BI-WEEKLY PROPAGANDA GIDANCE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000400070005-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 38
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 27, 1998
• Sequence Number: 5
• Publication Date: December 19, 1966
• Content Type: PERRPT

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Signiicant Dates 1
[ASTERISK denotes ANNIVERSARIES. All others are CURRENT EVENTS]
FEB
I* UN General Assembly adopts resolution charging Chinese Communist aggres-
slon in Korea. 1951.
4 Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organization Council-Executive Committee
Meeting. Nicosia, Cyprus.
7-12* World War 11: Yalta Conference (Church?ill, Roosevelt, and Stalin). 1945.
13* Katanga Government announces "massacre" of Patrice Lumumba on 12 February.
1961. 13-25* Czechoslovakia;, last East European nati"on governed by traditional parlia-
mentary methods, falls to Communist coup. 25 February: Klement Gottwald
becomes Prime Minister. 1948.
16* Fidel Castro becomes Prime Minister of Cuba. 1g59.
21* Anti-Colonialisri Day (Communist holiday celebrated mainly by youth and
student fronts. Commemorates Communist-inspired mutiny of Indian sailors.)
1946.
27* Mao Tse-tung delivers "Hundred Flowers" speech. (Text released 18 June
1957.) 1957. TENTH ANNIVERSARY.
8 International Women's Day. (Celebrated by WIDF, Communist women's front.)
8-15* February Revolution in Russia. (Old`Sstyle dates: 23 February- 2 March.)
15 March: Tsar Nicholas II adbicates. 1917. FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY.
12* President's message to Congress advances Truman Doctrine: recommends aid
to Greece and Turkey to combat Communism. Approved by Congress, 15 May.
1947. TWENTIETH ANNIVERSARY.
14* Belgium, Netherlands and Luxembourg 'sfgn "Benelux" Customs Union. 1947.
TWENTIETH ANNIVERSARY.
18-25 3rd Afro-Asian Writers' Conference at Beirut. (This meeting of Soviet-
line followers of the split Afro-Asian Writers' Bureau is rescheduled
from February. )
21-28 World Youth Week celebrated by World' federation of`De"mocratic Youth (Com-
munist front).
25* Treaties creating European Economic` Community (EEC) and European Community
of Atomic Energy (Euratom) signed in Rome by France, West Germany, Italy,
Belgium, Netherlands and Luxembourg. 1957. TENTH ANNIVERSARY.
27* Khrushchev succeeds Bulganin'as Premier of USSR. 1957.
29 Martyrs' Day and Youth Day. (Communiist China)
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America's Voice,Changin . The Voice of America inaugurated in early
~~XYY YI NiY 1 I fl.
November a "new.sound" on its Worldwide cnglish Service which may spread
eventually to its other 37 language services. VOA replaced its tradi-
tional program schedule with a continuo u4 flow of music,; news and fea-
tures in two-hour blocks, interspersed with one-hour segments devoted to
popular holdover programs. Even the old theme, "Columbia, the Gem of
the Ocean" was scuttled in favor of "Yankee Doodle", "a good revolu-
tionary song" as VOA Director John Chancellor put it. The new program-
ming approach, somewhat similar to NBC's.rado "Monitor" and television
"Today", uses a vocabulary of just 1200_ words, and is designed as a bet-
ter means of communication, particularly, with listeners who know English
only as a second language.
VOA's English Service accounts for about one quarter of its total
weekly transmissions of 909 hours. By comparison, the USSR's interna=
tional broadcasts ,total 1381 hours weekly; Communist China's, 1105; the
United Arab Republic's, 827; the Federal Republic of Germany's 689; and
the BBC's, 663.
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Space ys erious y
Failures
Concea.ed On 7 Decembers the NEW
'QRK TIM S we xx e a
small item fxom Re.uterq rr pgr~?a.rg a
Kremlin anno..uncpment t at1,, t.. 1G en.
Ivan Lavrenov, chief politica'l offi-
cer ofSoviet Strategic Rocket Forces,
had died asudden..y at the age of 54
(PRESS COMMENT, 8 December 1966).
