7.-.from fulfilling its inter-
national Obligations and from rendering support to all the Oppressed,
to the labor movement in the capitalist countries, to the colonial
movements against imperialism and to the struggle against national
oppression in every form.
C. The Duties of the International Proletariat to the ?uspil..
115. , In view of the. fact that the USSR is the only fatherland
of the international proletariat, the principal bulwark of its'.
achievements and the most important factor for its international
emancipation, the international proletariat must on its part
facilitate the success of the work of socialist construction in the
USSR-and defend it against the attacks of the capitalist -powers
by all the means in its power:.
116. "The world political situation has made the ?
dictatorship of the proletariat an immediate issue,. and all
the events of world rolitics are inevitably concentrating
-around one central point, namely, the struggle of the world
bourgeoisie against the Soviet Russian Republic, which must
inevitably group. around itself the Soviet movements of the
advanced workers of all countries on?the one hand, and all
the national liberation movements of the colonial and oppressed
nationalities on the other." (Lenin):
ll(. In the event of the. imperialist states declaring war upon
and attacking the USSR-, the international proletariat must retaliate
by organizing bold: and determined mass action and struggling for
the overthroW Of the imperialist governments with the slogan of:
Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Alliance with the USSR.
118. In the colonies, and particularly the colonies of the
imperialist country attacking the USSR, every effort must be made
to take advantage of the diversion of the imperialist military
forces to develop an anti-itperialist struggle and to organize
revolutionary action for the purpose of throwing off the yoke of
imperialism and of winning complete independence..
119. The development of socialism in the USSR and the growth
of its international influence not only rouse the hatred of thd
capitalist state's and the Social-Democratic agents against it, but
also inspire the toilers all over the world with sympathy towards
it and stimulate'the readiness of the oppressed classes of all
countries to fight with all the means in their power for the land
of the proletarian dictatorship, in the event of an imperialist
attack upon it.
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120. Thus, the development of the contradictions within
modern world economy, the development of the general capitalist
crisis, and the imperialist military attack upon the Soviet Union
inevitably lead to a mighty revolutionary outbreak which must
overwhelm capitalism in a number of the so-called civilized
countries, unleash the victorious revolution in the colonies,
broaden the base of the proletarian dictatorship to an enormous
degree and thus, with tremendous stride3) bring nearer the final
world victory of socialism.
VI. TEE STRATEGY AND TACTICS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL IN THE
STRUGGLE FOR THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT
A. Ideologies Among the Working Class Inimical to Communism
121, In its fight against capitalism for the dictatorship
of the proletariat, revolutionary communism encounters numerous
tendencies within the working class whibh to a greater or lesser
degree express the ideological subordination of the proletariat to
the imperialist bourgeoisie, or reflect the ideological influence
exercised upon the proletariat by the petty bourgeoisie, which at
times rebels against the shackles of finance capital, but is
incapable of adopting sustained and scientifically planned strategy
and tactics or of carrying on the strug8le in an organized manner
on the basis of the stern discipline that is characteristic of the
proletariat.
122. The nighty social power of the imperialist state, with its
auxiliary apparatus--schools, press, theater and church--is primarily
reflected in the existence of confessional and reformist tendencies
among the working class, which represerr: the main obstacles on the
road towards the proletarian social revolution.
123. The confessional, religiously tinged, tendency among
the 'Working class finds expression in the confessional trade unions,
which frequently are directly connected with corresponding bourgeois
political organizations and are affiliated with one or other of
the church organizations of the dominant class (Catholic trade
unions, Young Men's Christian Association, Jewish Zionist organizations,
et-c,) All these tendencies, being the most striking-product of
the ideological .captivity of certain strata of the proletariat, in
most cases, bear a romantic-feudal :tinge. By sanctifying all
the abominations of the capitalist regime with the holy water of
religion) and by terrorizing their flock withthe spectre of
punishment in the hereafter, the leaders- of these organizations
serve as the most reactionary agents of the class enemy in the
camp of the proletariat.
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124. A cynically commerEial, and imperialistic secular form
of subjecting the proletariat to 'the ideological influence of the
bourgeoisie is represented by contemporary "socialist",reformism.
Taking its main gospel from the tablets of imperialist politics,
its model today is the deliberately anti--socialist and openly
counter-revolutionary American Federation of Labor. The. "ideological"
dictatorship of the servile American trade union bureaucracy, which
in its turn expresses the "ideological" dictatorship of the
American dollar, has become, through the medium of British
reformism and His Majesty's Socialists of the British Labor Party,
the most important constituent in the theory and practice of inter-
national Social-Mmocracy embellish these theories with Marxian
phraseology in order to cover up their utter betrayal of Marxism.
The principal enemy of revolutionary communism in the labor movement,
"socialist" reformism, which has a broad organizational base in the
Social-Democratic Parties and through these in the reformist trade
unions, stands out in its entire policy and theoretical outlook as
4 force directdd against the proletarian revolution.
125. In the sphere of foreign politics, the Social-Democratic
Parties actively supported the imperialist war on the pretext of
"defending the fatherland". Imperialist expansion and "colonial
policy" received their whole heatted support. Orientation towards
the counter-revolutionary "holy alliance" of imperialist powers
(the League of Nations), advocacy of "ultra-.imperialism", mobilization
of the masses under pseudo-pacifist slogans, and at the sane time,
active support of imperialism in its attacks upon the USSR and in
its preparation for war against the USSR--are the main features of
reformist foreign policy.
126. In the sphere of home politics, Social-Democracy, has
set itself the task of directly cooperating with and supporting the
capitalist regime. Complete support for capitalist rationalization
and stabilization, safeguarding of class peace, of "industrial
peace"; the policy of linking up the labor organizations with the
organizations of the employers and with the predatory fmperialist
state; the practice of so-called "industrial democracy" which in
fact means complete ?subordination to trustified capital; homage to
the imperialist state and particularly to its false democratic front;
active participation in the building up of the organs of the
imperialist state--police, army, gendarmerie, its class judiciary;
the defense of the state against the encroachments of the
revolutionary communist proletariat and the executioner's role
Social-Democracy plays in time of revolutionary crisis--such is the
line of reformist home policy. While pretending to conduct the
industrial struggle, reformism considers its function in this field
to be to conduct that struggle in such a manner as to guard the
capitalist class against any kind of shock, or at all events, to
preserve the complete inviolability of the foundations of capitalist
property.
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2.27. In the sphere of theory, Social-Democracy has utterly
and completely betrayed _Marxism, having traversed the road from
revisiontam to complete liberal bOurgeois reformism and avowed
social-imperialism: it has substituted in place of the Marxian
theory of the contradictions of capitalism, the bourgeois
theory of its harmonious development; it has pigeonholed the
theory of crises and of the pauperization of the proletariat;
it has turned the flaming and redoubtable theory of class struggle
into the mean advocacy of class peace; it has exchanged the
theory of growing class antagonisms fcr the petty-bourgeois
fairy-tale about the "democratization" of capital; in place of
the theory of the inevitability of war under capitalism it has
substituted the bourgeois deceit of pacifism and the lying
propaganda of "ultra-imperialism"; it has exchanged the theory of
the revolutionary downfall of capitalism for the counterfeit
coinage of "sound" capitalism transforming itself peacefully into
socialism; it has replaced revolution by evolution, the
destruction of the bourgeois state by its active upbuilding, the
theory of proletarian dictatorship by the theory of coalition with
the bourgeoisie, the doctrine of international proletarian
solidarity--by preaching defense of the imperialist fatherland;
for Marxian dialectical materialism it has substituted the
idealist philosophy and is now engaged in picking up the crumbs
of religion that fail from the table of the bourgeoisie.
128. Within Social-Democratic reformism a number of tendencies
stand out that are characteristic of the bourgeois degeneracy of
Social-Democracy.
129. Constructive socialism (MacDonald & CO.)--.the very
name of which suggests the idea of struggle against the revolutionary
proletariat and a favorable attitude towards the capitalist
system--continues the liberal-philanthropic, anti-revolutionary and
bourgeois traditions of Fabianism (Beatrice and Sydney Webb,
Bernard Shaw, Lord Oliver, etc.). It repudiates, on principle,
the dictatorship of the proletariat and the use of violence in
the struggle against the bourgeoisie, 'put it favors violence in
the struggle against the proletariat and the colonial peoples.
Acting as apologist of the capitalist state, "constructive
socialism" preaches state capitalism tinder the guise of socialism,
denounces, in conjunction with the most vulgar ideologists of
imperialism in both hemispheres, the theory of the class struggle
as "prescientific" theory, and ostensibly advocates a moderate
program of nationalization with compensation, taxation of land
values, inheritance taxes ana taxation of surplus profits as a
means for abolishing capitalism. Being resolutely opposed to
the dictatorship of the proletariat in the USSR, "Constructive
Socialism", in complete alliance with the bourgeoisie- is an active
member of colonial revolutions.
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230. A special variety of "Constructive Socialist"
"Cooperatise; Or "Cooperative Socialism" (Charles side, Totomyantz
ra77777Erch also gtrongly repudiates the class struggle and
advocates the coopenative organization of consumers as a means of
overcoming capitalism, but which in fact does all it can to help
the stabilizationof capitalism. Having at its command an
extensive propagandist apparatus, in the shape of the mans con-
turners' cooperative organizations, which it employs for the purpose
of Systematically influencing the masses, "cooperativist" carries
on a-fierce struggle against the revolutionary labor. movement,
hampers it in the achievement of its aims and represents today
one of the most potent factors in the camp of the reformist
counter-revolution.
? 131. So-called "Guild Socialism" (Penty, Orage, Hobson and
others) is an eclectic attempt to unite "revolutionary" syndicalism
with bourgeois-liberal Fabianism, anarchist decentralization
("national industrial guilds") with state-capitalist centralization
'and medieval guild and craft naryowness With modern capitalism.
