THESES AND STATUTES OF THE THIRD (COMMUNIST) INTERNATIONAL

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Workers oi the wild unite!
Theses and Statutes
of the
Third (Communist) International
Adopted by the Second Congress
July 17th?August 7th, 1920.
Publishing Office of the Communist International
Moscow, 1920
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CPYRGHT
(To be inserted in the U. C. P. edition of the Theses of the
Second Congress of the Third (Communist) International.)
ERRATA
Theses on the Trade Union Movement:
Page 57, ninth line from top?
instead of: "But the support of the revolutionary trades
unions, which are in a state of ferment and passing over to the
class struggle, must not be neglected"?
This sentence should read: "But the supp.)rt of the revolution-
ary trades unions must not result in an exodus of the communists
from the opportunist unions which are in a state of ferment and
are beginning to recognize the class struggle."
Theses on The Trades Union Movement:
Page 60, third line from bottom, missing, reads: "it out."
ADDENDUM
Final text of clause 17, of the "Theses on the Fundamental Tasks
of the Communist International" (see page 23).
? 17. With regard to the Italian Socialist Party the Second
Congress of the Third International recognizes that the revision
of the programme, which had been last year decided upon by the
Party Congress of Bologne, indicates a milestone along the road
of communism and that the proposal which was submitted to the
National Council of the Italian Socialist Party by the Turin
Section of the Party published in the journal "L'Ordine Nuovo"
Crhe New Order) of the 3rd of May, 1920, is in keeping with all
the basic principles of the Third International. The Third Inter-
national requests that at the next Congress of the Italian Socialist
Party which is to be convened in accordance with the party
regulations and the general rules regarding the affiliation to the
Third International the Italian Socialist Party should discuss
these proposals as well as all the decisions of the two Congresses
of the Communist International, special attention to be paid to
the resolutions on parliamentary fractions, trade unions. and the
non-ccmmunist elements of the party.
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Workers of the world unite!
Theses and Statutes
of the
Third (Communist) International
Adopted by the Second Congress
July 17th?August 7th, 1920.
Publishing Office of the Commuilist International
Moscow, 1920
Reprinted by
UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA.
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CONTENTS.
Page
1.
Statutes of the Communist International
3
2.
Fundamental Tasks of the Communist International
9
3.
Condition of Admission to the Communist Interna-
tional
26
4.
Role of the Communist Party in the Proletarian
Revolution
33
5.
The Communist Party and Parliamentarism
43
6.
The Trade Union Movement
53
7.
When and Under What Conditions Soviets of Workers'
Deputies Should Be Formed
62
8.
Thesis on the National and Colonial Qustion
66
9.
Thesis on the Agrarian Question
76
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STATUTES OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL.
In London in 1864 was established the first International
Association of Workers, latterly known as the First Interna-
tional. The statute of the International Association of Workers
reads as follows:
"That the emancipation of the working class is to be attained
by the working class itself;
That the struggle for the emancipation of the working
class does not mean a struggle for class privileges and monopolies
but a struggle for equal rights and equal obligations, for the
abolition of every kind of class-domination;
That the economic subjection of the worker under the mo-
nopolists of the means of production, i. e., of the sources ol
life is the cause of servitude in all its forms, the cause or all
social misery, all mental degradation and political dependence.
That the economic emancipation of the working class is
therefore the great aim which every political movement mast
be subordinated to;
Thtit all endeavors for this great aim have failed as yet
because of the lack of solidarity between the various branches
of industry in all countries, because of the absence of the frater-
nal tie of unity between the working classes of the different
countries;
That the emancipation is neither a local nor a national
problem but a problem of a social character embracing every
civilized country, the solution of which depends on the theoretical
and practical co-operation of the most progressive countries;
That the actual simultaneous revival of the workers' move-
ment int the industrial countries of Europe, on the one hand,
awakens, new hopes, while, on the other hand, it is a solemn
warning of the danger of relapse into the old errors and an appeal
for an immediate union of the hitherto disconnected movement."
The Second International which was established in 1885 at
Paris had undertaken to continue the work of the First Inter-
national. In 1914, at the outbreak of the world slaughter, it
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suffered a complete failure. Undermined by opportunism and
damaged by the treason of its leaden; who had taken the side
of the bourgeoisie?the Second International perished.
The Third Communist International which was established
in March, 1919, in the capital of the Russian SocialiSt Federated
Soviet Republic, in the city of Moscow, solemnly proclaims before
the entire world that it takes upon itself to continue and to com-
plete the great cause begun by the F?rst international Workers'
Association.
The Third Communist International was formed at a moment
when the Imperialist slaughter of 1911-1918, in which the Im-
perialist bourgeoisie of the various countries had sacrificed twenty
million men, came to an end.
Keep in mind the Imperialist war ! This is the first appeal
of the Communist International to every toiler wherever Le may
live and whatever language he may :peak. Keep in mind that
owing to the existence of the capita Lt system a small group
of Imperialists had the opportunity during four long years to
compel the workers of various .countries to cut each other's
throats. Keep in mind that the bourgeois war has cast Europe
and the entire world into a state ot extreme destitutien and
starvation. Keep in mind that unless the cantalist system is
overthrown the repetition of such. criinal war is not only pos-
sible but inevitable.
The Communist International makes its aim to put up an
armed struogle for the overthrow of the International. bourgeoi-
sie and to create an International Soo4,1; Republic as a transi-
tion stage to the complete abolition of the State, The Com-
munist International considers the dictitorship of the proletariat
us th.e only means for the liberation of humanity from the horrors
of capital-ism.. The Communist International considers the Soviet
form of government as the historically ,volved form of this dicta-
torship of the proletariat.
The Imperialist war is responsibe for the close union of
the fates of the workers of one country with the fates of the
workers ef all other countries. The imperialist war emphasizes
once more what is pointed out in the :tatute of the First Inter-
national that the emancipation of laboe is neither a local, nor
a national task, but one of a social an i international character.
The Communist International once ,i'or ever breaks with the
traditions of the 'Second International which in reality only re-
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cognized the white race. The Communist international makes
it its task to emancipate the workers of the entire world. The
ranks of the Communist International fraternally unite men of
all colors: white, yellow, and black?the toilers of the entire
world.
The Communist International fully and unreservedly up-
holds the gains of the great proletarian revolution in Russia, the
first victorious socialist revolution in the world's history, and
calls upon all workers to follow the same road. The Communist
International makes is its duty to support with all the power at
its disposal every Soviet Republic, wherever it may be formed.
The Communist International is aware that for the purpose
of a speedy achievement of victory the International Association
of Workers, which is struggling for the abolition of capitalism
and the establishment of Communism, should posses a firm and
centralized organization. To all intents and purposes the Com-
munist international should represent a single universal Com-
munist party, of which the parties operating in every country
form individual sections. The organized apparatus of th?, Com-
munist International is to secure to the toilers of every country
the possibility at any given moment of obtaining the maximum of
aid from the organized workers of the other countries.
For this purpose the Communist International confirms the
following items of its statutes:
? 1. The new International Association of Workers is estab-
lished for the purpose of organizing conimon activity of the
workers of various countries who are striving towards a single
aim: the overthrow of capitalism; the establishment of the dic-
tatorship of the proletariat and of the International Soviet Re-
public; the complete abolition of classes, and the realization of
socialism?the first step of Communist Society.
? 2. The new International Association of Workers has been
given the name of The Communist International.
? 3. All the parties and organizations comprising the Com-
munist International bear the name of the Communist party of
the given country (section of the Communist International).
? 4. The World Congress of all parties and organizations
which form part of the Communist International, is the supreme
organ of this International. The World Congress confirms the
programmes of the various parties comprising the Communist
International. The World Congress discusses and decides the
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more important questions of programme and tactics, which are
connected with the activity of the Conmunist International. The
number of decisive votes at the Worli Congress for every party
and organization is determined by a special, regulation of the
Congress; it is found necessary to strive for a speedy establish-
ment of a standard of representation on the basis of the actual
number of the members of the organization and the real influence.
of the party in question.
? 5. The World Congress elect. ;in Executive Committee
of the Communist International which serves as the leading organ
of the Communist International in the interval between the con-
Vention cif World Congresses, and is re monsible only to the World
Congress.
? 6. The residence of the Execut ye Committee of the Com-
mun.st International is every time decided at the World Congress
of the Communist International.
? 7. A Special World Congress of the Communist Interna-
tional timi,y be convened. either by regulation of the Executive
Committee, or at the demand. of ono-li:if or the number al the
parties which were part of the Communist International at the
last '1"Vorlii Congress.
? S. The chief bulk of th.e work PM I greatest responsibility
in the rxecutive Committee of the Corummist i:nternational lie
with the party of that country where, ii keeping with the regula-
tion of the World Congress, the Executive Corninittee finds its
residence at the time. The party the country in ques-
tion sends to the Executive Committee not less than five mem-
bers with a decisive vote. T.n addition to this, one representative
with a decisive vote is sent to the Communist International from
ten or twelve of the largest communist parties.. The list of
these representatives is to he confirmEd by the Universal Con-
gress of the Communist International. The remaining parties
and organizations forming, part of the Communist International
enjoy the right of sending to the Executive Committee one rep-
resentative each with a consultative vile,
? 9.. The Executive Committee is the leading organ of the
Communist International between the conventions.; the Executive
Committee publishes in no less than foil- languages the central
organ of the Communist International (-:he periodical "TheiCom-
munist International"). The Executive Committee makes the
necessary appeals on behalf of the Communist. International, and
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issues instructions obligatory on all the parties and organizaCons
which form part of the Communist International. The Executive
Committee of the Communist International enjoys the rIght to
demand from the affiliated parties the exclusion of groups of
members who are guilty of the infringement of international
proletarian discipline, as well as the exclusion from the Com-
munist International of parties guilty of the infringement
of the regulations of the World Congress. In the event of ne-
cessity the Executive Committee organizes in various countries
its technical and auxiliary bureaus, which are entirely under the
control of the Executive Committee.
? 10. The Executive Committee of the Communist Inter-
national enjoys the right to include in its ranks representatives
of organizations and parties not accepted in the Communist In-
ternational, but which are sympathetic towards communism;
these are to have a consultative vote only.
? 11. The organs of all the parties and organizations form-
ing part of the Communist International as well as of those which
are recognized sympathizers of the Communist International,
are obliged to publish all official regulations of the Communist
International and of its Executive Committee.
? 12. The general state of things in the whole of Europe
and of America makes necessary for the communists of the whole
world an obligatory formation of illegal communist organizations
along with those existing legally. The Executive Committee
should take charge of the universal application of this rule.
? 13. All the most important political relations between the
individual parties forming part of the Communist International
will generally be carried on through the medium of the Execu-
tive Committee of the Communist International. In cases of
exigency direct relations will be established, with the provision,
however, that the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter-
national shall be informed of them at the same time.
? 14. The Trade Unions that have accepted the Communist
platform and are united on an international scale under the con-
trol of the Executive Committee of the Communist International,
form Trade Union Sections of the Communist International. The
Communist Trade Unions send their representatives to the World
Congresses of the Communist International through the medium
of the Communist rarties of their respective countries. Trade
Union sections of the Communist International delegate a :rep-
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reentative with decisive vote to thE Executive Committee of
the Communist International. The Executive Committee of the
Communist International enjoys the right of sending a repre-
sentative with decisive vote, to the Trade Union section of the
Communist International.
? 15. The International League of Communst Youth is sub-
ordinate to the Communist Internatior.al and its Executive Com-
mittee. One representative of the Executive Committee of me
International League of Communist Youth with a decisive vote
is delegated to the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter-
national. The Executive Committee of the Communist; Inter-
national, on the other hand, enjoys the right of sending a repre-
sentative with a decisive vote to the Executive organ of the
International League of Youth. Organization relations between
the League of Youth and the Communist party are basically de-
fined in every country after the same system.
? 16. The Executive Committee cf the Communist Interna-
tional confirms the International Sec etary of the Communist
Women's Movement, and organizes a women's section of the Com-
munist International.
? 17. In case a member of the Communist International
goes to another country, he is to havE the fraternal support of
the local members of the Third Interne tonal.
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THE FUNDAMENTAL TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST
INTERNATIONAL.
Theses Adopted by the Second Congress.
1. A characteristic feature of the present moment in the
development of the international Communist movement is the
fact that in all the capitalist countries the best representatives
of the revolutionary proletariat have completely understood the
fundamental principles of the Communist International, namely,
the dictatorship of the proletariat and the power of the Soviets;
and with a loyal enthusiasm have placed themselves on the side
of the Communist International. A still more important and
great step forward is the unlimited sympathy with these princi-
ples manifested by the wider masses not only of the proletariat of
the towns, but also by the advanced portion of the agrarian
workers.
On the other hand two mistakes or weaknesses in the ex-
traordinarily rapidly increasing international Communist move-
ment have shown themselves. One very serious weakness di-
rectly dangerous to the success of the cause of the liberation
of the proletariat consists in the fact that some of the old
leaders and old parties of the Second International?partly half-
unconsciously yielding to the wishes and pressure of the masses,
party consciously deceiving them in order to preserve their
former role of agents and supporters of the bourgeoisie inside
the Labor movement?are declaring their conditional or even
unconditional affiliation to the Third International, while remain-
ing, in reality, in the whole practice of their party and political
work, on the level of the Second International. Such a state of
things is absolutely inadmissible, because it demoralizes the
masses, hinders the development of a strong Communist Party,
and lowers their respect for the Third International by threaten-
ing repetition of such betrayals as that of the Hungarian Social-
Democrats, who had rapidly assumed the disguise of Commun-
ists. The second much less important mistake, which is, for the
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most part, a malady inherent in the party growth of the move-
ment, is the tendency to be extremely "left," wlich leads to an
erroneous .yalution of the role and duties of the party in respect
to the clas.i and to the mass, and of the obligation of the revolu-
tionary Communists to work in the bcurgeois parliaments and
reactionary labor unions.
The duty of the Communists is not to gloss over any of the
weaknesses of their movement, but to criticize them openly, in
order to get rid of them promptly and radically. To this end
it is necessary, 1) to establish concretely, especially on the 'basis
of the already acquired practical experience, the meaning of the
terms: "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" and "Soviet Power";
and, 2) to point out what could and should be in all countries
the immediate and systematic preparatory work to realizing these
formulas; and, 3) to indicate the ways and means of curing our
movement of its defects.
I. THE SUBSTANCE OF THE DICTATORSHIP OF TIM
PROLETARIAT AND OF THE SOVIET POWER.
-. The victory of Socialism over Capitalism?as the first
step to Communism?demands the ;.ccomplishment of the three
following tasks by the proletariat, as the only really revolutionary
class:
The first task is to lay low the exploiters, and above all the
bourgeoisie as their chief economic and political representaf've;
to defeat them completely; to crush their resistance; to render
impossible any attempts on their part to reimpose the yoke of
capitalism and wage-slavery.
The second is to inspire and lead in the footsteps of the
revolutionary advance guard of the proletariat, its Communist
party?not only the whole proletariat o 7 the great majority, but
the entire mass of workers and those exploited by capital;
to enlighten, organize, instruct, and discipline them during the
course of the bold and mercilessly firm struggle against the ex:-
ploiters ; to wrench this enormous majcrity of the population in
All the capitalist countries out of their state of dependence on the
bourgeoisies; to instill in them, through practical experience, con-
fidence in the leading role of the proletariat and its revolutionary
advance guard. The third is to neutralize or render harmless
the inevitable fluctuations between the bourgeoisie and the prole-
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tariat, between bourgeois democracy and Soviet Power, on the
part of that rather numerous class in all advanced countries?
although constituting a minority of the population?the small
owners and proprietors in agriculture, industry, commerce, and
the corresponding layers of intellectuals, employees, and so on.
The first and second tasks are independent ones, demand-
ing each of them their special methods of action in respect to the
exploiters and to the exploited. The third task results from the
two first, demanding only- a skilful, timely, supple combination
of the-methods of the first and second kind, depending on the
concrete circumstances of each separate case of fluctuation.
3. Under the circumstances which have been created in
the whole world, and especially in the most advanced, most power-
ful, most enlightened and freest capitalist countries by militarist
imperialism?oppression of colonies and weaker nations, the
universal imperialist slaughter, the "peace" of Versailles-- to
admit the idea of a voluntary submission of the capitalists to the
will of the majority of the exploited, of a peaceful, reformist
passage to Socialism, is not only to give proof of an extreme
petty bourgeois stupidity, but it is a direct deception of the work-
men, a disguisal of capitalist wage-slavery, a concealment of the
truth. This truth is that the bourgeoisie, the most enlightened
and democratic portion of the bourgeoisie, is even now not stop-
ping at deceit and crime, at the slaughter of millions Of workmen
and peasants, in order to retain the right of private ownership
over the means of production Only a violent defeat of the binir-
geoisie, the confiscation of its property, the annihilation of the
entire bourgeois governmental apparatus, parliamentary, judicial,
military, bureaucratic, administrative, municipal, etc., even the
individual exile or internment of the most stubborn and danger-
ous exploiters, the establishment of a strict control over them
for the repression of all inevitable attempts at resistance and
restoration of capitalist slavery?only such measures will be able
to guarantee the complete submission of the whole class of ex-
ploiters.
On the other hand, it is the same disguising of capitalism
and bourgeois democracy, the same deceiving of the workmen,
when the old parties and old leaders of the Second International
admit the idea that the majority of the workers and exploited
will be able to acquire a clear Socialist consciousness, firm Social-
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ist convictions and character under the conditions of capitalist
enslavement, under the. yoke of the bourvoisie, which assumes
an endless variety of forms?the more refined and at the same
time the more cruel and pitiless, the more cultured the given
capitalist nation. In reality it is only when the advance guard
of the proletariat, supported by the whole class as the only revo-
lutionary one, or a majority of the sanva will have overthrown
the exploiters, crushed them, freed all :he exploited from their
position of slaves, improved their conditiens of life immediately
at the expense of the expropriated cap talists--only after that,
and during the very course of the acute class struggle, it will be
possible to bring about the erdightenme it. education and organ-
ization of the widest masses of workers and exploited around. the
proletariat, under its influence and direct on ; to cure them of their
egotism, their non-solidarity, their vicce and weaknesses en-
gendered by private ownership, and to t tansfonn them into free
workers,
4. IA): victory over capitalism a. correct correlation between
the leading Communist Party--the revol it onary class, the -prole-
tariat?and the masses, i. e., the whole moss of workers and. ex-
ploited, is easential. If the Communist Party is really the advance
guard of the revolutionary ciass, if it ncludes the best repre-
sentatives of the class, it consists of iierfectly conscious and
loyal Communists, enlightened by experience gained in the stub-
born revolutionary struggic?if it can meamnd indissolubly with.
the entire life of its class, and through tie latter with the whole
maAs of the exploited, and if it can irspiite full confidence in this
class and this mass, only then is it capa)te of leading the pnae-
tariat in the pitiless, decisive, and final struggle aga'nst al the
forces of capitalism. (hi the other hand, only under the leader-
ship of such a Party will the proletarid be able to employ all
tihe force of its revolutioaary onslaught, a.ullifying the inevitable
apathy and partial resistance of the insignificant minority of the
demoralized labor aristocracy, the old trade-union and guild lead-
ers, etc. Only then will the proletariat lie able to display its
power which_ is immeasurably greater than its share hi the popu-
lation, by reason of the economic organization of capitalist society
itself. Lastly, only when practically free,J, from the yoke of the
bourgeoisie and the bourgeois governiril: apparatus, only after
acquiring the possibility of freely (from all capitalist exploita-
tion) organizing into its own Soviets, will the mass?i. e., the
It?