Ear7,Mier on 12 November, the TIMES
had ; ubhshed an AP report' (date-
lined lO November) saying that the
4 6 1T
National Aeronautics and S,p4.ce Admjn
istration had received word from the
space tracking unit of the North
t
American Aix Ae. e s,e W ,
for the second time in six ices,,, the
Soviets had launched. a ppAge.c aft
which had shattered ifn;~o many darts
(PRESS COMMENT, 15 November). This
second unsuc,oessful space shot had
been launched on 2 November, it was
finally established that it had broken
into more than 40 parts.. These two
space shots were the first'since
January 1963 to reach orbit and yet
not be acknowledged by 'the Soviets.
Twenty months have now elapsed
since the last Soviet manp
Patel
lite, Voskhod 2 circled the earth
on 18 March 1965. Furt~ier'mr~ned
space activities may of course take
place at any time, and Soviet space
scientists have hinted, ,that ar)? event
could be expected in early 1967. But
the failures reported above and the
lapse of time since the last publi-
cized cosmonaut trip give a good
basis for speculation, and doubt about
the Soviet space program. One approach
might be to ask if the two exploded
frfIu
space craft-(14 September and
2 November) were not manned craft,
which cost the lives of their pilots,
and which the Soviets have never
ac)nowledged. Another might be to
ask whether General Lavrenov was
not the victim of some launching-
pad accident, as was Chief Marshal
of the Artillery Nedelin, who was
killed in October 1960 during the
launching of a new long-range mis-
s,il,e, and whose death was officially
ascribed to an airplane accident.
(The episode is described in the
PENKOVSKY PAPERS.) A new Soviet
manned space event, if it does
occur, would provide an additional
peg for such speculation and comment.
_ In any speculative discussion
on this subject, emphasize that the
Soviets do not announce space
events before they_occur, and only
say what they wish to have known
about them then. We have a ready
answer to those who say we shouldn't
shed doubts.on the..mighty Soviet
space program: if they don't let
anyone find out anything, they will
have to expect to have doubts arise.
Pefgee First Anniversary of
Flow Cuban / I r l i ft
Continues
The beginning of the
second year of the Cuban refugee
airlift was marked by the arrival
of 175 new arrivals, in Miami,
Florida on 1 December 1966. During
its first year the airlift, operat-
ingtwo flights per day, five days
of every week, had carried 44,454
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Noted
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refugees from Castro's Communism
to the United States. An equal
number is expected for the coming
year. As impressive as the figures
may be, they are small in compari-
son with the hundreds of thousands
of Cubans who have signed up to
leave. Cubans in the States have
submitted the names of over a mil-
lion persons in Cuba whom they
believe would leave the country,
given the opportunity.
What more eloquent testimony
could there be to the failure of
Communism in Cuba?
As mentioned in Biweekly Propa-
ganda Guidance 964, "Cuban Exodus
is Symbol of Regime's Bankruptcy,"
22 November 1965, the refugees from
Cuba represent a cross section of
the Cuban society. Among those
arriving in Miami are farmers,
skilled and unskilled laborers,
and teachers. The only notable
variation from a true cross section
has been that a larger than normal
percentage has consisted of students,
mothers and children; obviously the
Cuban worker has sent his family
out first for their own protection,
hoping to join them later when he
can.
Tricontinental OAS Attacks AALAPSO
Organization's
"Flagrant Vio- On 28 November 1966
Zations of UN the Council of the
Principles Organization of
American States (OAS)
adopted a report prepared by a Special
Committee (known as Lavalle Committee,
for its chairman) assigned to study
the activities of the Afro-Asian-
Latin American Peoples' Solidarity
Conference held in Havana in January
1966. The lengthy report (175 pp. in
its English version) is being dis-
tributed by the OAS to all members
of the UN. Copies are also being
widely distributed to United States
posts abroad by the Department of
State (Circular Airgram to all posts
#4254 of 5 December 1966.)
The report is a complete study
of the proceedings of the Tri-
Continental Conference and of the
organizations which grew in its
wake, such as the Committee on Viet-
nam, the Liberation Committee, the
Latin American Solidarity Organization,
the Latin American Students' Congress
and Organization, etc. It emphasizes
that these organizations constitute a
permanent apparatus to foment subver-
sion throughout the world.
Among its recommendations the
Special Committee urged all member
states of the OAS to maintain careful
vigilance over the activities of
AALAPSO, and to renew their efforts
to secure the cooperation of friendly
countries in the suspension of trade
and of sea transportation with Cuba.