Starting out with the ostensible demand for the abolition of the
"wage system" as an "immoral" institution which must be abolished
by means of workers' control of industry, Guild Socialism
Completely ignores the most important question, viz, the question
.of power.. ,While striving to unite workers, intellectual's, and
technicians into a federation of national industrial "guilds"
and to convert these guilds by peaceful means ("Control f ram
'.'within") into organs for the administration of industry Within
the framework of the bourgeois state, Guild Socialism actually
defends the bourgeois state, obscures its class, imperialist
and anti-proletarian character and allots to it the function
of the non-class representative of the interests of the "consumere
as against the guild-organized "prodUcers". BY its advocacy of
"functional democracy", i.e., :representation of classes in
capitalist' society, each class being presumed to have a definite
social and productive function, Guild-Socialism paves the way
for the fascist "Corporate State". By repudiating both
parliamentarism and "direct action", the majority of the Guild
Socialists doom the working class to inaction and passive
subordinatiOn to the bourgeoisie. Thus, Guild Socialism
represents a peculiar form of trade unionist utopian opportunism
and, as Such; cannot but play an anti-revolutionary role.
-132, Lastly, Austro-Marxism represents a:special variety
of Social-Democratic reformism. Being a part of the "Left-wing"
of Social-Democracy, Austro-Marxism represents a most subtle
deception of the masses of the'toilers. ? Prostituting the
terminoldgy.ofMarxisM, while divorcing themselves entirely
from the basia principles of revolutionary Marxism (the Kantism,
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Machism, etc., of the Austro-Marxists in the domain of philosophy),
toying with religion, borrowing the theory of "functional
democracy" from-the Britfsh.reforbistEG-agreeing with the principle
of 'building up the Republic", i.e., building up the bourgeois
state, Austro-Marxism recommends "class cooperation" in periods
of so-called "equilibrium of class forces", i.e., precisely at
the time when the revolutionary crisis is maturing. This theory
is a justification of coalition with the bourgeoisie for the
overthrow of the proletarian revoluticn under the guise of
defending "democracy" against the attacks of reaction. Objectively,
and in practice, the violence which Austro-Marxism admits in cases
of reactionary attack is converted into reactionary violence
against the proletarian revolution. Hence, the "functional role"
of Austro-Marxism is to deceive the workers already marching
towards Communism, and therefore it is the most dangerous enemy
of the proletariat, more dangerous then the avowed adherents of
predatory social-imperialism.
133. All the above-mentioned tendencies, being constituent
parts of "socialist" reformism, are agencies of the imperialist
bourgeoisie within the working class itself. But Communism has
to contend also against a number of petty-bourgeois tendencies,
which reflect and express the vacillation of the unstable strata
of society (the urban petty bourgeoisie, the lumpen-proletariat,
the declassed Bohemian intellectuals) the pauperized artisans,
certain strata of the peasantry, etc. etc.). These tendencies,
which are distinguished for their extreme political instability,
often rover up a Right policy with Left phraseology or drop into
adventurism, substitute "radical" pol.itical gesticulation for
objective estimation of forces and often tumble from astounding
heights of revolutionary bombast to p;:ofound depths of
pessimism and downright capitulation before the enemy. Under
certain conditions, particularly in periods of sharp changes in
the political situation and of forced temporary retreat, these
tendencies may become very dangerous disrupters of the proletarian
ranks and, consequently, a drag upon the revolutionary
proletarian movement.
134. Anarchism, the most prominent representatives of which
Kropotkin, Jean Grave and others) treacherously went over to
the side of the imperialist bourgeoisie in the war of 1914-1918,
denies the necessity for wide, centralized and disciplined
proletarian organizations and thus leaves the proletariat
powerless before the powerful organizations of capital. By its
advocacy of individual terror, it distracts the proletariat from
the methods of mass organization and mass struggle. By
repudiating the dictatorship of the proletariat in the.name of
"abstract" liberty, anarchism deprives the proletariat of its
most important and sharpest weapon against the bourgeoisie, its
armies, and all its organs of repression. Being remote from
mass movement of any kind in the most important centers of
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proletarian struggle, anarchism is steadily being reduced to
a sect which, by'its tactics and actions, including its opposition
to the dictatorship of the working class in the USSR, has
objectively joined the united front of the anti-revolutionary
forces.
135. "Revolutionary" syndicalism,many ideologists of which
in the extremely critical war period went over to the camp of the
fascist type of "anti-parliamentary" counter-revolutionaries, or
became peaceful reformists of the Social-Democratic type, by its
repudiation of political struggle (particularly of revolutionary
parliamentarism) and of the revolutionary dictatorship of the
proletariat, by its advocacy of the craft decentralization of the
labor movement generally and of the trade union movement in
particular, by its repudiation of the need for a proletarian party,
and of the necessity of insurrection, and by its exaggeration of
the importance of the general strike (the "folded-arms tactics"),
like anarchism, hinders the revolutionization of the masses of the
workers wherever it has any influence. Its attacks upon the USSR
which logically follow from its repudiation of dictatorship of the
proletariat in general, place it in this respect on a level with
Social-Democracy.
136. All these tendencies take a common stand with Social-
Democracy, the principal enemy of the proletarian revolution, on
the fundamental political issue, viz., the question of the dictatorship
of the proletariat. Hence, all of them come out more or less
definitely in a united front with Social-Democracy against the USSR.
On the other hand, Social-Democracy, which has utterly and completely
betrayed Marxism, tends to rely more and more upon the ideology
of the Fabians, of the Constructive Socialists and of the Guild
Socialists. These tendencies are becoming transformed into the
official liberal-reformist ideology of the bourgeois "socialism"
of the Second International.
137. In the colonial countries and among the oppressed peoples
and races generally, communism encounters the influence of peculiar
tendencies in the labor movements which played a useful role in a
definite phase of development, but which, in the new stage of
developtent, are becoming transformed into a, reactionary force.
138. San-Yat-Senism in China expressed the ideology of petty-
bourgeois democratic "socialism." In the "Three Principles"
(nationalism, democracy, socialism), the concept "people" obscured
the concept "classes", socialism was presented, not as a specific
mode of production, to be realized by a specific class, i.e., by
the proletariat, but as a vague state of social well-being, the
struggle against imperialism was not linked up with the perspective
of the development of the class struggle in China. Therffore, while
it played a very useful role in the first,stage of the Chinese
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revolution, as a consequence of the further process of Class
differentiation that has taken place :Ln the country and of the
further progress of the revolution, Sun-Yat-Senism has now changed
from being the ideological expression of the development of that
revolution into fetters of its further development. The epigones
of Sun-Yat-Seniam_by emphasing and exaggerating the very features
of this ideology that have become objectively reactionary, have
transformed it into the official ideology of the Kuomintang, which
is now an openly counter-revolutionary force. The ideological
growth of the masses of the Chinese proletariat and of the toiling
peasantry must therefore be accompanied by determined decisive
struggle against the Kuomintang deception and by opposition to the
remnants of the Sun-Yat-Senist ideology.
139. Tendencies like Gandhi-ism in India, thoroughly imbued
with religious conceptions, idealize the most backward and
economically most reactionary forms of social life, see the solution
of the social problem not in proletarf.:an socialism, but in a reversion
to these backward forms, preach paasivity and repudiate, the class
straggle, and in the process of the development of the revolution
become transformed into an openly reactionary force. Gandhi-ism is
more and more becoming an ideology directed against mass revolution.
It must be strongly combatted by communism.
140. Garveyism, wlich formerly was the ideology ofth4 Negro
small property owners and workers in America, and which even now
exercises some influence over the Negro masses, like Gandhi-ism,
has become a hindrance to the revolutLoniaation of the 'Negro masses.
Originally advocating social equality for Negroes,"Garveyism
subsequently developed into a peculiar form of Negro Zionism which,
instead of-fighting American imperialism, advanced the slogan:
"Back to Africa!" This dangerous ideology, which bears not a
single genuine democratic trait, and which toys with the
aristocratic attributed of a non--existent "Negro kingdom" must be
strongly resisted, for it is not a help but a hindrance to the mass
Negro liberation struggle against American imperialism.
141. Standing out against all these tendencies is proletarian
communism. The powerful ideology of the international revolutionary
working class differs from all. these tendencies, and primarily from
SocialDemocracy, in that in complete harmony with the teachings
of Marx and Engels, it conducts a theoretical and practical
revolutionary struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat, and
in the struggle applies all forms of proletarian mass action.
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B. The Fundamental Tasks of Communist SLE2I2gy_and Tactics
142, The successful struggle of the Communist International
for the dictatorship of the proletariat presupposes the existence
in every country of a compact Communist Party, hardened in the struggle
disciplined, centralized, closely linked up with the masses.
143. The Party. is the vanguard of the working class and consists
of the best, most class-conscious, most active, and most courageous
members of that class. It incorporates the whole body of experience
of the proletarian struggle. Basing itself upon the revolutionary
theory of Marxism and representing the general and lasting interests
of the whole of the working class, the Party personifies the unity
of proletarian principles, of proletarian will and of proletarian
revolutionary action. It is a revolutionary organization, bound by
iron discipline and strict revolutionary rules of democratic
centralism, which can be carried out thanks to the class-consciousness
of the proletarian vanguard, to its loyalty to the revolution, its
ability to maintain unbreakable ties with the proletarian masses
and to its correct political leadership, which is constantly ?
verified and clarified by the experiences of the masses themselves.