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total of all the workers and exploited?employ for the first time
in history all the initiative and energy of tens of millions of peo-
ple, formerly crushed by capitalism. Only when the Soviets will
become the only State apparatus, will effectual participation in
the administration be realized for the entire mass of the exploited,
who, even under the most cultured and free bourgeois democracy,
remain practically excluded from participation in the adminis-
tration. Only in the Soviets does the mass really begin to study,
not out of books, but out of its own practical experience, tne
work of Socialist construction, the creation of a new social disci-
pline, a free union of free workers.
II. IN WHAT SHOULD THE IMMEDIATE PREPARATION
FOR DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT CONSIST?
5. The present moment in the development of the Interna-
tional Communist movement, is characterized by the fact that in
a great majority of capitalist countries the preparation of the
proletariat or the realization of its dictatorship is not yet com-
pleted?very often it has not even been begun systematically.
it does not follow that the proletarian revolution is not possible,
for the economic and Political situation is extraordinarily rich
in inflammable material which may cause a sudden flame; the
other condition for a revolution, besides the preparedness of the
proletariat, namely, the general state of crisis in all the ruling and
all the bourgeois parties, it also at hand. But it follows from the
above that for the moment the duty of the Communist Parties
consists in accelerating the revolution, without provoking it arti-
Fcially until sufficient preparation has been made; such prepara-
tion is to be carried on and emphasized by revolutionary activity.
On the other hand, the above instance in the history of many
Socialist parties draws our attention to the fact, that the "re-
cognition" of the dictatorship of the proletariat should not re-
main only verbal.
Therefore the principal duty of the Communist Parties, from
the point of view of an international proletarian movement. is
at the present moment the uniting of the dispersed Communist
forces, the formation in each country of a single Communist
Party (or the strengthening and renovation of the already ex-
isting one) in order to perform the work of preparing the prole-
tariat for the ? conquest of the governing power, and especially
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San
for the acquisition of power under th lorm of a dictatorship
of the groups and parties that recognize the dictatorship of the
proletariat.. Tins work has not been sufficiently subjected to. 'the
radical reformation, the radical renovatin,i, which are necessary
for it to be recognized as Communist and as corresponding
to the tasi.s of the eve of proletarian dictatorship.
'Ile conquest of political power by the proletariat does
not put a stop to its class struggle itgalest the bourgeoisie; on
the contrary, it makes the struggle estel. ialiy broad., acute, and
pitiless. All the groups, parties, leaders of the Labor movement,
fully or partially on the side of refcrmism, the "center,' and. so
turn inevitably, during the most acute oeriods of the struggle,
either to the side of the bourgeoisie or to that of the wavering
ones, and the most dangerous are added to the number of the
unreliable friends of the vanquished pnletariat. Therefore the
preparation of the dictatorship of the proletariat demands not
only an increased struggle against all reformists and "centrist"
tendencies, but a modification of the nature of this struggle.
The struggle should not be limited tL, an expihnation of the
fallacy of such tendecies, but it should stubbornly and
mercilessly denounce any leader in tit?, Labor movement who
may be manifesting such tendencies; ctiterwise the proletariat
vitt not know whom it must trust in the most decisive struggle
against the bourgeoisie. The struggle is such, that the slight-
est hesitation or weakness in the denunciation of those who
show themselves to be reformists or "centrists," means a direct
increase of the danger that the power of the proletariat may be
overthrown by the bourgeoisie, which \AEI on the morrow utilize
in favor of the counter-revolution alt that which to short-sighted
people appears only as a "theoretical difference of opinion" to--day.
7. In particular one cannot stop at the usual doctrinaire
refutation of all "collaboration" between the proletariat and the
bourgeoisie:'
The simple defense of "liberty and 2qual1ty," under the con-
dition of preserving the right of private ownership of the means
of production, becomes transformed under the conditions of the
dictatorship of the proletariat--which will never be able to sup-
press completely all private ownership?into a "collaboration"
with the bourgeoisie, which undermines directly the power of
the working class. The dictatorship of the proletariat means
the strengthening and defense, by means of the ruling power
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of the Sate, of the "non-liberty" of the expiniter to continue
his work of oppression and exploitation, the "inequality" of the
proprietor e., of the person who has taken for himself per-
sonally the means of production created by public labor and the
proletariat). That which before the victory of the proletariat
seems but a theoretical difference of opinion on the question
of "democracy," becomes inevitably on the morrow of the
victory, a queStion which can only be decided by force of arms.
Consequently, without a radical modification of the whole nature
of the struggle against the "centrists" and "defenders of de-
mocracy," even a preliminary preparation of the mass for the
realization of a dictatorship of the proletariat is impossible.
g. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the most decisive
and revolutionary form of class struggle between the proletanaz
and the bourgeoisie. Such a struggle can be successful only when
the revolutionary advance guard of the proletariat leads the
majority. The preparation of the dictatorship of the proletariat
demands, therefore, not only the elucidation of the bourgeois
nature of all reformism, all defense of "democracy," with the
preservation of the right to the ownership of the means of
production; not only the denunciation of such tendencies, winch
in practice mean the defense of the bourgeoisie inside the Labor
movement?but it demands also the replacing of the old leaders
by Communists in all kinds of proletarian organizations, not only
political, but industrial, co-operative, educational, etc. The more
lasting, complete, and solid the rule of the bourgeois democracy
has been in any country, the more has it been possible for the
bourgeoisie to appoint as labor leaders men who have been edu-
cated by it, imbued with its views and prejudices and very fre-
quently directly or indirectly bribed by it. It is necessary to
remove all these representatives of the Labor aristocracy, all
such "bourgeois" workmen, from their posts and replace them
by even inexperienced workers, so long as these are in unity with
the exploited masses, and enjoy the latter's confidence in the
struggle against the exploiters. The dictatorship of the prole-
tariat will demand the appointment of such inexperienced work-
men to the most responsible State functions, otherwise the rule
of the Labor government will be powerless and it will not have
the support of the masses.
9. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the most complete
realization of a leadership over all workers and exploited, who
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have been oppressed, beaten down, crushed, intimidated,
dis-
persed, deceive a by the class of capitalists, on the part of the
only class prepared for such a leading role by the whole history
of capitalism. Therefore the preparati3n, of the dictatorship of
the proletariat must begin immediately and in all places by means
of the following methods among others:
In every organization, union, association---beginning with the
proletarian ones at first, and afterwards in all those of the non-
proletarian workers and exploited masses (political, professional,
military, co-operative, educational, spoating, etc., etc.) must be
formed groups or nuclei of Communists----mostly open ones, but
also secret ones which become necessat y in each case when the
arrest or exile of their members or the dispersal of their organ-
ization is threatened; and these nuclei, in close contact with one
another and with the central Party, exchanging experiences,
carrying on the work of propaganda, ,sampaign, organization,
adapting themselves to all the branches of social life,'to all the
various forms and subdivisions of the ,,yorking masses, must
systematically train themselves, the Forty, the class, and the
masses by such multiform work.
,At th e same time it is most impoi tent to work out practi-
cally the necessary methods on the onc hand in respect to the
"leaders" or responsible representatives, cvho are very frequently
hopelessly infected with petty bourgeois and imperialist pre-
judices; on the other hand, in respect to the masses, who, espe-
cially after the imperialist slaughter, are inostly inclined to listen
to and accept the doctrine o(the necessity of leadership of the
proletariat as the only way out of capitalistic enslavement. The
masses must be approached with patierce and caution, and with
an understanding of the peculiarities, the special psychology of
each layer, each .profession of these masses.
10. In particular one of the grotos or nuclei of the Com-
munists deserves the exclusive attention and cara of the party,
namely, the parliamentary faction, i. e, the group of members
of the Party who are members of bourgeois representative in-
stitutions (first of all state institutions, then local, murr,c1pal
and others). On the one hand, such a tribune has a special im-
portance in the eyes of the wider circle:, of the backward or pre-
judiced working masses; therefore, from this very tribune, the
Communists must carry on their work .)-f: propaganda, agitaton,
organization, explaining to the masses why the dissolution of .the
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bourgeois parliament (Constituent Assembly) by the national
Congress of Soviets was a legitimate proceeding at the time in
Russia (as it will be in all countries in due time). On the other
hand, the whole history of bourgeois democracy has made the
parliamentary tribune, especially in the more advanced countries,
the chief or one of the chief means of unbelievable financial and
political swindles, the means of making a career out of hypocrisy
and oppress:on of the workers. Therefore the deep hatred against
all parliaments in the revolutionary proletariat is perfectly justi-
fied. Therefore the Communist Parties, and all parties adhering
to the Third International. especially in cases when such parties
have been formed pot by means of a division in the old parties
and after a long stubborn struggle against them, but by means
of the old parties passing over (often nominally) to a new posi-
tion, mast be very strict in their attitude towards their parlia-
mentary factions, demanding their complete subordination to
the control and the direction of the Central Committee of the
party; the inclusion in them chiefly of revolutionary workmen;
the carrying out at Party meetings of a most intensive analysis of
the Party press and of the parliamentary speeches, from the point
of view of their Communist integrity; detailing of parliament
members for propaganda among the masses; the exclusion from
such groups of all those who show a tendency towards the Second
International, and so forth.
11. One of the chief causes of difficulty in the revolutionary
Labor movement in the advanced capitalist countries lies in the
fact that owing to colonial deminions and super-dividends of a
financial capital, etc., capital has been able to attract a comParat-
ively more solid and broader group of a small minority of the
labor aristocracy. The latter enjoy better conditions of pay and
are most of all impregnated with the spirit of professional nar-
roow-mindedness, bourgeois and imperialist prejudices. This is
the true social "support" of the Second International reformists
and centrists, and at the present moment almost the chief social
support of the bourgeoisie.
Not even preliminary preparation of the proletariat for the
overthrow of the bourgeoisie is possible without an immediate.
systematic, widely organized and open struggle against the group
which undoubtedly?as experience has already proved?will fur-
nish plenty of men for the White Guards of the bou,rgeoisie after
the victory of the proletariat. All the parties adhering to the
Third International must at all costs put into practice the mot-
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toes: "deeper into the masses," 'in closer contact with the
masses," understanding by the wcrci "masses" the entire mass
of workers and those exploited by capithsrn, especially the less
organized aad eniightened, the most oppressed and less adaptable
to organiza--ion.
try:Aetna at r,i9:?onle8 revort eiiar\ in so far as it is not
-ed narrcut ri ; tar. as it iliartielflat as
the arid ?iTatilir'110-: of ot wider o": the
;old e-7 t.joitOrt ti COW Diete
realize L-ratorshinwi i. v.t'iv tor and
,.r?dro.-t ,..A-ei-l-trirr-r? ? the trit- hortrgeo
'liiinero et in 'Allis thenyetreal and
Ifl o1'tifle tIi to or, -tHiri tit 41 nd have mit
1.z.rtti. its dictatot7,hrp? I'mr? nect and ,:a-rnraTlf-D,..4,e,
n '- I I ,?ts-: trie
ri 1101, suf.-e-a-pii. froa iii -pre ti-ortn. ati, the othor
o?ntros In
-m.sraugtit, t? and rre,,,?ade on the a he ta ivorsai, boor-
oiste.
rr,ass, irra the roost flit!:erdt iTic'Iflefli..s. '0 the
r.ctvanced projerail, t. to .1
Ill p support to a'it
irwnrj'vhict; s ai(ne ahhdv' trrIff''?
rem arty. 1(flfl'fl
'1 lore fl t!ii !,11 '4.1.0U?0
mn'Ail
r
,
train:1-11111r :?
? ft'. it 1. ',ern 1,i
eels n
ArnprIca, and r norras HI 0'.dert1n0
Parry c
1"1 1 rd
a of car,ithlisn tcy
the relss4,,,, In
?d! cpuntnrts, ever tor tr? torr?rti nnd "-11200-
ones in the sense o! a iesser aclstwc'w 1 the eIrs?s struggle,
period has arrived, when it has become absolutely necessary
ir every Communist party to join systefnatically lawful iin.d
unlawful work, lawful and unlawful orgiani4ation.
In the most enlightened and free countries, with a most
"solid" bourgeois-democratic regime, the governments are sys-
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ternatically recurring, in spite of their ialse and hypocritical
assurances, to the method of keeping secret list of Communists;
to endless violations of their constitutions for the semi-secret sup-
port of White Guards and the murder of Communists in all coun-
tries; to secret preparations for the arrest of Communists; the
introduction of provocateurs among the Communists, etc. Only
the most reactionary petty bourgeoisie, by whatever high-sound-
ing "democratic" or pacifist phrases it might disguise its ideas,
can dispute this fact or the necessary conclusion; an immediate
formation by all lawful Communist parties of unlawful organiza-
tions for systematic unlawful work, for their complete prepara-
tion at any moment to thwart any steps on the part of the bour-
geoisie. It is especially necessary to carry on unlawful work in
the army, navy, and police, as, after the imperialist slaughter,
all the governments in the world are becoming afraid of the
national armies, open to all peasants and workingmen, and they
are setting up in secret all kinds of select military organizations
recruited from the bourgeoisie and especially provided with im-
proved technical equipment.
On the other hand, it is also necessary, in all cases without
exception, not to limit oneself to unlawful work, but to carry on
also lawful work overcoming all difficulties, founding a lawful
press and lawful organizations under the most diverse, and in case
of need, frequently changing names. This is now being done by
the illegal Communist parties in Finland, in part in Germany,
Poland, Latvia, etc. It is thus that the I. W. W. in America
should act, as well as all the lawful Communist parties at present.
in case prosecutors start prosecutions on the basis of resolutions
of the congresses of the Communist International, etc.
The absolute necessity of the principle of unlawful and law-
ful work is determined not only by the total aggregate of all the
peculiarities of the given moment, on the very eve of a prole-
tarian dictatorship, but by the necessity of proving to the bour-
geoisie, that there is not and can not be any branch of the work
of which the Communists have not possessed themselves, and still
more by the fact that everywhere there are still wide circles of
the proletariat and greater ones of the non-proletarian workers
and exploited masses, which still trust in the bourgeois democ-
racy, the discussion of which is our most important duty.
13. In particular, the situation of the Labor press in the
more advanced capitalist countries shows with special force
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both the i'aisity of liberty and equa1tv under the bourgeois
democracy, and the necessity of a systematic blending of the
lawful and unlawful work. Both in N,:ano uislied Germany and in
victorious America all the powers of the governmental apparatus
of the bourgeoisie, and all the tricks of its financial kings are
be:ng set in motion in order to deprive the workingmen of their
press; prosecutions and arr(.':sts (or murder by means of hired
murderers) of the editors, denial of miling privilege, curtailing
of paper supply, etc. Moreover, the information necessary for a
daily paper is in the hands of bourgeois telegraph agencies, and
the advertisements, without which a large paper cannot pay its
way, are at the "free" disposal of capitalists. On the whole,
by means of deception, the pressure of capital, and the bourgeois
government, the bourgeoisie deprives the revolutionary prole-
tariat of its press.
For the struggle against this state of things the Commun-
ist parties must create a new type of periodical press for exten-
sive circulation among the workmen:
1) Lawful publications, in which the Communists without
calling themselves such and without mentioning their connecton
with the party, learn to utilize the slightest liberty allowed by
the laws, as the Bolsheviks did at the "time of the Tsar," after
105.
9) Illegal sheets, although of the smallest dimensions and
irregularly published, but reproduced ii most of the printing
offices by the workingmen (in secret, or if the movement has
grown stronger, by means of a revolutionary seizure of the print-
ing offices) giving the proletariat undiluted revolutionary in-
formation and the revolutionary mottoes.
Without a Communist press the preparation for the dictator-
ship of the proletariat is impossible.
IH. THE AMENDMENT OF THE POLICY?PARTLY ALSO
OF THE MAKE-UP?OF THE PARTIES ADHERING OR
WILLING TO ADHERE TO THE COMMUNIST INTER-
NATIONAI,
14. The degree cif preparedness of the proletariat to carry
out its dictatorship, in the countries mcst important from the
view-point of world economics and world politics, is manifested
most objectively and precisely by the fact that the most influen-
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tial parties of the Second International, the French Socialist
Party, the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany,
the Independent Labor Party of England, the American Socialist
Party, have gone out of this yellow International and have passed
resolutions to join the Third International, the first three con-
resolutions to join the Third International, all, however, making
certain reservations. This proves that not only the advance
guard but the majority of the proletar:at has begun to pass
over to our side, persuated thereto by the whole course of events.
The chief thing now is to know how to complete this passage and
solidly, structurally strengthen it, so as to be able to advance
along the whole line, without the slightest hesitation.
15. The whole activity of the above-mentioned parties (to
which must be added the Swiss Socialist Party if the telegraphic
reports regarding its resolution to join the Third Internat:onal
are correct) proves?and any given periodical paper of these par-
ties confirms it?that they are not Communist as yet, and fre-
quently even are in direct opposition to the fundamental prin-
ciples of the Third International, namely: the recognition of the
dictatorship of the proletariat, and of Soviet power instead of the
bourgeois democracy.
Therefore the Second Congress of the Communist Interna-
tional should announce that it does not consider it possible to
receive these parties immediately; that it confirms the answer
of the Executive Committee of the Third International to the
German Independents; that it confirms its readiness to carry on
negotiations with any party leaving the Second International and
desiring to join the Third; that it reserves the right of a con-
sultative vote to the delegate of such parties at all its congresses
and conferences, and that it proposes the following conditions
for a complete union of these (and similar) parties with the Com-
munist International.
1.) The publishing of all the resolutions passed by all the
congress of the party for the weeding out of all elements that
Committee, in all the periodical publications of the party.
2.) Their discussion at the special meetings of all sections
and local organizations of the party.
3.) The convocation, after such a discussion, of a special
congress of the party for the weeding out of all elements which
continue to act in the spirit of the Second International. Such
a congress is to be called together as soon as possible within a
period of four months at most following the Second Congress.
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4.) Expulsion from the party of an members who persist
in their adherence to th.e Second International.
5.) The transfer of all periodical papers of the party into
the hands of Communist editors.
6.) The parties wishing to join the Third International but
which have not yet radically changed their Old tactics, must
above all take care that two-thirds of their Central Committee
and of their chief central institutions consist of such comrades
as have declared their adherence to a party of the Third Inter-
national before the Second Congress. Exceptions can be made
only with .the sanction of the Executive Committee of the Com-
munist International. The E. C. also reserves the right of mak-
ing exceptions with regard to the :repiesentatives of the -"cen-
trist" movement mentioned in paragraph 7.