This is a very strong, forthright
report which will. be useful for propa-
ganda purposes over a long period of
time. Stations in the countries
involved in the GAS or AALAPSO should
arrange for propaganda assets to
obtain copies of the report through
the local government, through the
local U.S. Embassy, or by request to
Headquarters.
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r oak (Briefly Noted.)
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Nicholas Poppe, "The Destruction of Buddhism in the USSR," in the
July 1956 issue of the Bulletin of the Institute for the Study of
the USSR, Munich
Nicholas Poppe, "The Buddhists in the USSR," in the booklet "Religion
in the USSR" published in July 1960 by the Institute for the Study
of the USSR
Anon., "Buddhism in Communist Policy," in the 5 December 1965 issue
of "Thought," New Delhi (copy attached)
Anon., "Marxism and Buddhism: Are They Compatible?" from the 24
January 1965 issue of "The Ceylon Observer" (copy attached)
Anon., "The Great Incompatibles," (British issuance) 1965 (copy at-
tached)
Gordon Tate, "Soviet Double-talk on Buddhism," (British issuance)
1965 (copy attached)
Anon., "Buddhist Studies at Halle University," in the 1 November
1966 issue of "Freiheit," Halle, East Germany (copy attached)
_7Buddhists and Politics," an editorial in the 14 November
Bangkok Post" (see "Press Comment" for 1 December, p. 33)
Shamba Balinov, "The Kalmyk Buddhists," in the collection entitled
"Genocide in the USSR" published by the Institute for the Study of
the USSRk Scarecrow Press, N.Y., 1958.
Nicholas Poppe, "The Buddhists," in "Genocide in the USSR"
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S06" (1086.)
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The American Negro Reference Book, edited by John P. Davis; 1966,
Prentice-Hall, Ind., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey.
Daedalus. "The Negro American," Fall 1965. (Journal of the American
Academy of Arts and Sciences, Harvard University, Cambridge,
Massachusetts)
The Negroes in the United States: Their Economic and Social Situation;
Bulletin No. 1511, June 1966, United States Department of Labor.
The Negro Family: The Case for National Action; March 1965; Office of
Policy Planning and Research, United States Department of Labor.
Freedom to the Free - Century of Emancipation; A Report to the Presi-
dent from the United States Commission on Civil Rights; February
1963.
Negro Marketing Information; September 1966; United States Department
of Commerce.
The United States on the Eve of the Civil War (As Described in the 1860
Census); U.S. Civil War Centennial Commission; 1963.
America is for Everybody; United States Employment Service, Department
of Labor, 1963.
Message from The President of the United States: Elimination of Racial
Discrimination; April 28, 1966; (Document No. 132, House of Repre-
sentatives, 89th Congress, Second Session.)
Material for Countering Negative Stereotypes About the U.S. Held by
Latin American Students (pages 57 to 75, "Racial Discrimination");
September 1966; USIA, Office of Policy and Research; R-118-66.
Fifty-Third Annual Report, U.S. Department of Labor (Fiscal Year 1965);
published 1966, U.S. Government Printing Office.
The Negro American; (IRS Background Facts, Series of Reports compiled
by the Research and Reference Service; United States Information
Agency).
The Second American Revolution: A First-Hand Account of the Struggle for
Civil Rights, by Anthony Lewis; 1966.
"Communist China and the American Negro," by David E. Lockwood; SAIS
Review; (School of Advanced International Studies) Autumn 1966.
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"The Meaning of 'Black Power'', by James E. Jackson, New Times,
September 28, 1966.
"Harlem's America," The New Leader; September 26, 1966, (from the U.S.
Senate Subcommittee examining the "Federal Role in Urban Problems.";
August/September 1$66.
La Vida by Oscar Lewis. Random House, 1966.
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1088. RE-STALINZATION, OVERT AND DISGUISED
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SITUATION: The Brezhnev-Kosygin regime is accelerating its efforts
to portray Stalin more favorably. Moreover, it is succeeding in doing so
without attracting the kind of attention which the Free World has paid
to important political developments in the past and without as yet arous-
ing such overt internal opposition as cropped up earlier in 1966 when
leading intellectuals objected to the Stalin-like handling of the Sinyavsky-
Daniel case in February and to the rumored move by Brezhnev to rehabili-
tate Stalin at the 23rd Congress of the CPSU. Some recent developments
such as the postponement of the All-Union Writers' Congress, snags in
effecting economic reform, and the suspected intrusion of the RIS in
foreign affairs appear to reflect a form of Stalinism. Nevertheless,
re-Stalinization in any degree should cause concern to everyone who wish-
fully thought that Stalin's influence was practically eliminated by
Khrushchev's campaign of 1956-64.