144. In order that it may fulfill its historic mission of
achieving the dictatorship of the proletariat, the Communist Party
must first: of all set itself and accomplish the following
fundamental strategic aims:
145 Extend its influence over the majority of Members of its
own class, including working women and the working youth. To
achieve this the Communist Party must secure predominant influence
in the broad mass proletarian organizations (Soviets, trade unions,
:factory. committees, cooperative societies, sport organizations,
cultural Organizations, etc.). It :is particularly important for
the purpose of winning over the majority of the proletariat, to
gain:cOntrol of the trade unions, which are genuine mass working
class organizations closely bound up: with the everyday struggles of
the working class. To work in reactionary-trade Unions and skill-
fully to gain central of-thet, to win the confidence of the broad
masses of the industrially organized workers, to change and "remove
from their posts" the reformist leaders, represent important tasks
in the preparatory period.
146. The achievement of the dictatorship of the proletariat
presupposes also that the proletariat has acquired hegemony over
wide'sectionsof.the toiling masses. To accomplish this the Communist
Party Must 'extend its influence over the masses of the urban and
rural poor, over the lower strata of the 'intelligentsia and over the
so-called "little mat"',' i.e., the petty-:. bourgeois strata generally.
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It is particularly important that work be carried on for the purpose
of extending the Party's influence over the peasantry. The Communist
Party must secure for itself the whole-hearted support of that
stratum of the rural population that stands closest to the
proletariat, i.e., the agricultural laborers and the rural poor.
To this end, the agricultural laborers must be organized in separate
organizations; all possible support must be given them in their
struggles against the rural bourgeoisie, and strenuous work must be
carried on among the small parcel farmers and small peasants. In
regard to the middle strata of the peasantry in developed capitalist
countries, the Communist Parties must .conduct a policy to secure
their neutuality. The fulfillment of all these tasks by the
proletariat--the champion of the interests of the whole people and
the leaderof the broad masses in their struggle against the
oppression of finance capital--is an essential prerequisite for
the victorious communist revolution.
141. The tasks of the revolutionary struggle in colonies,
semi-colonies and dependencies are extremely important strategic
tasks of the Communist International from the standpoint of the
world proletarian struggle. The colonial struggle presupposes
that the broad masses of the working class and of the peasantry in
the colonies be rallied around the banner of the revolution; but
this cannot be achieved unless the closest cooperation is maintained
between the proletariat in the oppressing countries and the toiling
masses in the oppressed countries.
148. While organizing, under the banner of the proletarian
dictatorship, the revolution against imperialism in the so-called
civilized states, the Communist International supports every movement
against imperialist oppression in the colonies, semi-colonies and
dependencies (for example in Latin-America); it carries on
propaganda against all forms of chauvinism and against the imperialist
maltreatment of enslaved people's and races, big and small (treatment
of Negroes; "yellow-labor", anti-Semittsm, etc.), and supports
their struggles against the bourgeoisie of the oppressing nations.
The Communist International especially combatsthe chauvinism among
the dominant nations of the great powers, the chauvinism fostered
by the imperialist bourgeoisie as well as by its Social-Democratic
agency, the Second International, and constantly holds up in contrast
to the practices of the imperialist bourgeoisie the practice of tle
Soviet Union, which has established re:.ations of fraternity and
equality among the nationalities inhabt.ting it.
149. The Communist parties in the imperialist countries must
render systematic aid to the colonial revolutionary liberation move-
ment and to the movement of oppressed nationalities generally. The
duty of rendering active support to th4se movements rests primarily
upon the workers in the countries upon which the oppressed nations
are economically, financially or politically dependent. The
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Communist Parties must openly recognize the right of the colonies
to separation and their right to carry on propaganda for this,
separation; Le., propaganda in favor of the; independence of the
Colonies from the imperialist state; they must recognize their
right of armed defense against imperialism (L.e.:, the ri,7ht.of
rebellion and revolutionary war) must advocate and give active
support to this defense by all the means in their power. The
Communist Parties must adopt this line of policy in regard to all
oppressed nations.
150. The Communist Parties in the colonial and semi-colonial
countries must carry on a bold and consistent struggle against
foreign imperialism and unfailingly conduct propgganda for and
carry out the slogan of agrarian revolution; they must rouse the
broad masses of the peasantry for the overthrow of the landlords
and combat the reactionary and medieval influence of the clergy,
of the missionaries, and other similar elements.
151. In these countries, the principal task is to organize
the workers and the peasantry independently (to establish Class
Communist Parties of the proletariat, trade Unions, peasant leagues
and ,committees and, in a revolutionary situation, Soviets, etc.),
and to free them from the influence of the natihnal bourgeoisie, with
whom temporary agreements may be made only on the condition that
they, the bourgeoisie, do not hamper the revolutionary organization
of the workers and peasant's and that they carry on a genuine
struggle against tmpetialism.
152. In determining its line of tactics, each Communist Party
musttake into account the Concrete in and external situation,
the correlation of class forces, the degree of stability and strength
of the bourgeoisie, the degree of preparedness of the proletariat,
the position taken up by the vatious intermediary strata in its
country; etc.: The Party determines its slogans and methods of
struggle in accordance with thee Circumstances, with, the view to
organizing tnd mobilizing the masses en'the broadest possible
scale and on the highest postible'level of this struggle,
. 153. When.a-revolutionary situatioh is developing, the Party
advances certain transitional slogans and partial' demands
corresponding to. the concrete situation; but these demands and
slogans must be bent to the revolutionary aim of capturing power
and of overthrowing bourgeois capitalist society. The Party must
neither stand aloof from the daily needs and struggle of the _
working class nor confine its activities exclusively to them. The
task of the Party is toUtilize these Minor every-dayrneeds as a
starting point from 'which to lead the working Class to the
revolutionary struggle for power.
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154. In the event of a revo1utiona4y upsurge, if the ruling
classes are disorganized, the masses are in a state of revolutionary
ferment and the intermediary strataxe inclining towards the
proletariat, if the masses are ready for actionand for aacrif ice,
the party of the proletariat is confrontld with the task of leading
the masses to a direct attack upon the bourgeois state. This it
does by caryying on propaganda in favor of increasingly radical
transitional slogans (for Soviets, workers' control of industry,
for peasant committees for the seizure of the big landed properties,
for diaurming the bourgeoisie and arming the proletariat, etc.),and
by organizing mass action, upon which all branches of the Party
agitation and propaganda, including parliamentary activity, must
be concentrated. This mass action incluaes: a combination of
strikes and demonstrations a coMbinatioa-of strikes and armed
demmstrations and finally, the general strike conjointly with
armed insurrection against the state power of the bouggeoisie.
The latter form of struggle, which is the supreme form, must be
conducted according to the rules of military science; it preaupposcs
a plan of campaign, offensive fighting operations and unbounded
devotion and heroism on the part of the proletariat. An
absolutely essential prerequisite for this form of action is the
organization of the broad masses into militant units, Which,
by their very form, embrace and set into action the largest
possible numbers of toilers (Councils of Workers' Deputies)
Soldiers' Councils, etc.), and intensified revolutionary work in
the army and the navy.
155. In passing over to new and mcre radical slogans, the
Parties must be guided by the fundamental role of the political
tactics of Leninism, which call for ability to lead the masses
to revolutionary positions in such a manner that the masses may,
by their Own experience, convince themselves of the correctness
of the Party line. Failure to Observe this rule Must inevitably
lead to isolation from the masses, to pixtschism, to the
ideological degeneration of communism into "Leftist" dogmatism
and to petty-bourgeois "revolutionary" adventurism. No less
dangerous is the failure to take advantage of the culminating
point in the development of the revolutionary situation, when the
Party of the proletariat is called upon to conduct a bold and
determined attack upon the enemy. To allow that opportunity to
slip by and to fail to start rebellion et that point, means to
allow the initiative to pass to the enemy and to doom the
revolution to defeat.
156. When there is no revolutionary upsurge, the Communist
Parties must advance partial slogans and demands that correspond
to the every--day heeds of the toilers, linking them up with the
fundamental tasks of the Communist International.- The Communist
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Parties must not, however, at such a time, advance transitional
slogans that are applicable only to revolutionary situations '?or
example, Workers' control of industry, etc.) To advance such
slogans when there is no revolutionary situation means to.
transform them into slogans that favor merging with the system of
capitalist organization. Partial demands and slogans generally
form an essential part of correct tactics; but certain transitional
slogans go inseparably with a revolutionary situation. Repudiation
of partial demands and transitional slogans "on principle", however,
is incompatible with the tactical principle of communism, for in
effect, such repudiation Condemns the Party to inaction and isolates
it from the masses. Throughout the entire pre-revolutionary period
a most important basic part of Communist
Parties is the tactic of the united front, as a means towards most
successful struggle against capital, towards the class mobilization
of the masses and the exposure and isolation of the reformist
leaders.
157. The correct application of united front tactics and
the fulfillment of the general task of winning over the masses
presuppose in their turn systematic and persistent work in the
trade unions and other mass proletarian organizations. It is the
bounden duty of every Communist to belong to a trade union, even
a most reactionary one, provided it is a mass organization. Only
by constant and persistent work in the trade unions and in the
factories for the steadfast and energetic defense of the interests
of the workers, together with ruthless struggle against the
reformist bureaucracy, will it be possible to win the leadership
in the workers' struggle and to win the industrially organized
workers over to the side of the Party.
158. Unlike the reformists, whose policy is to split the
trade unions, the Communists defend trade union unity nationally
and internationally on the basis of the class struggle, and render
every support to and strengthen the work of the Red International of
Labor Unions.
159. In universally championing the current everyday needs
of the masses of the workers and of the toilers generally , in
utilizing the bourgeois parliament as a platform for revolutionary
agitation and propaganda, and subordinating the partialtasks to
the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat, the Parties
of the Communist International advance partial demands and slogans
in the following main spheres:
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-ASS ST-I o W - A - 4. A II Milli
a c He. ?
term, i.e., questions concerETnIth toe industrial struggle (the
fight against the trustified capitalist offensive, wage questions,
the Working day, compulsory arbitration, unemployment), which
grow into questions of the general political struggle (big
industrial conflicts, fight for the right to organize, right to
strike, etc.); in the sphere of politics proper (taxation, high cost
of living, fascism, persecution of revolutionary parties, White
terror and current politics generally); and finally the sphere of
EalLpolitics; viz., attitude towards the USSR ,and colonial
revolutions, struggle for the unity of the international trade
union movement, struggle against imperialism and the war danger,
and systematic preparation for the fight against imperialist war.