7.) Members of the party who rep-idiate the conditions and
theses adopted by the Communist Interr ational must be excluded
from the Party. The same applies to delegates of special con-
gresses. The Second Congress of the Third Intern, must charge
its Executive Committee to admit the above-named and similar
parties into the Third International after a preliminary verifica-
tion that all these conditions have been fulfilled, and that the
nature of the activity of the party has ecome Communist
16. In regard to the question as to what must be the line
of conduct of the Communists at present constituting the minor-
ity at the responsible posts of the above-named and similar par-
ties, the Second Congress of the Third International should estab-
lish, that, in view of the rapid progress of the actual revolution-
ary spirit among the workingmen belonging to these parties it
would be undesirable for the Communists to leave the parties, so
long as they are able to carry on their wol'k within, the parties in
the spirit of a recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat
and of the criticism of all opportunists and centrists still remain-
ing in these parties.
When the left wing of the centre party becomes sufficiently
strong, it can?provided it considers it beneficial for the develop-
ment of Communism?leave the party ii a body and inaugurate
a Communist Party.
At the same time the Second Congress of the Third Inter-
national must declare itself in favor of tne joining of Communist
Party, and the groups and organizations sympathizing with Com-
munism in England, joining the Labor P2rty, notwithstanding the
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circumstance that th s party is a member of the Second Interna-
tional. The reason of this is that so long as this party will allow
all constituent organizations their present freedom of criticism
and freedom of propaganda, and organizing activity in favor of
the dictatorship of the proletariat and the power of Soviets, so
long as this party preserves its principle of uniting all the indus-
trial organizations of the working class, the Communists ought
to take all measures and even consent to certain compromises, in
order to be able to exerc:se an influence over the wider circles of
workingmen and the masses, to denounce their opportunist lead-
ers from a higher tribune, to accelerate-the transfer of the politi-
cal power from the direct representatives of the bourgeoisie to the
"Labor lieutenants 'of the capitalist class," so that the masses
may be more rapidly cured of all illusions on this subject.
17. In regard to the Italian Socialist Party, the Second
Congress of the Third International considers as perfectly cor-
rect the criticism of this Party and the practical propositions
which are stated, as propositions to the District Council of the
Italian Socialist Party on behalf of the Turin section of this Party
in the paper "New Order" (L'Ordine Nuovo) dated May 8th,
1920, and which completely correspond with the fundamental
principles of the Third International.
Therefore the Second Congress of the Third International
requests the Italian Socialist Party to convene an extraordinary
congress of the party for the discussion of these propositions
and the resolutions of both congresses of the Communist Inter-
national, especially with regard to the parliamentary fraction,
to the non-communist elements in the party, and concerning the
tactics in the trade unions.
18. The Second Congress of the Third International con-
siders as not correct the views regarding the relations of the
Party to the class and to the masses, and the non-participation
of the Communist Parties in the bourgeois parliaments and re-
actionary Labor unions, which have been emphatically repudiated
in the special resolutions of the present congress, and defended
in full by the "Communist Labor Party of Germany" and also
partially by the "Communist Party of Switzerland," by the organ
of the West European secretariat of the Communst International
"Communismus" in Amsterdam, and by several of our Dutch
comrades; further by certain Communist organizations in Eng--
land, as for instances "The Workers Socialist Federation," also
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by the "I. WI W." in America, the "Shp Steward Committees"
in England, and so forth.
Nevertheless the Second Congress cf the Third International
considers possible and desirable the immediate affiliation of such
of these er7anizations as have not, aineady done so officially,
because, in the given case, especially as regards the I. W.. W. of
America and Australia, and the "Shop ;..ieweird Committees" of
England, we have to deal with a genuinely proletarian mass move-
ment, which practically adheres to the principles of the Commun-
ist International. In such organizations Any mistaken views on
the question of participation in the bourgeois parliaments, are to
by explained not so much on the theoin7 that they are members
of the bourgeoisie advocating then: awn petty bourgeois views,
as the views of the Anarchists frequently are, but on the theory
of the political inexperience of the -arolet Arians, who are, never-
theless, completely revolutionary and in ct intact with the masses.
The Second Congress of the Th del international requests,
herefo:re, all Communist organizations aiu'i groups in the Anglo-
Saxon countries, even in case immediate t nien between the Third
lint:elan:Ain-Int and the "Industrial 't or of tie World- and
the "Shop Steward Conanittees" does rut take piace? to carry on
a pohe_y or the most I, attitude tovo rd these organizations,
to enter into closer connection -with ti?,n , to explain to them in
a friendly way, from jie point of vie ,x me i!i revellutions and the
three Russian revolutions ni the I n enTem th Century especiaii:y,
the fallacy of their above-stated vice s, and not to desist
from repeated attempts to become IM tad with these organiza-
tions so as to form one Cot imunist Party,
In. In connection with this the (?iongess draws the attention
of all comrades, especially' in the Latin and Anglo-Saxon coun-
tries to the fact that among the Anarchists since the war all
over the world a deep ideological sch SRi is taking place upon
the queston of their attitude towards :he dictatorship ef the
proletariat; and the power of Soviets. And it is just among the
proletarlan elements, which were frequertly led into anarchism
by their nerfectly ,;:ustafied hatred of the opportunism and re-
formism of the parties of the Second International, that there
is to be noticed a perfectly correct unOerstanding of these prin-
ciples, especially among those who are nearly acquainted
with the experience of Russia, Finland, Hungary, Lealand, Po-
land, and Germany.
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The Congress cOnsiders it the duty of all comrades to sup-
fort by all measures all the masses of proletarian elements pass-
ing from Anarchism to the Third International. The Congress
points out that the success of the work of the truly Communist
Parties ought to be measured, among other things, by how far
they have been able to attract to their party all the uneducated,
not petty-bourgeois, but proletarian masses from Anarchism.
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CONDITIONS OF ADMISSION TO THE COMMUNIST
INTERNATIONAL.
The First Constituent Congress of the Communist Interna-
tional did not draw up precise conditions of admission to the
Third International.
At the moment of the convocation pf the First Congress in
the majority of countries only Communist currents and groups
existed.
The Second World Congress of the Communist International
is convening under different conditions. At the present moment
in most countries there are not only Ccmmunist tendencies and.
groups but Communist parties and orMizations.
The Communist International more and more frequently re-
ceives applications from parties and groips but a short time ago
belonging to the Second International, now desirous of joining
the Third International, but not yet really Communist. The
Second International is completely broken. Seeing the complete
helplessness of the Second International the intermediary faction
and the groups of the "centre" are trying to lean on the ever
strengthening Communist International hoping at the same time,
however, to preserve a certain "autonomy" which should enable
them to carry on their former opportunist or "centrist" policy.
The Communist International has become the fashion.
The desire of certain leading groups of the "centre' to join
the Third International now is an indirect confirmation of the
fact that the majority of conscious workers of the whole world is
growing stronger every day.
The Communist international is being threatened with the
danger of dilution with the fluctuating and half-and-half groups
which have as yet not abandoned thE ideology of the Second
International.
It must be mentioned that in some of the large parties (Italy,
Norway, Sugo-Slavia, etc.), the majority of which adhere to the
point of view of Communism, there is ip to this moment con-
siderable reformist and social pacifist Niing, which is only await-
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ing the moment to revive and to begin an active "sabotage" of
the proletarian revolution, and thus assist the bourgeoisie and
the Second International.
No Communist should forget the lesson of the Hungarian
Soviet Republic.
The unity between the Hungarian Communists and the so-
called Left Social Democrats cost the Hungarian Proletariat very
dearly.
In view of this the Second World Congress finds it necessary
to establish most definite conditions for the joining of new
parties, as well as to point out to such parties as have already
joined the Communist International the duties which are laid
upon them.
The Second Congress of the Communist International rules
that the conditions for joining the Communist International shall
be as follows:
1. The general propaganda and agitation should bear a
really Communist character, and should correspond to the prog-
ramme and decisions pf the Third International. The entire
party press should be edited by reliable Communists who have
proved their loyalty to the cause of the pi?oletarian revolution.
The dictatorship of the proletariat should not be spoken of simply
as a current hackneyed formula, it should be advocated in such a
way that its necessity should be apparent to every rank-and-file
working man and woman, to each soldier and peasant, and should
emanate from everyday facts systematically recorded by our
press day by day.
AU periodicals and other publications, as well as all party
publications and editions, are subject to the control of the presi-
dium of the party, independently of whether the party is legal
or illegal. The editors should in no way be given an opportunity
to abuse their autonomy and carry on a policy not fully corre-
sponding to the policy of the party.
Wherever the followers of the Third International have ac-
cess, and whatever means of propaganda are at their disposal,
whether the columns of newspapers, popular meetings, labor
unions or co-operatives,--it is indispensable for them not only to
denounce the bourgeoisie, but also its assistants and agents--
reformists of every color and shade.
2. Every organization desiring to join the Communist in-
ternational shall be bound systematically and regularly to remove
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from all the responsible posts in the labor movement (Party or-
ganizations, editors, labor unions, parliimentary factions, co-oper-
atives, municipalities, etc.), all reformists and followers of the
"centre," and to have them replaced by Communists, even at the
cost of replacing at the beginning "e:cperienced" men by rank-
and-ffe working men.
3. The class struggle in almost every country of Europe
and America is entering the phase cf civil war. Under such
conditions the Communists can have no confidence in bourgeois
laws. They should create everywhere a parallel illegal apparatus,
which at the decisive moment should do its duty by the party,
and in every way possible assist the revolution. In every coun-
try where, in consequence of martial law or of other exceptional
laws, the Communists are unable to carry on their work law,
fully, a combination of lawful and un awful work is absolutely
necessary:.
A persistent and systematic prDpaganda and agitation is
necessary in the army, where Communist groups should be formed
in every military organization. Wilerver, owing to repressive
legislation, agitation becomes impossible.. it is necessary to carry
on such agitation illegally. But refusal to carry on or participate
in such work should be considered equa to treason to the revolu-
tionary cruse, and ;.ncompatible with f filiation with the Third
internatio.nal.
5. A systematic and regular propaganda is necessary in the
rural districts. The working class can gain no victory unless it
possesses the sympathy and support of at least part of the rural
workers and of the poor peasants, and unless other sections of
the population are ecually utilized. {7,orimunist workin the rural
districts is acquiring a predominant importance during the pres-
ent period. It should be carried on thro igh Communist working-
men of both city and country who have connections with the rural
districts. To refuse to do this work, or to transfer sUch work
to untrustworthy half reformists, is equal to renouncing the
proletarian revolution.
6. Every party desirous of affiliatiny with the Third Inter-
national should renounce not only avowed sccial patriotism, but
also the falsehood and the hypocrisy of social pacifism; it should
sytematically demonstrate to the workers that without a revolu-
tionary overthrow of capitalism no inte mational arbitration, no
talk of disarmament, no democratic reorganization of the League
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of Nations will be capable of saving mankind from new Imperial-
ist wars.
7. Parties desirous of joining the Communist International
must recognize the necessity of a complete and absolute rupture
with reformism and the policy of the "centrists," and must advo-
cate this rupture amongst the widest circles of the party member-
ship, without which condition a consistent Communist policy is
impossible. The Communist International demands uncondition-
ally and peremptorily that such rupture be brought about with
the least possible delay. The Communist International cannot
reconcile itself to the fact that such avowed reformists as for
instance Turati, Modigliani, Kautsky, Hillquit, Longuet, Mac-
donald and others should be entitled to consider themselves mem-
bers of the Third International. This would make the Third
International resemble the Second International.
8. In the Colonial question and that of the oppressed nation-
alities there is necessary an especially distinct and clear line of
conduct of the parties of countries where the bourgeoisie pos-
sesses such colonies or oppresses other nationalities. Every party
desirous of belonging to the Third International should be bound
to denounce without any reserve all the methods of "its own"
Imperialists in the colonies, supporting not only in words but prac-
tically a movement of liberation in the colonies. It should demand
the expulsion of its own Imperialists from such colonies, and cul-
tivate among the workingmen of its own country a truly fraternal
attitude towards the working population of the colonies and op-
pressed nationalities, and carry on a systematic agitation in its
own army against every kind of oppression of the colonial pop-
ulation.
9. Every party desirous of belonging to the Communist
International should be bound to carry on systematic and per-
sistent Communist work in the labor unions, co-operatives and
other labor organizations of the masses. It is necessary to form
Communist groups within the organizations, which by persistent
and lasting work should win over labor unions to Communism.
These groups should constantly denounce the treachery of the
social patriots and of the fluctuations of the "centre." These
Communist groups should be completely subordinated to the
party in general.
10. Any party belonging to the Communist International
is bound to carry on a stubborn struggle against the Amsterdam
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"'International" of the yellow labor unior s. It should propagate
..nsistently amongst the organized workers the necessity cf a
.rupture with the yellow Amsterdam irternational. It should
support by all means in its power the International Unification
of Red Labor Unions, adhering to the Communist International,
which is now beginning.
11. Parties desirous of joining the 'el ird International shall
be bound to inspect the personnel of tie"r parliamentary fac-
tions, to remove all unreliable elements therefrom, to control
such factions, not only verbally but in reality, to subordinate
them to the Central Committee of the party, and to detrand
from each proletarian Communist that he devote his entire ac-
tivity to the interests of real revolutiomry propaganda.
12. All parties belonging to the Communist International
should be formed on the basis of the principle of democratic
centralization. At the present time of acute civil war the Com-
munist Pai ty will be abie fully to do ies duty only when t is
organized in a sufficiently thorough way, when it possesses .an
iron discipEne, and when its patty centie enjoys rhe confidence
of the men:liers of the party, who are ft iinidow this centre with
comp?etii power, authority and arnpe ili IS.
13, Tie Communist parties or tlioso countries where the
Commuri:st activity is legal, should clearance of their
members 11 0111 time to time, as well as t toie of the party organ:.
izations, in order systematically to free the party from the p-tty
bourgeois elements which penetrate int) it.
4. Each party desirous of affiliat rig with the Commun:st
International should be obliged to rencira every possible assist-
ance to the Soviet Republics in their struggle against all counter-
revolutionary forces. The Communist parties should carry on
a precise and definite propaganda to induce the workers to refuse
to transport any kind of military equipm)nt intended for fighting
against the Soviet Republics, and should also by legal or illegal
means carry on a propaganda amongst the troops sent against
the workers' republics, etc.
15. All those parties which up to the present moment have
stood upon the old social and democratic programmes should,
within the shortest time possible, draw up a new Communist
programme in conformity with the special conditions of .their
country, and in accordance with the resolutions of the Commun-
ist international. As a rule, the programme of each party -be-
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longing to the Communist International should be confirmed by
the next congress of the Communist International or its Execu-
tive Committee. In the event of the failure of the programme
of any party being confirmed by the Executive Committee of the
Communist International, the said party Wall be entitled to
appeal to the Congress of the Communist International.
16. All the resolutions of the congresses of the Communist
international, as well as the resolutions of the Executive Com-
mittee are binding for all parties joining the Communist Inter-
national. The Communist International, operating under the
conditions of most acute civil warfare, should be centralized in
a better manner than the Second International. At the same
time, the Communist International and the Executive Committee
are naturally bound in every form of their activity to consider
the variety of conditions under which the different parties have
to work and struggle, and generally binding resolutions should
be passed only on such questions upon which such resolutions
are possible.
17. In connection with the above, all parties desiring to
join the Communist International should alter their name. Each
party desirous of joining the Communist International should
bear the following name: Communist Party of such and such a
country, section of the Third Communist international. The
question of the renaming of a party is not only a formal one,
but is a political question of great importance. The Communist
international has declared a decisive war against the entire bour-
geoise world, and all the yellow Social Democratic parties. It is
indispensable that every rank-and-file worker should be able
clearly to distinguish between the Communist parties and the old
official "Social Democratic" or "Socialist" parties, which have
betrayed the cause of the working class.
18. All the leading organs a the press of every party are
bound to publish all the most important documents of the Ex-
ecutive Committee of the Communist International,
19. All those parties which have joined the Communist
International, as well as those which have expressed a desire to
do so, are obliged in as short a space of time as possible, and in
no case later than four months after the Second Congress of the
Communist International, to convene an Extraordinary Congress
in order to discuss these conditions. In addition to this, the
Central Committees of these parties should take care to acquaint
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all the local organizations with the regulations of the Second
Congress.
20, All those parties which at the present time are willing
to join the Third International, but have so far not changed
their tactics in any radical manner, should, prior to their joining
the Third International, take care that nct less than two-thrids
of their committee members and of all their central institutions
should be composed of comrades who have made an open and
definite declaration prior to the convenir g of the Second Con-
gress, as to their desire that the party should affilite with the
Third International. Exclusions are permitted only with the
confirmation of the Executive Committee of the Third Internal,
tional. The Executive Committee of the Communist interna-
tional has the right to make ar, exception also for the represen-
tatives of the "centre" as mentioned in paragraph 7.
21. Those members of the party wh) reject the conditions
and the theses of the Third Internationa are liable to be ex-
cuded from the party.
This applies principally to the delega-:es at the Special Con-
gresses of the party.
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THE ROLE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN THE
PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION.
The world proletariat is confronted with decisive battles.
We are living in an epoch of civil war. The critical hour has
struck. In almost all countries where there is a labor movement
of any importance the working class, arms in hand, stands in
the midst of fierce and decisive battles. Now more than ever
is the working class in need of a strong organization. Without
losing an hour of invaluable time, the working class must keep
on indefatigably preparing for the impending decisive struggle.
The first heroic uprising of the French proletariat during
the Paris Commune of 1871 would have been much more success-
ful, and many errors and shortcomings would have been avoided,
had there been a strong Communist party, no matter how small.
The struggle which the proletariat is now facing, under changed
historical circumstances, will be of much more vital importance
to the future destiny of the working class than was the insurrec-
tion of 1871.
The Second World Congress of the Communist International
therefore calls upon the revolutionary workers of the whole world
to concentrate all their attention on the following:
1. The Communist Party is part of the working class,
namely, its most advanced, intelligent, and therefore most revolu-
tionary part. The Communist Party is formed of the best, most
intelligent, self-sacrificing and far-seeing workers. The Com-
munist Party has no other interests than those of the working
class. It differs from the general mass of the workers in that
it takes a general view of the whole historical march of the work-
ing class, and at all turns of the road it endeavors to defend the
interests, not of separate groups or professions, but of the work-
ing class as a whole. The Communist Party is the organized
political lever by means of which the more advanced part of the
working class leads all the proletarian and semi-proletarian mass.
2. Until the time when the power of government will have
been finally conquered by the proletariat, until the time when
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the proletarian rule will have been firmly established beyona the
possibility of a bourgeois restoration, the Communist Party will
have in its organized ranks only a minorty of the workers. lap
to the time when the power will have been seized by it, and dur-
ing the transition period, the Communist Party may, under fa-
vorable conditions, exercise undisputed moral and political in-
fluence on all the proletarian and semi-proletarian classes of the
population; but it will not be able to unite them within its ranks.
Only when The dictatorship of the workers has deprived the bona:-
gleoisie of such powerful weapons as the .2.ress, the school, parlia-
ment, the church, the government apparatus, etc.; only when
the final overthrow of the capitalist order will have become an
evident .factonly then will all or almost all the workers enter
the ranks of the Communist Party.