In 1965 and early 1966 discussions in the Soviet press sanctioned
the basic policies and decisions of Stalinism in the centralization of
economic controls, priority for heavy industry at the expense of consumer
welfare, collectivization of agriculture, and restrictions of cultural
freedom; but not until November and December 1966 did the press provide
abundant evidence that Stalin's image is being recast. Favorable comments
have appeared in almost all the major Soviet newspapers, in sharp con-
trast to the negligible treatment of Stalin during the past 2 years and
in even sharper contrast to the criticism of him under Khrushchev.
Stalin is praised for his revolutionary activities; he is given a share
of the credit for military victories and excused from some of his mis-
takes in World War II; some of the black marks against Stalin in the
1930's have been partially erased; implicitly, he is depicted as not so
bad and even as considerate. The appearance of these articles confirms
the trend towards a retreat from Khrushchev's anti-Stalin campaign,
which has been detected in the press since at least March 1965. (See
BPG Item 1049, "Stalin's Unruly Ghost"; also unclassified attachment
for survey of recent press coverage of this subject).
Indirect reminders of Stalin are seen in other recent developments.
A slowdown in economic reform (reform, in effect, of Stalin's model) has
been suspected during almost all of 1966 and was confirmed by the tem-
porary halt of the transfer of factories to the "new system" as announce-
in the ECONOMIC GAZETTE in issue #35, 1966. In another possible reflec-
tion of the effect of this slowdown, the ratification of the Five-Year
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Plan is already months overdue and will probably not be accomplished
until well into 1967 because of significant revisions in the plan.
In the realm of ideology there are signs of Stalin-like arbitrari-
ness. Most notable is the probable further postponement of the oft-
postponed and long-overdue All-Union Congress of the Writers' Union.
This Congress, according to PRAVDA of 19 Sept. 66, was scheduled for
sometime before the end of this year. Its postponement; suggests that
the regime is unwilling to risk unpleasant incidents, especially writers'
protests against the punishment of Sinyavsky and Daniel. Another ideo-
logical development is the Soviet leaders' renewed efforts to inculcate
youth with unquestioning obedience in the Stalinist manner.
The recent arrest of U.S. citizen Valdimir Komarek-Kazan in Czecho-
slovakia is clearly indicated to be the work of the RIS. This flagrant
abuse of the rights of Komarek-Kazar_ was committed at a time when Czech
relations with the U.S. and the West in general were showing signs of
improving markedly. Such abusive behavior during periods of improving
relations has been observed in the past (see attachment) and it may well be
more than gumshoe clumsiness. There appears to be a clear affinity
between such behavior and the Stalinist tendency to guard against good
relations with the West.
The significance of the changed treatment of Stalin is difficult to
assess. However, it is reasonable to consider some possible explana-
tions. For instance, the leaders may believe it necessary to correct
their youth's "misunderstandings" about the Stalin era and thereby try
to reduce the current widespread apathy. Another plausible explanation
is that there is an unpublicized factional dispute in which some leaders
are using Stalinism in their own behalf against others. One factor may
be that, since the 50th anniversary of the Soviet regime is coming up,
it cannot escape notice that 30 of the 50 years were years of Stalin; the
Soviet regime is afraid to repudiate such a large part of its past, and
has decided instead to try to refurnish its Stalinist history. Whatever
the explanation, any further moves to reinterpret Stalin's past can only 25X1C10 b
cause Soviet citizens to be concerned for their own future.
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LWORMPF (1088 Cont.)
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December 1966
Chile: Frei's Reforms and Castro's Attacks
The second anniversary of the inauguration of the Eduardo Frei
administration in Chile was observed on 3 November 1966. It is not
difficult to recall the concern with which the 1964 elections were
viewed at the time: "The most important election in contemporary
Latin American history," one newspaper titled the story. The crucial
factor in the election was that Frei confronted the candidate of a
Communist-Socialist united front, Salvador Allende. Had Allende won,
it would have been the first time in history that a united front in
which the Communists were the dominant element came to national power
through free, democratic elections. However, on 4 September 1964
the Chilean people gave Frei 56%o of the vote, Allende 391, and a
third cand.5.date 5%. This was the first time in 50 years that a Chilean
presidential candidate had received such a large majority of the popu-
lar vote. In the preceding three elections no candidate had received
the required 50% and Congress had had to choose between the top two.