161. In the sphere of the peasant problems, the partial demands
are those appertaining to taxation, peasant mortgage indebtedness,
struggle against usurer's capital, the land hunger of the peasant
small holders, rent, the metayer (crop-sharing) system. Starting
out from these partial needs, the CommUnist Party must sharpen
the respective slogans and broaden then out into the slogans;
confiscation of large estates, and workers' and peasants'
government (the synonym for proletarian dictatorship in developed
capitalist countries and for the democratic dictatorship of the
proletariat and peasantry in backward countries and in certain coloni
- ;
162. Similarly, systematic work must be carried on among the
proletarian and peasant youth (mainly through the Young Communist
International and its Sections) and among working women and
peasant women. This work must concern itself with the special
conditions of life and struggle of the working and peasant women,
and their demands must be linked up with the general demands and
fighting slogans of the proletariat.
163. In the struggle against colonial oppression, the
Communist Parties in the colonies must advance partial demands
that correspond to the special circumstances prevailing in each
country, such as: complete equality for all nationa and races;
abolition of all privileges for foreigners; the right to organize
for workers and peasants; reduction of the working day; prohibition
of child labor; prohibition of usury ane of all transactions
entailing bondage; reduction and abolition of rent; reduction of
taxation; refusal to pay taxes, etc. fl.i these partial slogans
must be subordinate to the fundamental demands of the Communist
Parties such as: complete political independence of the country
and the expulsion of the imperialists, workers' and peasants'
government, the land to the whole people, eight-hour day, etc.
The Communist Parties in imperialist countries, while supporting
the struggle proceeding in the colonieE, must carry on a campaign
in their own respective countries for the withdrawal of imperialist
troops, conduct propaganda in the army and navy in defense of the
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oppressed countries fighting for their liberation, mobilize the
masses to refuse to transport troops and munitions and, in connection
with this, to organize strikes and other forms of mass protest, etc.
164. The Communist International must devote itself especially
to systematic preparation for the struggle against the danger of
1/21222121iELELEL. Ruthless exposure of social-chauvinism, of so-
cial-imperialism and of pacifist phrasemongering intended to
camouflage the imperialist plans of the bourgeoisie; propaganda
in favor of the principal slogans of the Communist International;
everyday organizational work in connection with this , in the course
of which work legal methods must unfailingly be combined with
illegal methods; organized work in the army and navy--such must
be the activity of the Communist Parties in this connection. The
fundamental slogans of the Communist International in this
connection must be the following: Convert imperialist war into
civil war; defeat "your own" imperialist government; defend the
USSR and the colonies by every possible means in the event of
imperialist war against them. It is the bounden duty of all Sections
of the Communist International, and of every one of its members,
to carry on propaganda for these slogans, to expose the "socialistic"
sophisms and the "socialist" camouflage of the League of Nations and
constantly to keep to the front the experiences of the war of
1914-1918.
165. In order that revolutionary work and revolutionary action
may be coordinated and in order that these activities may be guided
most successfully, the international proletariat must be bound
by international class discipline, for which, first of all, it is
most important to have the strictest international discipline in
the Communist ranks.
166. The international Communist discipline must find
expression in the subordination of the partial and local interests
of the movement to its general and lasting. interests and in the
strict fulfillment, by all members, of the decisions passed by the
leading bodies of the Communist International.
167. Unlike the Social-Democratic, Second International,
each section of which submits to the discipline of "its own"
national bourgeoisie and of its "fatherland", the SeCtions of the
Communist International submit to only one discipline, viz., inter-
national proletarian discipline, which guarantees victory in the
struggle of the world's workers for world proletarian dictatorship.
Unlike the Second International, which splits the trade unions,
fights against colonial peoples, and practices unity with the
bourgeoisie, the Communist International is an organization that
guards proletarian unity in all countries and the unity of the
toilers of all races and all peoples in their struggle against
the yoke of imperialism.
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168. Despite the bloody terror of the bourgeoisie, the
Communists fight with courage and devotion on all sectors of the
international class front, in the firm conviction that the victory
of the proletariat is inevitable and cannot be averted.
169. "The? Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims.
They openly declare that their aims can be attained only by the
forcible overthrow of all the existing qocial conditions. ,Le6 the
ruling class tremble at a communist revolution. The proletarians
have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
-170. "Workers of all countries, unite!"
March, 1954
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St
STATUTES OF THE COHMUNIST INTERNATIONAL
I. Name and Objeots
10 The Communist International-the International
Workers/ Association-.is a union of Communist Parties in
varioue countries; it is the warld Ocmmunist'Party. As the
leader and organizer of the world revolutionary movement of
the proletariat and the protagonist of the principles and aims
of Communism, the Communist International strives to win over
the majority of the working class and the broad strata of the
propertyless peasantry, fights for the establishment of the
world dictatorship of the proletariat for the establishment of
a World Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, for the complete
abolition of classes and for the aehdavement of socialism.--the
first stage of communict socicty.
26 Each of the various Parties affiliated to the Communist
International is called the Comnunist Party of
LI-name and country] (Section of the Communist hiterneY751757-
In any given country there can be only one Commnist Party
affiliated to the Communist International and constituting its
Section in that countryt
30 Membership in the Communist Party and in the Communist
Il4=ational is open to all those who accept the program and
rules of the respective Communist Party and of the Communist
International, irri]o join one of the basic units of the Party?
actively work in it abide by all the decisions of the Party
and of the Communist International, and regularly. pay Party dues:,
14,, The basic unit of the Communist Party organization Is
the nucleus in the place of employment (factorK9 workshop) mine.4
office, store) farm, etc.) which unites all the Party members
employed in the given enterprise.
56 The Communist International and its Sections are built
up on the basis of democratic centralism, the fundamental prin.-
ciples of which are: (a) election of all the leading committees
of the Party, from the lowest to the highest (by general meetings
of Party mczibers conferences) congresses and international con-
gresses); (b) periodical reports by leading Party committees to
their constituents; (c) decisions of the higher Party organs to
be obligatory for the lower organs, strict Party discipline and
prompt execution of the decisions of the Communist International,
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of its leading committees and of the leading Party centers*
Party questions may be disoussed by the members of the
Party and by Party organizations until au-h tine as a decision is
taken upon them by the comoetent Party arganeo J\fber a dec3eion
has been taken by the Congress of the Communist Internationals
by the Congress of the respective Sections, or by leading can-
mittees of the Comintern, and of its various Sections, the de-
cision must be unreservedly carMed out even if a part of the
Party membership or of the local Party organizations are in dis-
agreement with ito
In cases where a Party exists illegally, the higher Party
committees may appoint the lower committees and co-opt members
for their awn committee, subject to subsequent endorsement by
the competent higher Party cavAtteesa
6, In all non-Party workers f and peasants f mass organizations
and in their leading committees (trade unions, co-operative
societies, sport organizations, ex-servicanenfs organizations, and
at their congresses and conferences) and also on municipal
elective bodies and in parliament, even if there are only two
Party- members in such organizations and bodies, Communisi,
fractions must be formed for the purpose of strengthening the
Partys influence and for carrying out :Lbs poliny in these ergan-
izations and bodies*
70 The Communist fr:lotions are subordinated to the
competent PariTy bodies,,
NCE 1 A, Communist fractions in international organiza-
tions (Red International of Labor Unionsi International
Labor afense; Workers International Relief, etc1)?
subordinate to the Executive Committee of the Comrnniet
International.
Bo The organizational structure of the Communist frac-
tions and the manner in which their work is guided are
determined by special instructions from the Executive Com-.
mittee of the Communist International and from the Central
Committees of the respective Sections of the Comintern,
II o The World Congress of the Communist international
-
80 The supreme body of the Communist International is the
World Congress of representatives of all Parties (Sections) and
organizations affiliated to the Communist International.
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The World Congress discusses- and decides the programmatic,
tactical and organizational questions connected with the activities
of the Communist International and of its various Sections.
Power to alter the Program and Constitution of the Communist
International lies exclusively wibh the World Congress of the
Communist International.
The World Congress shall be convened once every two years.
The date of the Congress and the number of representatives from
the various Sections to the Congress to be determined by the
Executive Committee of the Communist Internationals
The number of decisive votes to be allocated to each Section
at the World Congress shall be determined by the special decision
of the Congress itself, in accordance with the membership of the
respective Party and the political importance of the respective
country s Delegates to the Congress must have a free mandate;
no imperative mandate can be recognized.
9,, Special Congresses of the Communist International shall
be convened on the demand of Parties which, at the preceding
World Congress, had an aggregate of not less than one?half of
the decisive votes.
10. The World Congress elects the Executive Cemmittee of
the Communist International (E.C.C.I.), and the International
Control Commission (r.c..).
11. The location of the headquarters of the Executive
Committee is decided on by the World Congress.
IlL The Executive Committee of the Communist
International and Its Subsidiary Bodies
12,, The leading body of the Communist International in the
period between Congresses is the Executive Committee, which
gives instructions to all the Sections of the Communist Interna?
tional and controls their activity.
The E.C.CJ. publishes the Central Organ of the Communist
International, in not less than four languages.
13c. The decisions of the E?C.C.I. are obligatory for all the
Sections of the Communist International and must be promptly
carried out The Sections have the right to appeal against deci?
sions of the E.C.C.I. to the World Congress, but the decisions of
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the E.C.C.j. must be carried out pending the action of the World
.'-Congress.