3. A. sharp distinction must be mad: between the conception
of "party" and "class". The members of the "Christian" and
liberal trade unions of Germany, England, and other countries,
are undoubtedly parts of the working class. More or less con-
siderable circles of the working people, followers of Scheidemann,
Gompers and Co., are likewise part of the working class. Under
certain historical conditions the working class is very likeiy to
be impregnated with numerous reactior ary elements. The task
of Communism is not to adapt itself to such retrograde elements
of the working class, but to raise the wnole working class to the
level of the Communist vanguard. The confounding of these two
conceptions?of party and of class?can only lead to the greatest
errors and. confusion. Thus, for insta ace, it is clear that run?.
withstanding the disposition or prejudices of certain parts of the
working masses during the imperialist war, the workers' parties
ought to have counteracted these prejudices, defending the his-
torical interests of the proletariat, which demanded of the prole-
tarian parties a declaration of war against war.
Thus in the beginning of the imperialistic war of 1914, the
social-traitor parties of all countries, in upholding the capitalists
of their "own" countries, unanimously declared that such was
the will of the people. They forgot at the same time that even
if this were so, the duty of the workers party would have been
to combat such an attitude of the majority of the workers, and
to defend the interests of the workers at whatever cost. At the
very beginning of the twentieth century the Russian Mensheviks
(minimalists) of the time (the so-cal.ed "economists"), denied
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the possibility of an open political struggle against Tsarism, on
the ground that the working class in general was not yet ripe
for the understanding of the political struggle, So also has the
right wing of the Independents of Germany, in all its compromis-
ing, referred to the "will of the masses," failing to understand
that the party exists precisely for the purpose of marching ahead
of the masses and pointing out the way.
4. The Communist International is firmly convinced that
the collapse of the old "Social Democratic" parties of the Second
International cannot be represented as the collapse of the prole-
tartan party organizations in general. The period of open strug-
gle for the dictatorship of the workers has created a new prole-
tarian party, the Communist Party.
5. The Communist International emphatically rejects the
opinion that the workers could carry out a revolution without
having an independent political party of their own. Every class
struggle is a political struggle. The object of this struggle, which
inevitably turns into a civil war, is the obtaining of political
power. However, this power cannot be acquired, organized and
directed otherwise than by means of a political party. Only in
case the workers have for their leader an organized and experi-
enced party, with strictly defined objects, and a practically drawn
up program of immediate action, both in internal and foreign
policy?then only will the acquisition of political power cease to
be a causal episode, but will serve as a starting point.
This class struggle likewise demands that the general guid-
ance of the various forms of the proletarian movement (labor
unions, co-operative associations, cultural-educational work, elec-
tions, etc.) be united in one central organization. Only a political
party can be such a unifying and guiding centre. To refuse to
create and strengthen such a party and submit to its dictates,
would mean to abandon the idea of unity in the guidance of the
separate proletarian groups operating in the different arenas of
the struggle. Lastly, the class struggle of the proletariat de-
mands a concentrated propaganda, throwing light on the various
stages of the fight, a unified point ..)f view, directing the atten-
tion of the proletariat at each given moment to the definite
tasks to be accomplished by the whole class. This cannot be done
without the help of a centralized political apparatus, i. e., a po-
litical party. Therefore the propaganda of the revolutionary
Syndicalists, and the partisans of the Industrial Workers of the
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World (I. W. W.), against the necessity cet an independent Work-
ers Party, as a matter of fact has ffily served and continaes to
serve the interests of the bourgeoisie and, the counter-revolution-
ary "Social Detnocrats.- In their propaganda against the Com-
munist Party, which the Syndicalists and _Industrialists desire to
replace by the labor unions, they approach the opportunists.
After the defeat of the revolution ia 1905, during the course of
several years the Russian )./lensheyiks proclaimed the necessity
of a so-called Labor Congress, which 'vis to replace the revolu-
tionary party of the working class, all kinds of "Laborites" of
England and America, while conscious,y carrying on a bourgeois
policy, are propagating among the workers the idea of creating
indefinite shapeless workers' unions instead of a political party.
The revolutionary Syndicalists and Industrialists desire to fight
against the dictatorship of the bourg,ecisie, but they do not know
how to do it. They do not see that a is orking class without an
independent political party is like a bolly without a head.
Revolutionary Syndicalism and liniiistrialism are a step for-
ward only in comparison with the old, n counter-revolution-
ary ideology of the Second international. But in comparison
with the revolutionary Mandan dociri e., with Communism,
Syndicalism and industrialism are a step backward. The declara-
tion made by the "Lefts" of the Contrieunist Labor Party of Ger-
many (in the programme-declaration of their Constituent Con-
gress in April) to the .effect that they are forming a party, but
not one in the traditional sense of the word ("Kein Partei im
tiberlieferten Sinne")---is a capitulatio a before the views of Syn-
dicalism and Industrialism which are reactionary. The working
class cannot achieve the victory over the bourgeoisie by means
of the general strike alone, and by the policy of folded arms. The
proletariat must resort to an armed uprising. Having under-
stood this, one realizes that an organized political party is abso-
lutely essential, and that shapeless labor organizations wili not
suffice.
The revolutionary Syndicalists frequently advance the idea
of the great importance of a determined revolutionary minority.
The Communist Party is just such a determined minority of
the working class, which is ready to act, which has a program
and strives to organize the masses -for the struggle.
6. The most important task of a genuine Communist Party
is to preserve constantly the closest contact with the widest
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masses of the workers. For that purpose We Communists must
carry on activity also within such organizations as are non-parti-
san, but which comprise large proletarian groups, 'for example
organizations of war invalids in various countries, the "I lands-
off Russia" Committee in England, Proletarian Tenants' 'Unions,
and so forth. Of special importance are the so-called non-party
conferences of workers and peasants held in Russia. Such con-
ferences are being organized almost in every town, in all i odus-
trial districts and in the country,. In the elections to these con-
ferences the widest masses even of the most backward workers
L?ake part. The order of business at these conferences is made up
of the most pressing questions, such as the food question, the
housing problem, the military situation, the school question. The
Ciommunists exercise their influence on these non-party confer-
ences in the most energetic manner, and with the greatest suc-
cess lor the party. They consider it their most important task
to carry on the work of organization and instruction within such.
orwinizations. flut in order that their efforts should bring forth
the desired results, and that such organizations should not be-
come the prey of opponents of the revolutionary proletariat, the
most advanced Communist workers should always have their
own independent, closely united Communist Party, working in
an organized manner, and standing up for the general interests
of Communism at each turn of events, and under every form of
the movement.
7. The Communists have no fear of thq largest workers'
organizations which belong to no party, even when they are of
a decidedly reactionary nature (yellow unions, Christian. Associa-
tions, etc.). The Communist Party carries on its work inside
such organizations, and untiringly instructs the workers. and
proves to them that the idea of no political party as a principle
is consciously cultivated among the workers by the bourgeoisie
and its adherents, with the object of keeping the proletariat from
an organized struggle for Socialism.
8, The old classical division of the labor movement into
three forms (party, labor unions and co-operatives) has evidently
served its time. The proletarian revolution in Russia has brought
forward the fundamental form of the workers' dictatorship, the
Soviets. The new divisions, which are now everywhere forming,
are: Party, Soviet, Industrial Union. But the party of the
proletariat, that is to say, the Communist Party, must constantly
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and systematically direct the work of the Soviets as well as of
the revolutionized industrial unions. The Communist Party, the
organized vanguard of the working class, must direct the strug-
g,le of the entire class on the economic and tile political fields, and
also on the field of education. It must be tae animating spirit
in the industrial unions, labor councils and all other forms of
proletarian organizations.
The existence of the Soviets as an historically basic form
of the dictatorship of the proletariat, in no w;ty lessens the guid-
ing role of the Communist Party in the proletarian revolution.
The assertions made by the "Left" Communists of Germany on
their appeal to the German proletariat of April 14th, 1920, signed
"The Communist Labor Party of Germany'. that the party must
always adapt itself to the idea of the Soviets and assume a prole-
tarian character, is nothing but a hazy expression of the opinion
that the Communist Party should dissolve itself into the Soviets,
that the Soviets can replace the Communist Party . This idea is
essentially reactionary.
There was a period in the history of the, Russian Revolution
when the Soviets were acting in opposition to the party, and
supported the .;aolicy of the agents of the bourgeoisie. The same
has happened in Germany, and may take place in other countries.
En order taat the Soviets may be able -x) perform their his-
tor.c mission, a party of staunch Communists is necessary who
should not merely adapt themselves to the Soviets, but, on the
contrary, should take care that the Soviets do not adapt them-
selves to the bourgeoisie, and to the white guard Social Democ-
racy. The Soviets, with the aid of the Communist factions in
them, should be brought under the banner of the Communist
Party.
Those who propose to the Communist Party to "conform"
to the Soviets, those who perceive in swill "conformation" a
strengthening of the "proletarian nature" of the party, are ren-
dering a bad service both to the Party and to the Soviets, and
do not understand the importance of the Party, nor that of the
Soviets. The stronger the Communist Party in each country,
the sooner wiii the Soviet idea triumph. Many "Independent"
and even 'Right" Socialists profess to believe in the Soviet idea.
But we cannot prevent such elements from dAstorting this idea,
unless there exists a strong Communist Patty, capable of deter-
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mining the policy of the Soviets and of making them follow it.
9. The Communist Party is necessary to the working class
not only before it has acquired power, not only while it is acquir-
ing such power, but also after the power has passed into the hands
of the working class. The history of the Russian Communist
Party, for three years at the head of such a vast country, shows
that the role of the party after the acquisition of power by the
working class has not only not diminished, but, on the contrary,
has greatly increased.
10. On the morrow of the acquisition of power by the prole-
tariat, its party still remained, as formerly, a part of the working
class. But it was just that part of the class which organized the
victory. During twenty years in Russia?and for a number of
years in Germany-----the Communist Party, in its struggle not only
against the bourgeoisie, but also against those Socialists who
diffuse bourgeois ideas among the proletariat, has enrolled in
its ranks the staunchest, the most far-seeing and most advanced
fighters of the working class. Only by having such a closely
united organization of the best part of. the working class is it
possible for the Party to overcome all the difficulties that arise
before the proletarian dictatorship in the days following the vic-
tory. In the organization of a new proletarian Red Army, in
the practical abolition of the bourgeois governing apparatus, and
the building in its place of the framework of a new proletarian
state apparatus, in the struggle against the narrow craft ten-
dencies of certain separate groups of workers, in the struggle
against local and provincial "patriotism," clearing the way for
the creation of new labor discipline?in all these undertakings
the final decisive word is to be said by the Communist Party,
whose members by their own example animate, guide the major-
ity of the workers.
11. The necessity of a political party for the proletariat can
cease only with the complete abolition of classes. On the way
to this final victory of Communism it is possible that the relative
importance of the three fundamental proletarian organizations
of modern times (Party, Soviets, and Industrial Unions), shall
undergo some changes, and that gradually a single type of work-
ers' organization will be formed. The Communist Party, how-
ever, will become absorbed in the working class only when Com-
munism ceases to be the object of struggle, and the whole work-
ing class shall have become Communist.
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.1.2. The Second Congress of the Communist international
must serve not only to establish the h:.storical mission of the
Communist Party in general, but it must indicate to the interna
-tional proletariat, in rough draft, vvirt kind of Communist
Party is needed.
13. Tile Communist International as.-iumes that especially
during the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the Com-
munist Party should be organized on the basis of strict prole-
tarian centralism. In order to lead the \N. orking class success-
fully during the long, stubborn civil war, the Communist Party
must estabLsh the strictest military discipline within its own
ranks. The experience of the Russian Communist Party in its
successful leadership of the civil war of the working class during
three years, has proved that the victory of the workers is im-
possible without a severe discipline, a perfected centralization,
and the fullest confidence of all the orp&zations of the party
is the leading organ of the party.
14_ The Communist Party should be based on the principle
of democratic centrailzation. The chief principle of the latter is
the election of the upper party units by -II ose immediately below,
the unconditional subordination of subordinate units to the de-
cisions of those above them, and a strong party central organ,
whose ceerees are binding upon all the leaders of party life 'Oe-
tween party conventions.
15. fhi view of the state of siege introduced by the bour-
geoisie against the Communists, a whole series of Communist
parties in Europe and America, are comnelted to exist illegally.
It must be remembered that under such conditions it may be-
come necessary sometimes temporarily to leviate from the strict
oinservance of the elective principle, and tp delegate to the lead-
ing party organizations the right of co-election, as was done in
Russia at one time. Under the state of sLege the Communist
Party cannot have recourse to a democratie referendum among
all the members of the party (as was proposed by part of the
American Communists, but on the contmry, it should empower
its leading central organ to make important decisions in emer-
gencies on behalf of all the members of the party.
16. The doctrine of a wide "autonomy" for the separate
local organizations of the party at the present moment only
weakens the Communist Party, undermine;; its working capacity,
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and akls the. development of petty bourgeois, anarchistic, centri-
fugal tendencies.
17. In countries where the power is in the hands of the
bourgeoisie or the counter-revolutionary Social Democrats, the
Communist Party must learn to unite systematically legal with
illegal work; but all legal work must be carried on under the
practical control of the illegal Party. The parliamentary groups
of Communists, both in the central as well as in the local gov-
ernment institutions, must be fully and absolutely subject to
the Communist Party in general, irrespective of whether the
Party on the whole be a legal or an illegal organization at the
moment. Any delegate who in one way or another does not sub-
mit absolutely to the Party shall be expelled from the ranks of
Communism.
The legal press (newspapers, publications) must be uncon-
ditionally and fully subject to the party in general, and to its
Central Committee. No concessions are admissible in this respect.
18. The fundamental principle of all organization work of
the Communist Party and individual Communists must be the
creation of Communist nuclei everywhere where they find prole-
tarians and semi-proletarians?although even in small numbers.
In every Soviet of Workers' Deputies, in every government inr
stitution, everywhere, even though there may be only three peo-
ple sympathizing with Communism, a Communist nucleus must
be immediately organized. It is only the power of organization
of the Communists that enables the advance guard of the work-
ing class to be the leader of the whole class. Communist nuclei,
working in organizations adhering to no political party, must be
subject to the party organizations in general, whether the Party
itself is working legally or illegally at the given moment. Com-
munist nuclei of all kinds must be subordinated one to another
in a strictly hierarchical order and system.
19. The Communist Party almost always begins its work
among the industrial workers residing for the most part in cities.
For the rapid victory of the working class it is necessary that
the Party should also work in the country, in the villages. The
Communist Party must carry on its propaganda and organiza-
tion work among the agricultural laborers and the poorer farm-
ers. It must especially endeavor to organize Commun:st nuclei
in the rural districts.
The international organization of the proletariat will be
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strong only if in all the countries where, the Communists are
living and working the above principles of party organization
and activity are firmly established. The Communist Interna-
tional invites to its Congress all labor unions which recognize
the principles of the Third Internationa , and, are ready to break
with the yellow International.. The Communist International in-
tends to organize an international sectjon composed of the red
labor unions, which recognize the princirles of Communism'. The
Communist International will not refuse to co-operate with purely
non-political workers' organizations deabous of carrying on a
serious revolutionary struggle against the bourgeoisie. But at
the same time the Communist Internat onal will never cease to
emphasize to the workers of all the world
The Communist International ll. t he chief and essential
instrument for the liberation of the working class. In each
country there must now be not only Co ranunist groups, or ten-
dencies,--but a Communist Party,
2. In every country there must be only one Communist
Party.
5. Th Communist Party must bended on the principle
of the strictest centralization, and durin?: he period of civil war
itonust introduce military discipline in its ranks.
4. In every place where there are a dozen proletarians or
semi-proletarians, the Communist Party reust have an organized
nucleus.
5. In each non-political org,anizatio there must be a Corn-
munist nucleus, strictly subordinate to the Party in general.
IL While firmly and faithfully supporting the programme
and revolutionary tactics of Communism, the Communist Party
must always be closely united with the most widely spread work-
ers' organizations, and avoid sectarianimi as much as lack of
principle.
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THE COMMUNIST PARTY AND PARLIAMENTARISM.
I. THE NEW EPOCH AND THE NEW PARLIAMENTARISM.
The attitude of the Socialist Parties towards parliarnentar-
ism was originally, at the time of the First International, one of
utilizing the bourgeois parliament for purposes of agitation. Par-
ticipation in parliamentary activity was looked upon from the
point of view of developing class consciousness, i. e., of awaken-
ing in the proletariat class hostility toward the ruling class.
Changes in this attitude were brought about not through change
of doctrine, but under the influence of political development.
Owing to the uninterrupted advance of the forces of production
and the widening sphere of capitalist exploitation, capitalism, and
together with it the parliamentary state, acquired a lasting sta-
bility.
This gave rise to the adaptability of the parliamentary tac-
tics of the Socialist parties to "organic" legislative activity in
the bourgeois parliament, and the ever growing significance or
the struggle for reforms within the capitalist system, as well
as the predominating influence of the so-called "immediate de-
mand" and the conversion of the maximum programme into a
figure of speech as an altogether remote "final goal." This
served as a basis for the development of parliamentary career-
ism, corruption, and open or hidden betrayal of the fundamental
interests of the working class.
The attitude of the Third International towards parliament-
arism is determined not by a new doctrine, but by the changed
goal of parliamentarisrn itself. During the previous epoch par-
liament performed a certain progressive function as the weapon
of developing capitalism, but under the present conditions of un-
bridled Imperialism, parliament has become a tool of falsehood,
deceit, violence, and enervating gossip. In the ruin, parliament-
ary reforms, devoid of system, of constancy, and of definite plan,
have lost every practical significance for the working masses..
Parliament has lost its stability like the whole of bourgeois
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UH
society. The sudden transition from the organic to the critical
epoch has created the foundation for new proletarian tactics in
the field of parliamentarism. The Russian Workers Party (Bol
sneviks) har., already worked out the essence of revolutionar2,
parhamentar,sm in the preceding- per:od, owing to the fact that
Russia, since 1905, had lost its political at--id social equilibrium
and had entered upon the period of steers nd stress.
To the extent that some Socialists with an inclination for
Communism ooint out that the moment of revolution in their re-
spective countries has not yet arrived, and so decline to break:
away from the parliamentary c,pportunisti, they are reasoning
conscously or unconsciously from the assumption that the pres-
ent epoch is one of relative stability for imperialist society, and
they are assuming, therefore, that practical results may be
achieved in the struggle for reform by a coalition with such
men as Turatil and Longuet. As soon as Communism comes to
light, it must begin to elucidate the character of the present
epoch (the culminations of capitalism, imperialistic self--negation
an1F elf-destruction, uninterrupted growth of civil war, etc.).
Political relationships and political groupings may be different
in different countries, but the essence of the matter is every-
where the same: we must start with the (Meet preparation for
a proletarian uprising, politically and technically, for the de-
struction of the bourgeoisie and for the -n.ation of the new
proletarian state.