It was also the first election victory in Latin America for the Chris-
tian Democrats.
The central issue on which Frei had based his electoral campaign
had been his promise to carry out a "Revolution in Liberty" -- an
economic-social transformation of the country. Two of the constitu-
tional six years of Frei's presidency have now passed and it is
possible to take stock of the direction and progress of his adminis-
tration.
On the domestic front, a beginning has been made in tackling the
major economic problems facing the country. Essentially what Frei
promised during the election campaign was economic growth more rapid
than attained under the preceding administrations; within this a.trlos-
phere of growth, a redistribution of income in favor of poorer ele-
ments of the population; a major program of agrarian reform, conceived
primarily in terms of social equity, but also to bring about increasing
agricultural production; a major reform of the educational system to
provide greater social and economic mobility and to foster national
growth by means of a better prepared population; and a major housing
program to provide greater social equity and to stimulate economic
growth.
Gross national product has grown at the rate of 5.5% per annum
or better during 1965 and 1966, in contrast to rates of 1.41 and 4.0%
during 1963 and 1964. As a necessary condition to self-sustaining
growth, a principal economic objective has been to create an atmos-
phere of financial stability in which price inflation can be brought
under control and gradually eliminated. This task is formidable in
Chile where the cost of living has increased at an average rate of
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33 per cent per year since 1950. The Frei administration started a
broad program of financial reforms designed to reduce the rate of
inflation from the 38% registered in 1964 to 25% in 1965, 15% in
1966, 10% in 1967 and below 10% in 1968. The target for 1965 was
barely missed: the year end data shoved an increase of 25.9%. Un-
fortunately, 1966 was less successful and the rate is now estimated at
about 25%, well above the planned. 15%. Since the poor, the illiterate,,
the unskilled and the unemployed suffer most from chronic inflation,
reducing the rate is a direct gain for them, and there has been a
rise in well being for the majority of the population and some redis-
tribution of income in favor of the lower classes and an improvement
in their living standards.
The Chilean government has made substantial improvements in the
tax structure and particularly in the administration of tax collec-
tions which produced an increase in real terms of 24% in 1965 over
1964 and is continuing at a similar rate of increase for 1966. Sub-
stantial progress has been made in tackling the shortcomings in edu-
cation in the form of new school construction, teacher training, and
increased enrollment. Frei's program for the "Chileanization" of the
copper industry has passed through the legislature and the conclusion
of final accords with the major producing companies in the very near
future will result in the beginning of a five-year, half-billion
dollar investment in this industry. Only a modest start has been made
in the major program of agrarian reforms; a law has been drafted and
submitted to Congress where it is still tied up in bitter debate.
Indeed, many of Frei's programs have been delayed by the Congress.
While the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) enjoys an overwhelming
majority of 82 out of 147 in the Chamber of Deputies, it is plagued
by its minority representation of only 13 out of 45 in the Senate.
In the field of foreign affairs, the Frei government has essen-
tially followed the traditional, and basic, Chilean foreign policies.
However Frei has given them a new flair characterized by greater inter-
national-mindedness, awareness of his responsibility as Latin America's
Christian Democratic leader, and a determination to be more influ-
ential in world councils for the cause of peace. In the first days
of the government, great stress was laid on the independence of Chile's
foreign policies, usually emphasizing rather than minimizing differ-
ences with the United States. This, however, has gradually toned
down in pragmatic recognition of the real and large community of interest
between the two countries. The Chilean government has tended to re-
gard the Cold War in terms of a great power struggle between the U.S.
and the Communist Bloc. In an effort to extricate itself from this
conflict and to pursue a "third course," Chile has established or
renewed diplomatic relations with the USSR and five Soviet bloc states
of Eastern Europe and looks to expanded trade, aid, and cultural
relations with these countries. However, the Frei government clearly
considers itself a "Western nation" and its "third course" is not one
of neutralism a la Egypt.
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In Latin America, the Frei government has strongly pushed for an
expanded Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) and for even-
tual merger of the LAFTA with the Central American Common Market.
President Frei has taken a strong personal lead in these issues, and
has worked particularly closely with President Lleras of Colombia in
backing economic integration in Latin America.