14. The Central Committees of the various Sections of the
Communist International are responsible to their respective Party
Congresses and to the EC.C.I. The litter has the right to annul
or amend decisions of Party Congresses and of Central Committees
of Parties and also to make decisions which are obligatory for
them. (Cf. Par. 13.)
15. The E.C.C.I. has the right to expel from the Communist
International, entire Sections, groups and individual members
who violate the program and constitution of the ComEunist
International or the decisions of the World Congress or of the
E.C.C.I. Persons and bodies expelled have the right to appeal to
the World Congress.
16. The programs of the various Sections of the Communist
International must be endorsed by the E.C.C.I. In the event of -
the E,C.C.I. refusing to endorse a program, the Section concerned
has the right to appeal to the World Congress of the Communist
International.
17. The leading organs of the press of the various Sections
of the Communist International must publish all the decisions
and official documents of the E.C.C.I.- These decisions must, as
far as possible, be published also in the other organs of the
Party press.
18. The E.C.C.I. has the right to accept affiliation to the
Communist International of organizations and Parties sympathetic
to Communisml, such organizations to have :a consultative voice.
19. The E.C.C.I. elects a Presidium responsible to the E.C.C.I.,
which acts as the permanent body carrying out all the business
of the E.C.C.I, in the interval between the meetings of the latter,
20. The E.C.C.I, and its Presidium have the right to establish
permanent bureaus (Western European, South American, Eastern
and other Bureaus of the E.C.C.I.), for the purpose of establish?
ing closer contact with the various Sections of the Comunist
International and in order to be better able to guide their work.
TOTE : The scope of the activities of the permanent bureaus
of the E.C.C.I. shall be determined, by the E.C.C.I. or by its
Presidium. The Sections of the Communist International which
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cane 'within the scope of activities of the permanent bureaus
of the E.C.C.I, must be informed of the powers conferred on
these bureaus.
21, The Sections must carry out the instructions of the per-
manent bureaus of the E.C.C.I. Sections may appeal against the
instructions of the permanent bureaus to the E.C.C.I. or to its
Presidium, but must continue to carry out such instructions
pending the dedision of the E.C.M. or of its Presidium,
22. The E.C.C.I. and its Presidium have the right to send
their representatives to the various Sections of the Communist
International. Such representatives receive their instructions from
the E.C.Ca, or from its Presidium, and are responsible to them
for their activities, Representatives of the E.C.C.I. have the
right to participate in meetings of the central Party bodies as
well as of the local organizations of the Sections to which they
are sent. Representatives of the EC,CI, must 6arry'aiat their
commission in close contact with the Central Committee of the
Section to which they are sent, They may, however, speak in
opposition to theCentral Committee of the given Section, at
Congresses and Conferences of that Sectionl if the line of the
Central Committee in question diverges from the instructions of
the E.C.C.I. ROpreasntatives of the E.C.O.I, are especially obliged
to supervise the carrying out of the decisions of ths 7jorld Con-
gresses and of the Executive Committee of the Communist International,
The E,CCI0 and its Presidium also have the right to send
instructors to the various Sections of the Comunist Interna-
tional. The powers and duties of instructors are determined by
the E.C.C.I.? to whom the instructors are responsible in their worko
23, Meetings of the E.C.C.I. must take place not less than
once every six months. A quorum consists of not loss than one-
half of the membership of the E.C.C.I.
24. Meetings of the Presidium of the E.C.C.I. must take
place not less than once a fortnight. A quorlim consists of not
less than one-half of the membership of the Presidium.
25. The Presidium elects the Political Secretariat, which is
empowered to make decisions, and ithich also draws up proposals
for the meetings of the E.C,C.I, and of its Presidium, and acts
as their executive body.
26. The Presidium appoints the editorial committees of the
periodical and other publications of the Communist International,
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27. The Presidium of the E.C.C.I. sets up a Department for
work among 'dbmen Toilers, permanent committees for guiding the
work of definite groups of Sections of the Communist International
and other departments for its vork.
IV. The International Control Comnission
28. The International Control Commission investigates matters
affecting the unity of the Sections affiliated to the Communist
International and also matters connected with the Communist
conduct of individual members of the various Sections.
For this purpose the
A, Examines complaints against the actions of Central Com?
mittees of Communist Parties lodged by Party- members who have
been subjected to disciplinary measures for political differences;
B. Examines such analogous matte:'s concerning members
of central bodies of Coilmunist Parties and of individual Party
members as it deems necessary, or which are submitted to it by
the deciding bodies of the E.C.C.I.;
C. Audits the accounts of the Communist International..
The International Control Commission must not intervene in
the political differences or in organizational and administrative
conflicts in the Communist Parties.
The headquarters of the I.C.C. are fixed by the I.C.C., in
agreement with the E.C.C,I.
V. The Relationship Between the Sections of the
Communist International and the
29. The Central Committees of Sections affiliated to the
Communist International and Central Committees of affiliated
sympathizing organizations must send to the E.C.C.I. the ninutes
of their meetings and reports of their work.
30. Resignation from office by individual members or groups
of menbers of Central Committees of the various Sections is
regarded as disruptive of the Comunist movement. Leading posts
in the Party do not belong to the occupant of that post, but
to the Communist International as a whole, Elected members of
the Central leading bodies of the various Sections may resign
before their time of office expires only with the consent of the
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E.C.Ca. Resignations accepted by Central Committees of Sections
without the consent of the E.C.C.I. are invalid.
31. The Sections affiliated to the Communist International
must maintain close organizational and informational contact
with each other, arrange for mutual representation at each otherts
conferences and congresses, and with the consent of the E.C.C.I.,
exchange leading comrades. This applies particularly to the
Sections in imperialist countries and their colonies, and to the
Sections in countries adjacent to each other.
32. Two or more Sections of the Communist International
which (like the Sections in the Scandinavian countries and in
the Balkans) are politically connected with each other by com-
mon conditions of struggle, may, with the consent of the E.C.C.I.,
form federations for the purpose of co-ordinating their activities;
such federations to work under the guidance and control of the
E .0
33. The Sections of the Comintern must regularly pay
affiliation dues to the E.C.C.I.; the amount of such dues to be
determined by. the E.C.C.I.
34. Congresses of the various Sections, ordinary and special;
can be convened only the consent of the E.C.C.I.
In the event of a Section failing to convene a Party Congress
prior to the convening of a Wbrld Congress, that Sections before
electing delegates to the World Congress, must convene a Party
conference, or Plenum of its Central Committee, for the purpose
of considering the questions that are to come before the World
Congress,
35,, The International League of Communist Youth (Communist
Youth International) is a Section of the Communist International
with full rights and is subordinate to the E.C.C.I.
36. The Communist Parties must be prepared for transition
to illegal conditions. The E.C.C.I. must render the Parties
concerned assistance in their preparations for transition to
illegal conditions.
37. Individual members of Sections of the Communist Inter-
national may bass from one country to another only the
consent of the Central Committee of the Section of which they
are members.
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Communists changing their domicile must join the Section in
the country of their new danicile. Comunists leaving their
country without the consent of the Central Canaittee of their
Section must not be accepted into other Sections of the Communist
International.
Adopted by the Sixth World Congress of the CI ? September, 1948
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International Press Correspondence
g7th February 1924
CPYRGHT
Stencil No. TA
INTRONTCTICTTG INSTRUCTION FOR COMMUNIST
FRACTIONS IN NON-PARTY INSTITUTIONS AND
ORGANIZATIOS .
The question of communist fractions (in America, caucuses) in non-
party organizations is closely connected with the necessity of Communist
Parties gaining an influence over large non-party masses. In order to
achieve this, every Communist Party must have organs to conduct a commun-
ist policy within non-party organizations. Among these organs are also
communist fractions (caucuses). Their correct organization determines the
correct application of the directives of the Party, and guarantees the
unity of communist will and tactics and ensures coordinate actions. In
other words; without these qualities the Communist Party cannot properly
carry on its work.
At the same time, the fact of the existence of communist fractions
raises the question of their interrelation with Party organs. One cannot
expect satisfactory results from the work of the communist fractions if
these intor-relations do not promote the interests of the Party as a whole.
The communtst fractions are not inlependent autonomous organizations en-
dowed with powers to deal with all questions of rarty life. They are sub-
ordinate to Party organs 701lah supervise and guide the work of the Party
in the given region an in the locality where the work of the communist
fraction lies. Thus, for ine.tance, in a factory, the fraction in the facto-
ry committee is subordinace to the Party nucleus. The fraction in a town
cooperative, a municitality or a trade union is subordinate to the local ,
Party organization as represented by its committee. The fraction in 94
national congress or in a National Parliament is subordinate to the?Ce4tral
Committee of the Party.
The aforesaiol order of subordination is easily understood, both in're-
gard to the lowest and the highest communist fraction.
In a factory where the factory committee discusses and decides ques-
tions connected with the factory, the nucleus as a whole is responsible
to the factory workere for the actions of the fraction in the factoi-y com-
mittee. Therefore the Party nucleus cannot allow the fraction within the
factory Committee to decide and act independently on behalf of the whole
nucleus. The nucleus carriea out its directives in the factory committee
through this communist fraction. In the event of the fraction deviating
from these directives or refusing to carry them out, the nucleus can recall
such communists from the factory committee or compel them to submit to the
directives by means of a special regulation. Such a procedure is justified
by the fact that the communist nucleus, being the basis and the primary fun-
damental unit of the Party, carries out only the directives of the Party as
a whole. Moreover, the communist nucleus has to discuss and decide questions
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which concern theeentire local organization or even the entire Party, while
the fraction only teals with questions concerning the factory Committee
This applies equally to fractions within local frac unions, coopera-
tives or municipal councils. The responsibility for the work, the actions
or the lecisions of any of these fractions to the workers and. peasants, em-
ployees or government officials, does not rest with separate members of the
fraction nor with the fraction OA a whole. The responsibility to these
sections ef workers rests with the whole Party organization Of the given
town. Bu: 'apart from the questions of responsibility, on must take into
account teat it is easier for the local Party Committee to get a clear con-
certien of tlle general political situation. It can more easily determine
what deans to bring forward at a given moment and what is of greater im-
portance at this or that period. Therefore in the given case, the interests
of the entire Party render it incumbent on the fractions to carry out impli-
citrf all directives of the corresponding Party organs and always to work
uneer the latter guidance. At the same time, in their capacity as members
Of the Party, the fraction members in their nuclei and at general meetings
of their sub-section, section, or local groups, have the right to discuss all
Party queetions. In these organizations they may also criticize Party organs
for inackenate guidance and wrong directives given to the fraction by the
,Party organ.