Parliament at present can in no way szrve as the arena ol7
a struggle for reform, for improving the lot of the working peo-
ple, as it has at certain periods of the- pneeding epoch. The
centre of gravity of political life at present has been completely
and finally transferred beyond the limits of parliament. On the
other hand, owing not only to its relationship to the working.
masses, but also to the complicated mutual relations within the
various, groups of the bourgeois itself, the bourgeoisie is forced
to Lave some of its policies in one way or another passed through
parliament, where the various cliques haggle for power, exhibit
their strong sides and betray their weak ones, get themselves
unmasked, etc., etc. Therefore it is the iMME diate historical task
of the working class to tear this apparatus out of the hands of
the ruling classes, to break and destroy it, and to create in its
place a new proletarian apparatus. At the same time, however,
the revolutionary general staff of the working class is vitally
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concerned in having its scouting parties in the parliamentary
institutions of the bourgeoisie. in order to facilitate this task of
destruction.
Thus the fundamental difference between the tactics of
Communists entering parliament with revolutionary aims in
view, and the tactics of the socialist parliamentarians, becomes
perfectly clear. The latter act on the assumption of the relative
stability and the indefinite durability of the existing order, they
consider it their task to achieve reforms by all means and are
concerned to make the masses appreciative of every accomplish-
ment as the merit of Social Democratic parliamentarism (Turati,
Longuet & Co.).
Instead of the old compromising parliamentarism a new par-
liamentarism has come to life, as a weapon for the destruction
of parliainentarism as a whole. But the aversion towards the
traditional practices of the old parliamentarism drives some revo-
lutionary elements into the camp of the opponents of parliament-
arism on principle (I. W. W., the revolutionary Syndicalists, Ger-
man Communist Labor Party).
Taking all this into consideration, the Second Congress adopts
the following theses:
II. COMMUNISM, THE STRUGGLE FOR THE DICTATOR-
SHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT, AND THE UTILIZATION OF
THE BOURGEOIS PARLIAMENT.
1. Parliamentarism as a State system, has become a "demo-
cratic" form of the rule of the bourgeoisie which, at a certain
stage of its development, needs the fiction of national representa-
tion, which outwardly would be an organization of a "national
will" standing outside of classes, but in reality is an instrument
of oppression and suppression in the hands of the ruling capital-
ists.
2. Parliamentarism is a definite form of State order. There-
fore it can in no way be a form of Communist society, which re-
cognizes neither classes, nor class struggle, nor any form of State
authority.
3. Parliamentarism cannot be a form of p,oletarian govern-
ment during the transition period between the dictatorship of the
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bourgeoisie and that of the proletarat. At the moment when
the accentuated class struggle turns into eivil war, the proletariat
must inevitably form its State organizat on as a fighting organ-
ization, which cannot contain any of the representatives ot the
former ruling classes ; all fictions of' a "national will" are harm-
ful to the proletariat at that time, aini si parliamentary division
of authority is needless and injurious to it; the only font, of
proletarian dictatorship is a Republic of Soviets.
4. The bourgeois parliaments, which constitute one of the
most important instruments of the State rrachinery of the bour-
geoisie, cannot be won over by the proletariat any more than can
the bourgeois order in general. The task of the proletariat con-
sists in blowing up the whole machinery of the bourgeoisie, in
destroying it, and all the parliamentaty institutions with it,
whether they be republican or constitutional-monarchical.
5. The same relates to the local go N eminent institutions of
the bourgeoisie, which theoretically it is not correct to differen-
ate from State organizations. In reality they are part of the
same apparatus of-the State machinery of the bourgeoisie which
must be destroyed by the revolutionary proletariat and replaced
by local Soviets of Workers' Deputies.
6. Consequently Communism repudiates parliamentar.,sm
as the form of the future; it renounces the same as a form of
the class dictatorship of the proletariat; it repudiates the pos-
s,bility of winning over the parliaments; its aim is to destroy par,-
lihmentarism. Therefore it is only possible to speak of utilizing
the bourgeois State organizations with the object of destroying
them. The question can be discussed only and exclusively on
such a plane.
7. All class struggle is a political struggle, because it is
finally a struggle for power Any strike, when it spreads through
the whole country, is a menace to the bourgeois State, and thus
acquires a political character. To strive to overthrow the bour-
geoisie, and to destroy its State, means tc carry on political war-
fare. To create one's own class apparatus?for the .bridling.,1 and
suppression of the resisting bourgeoisie, whatever such an appa-
ratus may be?means to gain politica] power.
8. Consequently, the question of a political struggle does
not end in the question of one's attitude towards the parliament-
ary system. It is a general condition ol the class struggle of
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the proletariat, insofar as the struggle grows from a small and
personal one to a general struggle for the overthrow of the capi-
talist order as a whole.
9. The elementary means of the struggle of the proletariat
against the rule of the bourgeoisie is, first of all, the method of
mass demonstrations. Such mass demonstrations are prepared
and carried out by the organized masses of the proletariat, under
the direction of a united, disciplined, centralized Communist
Party. Civil war is war. In this war the proletariat must have
its efficient political officers, its good political general staff, to
conduct operations during all the stages of that fight.
10. The mass struggle means a whole system of developing
demonstrations growing ever more acute in form, and logically
leading to an uprising against the capitalist order of govern-
ment. In this warfare of the masses developing into a civil war,
the guiding party of the proletariat must, as a general rule,
secure every and all lawful positions, making them its auxiliaries
in the revolutionary work, and subordinating such positions to
the plans of the general campaign, that of the mass struggle.
11. One such auxiliary support is the rostrum of the bour-
geois parliament. Against participation in a political campaign
one should not use the argument that parliament is a bourgeois
government institution. The Communist Party enters such in-
stitutions not for the purpose of organization work, but in order
to blow up the whole bourgeois machinery and the parliament it-
self from within (for instance, the work of Liebknecht in Ger-
many, of the Bolsheviks in the Imperial Duma, in the "Democratic
Conference," in the "Parliament" of Kerensky, and lastly, in the
"Constituent Assembly," and also in the Municipal Dumas, and
the activities of the Bulgarian Communists.)
12. This work within the parliaments, which consists chiefly
in making revolutionary propaganda from the parliamentary plat-
form, the denouncing of enemies, the ideological unification of
the masses, who are still looking up to the parliamentary plat-
form, captivated by democratic illusions, especially in backward
territories, etc., must be fully subordinated to the objects and
tasks of the mass struggle outside the parliaments.
The participation in the elective campaign and the revolution-
ary propaganda from the parliamentary tribune has a special im-
portance for the winning over of those elements of the workers,
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001 hops tate 4.iitrariah. stood.
tiv!,-ay -from 1 ie rovottrtOn,qi7 d oItIea life
(Mrdtt i 1 r th.o
4A1
i9cii!,,ition against the Lo111'2,..c,oes central 911'h.,:v..-?t,..!-, 1!))10 ;AP
(P. th.,i pow! Tiop ittlitq!!!ri
!:?!".(' 1.1 r(r ed vd)rtid!in;.! noirt!
Iftrz the idrrri( l? -t to
(ii-',oluiii.onary pro10.2-i!t1pl:t vidf.flo!. .
e) under :i ihs
TriL '
system
?'!,tapa,J2,71. or
017 ontairong oi !;.0.1.1". of !_!,
ril.ebilization of the masses aroui d. I h ct ef the -nritle-
000 revoiution. The electien campaign r nit. 1!!,e conoietpd hv
Lire zr,.:12;s rmhers, not 1-,- he leaders alone; it
to make use of and be irk C),?'?11.pr- -.0: touch with all to
aiiinifo.staVio- or the, 1.1; .i (stri.1,70s, thmie-
merits among the soldiers and sailor,;, (=!ITC,..) oingon ;it the -,no-
iiient; It is necessary to !4.ommon ali ti 105 sof the proletariat-,
eygaT,izations to active NV011'k
j.5? In complying with all these cfmcf ,Nelas with
1,1. ose indicated in a special instruction, the parliamentary worli:
must present a direct contrast to the dirty -politics" which hat;
li.een practised by the Social Democratic -parties of all-countriEs?
fti,:,t enter parliament with the object of suphorting that "demo-
cratic" institution or, at best, to "win it over," The Communist-
ThIrty can only recommend a revolutionary of the parliament
exemplified by Karl Liebknecht? flaeglund and the Bolsheviks,
16. "Arti-parbamentarism," in princirle, in the sense ot
at: absolute and categorical repudiation of -aarticipation in the
elections and the parliamentary revolutionary work, cannot, there-
fore, bear criticism, and is a naive, child-ith. doctrine, which is
founded sometimes on a healthy disgust of politicians, but which
dnes not understand the possibilities of revolutionary parliament-
arism. Besides, very often this doctrine is connected with a quite
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erroneous idea of the role of the party, which in this case is con.
si.-lered not as a fighting, centralized, advance guard of the.work-
ers, but as a decentralized system of badly joined revolutionar3.
nuclei.
17. On the other hand, an acknowledgement of the value
of parliamentary work in no wise leads to an absolute; in-all-41nd-
any case acknowledgement of the necessity of concrete elections
and a concrete participation in parliamentary sessions. The r oat-
ter depends upon a series of specific conditions. 'Under certain
circumstances it may become necessary to leave the parliament.
The Bolsheviks did so when they left the pre-parliament in order
to break it up, to weaken it, and to set up against it the Petrograd
Soviet, which was then prepared to head the uprising; they acted
in the same way in the Constituent Assembly on the day of its
dissolution, conveiting the Third Congress of Soviets into the
centre of political events. In other circumstances a boycotting
of the elections may be necessary, and a direct, violent storming
of both the great bourgeois State apparatus and the parliament-
ary bourgeois clique, or a participation in the elections with a
boycott of the parliament itself, etc.
18. In this way, while recognizing as a general rule the ne-
cessity of participating in the election to the central parliament,
and the institutions of local self-government, as well as in the
work in such institutions, the Communist Party must decide the
question concretely, according to the specific conditions of the
given moment. Boycotting the elections or the parliament, or
leaving the parliament, is permissible, chiefly when there is a
possibility of an immediate transition to an armed fight for
power.
19. At the same time one must constantly bear in mind the
relative unimportance of this question. If the center of gravity
ies in the struggle for the power outside the parliament, then
naturally the question of a proletarian dictatorship and a mass
fight for it is immeasurably greater than the secondary one of
Ising the parliament.
20. Therefore the Communist International insists cate-
ically that it considers any division or attempt at a division
within the Communist Parties along this line a crime against the
abor movement. The Congress calls upon all the elements which
..ire in favor of the mass struggle for the proletarian dictator-
hip, and of being under the direction of a centralized party of the
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?,evolutionai y proletariat for gairar4;?
organdzations or the working eiaes, t4
unity between the Communist elernent:?
.7,3ssilole disagreement on the question of
3iuiiaments
nuence over all the
strive for a coninete
notwithstandinei any
tiiizing the bourgeois
M. REV OL L TION,AARY PARLIA dENTARISM,
b'or se,naring the real execution of revolutiOnary parlia-
aientary tactics it is necessary that:
I, Tia Communiat Party in general and its Central Commit-
;ee should, during the preparatory stage, be-fore the parliament-
try election;, inspect very carefully the quality of the personnel
of the parliamentary factions. The Cert al Committee should
tr responsible for the parliamentary Communist faction. The
-1-aentra1 Corr mittee shall have the uneeniahie right to reject any
eJndidate any organizations, if it is not perfectly convinced
!hat such candidate will carry on a real Communist policy while
in parliament.
The Communist parties must desist faom the old Social Dem-
ocratic habil; of electing as delegates on1:7 the so-called "experi-
enced" parliamentarians, chiefly lawyers and so on. As a rule
workmen should be put forward as candidates, without troubling
about the fact that these may be sometimes simple rank-and-file
workmen. The Communist Patty must ti eat with merciless Con-
tempt all elements who try to make a .2arc et. by joining the party
just before the elections in order to get into parliament. The
Central Committees of Communist parties must sanction the
candidacy of only such men as by long year of work have proved
their unwavering loyalty to the working class.
2. When the elections are over, the crganiz.ation cif the par-
liamentary factions must be wholly in the hands of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party?whether the party in gen-
eral is a lawful or unlawful one at the given moment. The chair-
man and the bureau of the parliamentary faction of Communists
faust be confirmed in their functions by the Central Committee
of the Party. The Gerald Committee of the Party must have
permanent representative in the parliamentary faction with
the right of veto. On all impertant political questions the par-
liamentary faction shall get preliminary instructions from the
centrai Committee of the Party.
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At each forthcoming important debate of the Communists
in the parliament, the Central Committee shall be entitled and
bound to appoint or reject the orator of the faction, to demand
that he submit previously the theses of his speech, or the text,
for confirmation by the Central Committee, etc. Each candidate
entered in the list of the Communists must sign a paper to the
effect that at the first request of the Central Committee of the
Party he shall be bound to give up his mandate, in order that in
a given situation the act of leaving the parliament may he ex-
ecuted in unison.
3. In countries where reformist, semi-reformist or simply
career-seeking elements have managed to pmetrate into the
parliamentary faction of the Communists (as has already hap-
pened in several places), the Central Committees of the Commun-
ist Parties are bound radically to weed out the personnel of the
factions, on the principle that it is better for the cause of the
working class to have a small but truly Communist faction than
a large one without a regular Communist line of conduct.
4. A Communist delegate, by decision of the Central Com-
mittee, is bound to combine lawful work with unlawful work. In
countries where the Communist delegate enjoys a certain in-
violability, this must be utilized by way of rendering assistance
to illegal organizations and for the propaganda of the' party.
5. The Communist members shall make all their parlia-
mentary work dependent on the work of the Party outside the
parliament. The regular proposing of demonstrative measures,
not for the purpose of having them passed by the bourgeois
majority, but for the purpose of propaganda, agitation, and or-
ganization, must be carried on under the direction of the party
and its Central Committee.
6. In the event of labor demonstrations in the streets or
other revolutionary movements, the Communist members must
occupy the most conspicuous place?at the head of the prole-
tarian masses.
7. The Communist deputies must try to get in touch (under
the control of the party) with the revolutionary workingmen,
peasants, and otheir workers either by correspondence or other-
wise. They must in no way act like the Social Democratic depu-
ties who carry on mere business relations with the constituents.
They must always be at the disposal of the Communist organ-
izations for propaganda work in the country.
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8. Each Communist member must remember that he is not
a "legislator" who is bound to seek agreements with the other
legislators, but an agitator of the Party, detailed into the enemy's
camp in order to carry out the orders of the Party there. The
Communist member is answerable not to the wide mass of his
constituents, but to his own Communist Party?whether lawful
or unlawful.
9, The Communist members must speak in parliament in
such a way as to be understood by every workman, peasant,
washerwoman, shepherd; so that the Party may publish his
speeches and spread them to the most remote villages of the
country.
10. The rank-and-file Communist worker must not shrink
from speaking in the bourgeois parliannerr;s, and not give way
to the so-called experienced parliamentarians, even if such work-
hogmen are novices in parliamentary methods. In case of need
the workingmen members may read their speeches from notes,
in order that thespeech may be printed afterwards in the papers
or in leaflet form.
11. The Communist members must make use of the par-
liamentary tribune to denounce not only the bourgeoisie and its
hangers-on, but also for the denunciation of the social patriots,
reformists, the half-and-half politicians of the centre and other
opponents of Communism, and for the wide (aropagation of the
ideas of the Third International.
12. The Communist members, even 7;hough there should
be only one or two of theta in the parliament, should .by their
whole conduct challenge capitalism, and never forget that oniy
those are worthy of the name of Communis ;s, who not in words
only but in deeds are the mortal enemy of the bourgeois order
ane its social-patriotic flunkeys.
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CPYRGHT
THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT, FACTORY COMMITTEES,
AND THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL.
The trade unions, created by the working class during' the
period of the peaceful development of capitalism, were organiza-
tions of the workers for the struggle for the increase of the price
of labor at the labor market, and the improvement of labor con-
ditions. The revolutionary Marxists endeavored by their ,.n-
fluence to unite them with the political party of the proletariat,
the Social Democracy, for a joint struggle for Socialism. For the
same reasons that the international Social Democracy, with a
few exceptions, proved to be not an instrument of the revolution-
ary struggle of the proletariat for the overthrow of capitalism,
but an organization which held back the proletariat from revolu-
tion in the interests of the bourgeoisie, the trade unions proved
to be in most cases, during the war, a part of the military ap-
paratus of the bourgeoisie, helping the latter to exploit from
the working class as much sweat as possible for a more energetic
warfare for capitalist profits. Containing chiefly the skilled
workmen, the better paid, limited by their craft narrowminded-
ness, fettered by a bureaucratic apparatus, which had removed
itself from the masses, demoralized by their opportunist leaders,
the labor unions betrayed not only the cause of the Social Revo-
lution, but even also the struggle for the improvement of the
conditions of life of the workmen organized by them. They start-
ed from the point of view of the trade union struggle against the
employers, and replaced it by the program of an amiable arrange-
ment with the capitalists, at any cost. This policy was carried
on not only by liberal unions of England and America, not only
by the would-be "Socialist". Trade unions in Germany and
Austria, but by the Syndicalist unions in France as well.
2. The economic consequences of the war, the complete dis-
organization of world economy, the insane prices, the unlimited
application of the labor of woiten and children, the aggravation
of the housing conditions, all these are forcing the iarge masses
of the proletariat into the struggle against capitalism. This
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struggle is revolutionary warfare by Its proposition, and the
character that it is assuming more and more every day; a war-
fare destroying objectively the bases of the capitalist order. The
increase of wages, obtained one day by- die economic struggle of
one or another category of workeis, the next day nullified by
the high prices. The prices must contin.ue to rise, because the
capitalist class of the victorious countriea, ruining by their policy
of exploitation central and eastern Europenis not only not in a
position to organize world economy but, is incessantly disorgan-
izing it. For the success of their economic struggle, the larger
masses of workers who up to this time have stood apart -from
the labor unions, are now flowing into their ranks in a potverful
stream. In all capitalist countries a tnemendous increase of the
trade unions is to be noticed, which now become organizations
of the chief masses of the proletariat, not only if its advanced
elements. Flowing into the unions, th?,se masses strive to make
them their weapons of battle. The sharpening of class antagon-
ism compels the trade unions to lead strikes, which flow in a
broad wave over the entire capitalist war!d, constantly intenrupt-
ing the process of capitalist production and exchange. Increas-
ing their demands in proportion to a e rising prices and their
own exhaustion, the working. classes undermine the basis of all
capitalist calculations, that elementary premise of every well
organized economic management. The unions, which during the
war had been organs of compulsion over the working masses,
become in this way organs for the annihilation of capitalism.
3. The old trade union bureaucracy and the old forms 3,.f or-
ganization of the trade unions are in every way opposing such
a change in the nature of the trade uMons. The old trade union
Bureaucracy is endeavorng in many p aces to maintain the old
trade unions as organizations of the workers' artistocracy. It
preserves the rules which make it impossible for the badly paid
working classes to enter into the trade union organizations. P..11.e
old trade anion aristocracy is even now :Titensifying its efforts
to replace the strike methods, which are ever more arid more
acquiring the character of revointienary warfare between the
bourgeoisie and the proletariat, by thc policy of arrangenients
with the, capitalists, the policy of long term contracts, which
have lost all sense simply in. view na' 2ffi-Istant ..11sarie rise of
prices. It tries to force upon the Nvork2to; the policy of "Joint
fllfustrial Councils," and legaPy to impEde tne leading of stfiaes
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with the assistance of the capitalist State. At the most tense
moments of the struggle this bureaucracy sows trouble
and confusion among the struggling masses of the work-
ers, impending the fusion of the struggle of various
categories of workmen into one general class struggle.
In these attempts it is helped by the old organization of the trade
unions according to crafts, which breaks up the workmen of one
branch of production into separate professional groups, notwith-
standing their being bound together by the process of capitalist
exploitation. It rests on the force of tradition of the ideology
of the old labor aristocracy, which is now cons tantly being weak-
ened by the process of suppression of the privilege of separate
groups of the proletariat through the general decay of capitalism,
the equalization of the level of the working class and the growth
of its need and the precariousness of its livelihood. In this way
the trade union bureaucracy breaks up the powerful stream of
the labor movement into weak streamlets, substitutes partial re-
formist demands for the general- revolutionary aims of the move-
ment, and on the whole retards the transformation of the strug-
gle of the proletariat into a revolutionary struggle for the annihi-
lation of capitalism.
4. Bearing in mind the rush of the enormous working masses
into the trade unions, and also the objective revolutionary char-
acter of the economic struggle which those masses are carrying
on in spite of the trade union bureaucracy, the Communists must
join such unions in all countries, in order to make of them effi-
cient organs of the struggle for the suppression of capitalism
and for Communism. They must initiate the forming of trade
unions where these do not exist. All voluntary withdrawal from
the industrial movement, every artificial attempt to organize
special unions, without being compelled thereto by exceptional
acts of violence on the part of the trade union bureaucracy, such
as expulsion of separate revolutionary local branches of the unions
by the opportunist officials, or by their narrow-minded artistoc-
ratic policy, which prohibits the unskilled workers from entering
into the organization, represents a great danger to the Commun-
ist movement. It threatens to hand over the most advanced, the
most conscious workers, to the opportunist leaders, playing into
the hands of the bourgeoisie. . . . The luke-warmness of the
working masses, their ideological indecision, their tendency to
yield to the arguments of opportunist leaders, can be overcome
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only during the process of the evergrowiag struggle, by degrees,
as the wider masses of the proletariat learn to understand, by
experience, by their victories and defeats, that objectively it is
already impossible to obtain human condiaions of life on the basis
capitalist methods of management; and by degrees as the ad-
.iianced Communist workmen learn through their economic strug-
gle to be not only preachers of the ideas of Communism, but also
the most determined leaders of the economic struggle of the labor
anions?only in this way will it be possiple to remove from the
enions their opportunist leaders, only in this way will the Com-
munists be able to take the lead of the trade-union movement, and
!mice of it an organ of the revolutionary struggle for Commun-
ism. Only ia this way can they prevent the break-up of the trade
unions, and replace them by industrial unions, remove the old
bureaucracy separated ,rom the masses and repktce it by the
apparatus of factory-representatives, leaving only the most nec-
essary functions to the center.
5. Placing the object and the essence of labor organizations
;efore them, the Communists ought no; to hesitate before a
split in such organizations, if a refusal to split would mean abana
o oning revolutionary work in the trade unions, and giving up
the attempt to make of them an instrt inent of revolutionary
struggle, the attempt to organize the moEt exploited part of the
Troietariat. But even if such a split should be necessary, it must
ic carried into effect only at a time whet the Communists have
sacceded by the incessant warfare agains; the opportunist leaot-
ers nd their tactics, by their most achve participation in the
economic struggle, in persuading the wider masses of workmen
taat the split is occurring not because of the remote and as yet
incomprehensible aims of the revolution, but on account of the
concrete, immediate interests Of the workimr, class in the develop-
ment of its economic struggle. The Communists in case a ne-
cessity for a split rises, must continuously and attentively dis-
cuss the question as to whether such a split might not lead to
their isolation from the working mass.
5. Where a split between the opportJnists and the revolu-
tionary trade union movement has alreaO y taken place before,
where, as in America, alongside the opportunist trade unions
there are unions with revolutionary tendencies?although not
Communist ones?there the Communists are bound. to support
such revolutionary unions, to persuade them to abandon Syndical-
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1st prejudices and to place themselves on the platform of Com-
munism, which alone is a trustworthly compass in the compli-
cated question of the economic struggle. Where within the
trade unions or outside o fthem in the factories, organizations are
formed, such as shop stewards, factory committees, etc., for the
purpose of fighting against the counter-revolutionary tendencies
of the trade-union bureaucracy, to support the spontaneous direct
action of the proletariat, there, of course, the Communists must
with all their energy give assistance to these organizations. But
the support of the revolutionary trade unions, which are in a
state of ferment and passing over to the class struggle, must
not be neglected. On the contrary, by approaching this evolution
of the unions on their way to a revolutionary struggle, the Com-
munists will be able to play the part of an element uniting the
politically and industrially organized workmen in their joint
struggle for the suppression of capitalism.
The economic struggle of the proletariat becomes a political
struggle during an epoch of the decline of capitalism much quick-
er than during on epoch of its peaceful development. Every
serious economic clash may immediately place the workers face
to face with the question of revolution. There fore it is the duty
of the Communists in all the phases of the economic struggle
to point out to the workers, that the success of the struggle is
only possible if the working class conquers the capitalists in
open fight, and by means of dictatorship proceeds to the organ-
ization of a Socialist order. Consequently, the Communists must
strive to create as far as possible complete unity between the
trade unions and the Communist party, and to subordinate the
unions to the practical leadership of the Party, as the advance
guard of the workers' revolutions. For this purpose the
Communists should have Communist factions in all the trade
unions and factory committees, and acquire by their means an
influence over the labor movement and direct it.
1. The economic struggle of the proletariat for the increase
of wages and the improvement of the conditions of life of the
masses, is getting more and more into a blind alley. The econom-
ic crisis, embracing one country after another in ever increasing
proportions, is showing to even unenlightened workingmen tnat
it is not enough to demand an increase of wages and a shortening
of the working hours, but that the capItalist classes less capable
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every day of establishing the normal conditions of public econem7
and of guaranteeing to the workers at -iloast those conditions o7
life which it gave them before the world war. Out of this grow-
ing conviction of the working masses ire born their efforts to
create organizations which will be able to commence a struggle
for the alleviation of the situation by me :ms of workers' contr(k
over production through the medium of the factory committees.
This aspiration to create factory committees, which is more am
more taking possession of the workingmen of different countries,
takes its origin from the most varied causes (struggle agains\
the counter-revolutionary bureaucracy, discouragement after
union defeats, striving to create an organization embracing al
workers), but in the end it results in tie fight for control oye
industry, the special historic task of the factory committees
Therefore it is a mistake to form the sht p. committees only out
of workingmen who are already struggling for the dictatorship of
the proletariat; on the contrary, the duty of the Communist
Party is to organize all the workingmei on the ground for the
economic crisis, and to lead them toward, the struggle for the dic-
tatorship of the proletariat by developing the struggle for work-
ers' control over production, which the:7 all understand.
2. The Communist Party will be at)le to accomplish this
task if, taking part in the struggle in the factory committees? it
will instill in the minds of the masses ithe consciousness that a
systematic reconstruction of the public economy on the basis
of a capitalist order, which would mean its new enslavement by
the government in favor of the industrial class, is now far:ally
impossible. The organization of the eccnoinic management cor-
responding with the interests of the working masses, is possible
only when the government is in the hands of the working class,
when the strong hand of the labor dictaiorship will proceed to
the suppression of capitalism and to the new Socialist organiza-
tion.
3. The struggle of the factory corrrnittees, against capital-
ism has for its immediate object workers' control over production.
The workers of every enterprise, every branch of industry,
no matter what their trade, suffer from the "sabotage" of oro-
duction on the part of capitalists, who freauently consider it more
profitable to stop production in order that it may be easier to com-
pel the workingmen to agree to unsatisfactory labor conditions,
or not to invest new capital in industry a.; a moment of a general
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rise in prices. The need to protect themselves against such sabo-
tage of production by the capitalists unites the workingmen inde-
pendently of their political opinions, and therefore, the factory
committees elected by the workingmen of a given enterprise are
the broadest mass organizations of the proletariat. But the dis-
organization of capitalist management is the result not only of
the conscious will of the capitalists, but in a still greater degree
an inevitable decline of capitalism. Therefore in their struggle
against the consequences of such a decline, the factory commit-
tees must go beyond the limits of control in separate factories.
The factory committees of separate factories will soon be fq.ced
with the question of Workers' control over whole branches of
industry and their combinations. And as any attempt on the ?)art
of the workingmen to exercise a control over the supplying of
the factories with raw material or to control the financial opera-
tions of the Factory owners, will meet with the most energetic
measures against the working class on the part of the bourgeoisie
and the capitalist government, the struggle for workers' con-
trol over production must lead to the struggle for a seizure of
power by the working class.
4. The campaign in favor of the factory committees must
be conducted in such a way that into the minds of the popular
masses, even not directly belonging to the factory proletariat,
there should be instilled the conviction that the bourgeoisie is
responsible for the economic crisis, while the proletariat, under
the motto of workers' control of industry, is, struggling for the
organization of production, for the suppression of speculation,
disorganization and high prices, the duty of the Communist Par-
ties is to struggle for control over production on the ground of
the most insistent questions of the day, the lack of fuel, the trans-
port crisis?to unite the different groups of the proletariat and
to attract wide circles of the petty bourgeoisie, which is becom-
ing more and more proletarized day by day, and is suffering
extremely from the economic crisis.
5. The factory committees cannot be substituted for the
labor unions. During the process of struggle they may form
unions outside the limits of single factories and trades, accord-
ing to the branches of production, and create a general apparatus
for the direction of the struggle. The labor unions are already
now centralized fighting organs, although they do not embrace
such wide masses of workingmen as the factory committees are
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capable of, these latter being loose organizations which are ac-
cessible to all the workers of a given enterprise. The division
of tasks between the shop committees and the industrial unions
is the result of the historical development of the social revolu-
tion. The industrial unions organize the working masses for
the struggle for the increase of wages and shortening of work-
hours on a national scale. The facto:.v committees are organ-
ized for workers control over productio a, for the struggle against
the crisis:, embracing all the workingmen of the enterprises, but
their struggle can only gradually assume the character of a na-
timial one. The Communists must endeavor to render the factory
committees the nuclei of the labor un oils and to support them
in proportion as the unions overcome the counter-revolutionary
tendencies of their bureaucracy, as they consciously become or-
gans of the revolution.
6. The duty of the Communists consists in inspiring the
labor unions and the factory committee with a spirit of deter-
mined struggle, and the consciousness and knowledge of the best
methods of such a struggle--the spin: of Communism. In ex-
ecution of this duty the Communists must practically subordinate
the factory committees and the unions to the Communist Party,
and thus create a proletarian mass organ, a basis for a powerful
centralized party of the proletariat, embracing all the organiza-
tions of the proletarian struggle, leading them all to one aim,
to the victory of the working class, through the dictatorship of
the proletariat to Communism. The Communists converting the
labor unions and factory committees nto powerful weapons of
the revolution, prepare these mass organizations for the great
task which they will have after the establishment of the dictator-
ship of the proletariat, for the task of being the instrument of
the reorganization of economic life on a Socialistic basis. The
labor unions, developed as industrial unions and supported by
the factory committees as their factory organizations, will then
make the working masses acquainted 14 ith their tasks of produc-
tion; they will educate the most experienced workingmen to be-
come leaders of the factories to control the techncal specialists,
and, together with the representatives cf the Workers' State, will
lay down the plan of the Socialist ennotnic policy, and carry
1. The labor unions tried to form international unions even
in time of peace, because during strikes the capitalists used to
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invite workers from other countries, as strike-breakers. Lint
the international of Labor Unions had only a secondary impor-
tance before the war. It made one union support another when
needful; it organized social statistic, but it did nothing for the
organization of a joint struggle, because the labor unions, under
the leadership of opportunists, strove to avoid all revolutionary
collisions on an international scale. The opportunist leaders
of the labor unions, who, each in his own country, during the war
were flunkies of the bourgeoisie, are now striving to revive the
International of Labor Unions, attempting to make it a weapon
for the direct struggle of international world capital against the
proletariat. Under the direction of Legien?Touhaux, Gompers,
they are creating a Labor Bureau of the League of Nations, the
organi7- ,n of international capitalist robbery. In all countries
they are attempting to crush the strike movement by means of
laws, compelling the workmen to submit to the arbitrator, of
representatives of the capitalist State.
They are endeavoring to obtain concessions for the skilled
workers by means of agreements with the capitalists, in order to
break in this way the growing unity of the working class. The
Amsterdam International of Labor Unions is thus a substitute
for the bankrupt Second International of Brussels.
The Communist workers who are members of the labor
unions in all countries must, on the contrary, strive to create an
international battle front of labor unions. The question now is
not financial relief in case of strikes; but when the danger is
threatening the working class of one country, the labor unions
of the others, being organizations of the larger masses, Should
all come to its defense; they should make it impossible for the
bourgeoisie of their respective countries to render assistance to
the bourgeoisie of the country engaged in the struggle against
the working class. The economic struggle against the working
class, the economic struggle of the proletariat in all countries,
is daily becoming more and more a revolutionary struggle.
Therefore the labor unions must conscious!y use their forces for
the support of all revolutionary struggles in their own and in
other countries. For this purpose they must not only, hi their
own countries, strive to attain as great centralization of their
struggle as Possible, but they must do so on an international scale
by joining the Communist International, and by uniting in one
army the different parts of which shall carry on the struggle
co-jointly, supporting one another.
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WHEN AND UNDER WHAT CONDITIONS SOVIETS OF
WORKERS' DEPUTIES SHOULD BE FORMED.
1. The Soviets of Workers' Deputie3 appeared for the f U-st
time in Russia in 1905, at a time when the revolutionary move-
ment of Russian workingmen was at its height. Already in 1905
the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was taking the Erst
instinctive steps towards a seizure of the power. And at that
time the Petrograd Soviet was strong only as far as it had a
chance of acquiring political power. As soon as the Imperial
counter-revolution rallied its forces and the labor movement
slackened, the Soviet, after a short vegetation, ceased to exist..
2. When in 1905, at the beginning of a new strong revolution-
ary wave, the idea began to awaken in Russia rega-fding the im-
mediate organization of Soviets of Workers' Deputies, the Bol-
shevik party warned the workingmen against the immediate
formation of the Soviets, and pointed out that. such a formation
would be well-timed only at the moment when the revolution
would have already begun, and when the turn would have come
for the direct struggle for the power.
3. At the beginning of the February revolution of 1917, when
the Soviets of Workers' Deputies were transformed into Soviets
of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, they drew into the sphere
of their influence the widest circles of tile popular masses and
at once acquired a tremendous authority, because the real force
was on their side, in their hands. But when the liberal bour-
geoisie recovered from the suddenness of the first revolutionary
blows, and when the social traitors, the S)cialist Revolutionaries
and the Mensheviki, helped the Russian bourgeoisie to take the
power into its hands, the importance of the Soviets began to
awindle. Only after the July days and after the ill-success of
Kornilov's counter-revolutionary campaigr, when the wider pop-
ular masses began to move, and when the threat of the counter-
evolutionary bourgeois coalition government came quite near,
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then the Soviets began to flourish again; and they soon acquired
a prominent position in the country.
4. The history of the German and the Austrian revolutions
shows the same situation. When the popular masses revolted,
when the revolutionary wave rose so high that it washed away
the strongholds of the monarchies of the Hohenzollerns and the
Hapsburgs, in Germany and in Austria, the Soviets or Work-
ers' and Soldiers' Deputies were formed with gigantic rapidity.
At first the real force was on their side, and the Soviets were
well on the way to become practically the power. But, owing to
a whole series of historical conditions, as soon as the power be-
gan to pass to the bourgeoisie and the counter-revolutionary So-
cial Democrats, then the Soviets began to decline and lose all
importance. During the days of the unsuccessful counter-revolu-
tionary revolt of Kapp-Liittwitz in Germany, the Soviets again
resumed their activity, but when the struggle ended again in
the victory of the bourgeoisie and the social-traitors, the Soviets,
which had just begun to revive, once more died away.
5. The above facts prove that for the formation of Soviets
certain definite premises are necessary. To organize Soviets of
Workers' Deputies, and transform them into Soviets of Workers'
and Soldiers' Deputies, the following conditions are necessary:
'a) A great revolutionary impulse among the widest circle
of working men and working women, the soldiers and the work-
ers in general;
b) The acuteness of a political economic crisis attaining
such a degree that the power begins to slip out of the hands of
the government;
C) A serious decision to begin a systematic and regular
struggle developing in the ranks of considerable masses of the
workingmen, and first of all in the ranks of the Communist Party.
6. In the ab-ence of these conditions the Communists may
and should systematically and insistently propagate the idea of
Soviets, popularize it among the masses, and demonstrate to the
widest cirdies of the population that the Soviets are the only
efficient form of government during the transition to complete
Communism. But to proceed to a direct organization of Soviets
in the absence of the above three conditions is impossible.
7. The attempt of the social traitors in Germany to intro-
duce the Soviets into the general bourgeois-democratic constitu-
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tional system, is treason to the workers' cause and deception of
the working-men. Real Soviets are possihle only as a form of state
organization, relieving bourgeois democracy, breaking it up and
replacing it by a dictatorship of the paoletariat.
8. The propaganda of the right leaders of the Independents
(Hilferding, Kautsky, and others), -proving the compatibility of
the Soviet "system" with the bourgeois ;.;onstituent Assembly, is
either a complete misunderstanding of the laws of development
of a proletarian revolution, or a conscious deceiving of the work-
ing class. The Soviets are the dictataship of the proletariat.
The Constituent Assembly is the dic..tat)rship of the bourgeoi-
sie. To unite and reconcile the dictatorship of the working class
with that of the bourgeoisie is impossible.
9. The propaganda of some representatives of the Left In-
dependents in Germany presenting the workers .with a ready-
made, formal plan of a "Soviet system,' which has no relation
whatever to the concrete process of the civil war, is a doctrinaire
pastime which draws the workers away from their essental
tasks of the real struggle for power.
10. The attempts of separate Conmiunist groups in France,
Italy, America, England to form Soviets not embracing the larger
working masses and unable, therefore, to enter into a direct
struggle for power, are only prejudicial t) the actual preparaLha
of a Soviet revolution. Such artificial hot-house "Soviets" soon
become transformed in the best of cases into small associations
..or propaganda of the idea of a Soviet power, and in the worst
....ase such miserable "Sovets" are capable only of compromising
the idea of the power of "Soviets" in the eyes of the poptuar
masses.
11. At the present time there exists a special cond:tion itt
Austria, where the working class has succeeded in preserving
-ts Soviets, which unite large masses of workers. Here the
situation resembles the period between February and October,
1917, in Russia. The Soviets in Austria represent a considerable
political force, and appear to be the embryo of a new power.
It must be understood that in such a situation the Commun-
ists ought to participate in these Sovie:s, help the Soviets to
enetrate inro all phases of the social economic and political iife
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of the country; they should create Communist factions within
these Soviets, and by all means aid their development.