T-ne responsibility for decisions or actions at congresses and in Par-
liftreut, viz. for fractional actions on a national scale, rests with the
Commnr--Tt Party as a whole. Hence, the Central Committee of the Party must
use .g.L'eat core and circumspection in the selection of communist candidotes
for Parliament, or for the fraction of the national trade union'executive
commtee or for the executive Committee of the factory committees. Careful
selection in such cases will safeGuard the Party from being compromised by
the actions of communists within these fractions, and will ensure an adeqnate
application of the Party policy.
circumspection in this respect will also minimise the danger of insub-
ordination on the part of the members of such fractions to the decisions of
Party organs. For it must be tale?n into account that the more important the
role of the communist fraction (in P.,rliament and in the national executive
committees, trade unilns, cooperatiees, and factory committees), the strong-
er will be its tendency to emancieate itself frem the influence of the Party.
Endeavours to. create' a homrneeneous organization, capable of establish-
ing contact with the masses and of leading the Latter in a victorious strug-
gle against capitalism, will not be realised, if Communist Parties neglect
to organize communist fractions in all non-party organizations and to esta-
blish adequate inter-relations between the Party organizations and the commun-
ist fractions. ? But even the organization of communist fractions presupposes
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?
that-insthe entire organiZatiOnal work the centre of.graVity is transferred
to the establishment of nuclei in the shops and to making these nuclei the
basis of Partysorganization and the. foundatippsof the entire Party.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR'COMMUNTST FRACTIONS IN
NON-PARTY INSTITtTINS ANDJ/RGANIZATIONS.
I1 ever there are not less than three communists in workers", and
peasants organizations and in various institutions -- trade unions, coopera-
tives, csaucational, athletic and othersocieties, _factory and. unemployed,
committees,-as well as atScongresses, conferences and in municipal councils,
parThiments,:etc., -- it iS essential te eStablish a Communist fraction with
the object of increasing Party influence and introducing the policy of the
Parr into non-pal:by masses.
2. All commUnist fractions, regardless of their size and importance,
must be s'sberdinate to corresponding party organs -- the nucleus (the cx-
?tiv of the nucleus), group, local, listrict, (in America,
nucleus., Issanen, section, local, district) or central committee, ?ac=rding
to the position occupied by the given communist fraction (local or national).
Stich Pars-y organs must issue the necessary instructions to the communist
fractions:.thus; for instance, the executive committee of a factory nucleus
must s.ontrol ondrdirect the work of the communist fraction in the factory .
comMittee, in accordance with the directives received from the higher Party
orgars=;. District committees must control and direct the work of the Commun-
ist fra:ctions in all the non-party organs and organlzations in its district,
etc.). In all questions on which decisions were made by corresponding Party
organizations, the fractions must strictly abide by these decisions.,
3. yhen.diScussing in.the Tarty committees questions concerning a .
frac-tidal the Committee bupt.CarefullY"prepare?these,questions and organize
preliminary conferences with the representatives of the fraction wherever
existing police conditions allow.,
.?
-'4. sOOMmunist fractions, with the consent of the corresponding party
committee, elect their eXecutiVe -Coittee, which is responeible to the
corresponding party organ for.thesgork.,of the fractions.
'5',
.. .32Nrihg the, interval bet7rsen Congresses (cenferenceS) the r?szaunist ..
,
fractions Within the executive comMittees of local trade Unions als1,' co-opera- .
,
tives are the guiding and unifying organs for all 'Communists in,. 4i4ese organ- ,
izations. The communist fraction in the executive boards ,f Grades councils
(in Merica, central 'labor councils, State federations of labour) and of '
, ?
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district co-operatives, are the guiding and unifying organs for all Commun-
ists in these organizations.
These fractions are all subordinate to the control of the local Or
district Party committee, but must also report to the fractions in local
conferences or district conventions of trade unions and co-operatives.
Candidates to the executive boards of the above-mentioned organizations are
nominated by the fractions of the corresponding conferences and conventions
in agreement with the local or district Party committee. The above regula-
tions apply also to the national trade union and co-operative congresses or
conventions.
6.. The corresponding Party committee has the right to install or re-
call any Member from the fraction, notifying the fraction of the reason for
such action.
7. Communist fractions must come to an agreement with the correspond- ?
ing Party organs with respect to candidatures to the executive boards of
all the organizations and Organs mentioned above. The same procedure is to
be adopted with respect to recalls or transfers from one fraction to another.
8. Fractions have complete autonomy in questions cf their inner life
and current work. Party committees must not interfere with their everyday
work. They must, on the contrary, allow fractions as much freedom of action
and initiative as possible. In the event of serious differences of opinion
between the Party committee and gie fraction on any question within the com-
petence of the latter, the corresponding Party committee must once more in-
vestigate this question together with the representative of the fraction,
and arrive at a final decision by which the fraction must abide.
9. All questions having a political significance and subject to dis-
cussion by the fraction) must be discussed in the presence of representatives
of the committee. The committees must delegate their representatives Immed-
iately on receipt of a notification from the fraction.
10. Every question subject to the decision of non-party institutions
and organizations in which the fraction works, must be previously discussed
at a general meeting or in the executive committee of the fraction.
11. Party organizations (nuclei, group (branch) local andy other bodies,
Party conferences and conventions or committees elected by them) should re-
ceive reports on the work of fractions, decide on the tactics and political
lines of their further work etc.
12-. At general meetings of non-party organizations, all fraction mem-
bars must act and vote as a unit on all questions. Disciplinary measures
must be taken against any Party members infringing this regulation.
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PARTY FRACTIONS IN NON-PARTY ORGANIZATIONS
Contents:
A. Inter-,relations between Party Organs
and Communist Fractions, li RPpresentative
_ , .
Institutions . . , . ?. Page 1
B. Inter-relations between Communist
Fractions in. local and county :Management
Boards of Cooperative, Societies and
Peasants Organizations ? . Page 3
C. Inter-realtions between the Fractions
in the various bodies of Trade Unions_
in a, given industry; Connection between
Communist Fractions in town, provincial
and Central bodies of other trade unionsi
of same tendency . .... . . . . . ... . . . Page 5
D. Fractions in Factory Committees .
? ? ?
..... Page 10
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PARTY FRACTIONS IN MN -PARTY ORGANIZATIONS
A. The inter-relationsvhetween Party Organs.and,Communist
fractions in represeotativeIhstitutions (Parliament,MUnicipaltties,
etc.); Communist Fractions in mass organizations, not national
in scope; and the work of such Communist Fractions.
1. In Federal (or National) and State representative institutions
(Parliaments) and also in district, urban and :rural institutions _
(county--councils, municipalities and rural district COUncils):thework
of the Communist fractions is the simplest and the relations between'
these fractions and the corresponding _party organs, under normal _
conditions, are also not complicated. During elections :to the ..respective
institutions, the urban or district Party CommitteesPut,forward
Communist ticket. A factory worker, officerclerk.orpeasant:in voting
for any one of the Communists in the list of candidates Votes, not for
the individual, but the Communist Party as h whole, for its Programme
and tactics concerning all the questions of the political andeconomi
life of the country.
Cons4quently, the mandate held by an elected parson to
representative institution (parliament and municipality Or rural -
vounci1) is not given to the individual Communist elected; bUt'tothe
Party represented by its respective. Party Organe..,-. For that reason,
the policy and tactiar of Communists elected to any public bodies must
be not their own policy and tactics, but that of the Party. This applies
even when a deputy or a majority of the Communist Fraction in a given
representative institution is not in agreement with the policy and the
tactics of the Party. Certain Communist deputies fail to understand
or refuse to admit this principle, and the repudiation of the exclusive
right of the Party to the mandates held sometimes lead to the
insubordination of the fraction or of certain of its members to the
Party organ.
3. In carrying out the policy and the instructions laid down by
the organs of the Party, the above-mentioned Communist Fractions can
help considerably to acquaint the masses with the attitude of the Party
towards the important questions concerning the masses of the people. This
can be done by means of th4 speeches made by Communist deputies in the
parliaments and municipalities, for the masses are eager to know what
is said in these places. Deputies and members of public bodies elected
on the Communist Party ticket must, in their speeches and resolutions
follow a proletarian class policy. By this they, supplementing the
Party press and the mass meetings convened by the Communist Party, help
to make clear the policy of the Communist Party.
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4. Communist Fractions as a whole must report on their wok
periodically to the Party organization; in addition to this, however,
individual deputies and members of public bodies must report on their
work to their constituents The role of the Communist Fractions in
parliaments and municipal bodies in those countries where the Communist
Party must conduct its work underground, for example, in Roumania,
Poland, Bulgaria, etc., is much more important than in those countries
where the Party exists legally or semi-legally. In the former case,
the Communist Parties are unable to utilize organ& of the press or call
labor and mass meetings. Consequently in such countries deputies must
make use of all the possibilities they have for Communist propaganda
by calling meetings of working-class electors and at these explain
the attitude of the Communist Party towards all important questions of
programme and tactics. In the parliaments, the deputies must clearly
and unreservedly formulate the view of the Communist Party concerning
the government, the Parties which support it, on the tasks of the
working class, etc.