12. Soviets without a revolution are iMpossible. Soviets
without a proletarian revolution inevitably become a parody of
Soviets. The authentic Soviets of the masses are the historically
revealed form of the dictatorship of the proletariat. All sincere
and serious partisans of the power of Soviets should deal cauti-
ously with the idea of Soviets, and while indefatigably propagat-
ing it among the masses, proceed to the direct realization of such
Soviets only under the conditions mentioned above.
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THESES ON THE NATIONAL AND COLONIAL QUESTIONS.
A.) THESES.
1. It is typical of bourgeois democracy, by its very nature,
to take an abstract or formal attitude ';oi,vards the question of
the colonies in general, and to that of national equaity in particu-
lar. ? Under the appearance of the equa ity of human beings in.
general, bourgeois democracy proclaims the formal or judicial
equality of the proprietor and the proletarian, of the exploiter
and the exploited, thereby greatly deceiving the oppressed classes.
On the pretext of absolute equality which is in itself but a reflec-
tion of the relations caused by commodity production, he con-
verts them into an instrument in the st uggle against the aboli-
tion of classes. But the real essence of the demand for equality
is based on the demand for the abolition of classes.
2. In conformity with its chief task?the struggle against
bourgeois democracy and the denunciation of its lies and decep-
tions?the Communist Party, being the class conscious expression
of the struggle of the proletariat to cast off the yoke of the bour-
geoisie, must not advance any abstract and formal principles on
the national question, but must first analyze the historical, and,
before all, the economic conditions; second, it must clearly dis-
tinguish the interests of the oppressed classes, of the toilers, of
the exploited, from the general conception of national interests
which in reality means the interests a! the ruling class; third,
it must equally separate the oppressed and subject nations from
the dominating nations, in contradistinction to the bourgeois de-
mocratic lies concealing the enslavement of a vast majority of the
population of the earth by an insignificant minority of the ad-
vanced cardtalist nations, which is peculiar to the epoch of finan-
cial capital and imperialism.
3. The imperialist war of 1914 has demonstrated very
clearly to all nations and to all oppressed classes of the world
the deceitfulness of bourgeois democratic phraseology. That
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war has been carried on on both sides under the false motto of
the freedom of nations and national self-determination.. But
the Brest Litovsk and Bucharest peace on the one hand, and the
Versailles and Saint-Germain peace on the other, have shown
how the bourgeoisie establishes even 'national" boundaries in
conformity with its own economic interests. "National" bound)-
ries are for the bourgeoisie nothing but market commodities.
The so-called "League of Nations" is nothing but an insurance
policy in which the victors mutually guarantee each other their
prey. The striving for the reconstruction of national unity and
of the "re-union of alienated territories" on the part of the bour-
geoisie, is nothing but an attempt of the vanquished to gather
-forces for new wars. The re-uniting of the nationalities artifle
daily torn asunder corresponds also to the interests of the Droic-
tariat only through revolutionary struggle and by the overthrow
of the bourgeoisie. The League of Nations and the policy oC the
imperialist powers after the war demonstrate this even more
clearly awl definitely, making the revolutionary struggle in the
advanced countries more acute, increasing the ferment of the
working masses of the colonies and the subject countries, and
clispelling the middle class nationalistic illusion of the possibb
of peaceful collaboration and equality of nations under capitalism,
4. It follows from the fundamental principles laid down
above, that the policy of the Communist International On the
National and Colonial questions must be chiefly to bring about
a union of the proletarian and working masses of all natlons and
countries for a joint revolutionary struggle leading to the over-
throw of capitalism, without which national equality and on-
pression cannot be abolished.
5. The political situation of the world at the present time
has placed the question of the dictatorship of the proletariat ill
the foreground, and all the events of world politics are inevitably
concentrating around one point, namely,, the struggle of the bour-
geois world against the Russian Soviet Republic, which is group-
ing around itself the Soviet movements of the vanguard of the
workers of all countries, and all national liberation movements
of the colonial and subject countries, which have been taught by
bitter experience that there can be no salvation for them outside
of a union with the revolutionary proletariat, and the triumph
of the Soviet power over Imperialism.
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San
6. Consequently, we must not content ourselves with a mere
recognition or declaration concerning the unity of the workers
-of different nations, but we must carry out a policy of realizing
the closest union between all national and colonial liberation
movement, and Soviet Russia, determining. the ?forms of
mnor in accordance with the stage of ilevelopment of the Com-
munist movement among, the proletariat of each country, or the
revolutionary liberation movement 'n tLe subject nations and
backward countries.
7, 17kieration is a trapsitiona Co: towards the cmrplete
ion of the workers of all countries. I has already proved its
iency in practice in the relations of 7i7rie Socialist Federated
t Republic of Russia to the other Soviet Republics (Fhariga-
Tian, Finrish, Lettish, in the pas:: ari the A.zerbeidian and
Ukrainian in the present), as also with jr the borders of the So-
ciaiist Federal Soviet Republic of RITSSA:( with regard to the na-
tionalities which had neither their own grvernment nor any self-
governing institutions (for example, tile autonomous Republic
of Bashkiria and the Tartar 'Republic which were formed in
1-)19-1920 by the Russian Socialist Feierated Soviet Republic).
S. it is the task of the Communis; international in this re-
gard not only to develop further, hot to to study and test by
e7perience, these federations which. have trisen out of the Soviet
oeder and. the Soviet movement, Recp inizing federation as a
transition form towards complete union, -,7e: must strive for ever
closer federative connections, bearing ir mind first, the impos-
iliiiity of maintaining the Soviet RepuhL .suiToanded by power-
ful imperialist nations, without a close e Pion with other Soviet
Republics; second, tit, necessity of a cfm,, votricitnic union of the
Soviet Republics, without which th.e re:; ration of the forces of
e4iroduction destroyed Oy Jmnerialisrr, and he assuring of the wel-
fare of the workers ie imposeiblee third 1ic triving towards the
creation of a unified world economy hie, ri on one general plan
and regulated by the proletariat of all tie uations of the world.
This tendency has already manifested it-s'elf under capita/ism, and
is undoubtedly going to be further dew :Toed and perfected by
SocialiS111.
9. With regard to inter-state re aliens, the international
policy of the Communist International cannot limit itself to a
Tliere formal verbal declaration of the r?cognition of the equality
of nations, which does not involve any practical obligations, such
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as has been made by the bourgeois democrats who styled them-
selves socialist. The constant violations of the equality of na-
tions and the infringement .upon the rights of national minor-
ities practised in all the capitalist states in spite of the demo-
cratic constitutions, must be denounced in all the propaganda
and agitational activity of the Communist International, within,
as well as outside the parliament. It is likewise necessary,
first, to explain constantly that only the Soviet regime is able
to give the nations real equality, by uniting the proletariat and
all the masses of the workers in the struggle against the bour-
geoisie; second, to support the revolutionary movement among
the subject nations (for example, Ireland, American negroes,
etc.) and in the colonies.
Without this last, especially important condition the strug-
gle against the oppression of dependent nations and colonies, as
well as the recognition of their right to an independent existence,
is only a misleading signboard, such as has been exhibited by the
parties of the Second International.
10. It is the habitual practice not only of the centre parties
of the Second International, but also of those which have left it,
to recognize internationalism in words and then to adulterate it
in their propaganda, agitation, and practical activity by mixing
it up with petty bourgeois nationalism and pacifism. This is to
be found even among those parties that at present call them-
selves Communist. The struggle against this evil, and against
the deep-rooted petty bourgeois national prejudices (manifest-
ing themselves in various forms, such as race hatred, national
antagonism and antisemitism), must be brought to the fore-
ground the more vigorously because of the urgent necessity of
transforming the dictatorship of the proletariat and changing
it from a national basis (i. e., existing in one country and in-
capable of exercising an influence over world politics), into an
international dictatorship (i. e., a dictatorship of the proletariat
of at least several advanced countries capable of exercising a
determined influence upon world politics). Petty bourgeois inter-
nationalism means the mere recognition of the rights of nation-
al equality, and preserves intact national egotism. Proletarian
internationalism, on the other hand, demands: (1) the subordi-
nation of the interests of the proletarian struggle in one nation
to the interests of that struggle on an international scale; 2) the
capability and the readiness on the part of one nation which has
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gained a -vic--'iory over the bourgeois-le, of rmking the greatest nas
E.nmai sacrifices for the overthrow of littecuational capitalisrr.
ln the ,ituntries ii whicll fully ilekripe.4 capitalist states
parta,s. onworisimi eudof the
otitside-c ;hem en,1 oles-i- important
(HH,;'11 !?,1111.
of ;ow , of f;c1laiis:21,
A 1:4 ?P. '.V1 ;t
i:1.11J1 rt'id!Th, r!:t..).?.Hdd-agrqrin
V:HS.? Indid:
7,---t!yr? ?
(?yil
;
? I 4,1?;- , C.11i01.11-.,
-dHY
;i
!dh A.td(!1;V:in )-.;11 HI(?
,E'r 40' 1.1
,r!.
ii117.01.1a1,r* I,- --.1).1O.Y0 the in hack-
couniri: s against I:le iHno owner, Inc:- 111 'dal surviv h:
(WOeu, ,)e MUSI: Tivo the peasant-
Areinont ii revolational,,; coal a(te l 1,11{,? tj'10 ,..).easnnts
ard ail the ey-ploited -into the Soviets; old i)lis brime. about the
closest 1)05511 le union retween 011 0 e-1 or')Ietariat of
'AF.2.stern Europe and the revolutionary ,hovoment of the
sL d of the colonial and subject couutrie;; 5) It is likewise
e.2essary to \vage determined war agalrst Ii e attempt of quasi-
ficrnmunist revolutionists to cloak the movement in
h. backwird countries with a Communist oh, t is the duty
-if the Communist International to suppert the revolutionary
movement in the colonies and in the backwaTA countries, for the
Allusive purpose of uniting the various uni--,s of the future prole-
Arian parties--such as are Communist not only in name?in all
nickward cour tries and educate them to the :',orisciousness of their
..tpecific tasks, i. e., to the tasks of the struggie against the hour-
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geo:s democratic tendencies within their respective nationalities:
The Communist International must establish temporary relations
and even unions with the revolutionary movements in the colo-
nies and backward countries, without, however, amalgamating
with them, but preserving the independent character of the
proletarian movement, even though it be still in its embryonic
state. 6) It is essential continually to expose the deception
fostered among the masses of the toilers in all, and especially in
the backward countries, by the imperialist powers aided by privi-
leged classes of the subject countries, in creating under the mask
of political independence various governments and state institu-
tions which are in reality completely dependent upon them econ-
omically, financially and in a military sense. As a striking ex--
ample of the deception practised upon the working class or a
subject country through the combined efforts of Allied Imperial-
ism and the bourgeoisie of the given nation, we may cite the Pa-
lestine affair of the Zionists, where, under the pretext of creat-
ing a Jewish state in Palestine, in which the Jews form only an
insignificant part of the population, Zion:sm has delivered the
native Arabian working population to the exploitation of Eng-
land. Only a union of Soviet Republics can bring salvation to
the dependent and weak nationalities under present International
conditions.
12. The age? long enslavement of the colonial and weak na-
tionalities by the imperialist powers, has given rise to a feeling
of rancour among the masses of the enslaved countries, as well
as to a feeling of distrust towards the oppressive nations in
general and towards the proletariat of those nations. These sen-
timents have become strengthened by the base treachery of the
majority of the official leaders of the proletariat in the years of
1914-1919, when the social patriots came out in defence of their
fatherlands and of the "rights" of their bourgeoisie to the en-
slavement. of the colonies and to the plunder of the financially
dependent countries. These sentiments can be completely rooted
out only by the abolition of imperialism in the advanced countries
and the radical transformation of all the foundations of economic
life in the backward countries. Thus it will take a long time for
these national prejudices to disappear. This imposes upon the
class conscious proletariat of all countries the duty of exercising
special caution and care with regard to these national sentiments
still surviving in the countries and nationalities which have been
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subjected to lasting enslavement, and also of making necessary
concessions in order more speedily to remove this distrust and
Prejudice. The victory over capitalism cannot be fully achieved
and carried to its ultimate goal uniess-th proletariat and the toil-
ing masses of all nations of the world rally of their own accord
in a harmonious and close union.
B.) SUPPLEMENTARY THESES.
t. Tc, determine more especially the reiation of the Com-
munist International to the revolutionary movements in the coun-
les dominated by capitalistic imperialism, for instance, China
and inoila. Ls one of tne most important questions before the Sec-
ond Congress of the Third International. The history of the
world revolution has come to a period when a proper understand-
ing of this relation is indispensable The great European war
and its results have shown clearly that tne masses of non-Eu-
eenean subject countries are inseparapr1 connected with the
proletarian movement in Europe, as a conn!ouence cif the central-.
zation. of world capitalism?for instance, the sending of colonial
troops and huge armies of workers to th e battle front during the
war, etc.
One of the main sources from wt. h European capitalism.
draws its chief strength is to be found in the colonial possessions
and dependencies. Without the control r the extensive ?'?*1'???
and vast fields of exploitation in the colonies, the capitalist powers
of Europe cannot manitain their existence even for a short time.
Illng,land, the stronghold of imperialism, has been suffering from,
overproduction for more than a century. But for the ex-
tensive colonial posessions acquired for IE-le sale of her surplus
products and as a source of raw materials for her ever-growing
industries, the capitalistic structure of England would have been
crushed under its own weight long ago. By enslaving the hun-
dreds of millions of inhabitants of Asia and Africa English im-
perialism succeeds so far in keeping the British proletariat under
the domination of the bourgeoisie.
3. Super-profit gained in the colonies is the mainstay of
modern capitalism, and so long as the litter is not deprived of
this source of super-profit, it will not Ix easy for the European
working class to overthrow the capitalist order. Thanks to the
possibility of the extensive and intensive exploitation of human
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labor and natural resources in the colonies, the capitalist nations
of Europe are trying, not without success, to recuperate their
present bankruptcy. By exploiting the masses in the colonies,
European imperialism will be in a position to give concession after
concession to the labor aristocracy at home. While, on the one
hand, European imperialism seeks to lower the standard of living
of the home proletariat by bringing into competition the produc-
tions of the lower paid workers in subject countries, on the other
hand, it will not hesitate to go to the extent of sacrificing the
entire surplus value in the home country so long as it continues
to gain its huge super-profits in the colonies.
4. The breaking up of the. colonial empire, together with
the proletarian revolution in the home country, will overthrow
the capitalist system in Europe. Consequently, the Communist
International must widen the sphere of its activities. It must
establish relations with those revolutionary forces that are work-
ing for the overthrow of imperialism in the countries subjected
politically and economically. These two forces must be co-ordi-
nated if the final success of the world revolution is to be guaran-
teed.
5. The Communist International is the concentrated will of
the world revolutionary proletariat. Its mission is to organize
the working class of the whole world for the overthrow of the.
capitalistic order and the establishment of Communism. The
Third International is a fighting body which must assume the
task of combining the revolutionary forces of all the countries
of the world. Dominated as it was by a group of politicians, per-
meated with bourgeois culture, the Second International failed to
appreciate the importance of the colonial question. For them
the world did not exist outside of Europe. They could not see the
necessity of co-ordinating the revolutionary movement of Europe
with those in the non-European countries. Instead of giving
moral and material help to the revolutionary movement in the
colonies, the members of the Second International themselves
became imperialists.
6. Foreign imperialism ,imposed on the Eastern peoples
prevented them from developing, socially and economically, side
by side with their fellows in Europe and America. Owing to the
imperialist policy of preventing industrial development in the
colonies, a proletarian class, in the strict sense of the word, coulj
not come into existence there until recently. The ingenious craft
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industries were destroyed to make room tor the products of the
centralized industries in the imperialistic countries, consequently
a majority of the population was tin.ven to the land to produce
food, grains, and raw materials for expo :t to ichaign lands. On
the other hand, there followed a rart,i concentraton of land in
the hands of the big landowners, of financial capitalists, and the
state, thus creating a huge landless peasantry. The great bulk
if the population was kept in a state of illiteracy. As a result
this policy, the spirit of revolt latent n every subject people,
round its expression only through the semi!, educated middle
class.
Foreign domination has Obstructed the free development of
the social forces, therefore, its overthrow is the first step towards
revolution in the colonies. So to help overthrow the foreign rule
;in the colonies is not to endorse the nationalist aspirations of the
native bourgeoisie, but to open the way to the smothered prole-
';ariat there.
7. There are to be found in the dependent countries two dis-
einct movements which every day grow faither apart from each
other. One is the bourgeois democratic nationalist movement,
with a programme of political independence under the bourgeois
order, and the other is the mass action o:" the poor and ignorant
peasants and workers for their liberation from all sorts of ex-
ploitation. The fon mer endeavor to control the latter, and often
succeed to a certain extent, but the Communist International and
the parties affected must struggle against such control, and help
J) develop class consciousness in the working masses of the
e,olonies. For the overthrow of foreign capitalism, which is the
.first step toward revolution in the colonies, the co-operatior of
the bourgeois nationalist revOntionary Elements is useful.
But the foremost and necessary task is the formation of
,7iornmunist Parties which will organize -;he peasants and work-
ers and lead them to the revolution and to the establishment of
soviet republics. Thus the masses in the backward countries may
:reach Communism, not through capitalistic development, but led
.hy the class conscious proletariat of the advanced capitalist coun-
tries.
8. The real strength of the liberation movements in the
.colonies is no longer confined to the narrow circle of bourgeois
democratic nationalists. In most of thE colonies there already
,m4st organized revolutionary parties wh: ch strive to be in dose
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connection with the working masses. (The relation of the Com-
munist International with the revolutionary movement in the
colonies should be realized through the mediums of these parties
or groups, because they were the vanguard of the working class
in their respective countries.) They are not very large to-day,
but they reflect the aspirations of the masses and the latter will
follow them to the revolution. The Communist parties of the
different imperialistic countries must work in conjunction with
these proletarian parties of the colonies, and, through them,
give all moral and material support to the revolutionary move-
ment in general.
9. The revolution in the colonies is not going to be a Com-
munist revolution in its first stages. But if from the outset
the leadership is in the hands of a Communist vanguard, the
revolutionary masses will not be led astray, but will go ahead
through the successive periods of development of revolutionary
experience. Indeed, it would be extremely erroneous in many
of the Oriental countries to try to solve the agrarian problem
according to pure Communist principles. In its first stages the
revolution in the colonies must be carried on with a programme
which will include many petty bourgeois reform clauses, such as
division of land, etc. But from this it does not follow, at all that
the leadership of the revolution will have to be surrtndered to
the bourgeoi; democrats. On the contrary, the proletarian par-
ties must carry on vigorous and systematic propaganda of the
Soviet idea, and organize the peasants' and workers' Soviets as
soon as possible. These Soviets will work in co-operation with
the Soviet Republics in the advanced capitalistic countries for
the ultimate overthrow of the capitalist order throughout the
world.
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THESIS ON THE AGRARIAN QUESTION.