5. The COmmunist Fraction must utilize it;immunity within the
Party in its difficult work of creating, and establishing the Party
organizations and must become one of the leaders of the Party.
6. In those countries in which the Communist Party is illegal,
the most determined comrades and those having closest connections with.
the Party hhould be put forward as candidates for public bodies, for
their work is very difficult It not unfrequently:happens, under
such conditions that a candidate after election breaks away from the
Party on the pretext of being autonomous and independent of the Party.
Such deputies do not aid. the party, but on the contrary, cause it harm
by disorganizing its ranks.
7. Parallel with the organization of Communist Fractions in
representative institutions in which the work of the Communist Fraetion
is aonducted publicly, Communist Parties must also organize. their
fractions in all mass, labor and peasants organizations. This must,
be done irrespective as to whether the particular organization is
permanent (like trade unions, cooperative societies, sport clubs,
peasant organizations, etc.) or temporary) (like tenant leagues,
organizations for combating high prices, control committees, etd.) and
also irreppective of the fact that the work of Communist Fractions
in such organizations is of the quiet detailed every day work of a
Communist, .which is not loudly advertised in the press and not brought
to the notice of the masses. In connection with these fractions)
reference should be made to,Communist Fractions in tenant leagues in
which the inter-relations between the Party organ and Communist Fractions
in representative institutions are distinguidhed for their simplicity. .
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8. In many towns in France, Germany and England. there app .:extensive
tenants' organizations, the'membership-Of'Wliichia.compose&mpatly of
workers., Members of theParty Should pin. SUch"organizations,work
actively in them ana for Communist Fractionsip.them,-,Which.4vtheir.,
turn, must work Under the.gulaance-andConOol-of the oral Party organ
In Scotland; the'Tehants.Anti4yiction Leagues pia a.great part in :
the fight against the hOupeoWners'and the police,'who,,ofecourse,
wholeheartedly support the7hOUSeowners."In view of thejact.that-
tenanteleagues-do'not repreSenthational:Organization0 the:inter-:
relations between the COmmunist:FradtiOns'in such or similar organizations
and the local Party Organizations are;SiMpl4 and can be easily regulated
The housing :conditions may-vary-in different towns and. the local party
organ can'Idy.dOWn-for.the:Communist"Fractions in these organizations
a programme o? actionand meihodSOf-werk-siitable to the conditions.:,
prevailing locally
B. The inter-relations between Communist Fractions in local and
county Management Boards of COoperativ'eSocieties and Peasants
Organizations and the Fractions in the Cental Bodies of these
Organizations; the inter-relations between till these Fractions and
the Party organs; the work of these Fractions.
9. The situation with regard to the organization of Communist
Fractions in cooperative societies, sport societies and .similar ex-
tensive labor organizations is more Complicated.
10. In the 'Majority Of countries, ofganizations.of,thekina
mentioned above are usually national in scope. 'Their local organizations
are connected with county management committees and are subordinated
to them. The latter, in their turn, are connected with and-slibordinated
to central management committees and receive,instructions,from theO.
Communist Fractions in such extensive labor organizations, should be
organized on lines similar to the structure, of these organizations,
the various links having the Same relation Of subordination, that is
to say the Communist Fraction in the lower organizations should be
subordinate to the Communist Fractions in the higher organizations.
To this must be added that Communists who are .members of central, ,
provincial or local management committees e such organizations receive
instructions from the central, provincial, 6.nd local Party organizations
respectively, and must be subordinate to them 'and work Under their
constant guidance and control. The corresponding Party organizations
must carefully select suitable comrades for work in the central
provincial and local management boards of cooperative societies,
sports societies, peasant organizations, ex-service men's leagues, etc.
etc., for if bad selections are made, not orily do the comrades so
seletted discredit themselves, but also the Party as a Whole which put
them forward as its candidates and bears responsibility for them. The
Fractions will be able to work well and properly if they will Obtain the
constant support both of the Party organizations and of all the members
of the Party. The Party organs must lay down the line of conduct and
plan of work for the Fractions in the organizations in which they work.
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11. Communist -fractions will be able to work well and on the right
lines provided they receive the support both of the Party organizations
and all Party members. Party organs must make themselves responsible
for the plan of work and the line of conduct of the fractions in the
organizations where they wor. Besides acting upon the lines laid down
by the Party organs, communist fractions should do their utmost to carry
out thiS work in the most effective manner. ? They must deal wibh all new
questions which arise in the process of work laid down by the Party in
the most energetic manner and must do everything towards their solution
' 12, It is only on such conditions acting upon the policy laid down
by the Party on the one hand and showing their own initiative on the
other hand that Communist Fractions will be able to carry out their
fUnctiont and spread communist influence among large sedtions:of non-
party workers.
13 The Communist Fraction in the Central Committee of peasant
:parties or central management committees of cooperative societies must
maintain close and constant contact with the Communist Fractions in the
provincial management boards of thoseiorganizations. In cases where
there are. no' Communist Fractions in the provincial management datmittees,
:-the Communist Fractions in the Central management committees must
establish contact with all the local fractions of the organization
in that province. The CoMmunist Fraction in the provincial management
board must in its turn maintain contact with all the local fractions
in the organizations in the particular province. The Fractions in the
central managing committees must send to the fractions in the provincial
A;mapaging committees which , in their turn, send to the local Communist
fractions material concerning the work of the proposals it has put
forward and make their comments upon them. They should also visit the
local organizations It order to acquaint th?ommUnist members of the
given organization with the work of the particular managing committee :
and with the tactics of the Communist fraction in it. After proper
preparations have been made, the central fraction should call general
meetings of all the members of the particular organization including
mon-Communists, etc., etc.
14. The most important and responsible role must be played by the
Commllni4t frs,tions T14,,nt,46.40 1
a4tellein Im-rArtY, lacx 4414 iwaciR,At Wa4n44tiQa4. Though the
hucleug committee of the given enterprise, office shQp, middle or high
school, farm, or through the local Party committee in rural districts,
they must establish close contact with the comnades working in factories
and workshops, amongst students., in middle and high schools, among
laborers employed on farms and in the villages, among members of cooperative
societies, sport societies, ex?sertice men's unions and peasants
organizations. They must direct the work of all those comrades,
provide them with material concerning the activity of the management
board of which they are a fraction, inform them of the proposals they
put forward and of the tactics they are carrying out on their
management committees.
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15. The Communist fraction through the local leiartj.i.ody
should convene meetings of comrades working among the members' of the
given organization and ieferm them of their work end after proper
preparations have been made, to call meetings of all the members of the
given organizations .(coeperative, peasant, etc.) inclueing nen-Communist
.and at such meetings to explain the role of the organization and the
work in it of the Communist and other parties.
,
16. To place any question whatever before the general members
meeting (that is to say not meeting of Communists only) of the respective
organization constitutesa responsible piece of work on the part of the
fractions. This neceseitates-careful preparation ,by the communist fraction
of the question proposed to be placed before the general meeting attended
also by non-p arty workers. For this purpose the moat iMPOrtant
questions on the agenda of the general meeting should be disucseed and
elaborated by the slosed session of the fragtion. Besides this, the
Bureau submits the most jmportant theses, resolutions, and proposals to
the proper Party organ for perueal and endorsement. The decisions of
the fraction adopted .at the closed .meeting of the fraction, which should
always precede the general meeting at which non-party workers participate,
is binding for all fraction members and must be acted upon ,by them at
the general meeting parallel with thus work, fractioh members must .
endeavour to influence in .the spirit of the adopted decisions, those
who eympathise with UB and those who still waver with the view to winning
them over to our side. This should take place both before the general
meeting in which non-party workers participate and at the meeting itself.
- .
77 If all the above-mentioned conditions are fulfilled the work
of these Communist fractions will bring colessal benefits to our Party,
for they will serve as the conduits of Party influence to the broad masses.
18. If on the other hand, the Communist fraction is badly organized,
if its work is badly conducted and the necessary guidance of the
corresponding Party organization is .lacking, the Communist fraction may
(and in some countries dial cause considerable harm to the Communist
movement.
C. Inter-relations between the Fractionsin the various bodies of
Trade Unions Th -.a given industry; connection between Communist Fractions
in the town, rrovineial.and Central. bodies of ether Trede Unione of' the
eame eendenceeh eeeninaion of the Werk.e2 tea Fraceiene in all
5t.ad Ubions, irreepeetive. of '.zervIenuy (Ameterdan, Profintern,
etc,);. the work of CouTelnist 'Fraetiens in. Trade Unions and their Ilia-
?ordination to the Paetw organs. e
19. In many eeuntries, the inter-relations between CoMmunist
fractions and Party organs centrally and locally are very confused, and.
it is therefore difficult to lay'dowt,what shall be the proper relations
and what should be the proper guidanCe to be exercised by the_Barty r
organs relation to these trade union fractions. This,ip. due to the
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complex inter--relations between the trade unions themselves and to
their lack of cohesion. In America, England and France, for example,
we have several metal workers' unions which are affiliated to the same
National Trade Union Federation. In a given factory the fitters and
turners will belong to .the Engineers Union and the engine drivers and
stockers will belong to the Engine Drivers' Union. At the same time,
we have in the same factory workers belonging to enginers', engine
drivers' and woodworkers' unions which are affiliated to different
national federations or international federations (Amsterdam, Profintern).
All this hampers the work of the Communists in the factory among the
workers who are not organized at all, and also renders the organization
of Communist fractions difficult in all the trade unions and their local
and central governing bodies.
20. In France, in Czechoslovakia dna some parts of Germany and
Holland, there are red or revolutionary trade unions existing side by
side with the Amsterdam trade unions, the majority, of which are led by
Communists, but have non-Communist members also. In these trade unions,
Communist fractions have not existed and perhaps have not been organized
up to this 'moment. in spite of the fact that these unions contain a
large percentage of Communists, who either voluntarily left or were
expelled from the reformist trade unions.