I. No one but the city industrial proletariat, led by the Cora-
munist Party, can save the laboring masses in the country from
the pressure of capital and landlordism, from dissolution and
from imperialistic wars, ever inevitable as long as the capitalist
regime endures. There is no salvation hi:7 the peasants except
to join the Communist proletariat, to support with heart and
soul its revolutionary struggle to throw off the yoke of the land-
lords and the bourgeoisie.
On the other hand, the industrial workers will be unable -to
carry out their universal historic mission, and to liberate human-
ity from the bondage of capital and war, if they shut themselves
within their separate guilds, their narrow trade interests, and
restrict themselves self-sufficiently to a desire for the improve-
matt of their sometimes tolerable bourgeois conditions of life.
That is what happens in most advanced countries possessing a
"labor aristocracy," which forms the basis of the would-be par-
ties of the Second International, who are, ii fact, the worst ene-
mies of Socialism, traitors to it, bourgeois iingoes, agents of the
bourgeoisie in the labor movement. The -?roletariat becomes a
truly revolutionary class, truly Socialist in its actions, only by
acting as the vanguard of all those who work and are being ex-
ploited, as their leader in the struggle for the overthrow of the
oppressors; and this cannot be achieved .without carrying th.e
class struggle into the agricultural districts, ,xithout making the
laboring masses of the country all gather around the Communist
Party of the town proletariat, without the peasants being edu-
cated by the town proletariat.
2. The laboring and exploited masses In the country, which
the town proletariat must lead on to the fight, or at least win
over to its side, are represented in all capital st countries by the
following groups:
In the first -place, the agricultural proletariat, the hired .la-
borers (by the year, by the day, by the job, making their living
by wage labor in capitalist, agricultural, or industrial establish-
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ments; the independent organization of this class, separated
from the other groups of the country population (in a political,
military, trade, co-operative, educational sense), and an energe-
tic propaganda among it, in order to win it over to the side of
the Soviet power and of the dictatorship of the proletariat, must
be the fundamental task of the Communist parties in all countries.
In the second place, the semi-proletariat or small peasants,
those who make their living partly by working for wages in
agricultural and industrial capitalist establishments, partly by
toiling on their own or a rented parcel of land yielding but a part
of the necessary food produce for their families; this class of
the rural population is rather numerous in all capitalist coun-
tries, but its existence and its peculiar position are hushed up by
the representatives of the bourgeoisie and the yellow "Socialists"
affiliated to the Second International. Some of these people
intentionally cheat the workers, but others follow blindly the
average views of the public and mix up this special class with the
whole mass of the "peasantry." Such a method of bourgeois
deception of the workers is used more particularly in Germany
and France, and then in America and other countries. Provided
that the work of the Communist Party is well organized, this
group is sure to side with the Communists, the conditions of life
of these half-proletarians being very hard, the advantage the
Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat would bring
them being enormous and immediate. In some countries there
is no clear-cut distinction between these two groups; it is, there-
fore, permissible under certain conditions to form them into
separate organizations.
In the third place, the little proprietors, the small farmers
who possess by right of ownership or on rent small portions of
land which satisfy the needs of their familiy and of their farm;
ing without requiring any additional wage labor; this part of the
population as a class gains everything by the victory of the
proletariat, which brings with it: a) liberation from the pay-
ment of rent or of a part of the crops (for instance, the metayers
in France, the same arrangements in Italy, etc.) to the owners
of large estates; b) abolition of all mortgages; c) abolition of
many forms of pressure and of dependence on the owners of
large estates (forests and their use, etc.) ; d) immediate help
from the proletarian state for farm work (permitting use by
peasants of the agricultural implements and in part of the build
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'ngs on the big capitalist estates exproprlated by the proletariat,
the immediate transformation by the proletarian state power of
dl rural co-operatives and agricultural companies ,which under
the capitalist rule were chiefly supporting the wealthy and the
middle peasantry, into institutions primaray for the support.of
the poor peasantry, that is to say, the )i-oletariaris, semi-prole-
tarians, small farmers, etc.).
At the same time the Communist iaity should be thoroughly
aware that during .the dictatorship of ae proletariat, at least
some partial hesitations are inevitable ia this class, in favor of
unrestricted free trade and free use of the rights of private prop-
erty. For this class, being a seller of ccramodities (although on
a small scale), is necessarily demoralized oy profit-hunting and
habits of proprietorship. And yet, provided there is a consistent
proletarian policy?and the -victorious proletariat deals relent-
lessly with the owners of the large estates and the landed pea-
sants?the hesitations of the class in qu?,scon will not be consid-
erable, and cannot change the fact that en the whole this class
will side with the proletarian revolution.
3. All these three groups taken together constitute the
majority el the agrarian population ir. all capitalist couirx:les.
This guarantees in Cull the success ot the proletarian revolution,
not only in the towns but in the country as well. The opposite
view is very widely spread, but it persitek only because of a sys-
tematic deception on the part of bourgeois science and statistics..
They hush up by every means any cool lion of the deep chasm
which divAes the rural classes we have iidicated, from the ex-
ploiters, the landowners and capitanst3 on the one hand, from
the landed peasants on the other, it holds further because of
the incapacity and the failure of the "heroes" affiliated to the
yellow Second International anO the abor aristocracy," de-
moralized by imperialistic privileges, to do genuine propaganda
work among the poor in the country. All the attention of the
opportunists was given and is being gkeni now to the arrange-
ment of theoretical and practical agreonents with the bourgeoi-
sie, including the landed and the middle peasantry (see Para-
graph concerning these classes) and not to the revolutionary
overthrow of the bourgeois goverrenent and the bourgeois
class by the proletariat. In the third place, this view
persists because of the force ot inveterate prejudice pos-
sessing already a great stability (and connected with
all bourgeois-democratic and parliamentary prejudices),
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the incapaeity to grasp a simple truth fully proved by
the Marxian theory and confirmed by the practice of the prole-
tarian revolution in Russia. This truth consists in the fact that
the peasant population of the three classes we have mentioned
above, being extremely oppressed, scattered, and doomed to live
in half-civilized conditions in all countries, even in the most ad-
vanced, is economically, socially, and morally interested in the
victory of Socialism; but that it will finally support the revolu-
tionary proletariat only after the proletariat has taken'the po-
litical power, after it has done away with the owners of the
large estates and the capitalists, after the oppressed masses are
able to see in practice that they have an organized lead& and
helper sufficiently powerful and firm to support and to guide,
to show the right way.
The "middle peasantry," in the economic sense, consists of
small landowners who possess, according to the right of owner-
ship or rent, portions of land, which, although small, nevertheless
may: 1) usually yield under capitalist rule not only scanty pro-
vision for the family and the needs of the farming, but also the
possibility of accumulating a certain surplus, which, at least in
the best years, could be transformed into capital; and 2) neces-
sitate the employment of (for instance, in a family of two or
three members) wage labor. As a concrete example of the middle
peasantry in an advanced capitalist' country, we may take the
situation in Germany, where, according to the registration of
1917, there was a group tilling farms from five to ten acres, and
in these farms the number of hired agricultural laborers made
up about a third of the whole number of farms in this group.*
In France, the country of a greater development of special cul-
tures, for instance, the vineyards, requiring special treatment
and care, the corresponding group employs wage labor probably
in a somewhat larger proportion.
The revolutionary proletariat can not make it its aim, at
least for the nearest future and for the beginning of the period
of the proletarian dictatorship, to win this class over to its side.
The proletariat will have to content itself with neutralizing this
*These are the exact figures: number of farms 5-10 acres 552,798 (out
of 5,736.082); they possess in all sorts of hired workers. 487,704?the number
of workers with their families (Farnilienangehoerige) being 2,013,633. In
Austria, according to the census Of 1910, there were 383,351 farms in this
group. 126,136 of them employing hired labor; 146,044 hired workers, 1,215,969
workers with their families. The total number of farms in Austria amounts
to 2.853,349.
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class, i. e., with making it take a ,neutral position in the struggle-
bdtween the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The vacillation of
this class is unavoidable, and in the beginning of the new epoch
its predominating tendency in the advanced capitalist countries
will be in favor of the bourgeoisie, for the ideas and sentiments
of private property are characteristic of the possessors. The
'victorious proletariat will immediately improve the lot of this
class by abolishing the system of rent and mortgage, by the
introduction or machinery and electrical, appliances into agri-
culture. The proletarian state power cannot at once abolish pri-
vate property in most of the capitalist countries, but must do
away with all duties and levies imposed upon this class of people
by the landlords; it will also secure to the small and middle pea-
santry the ownership of their land holdings and enlarge them,
putting the peasants in possession of the land they used to rent
(abolition of rents).
The combination of such measures wieh a relentless struggle
against the bourgeoisie guarantees the full success of the neu-
tralization policy. The transition to collective agriculture must
be managed with much circumspection and step by step, and the
proletarian state power must proceed by the force of example
without any violence toward the middle peasantry.
5. The ]anded peasants or farmers (Crossbauern)) are capi-
talists in agriculture, managing their lands usually with several
hired laborers. They are connected with the "peasantry" only
by their rather low standard of culture, their way of living, the
personal manual work of their land. This is the most numerous
eiement of the bourgeois class, and the decided enemy of the revo-
lutionary proletariat. The chief attenthn of the Communist
Farty in the rural districts must be given to the struggle against
this element, to the liberation of the laboaing and exploited ma-
jority of the rural population from the moral and political influ-
ence of these exploiters.
After the victory of the proletariat ir the towns, this class
will inevitably oppose it by all means, from sabotage to open
armed counter-revolutionary resistance. The revolutionary prole-
tariat must, therefore, immediately begin to prepare the neces-
sary force for the disarmament of every single man of this class,
and together with the overthrow of the capitalists in industry,
the proletariat must deal a relentless, crushing blow to this class.
To that end it must arm the rural proletariat and organize Soviets
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in the country, with no room for exploiters, and. a preponderant
place must be reserved to the proletarians and the semi-prole-
tarians.
But the expropriation even of the landed peasants can by no
means be an immediate object of the victorious proletariat, con-
sidering the lack of material, particularly of technical material,
and further of the social conditions necessary for the socializa-
tion of such lands. In some probably exceptional cases parts
of their estates will be confiscated if they are leased in small
parcels, or if they are specially needed by the small-peasant pop-
ulation. A free use must be also secured to this population, on
definite terms, of a part of the agricultural machinery of the
landed peasants, etc. As a general rule, however, the state
power must leave the peasants in possession of their land, con-
fiscating it only in case of resistance to the government of the
laboring and exploited peasants. The experience of the Russian
proletarian revolution, whose struggle against the landed pea-
sants became very complicated and prolonged owing to a number
of particular circumstances, nevertheless shows that this class
has been at last taught what it costs to make the slightest at-
tempt at resistance, and is now quite willing to serve loyally the
aims of the proletarian state. It begins even to be penetrated,
although very slowly, by a respect for the government which pro-
tects every worker and deals relentlessly with the idle rich.
The specific conditions which complicated and prolonged the
struggle of the Russian proletariat against the landed peasantry
after the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, consist mainly in the fact
that after the coup d'etat of October 25 and November 7, 1917,
the Russian revolution traversed a stage of "general democratic,"
actually bourgeois democratic, struggle of the peasantry as a
whole against the landowners, and there were further the low
standard of living and scarcity of the urban proletariat, and,
finally, the enormous distances and exceedingly bad transport
conditions. Insofar as these adverse conditions do not exist in
the advanced counties, the revolutionary proletariat in Europe
and America must prepare with much more energy and carry
out a much more rapid and complete victory over the resistance
of the landed peasantry, depriving it of all possibility of resist-
ance. This is of the utmost importance, considering that until
a complete, absolute victory is won, the proletarian state power
cannot be regarded as secure and capable of resisting its enemies.
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6. The revolutionary proletariat mus-; proceed to an immedi-
ate and unconditional confiscation of the estates of the land-
owners and big landlords, that is, of all those who systematically
employ wage labor, directly or through -their tenants, who ex-
ploit all the small (and not infrequently also the middle) pea-
santry in their neighborhood, and who do not do any actual
manual work. To this element belong the majority of the des-
cendants of the feudal lords ( the nobility of Russia, Germany,
and Hungary, the restored seigneurs of France, the Lords in Eng-
land, the former slave owners in America), or financial magnates
who have become particularly rich, or a mixture of those two
classes of exploiters and idlers.
No propaganda can be admitted in the ranks of the Com-
munist parties in favor of an indemnity tc be paid to the owners
of large estates for their expropriation. In the present condi-
tions prevailing in Europe and America this would mean treason
to Socialism and the imposition of a new tax on the laboring and
exploited masses, who have already suffered from the war, which
has increased the number of millionaires and has multiplied their
wealth.
In the advanced capitalist countries the Communist Inter-
national considers that it should be a pre7ailing practice to pre-
serve the large agricultural establishments and manage them on
the lines of the "Soviet farms" in Russia.* In regard to the
management of the estates confiscated by the victorious prole-
tariat from the owners of large landed property?the prevailing
practice in Russia?the cause of economi 3 backwardness was
the partition of this landed property for the benefit of the
peasantry, and in comparatively rare exceptions was there a
pfeservation of the so-called "Soviet tariff," managed by the
proletarian state at its expense, and transforming the former
wage laborers into workers employed by the state, arid into mem
hers of the Soviets managing these farms.
The preservation of large landholdin;-s serves best the in-
terests of the revolutionary elements of tie population, namely?
the landless agricultural workers and semi-proletarian small land-
holders, who get their livelihood mainly by working on the large
estates. Besides, the nationalization of large landholdings makes
the urban population, at least in part, less dependent on the pea-
santry for their food.
* It is also advisable to encourage collective establishments (Communes),
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In those places, however, where relics of the feudal system
still prevail, where "serfdom" and the system of giving half (if
the products to the peasants prevails and where a part of the
soil belongs to the large estates the landlord privileges give rise
to special forms of exploitation.
In countries where large landholdings are insignificant in
number, while a great number of small tenants are in search of
land, the distribution of the large holdings can prove a
sure means of winning the peasantry for the revolution, while
the preservation of the large estates can bo of no value for the
provisioning of the towns. The first and most important task
of the proletarian state is to secure a lasting victory. The prole-
tariat must put up with a temporary decline of production so
long as it makes for the success of the revolution. Only by
persuading the middle peasantry to maintain a neutral attitude,
and by gaining the support of a large part, if not the whole, of
the small peasantry, can the lasting maintenance of the prole-
tarian power be secured.
At any rate, where the land of the large owners is being dis-
tributed, the interests of the agricultural proletariat must be of
primary consideration.
The implements of large estates must be converted into state
property absolutely intact, but on the unfailing condition that
these implements be put at the disposal of the small peasants
gratis, subject to conditions worked out by the proletarian state.
If just at first, after the proletarian coup d'etat, the im-
mediate confiscation of the big estates becomes absolutely nec-
essary, and, moreover, also the banishment or internment of
all landowners as leaders of the counter-revolution, and relentless
oppressors of the whole rural population, the proletarian state,
in proportion to its consolidation not only in the towns but in
the country as well, must systematically strive to take advantage
of all the forces of this class, of all those who possess valuable
experience, learning, organizing talent, and must use them (un-
der special control of the most reliable Communist workers) to
organize large agriculture on Socialist principles.
7. The victory of Socialism over capitalism, the consolida-
tion of Socialism, will be definitely established at the time that
the proletarian state power, after having finally subdued all re-
sistance of the exploiters and secured for itself complete and
absolute submission, will reorganize the whole industry on the
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base of wholesale collective production and a new technical basis
(founded on the electrification of agriculture). This alone will
afford a possibility of such radical help in the technical and
the social sense, accorded by the town to the backward and dis-
persed country, that this help will create the material base ror
an enormous increase in the productivity of agricultural and
general farming work, and will induce the k mall farmers by force
of example and for their own benefit to cUange to large, collec-
tive machine agriculture.
Most particulary in the rural districts real possibility of
successful struggle for Socialism requires, in the first place, that
all Communist parties inculcate in the industrial prcletariat the
necessity of sacrifice on its part, and readiness to sacrifice itself
for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, and that the consolidation
of the proletariat be based on the proletariat's knowing how to
organize and to lead the working and exploited masses, and on
the vanguard's being ready for the greatest sacrifices and hero-
ism. In the second place, possibility of success requires that
the laboring and most exploited masses in the country experi-
ence immediate and great improvement in theiac position
caused by the victory of the proletariat and by the defeat of
the exploiters. Unless this is done, the industrial proletariat
cannot depend on the support of the rural districts, and cannot
secure the provisioning of the town with foodstuffs.
8. The enormous difficulty of organ] zation and education
for the revolutionary struggle of the agrarian laboring masses
placed by capitalism in a condition of particular oppression, dis-
persion, and often a mediaeval depence require from the Com-
munist parties special care for the strilt e movement in the
rural districts.. It requires enforced support and wide devel-
opment of mass strikes of the agrarian pnletarians and semi-
proletarians. The experience of the Russian revolutions of 1905
and 1917, confirmed and enlarged now by the experience of Ger-
many and other advanced countries, shows that only the develop-
ment of mass-strike struggle (under certain conditions the small
peasants are also to be drawn into these strikes) will shake the
inactivity of the country population, arous? in them a class con-
sciousness and the consciousness of the necessity of class organ-
ization in the exploited masses in the country, and show them
the obvious practical use of their joining the town workers. From
this standpoint the promotion or Unions of Agricultural Workers,
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the co-operation of Communists in the country, and woodwork-
ers' organizations are of great importance. The Communists
must likewise support the co-operative organizations formed by
the exploited agricultural population closely connected with the
revolutionary labor movement. A vigorous agitation is likewise
to be carried on among the small peasants.
The Congress of the Communist International denounces as
traitors those Socialists?unfortunately there are such net only
in the yellow Second International, but also among the three
most important European parties, which have left the Second
International?who are not only indifferent toward the strike
struggle in the rural districts, but oppose it (as does Kaut-
sky) on the ground that it might cause a falling-off of the pro,-
duction of foodstuffs. No programmes and no solemn declara-
tions have any value if the fact is not in evidence, testified to by
actual deeds, that the Communists and labor leaders know how
to put the development of the proletarian revolution and its
victory above everything else and are ready to make the utmost
sacrifices for the sake of this victory. Unless this is a fact,
there is no escape, no barrier against starvation, dissolution,
and new imperialistic wars.
The Communist parties must make all efforts possible to
start as soon as possible setting up Soviets in the country, and
these Soviets must be chiefly composed of hired laborers and
semi-proletarians. Only in connection with the mass-strike strug-
gle of the most oppressed class will the Soviets be able to serve
fully their ends, and become sufficiently firm to dominate (and
further on to include in their ranks) the small peasants. But if
the strike struggle is not yet developed, and the ability to organ-
ize the agrarian proletariat is weak because of the strong oppres-
sion by the landowners and the landed peasants, and also because
of the want of support from the industrial workers and their
unions, the organization of the Soviets in the rural districts will
require long preparation by means of creating small Communist
centers, of intensive propaganda, expounding in a most popular
form the demands of the Communists, and illustrating the rea-
sons of these demands by specially convincing cases of exploita-
tion, and pressure by systematic excursions of industrial workers
into the country, etc.
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