21. For the reason above indicated, proper methods for the
establishment of Communist fractions in these trade unions have not
been adopted, the form of connection between such Communist fractions
and the inter-relations between the latter and Party organs have not
been decided. Among the rank and file of the working mass in many
countries, there is a desire for the establishment of unity in the
trade union movement, for amalgamating parallel trade unions and
amalgamating all the trade unions in a given industry. That being the
case, all Communists should work In this direction in the factories and
in the trade unions. In order that this work may be fruitful, it is
necessary that the work be conducted according to a definite plan and
that all Communists in each union be united into one whole, into a
fraction which must work under the guidance of the Party organs.
22. The plan of inter-relations between Communist fractions, in
trade unions and the relations between Communist fractions and the
Party organs, in my opinion, should be as follows:
a.
(1) .All the Communist members of a given union (metal
workers, wood workers) in a given town, irrespective of .the
factory or workshop in which they are employed, should form a
Communist fraction in that union in tha6 town. If the union in
the town represents a branch of the national union, having a
branch committee upon which there are Communists (or only one
Communist), the latter serves as the centre for the Communist
fraction of that union in the town. If, however, there are
no Communists on the branch committee, the trade union
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department of the local Party committee, or the secretary '
of the latter calls together and unites the Communists in the
given union.
(2) Comminist fractionsorganized on the aame lines are
formed in all the other Luitons in the given town in which there
are Communists. All the unions of a given tendency, Amsterdam,
say, in the town are united by a trade uniOn Council (cartel).
If on this trade union council there are Communists, the latter
,form a Communist fr:!.ction of this council and serve as the
_leading organ of all the Communist fractions of all the trade
unions affiliated to the council, The CoMmunist fraction on \\
the trade union council, in its turn, establishes close contact
with the local Party organ.
(3) If, however, there are no Communists on the trade
union council, the trade union department-Of the local Party
committee, or its secretary must call a meeting of all the
Communist members of trade union branch committees affiliated
to. that council and from these form a center to guide all
:the trade union fractions in the given town.
b. Separate unions in a given industry belonging to the
same tendency are united with similar organizations in other towns
in a given province under a provincial committee which, in its
turn, is affiliated to the provincial trade union council. The
Communists in these provincial trade union committees must form 4
fraction which must be subordinate to the COmmunist fraction on the
provincial trade union council,., which in its turn, is guided bY'''
the provincial committee of the Party. If there are no Communists
on the provincial trade union committee, the trade union department
of the provincial Party committee or f.ts secretary should convene-i
a meeting of all the Communist members of the provincial committees
of the respective unions which shall set up an organto guide the''
work of the Communist fractions in the trade uniona. in the given
province-
c. Separate trade,unions (metal workers, wood workers etc.)
are united nationally, under a national governing body. These
national unions of a given tendency (Amsterdan or-Profintern) In
their turn are combined into a national federation of unions
(the A.D.G.B. -- the General Federations of Trade Unions in Germany--
the C.G.T. -- General Federation, of Labor and C,G.T.U. -- the
United General Federation of Labor of France, the the
General Federation of Labor of Italy, etc.). The Communists on
the national federations of trade unions must form corresponding
Communist, fractions.
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23. The Communist fractinas of the central bodies of separate
trade unions are subordinate te the Communist fraction of the centrel.
body of the nationaletrede'un4en feeeration. The latter traction works
under the dinect cUidance cf 'ae Cer.a1 Committee' of Cor,Inunist
Party throneh its trade unior'eeparteent. In the event pf t':.-':e being
no Communist on cee.,ee.1 c y ef ee nctional ecade inion federation,
the trade teion i.e.eartment of he ceral Committee of the Cenmunist.Party
must convene a meeting e'the,Commun 3t fractions of the central bodies
of the sep--ate naticnel uniene then sets up a eentral ergen to
guide all the fraetien in the natipnal unions of a Ian tendency,
thta eigan enst len endeeesd.,7 the ac al Committee nf the P.:-erty.
24. Throueo the te.ede'un:':on derartments of the Central Committee
of t1'7,e provincial commtbtees and of the town committees of the Party
can and shou:d be cacri--.necl into one center, all the Communist fractions
on gpvezninrt 1Dodles of Itree unions of all tendencies in the trade ,
unton movement, Yieh must decide Cr.the methods ef work, exchange
expecenees, aid ..;ach o67= and sinnitnneously conduct campa4gles against
the hfLah cost of i.tinrt, againxt increasing the orkine day and
relucticns J.12 vegs, for trade union unity and against the discredited
leaders of the yellow and reformist trade unions, etc.
25. The fraetions of provincigd and local trade union governinge
bodien are enbject to e twe-fold:subordination: they receive
instructions from the fractions on the central bey of the given
organization and facia the fraction of the provineial or town trade
union council. Tb:,..s two-fold subordination 1.9 smewbat complicated,
but it cannot be avoided. Practice will socn rer.dove any inconveniences
that arise froo. it. As for subordination to PaTty Organs, I have already
stated that as a rule the fractions in separate trade unions do not establish
contact with the Party organs directly, but reoeive their, instructions from
the Communist fraetions of their respective trade'uniOn councils.
The let'7,er, however, are directly subordinated to the corresponding
Party ergan and receive instructions from the latter. Of course, :the.
Party organs may if necesserycontrol, give instructions, appoint
suitable workers, etc. to the various fractions on trade union governing
bodies, but the Party organ does so with the kno-:;ledge of the corresponding
fraction on the trade union council which is directly subordinated
to the fraction of the governing body of the respective union.
26. If the above-mentioned fractions are weak, Party organs are
in duty bound to support them in every possible va.y, in order to enable
them to carry out their functions, However, this support and guidance
on the part of the Party organs must on no account assume a kind of petty
tutelage. On the centrery, Party organs must stimulate the activity and
initiative of the fracti.ms, for otherwise, no matter how perfect the
guidance of the Party organs, the work of the fractions will be lifeless
and will not give the results which an active and independent fraction
can achieve.
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27. The Communist fractions on central governing bodies of
national unions are subordinated to the Communist fractions of the
central body of the national trade-union federation and receive
instructinns from it. The laeter is subordinated to the Central
Committee of the larty and works uneer its guidance.
28. The plan of organization of interrelationebetwee4L? Communist,:
fractions in the trade unions and thr3 Party organizations outlined
above, may. be applied in its entirety to France, Czechoslovakia,
Holland, and other countriere there are trade unions affiliated,
to the Profintern. It may be'lapplLed partially to Germany, Sweden,
Norway, Italy ala.d in those ccuntries where 7,1ommunists are at the head of
separate;.local'Amsterdam trade unions and in many towns even at the.
head of trade ?union councils.
29. Communist fractions on the governing bodies of separate unions
of trade union councils must establish contact with the nuclei of
the factories and conduct trade union work and trade union campaigns
through them. The above-mentioned fractions must report to the members
of their unions they must call general meetings of all the workers of
the iv respective unions and report on the work of the union, critize
the governing body if the majority is composed of compromisers and put
forward definite proposals On various questions to be conveyed to the
particular governing body and to propose a program of work if the
Communist fraCtion represents the majority of that governing body, etc.
30. Communists who comprise a majority in a trade union council,
or on a governing bOdY of a particular trade union in a given town,,
must set an example by their work, their initiative, their contact
with the masses of the workers and by the businesslike suggestions
they put fOrward to be Submitted to the national central body of
the given organization. The-nature of these proposals should be. .
communicated to all the fractions in the given union, including also
the non-Communist members of the union The Communist fraction on
governing bodies of unions which are led by Communists, must
eatabliahconnection with the branches of their respective union in
Other towns and enlist them- in the work, combine them on business-like
proposals affecting the masses of theworkers generally belonging to
that union.
31. Good connection with the Party and the unanimous and
conscientious fulfilment of the Party's instructions by all the.
Communists as one man) is a guarantee of the successful work of, the
Communist fractions in the trade unions.
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CPYRGHT
32. To what has been said above, it is necessary to add that
Communists must join all trade unions, including fascist unions,
national socialist unions, Catholic unions and all other reactionary
unions and direct their work towards bringing th4se unions into the
class struggle and towards combining parallel unions into powerful,
industrial unions.
D. Fractions in Factory Committees
33. I submit the question of organizing Communist fractions on
factory committees as a separate question. Factory committees
exist in Germany, Italy, Czechoslovakia and other countries. In some
countries their actikities are limited by the laws of the country
(Germany and Italyi, which prohibit them from interfering in the life
of the factory. They do not even fulfil trade union functions in the
factory. Moreover, the Amsterdam unions in Germany are conducting a
campaign against the factory committees. Nevertheless it is extremely
important for our Party to capture factory committees for they represent
the only organs in factories and workshops which unite all the workers
belonging to numerous parallel unions of different tendencies, as well
as workers belonging to no unions at all. In the event of trade union
unity being achieved, the factory committee will undoubtedly become the
primary organization of the industrial unions which will enlist into
the unions all the wOrkers in the factory.
34. Finally, the factory committ4es will play an important part
in the class struggle when the labor movement is agqin on the upgrade.
It is necessary to capture the factory committees, to organize active
Communist fractions in them, which in their turn, will work under the
guidance of the Party nucleus in the factory in close contact with
the local Party organization.
35. Only such Party organizations can be regarded as flexible,
disciplined, well-formed and active which, while simultaneously
organizing Party nuclei in the factories, will be able also to organize
Communist fractions in all the large labor and peasants organizations
and through them extend influence to the general masses of workers and
peasants.
Source: INPRECOR Vol 5; #25 April, 1925 pp 340-3)43
March, 1954
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CPYRGHT
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