Chile's relations with Cuba have greatly altered during the two
years of Frei's administration. At first the government advocated
"peaceful coexistence" with Cuba in the rather fuzzy belief that
Communism in Cuba would soon collapse of its own weight if left alone
and that actively opposing Castro only served to bolster his position
in that country. It soon became evident that this argument was un-
tenable, however, and the Chileans thereafter turned to hopes that
Cuba would return to the inter-American system and that relations
could be normalized whenever Castro's government met its obligations
to respect human rights and to stop intervening in the affairs of its
neighbors.
However the declaration of guerrilla war against virtually all
Latin American governments which issued from the Tri-Continental
Conference at Havana in January 1966 led Chile to join with the other
Latin American states in denouncing the Conference and its advocacy
of intervention and insurgency in a protest to the United Nations.
This resulted in a bitter and vitriolic personal attack on 13 March
1966 by Castro against President Frei, calling him a "liar" and
"reactionary." The attack was triggered off by President Frei's com-
plaint on March 11 that the Tri-Continental Conference was partly to
blame for strikes and disturbances in Chilean copper mines, particu-
larly at the El Salvador mine where eight people were killed in a
clash between striking miners and soldiers. Frei claimed that the
conference had inspired the Chilean Communist and Socialist Parties
to stir up trouble in the mining areas in order to disrupt government
plans for reform and so discredit claims that change could come about
in Latin America under a democratic regime.
In his speech to university students on 13 March, Castro called
President Frei "a coward who abuses power and hurls troops against the
workers," a "vulgar politician who tried to justify his bloody action
by blaming the Tri-Continental Conference." Castro openly raised the
specter of armed struggle in Chile: Cuban leaders, he said, believed
that "in the long run" opponents of imperialism, the oligarchies and
the bourgeoisie would take the road of "armed struggle" and sooner or
later the Chilean workers would be convinced of its necessity. To
help the process along, Havana Radio instituted, at the end of March
1966, a new daily program "designed especially for the people of Chile,"
called "The People's Revolution versus Bourgeois Reformism." Pro-
duced by Chileans living in Cuba, the program provides a steady flow
of calumny against President Frei.
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In recent months Frei seems to have become Castro's pet hate and
the latter seldom makes a major speech without vilifying the Chilean
Presidant. In a speech delivered on 26 July 1966 Castro labelled
Frei as a "spoiled child of the imperialists" and head of a "pro -
imperialkt government" who "seeks to cover himself with the figleaf of
a false liberty." "It is our duty to warn the socialist countries
against Frei's hypocrisy, against Frei's flirting, because the prosti-
tute will not turn virtuous just because come of her flirtation re-
ceives attention."
Castro devoted almost an hour of a marathon four and a half hour
speech on 29 August 1966 to the Cuban Workers' organization to an
attack on Frei, challenging him to compare grogress in Cuba with
progress in Chile. According to Castro, Frei "was elected as the
result of a campaign of slanders...He terrrorized the people. He was
elected with an overwhelming avalanche of Yankee and West German finan-
cial contributions. He has done absolutely nothing and he will do
absolutely nothing...That man will go down in history without glory
and without honor... Frei will help the Chilean revolution the same way
Batista helped the Cuban revolution... We said that we did not want to
take up this matter with that failure, that coward, that thwarted man...
Right now there is a scandal in Chile; Frei's government is a failure.
It is compromised to imperialism. It is a tool of the counterrevolu-
tion...Frei is a revolutionary just as Louis XVI was in France."
Castro's attacks have caused increasing difficulties for Chile's
extreme left, which has long been dominated by the FRAP (Popular
Action Front), the united front of the Communist (PCCh) and Socialist
(PS) parties. The PCCh has always been a relatively moderate Communist
party and a long-time advocate of the peaceful road to power and its
allegiance has been entirely to Moscow in the Sino-Soviet dispute. In
keeping with the friendly Soviet-Chilean diplomatic relations, the
PCCh has supported the Frei administration on selected issues and has
eschewed all calls to violent revolution, including those emanating
from Havana. The Socialists who have traditionally been more
radical than the PCCh, on the other hand, appear increasingly to
despair of attaining power by democratic means, oppose Frei on every
issue, and have become increasingly stronger advocates of revolutionary
violence. Castro has directly and indirectly attacked the PCCh for
its lack of revolutionary elan. In the 26 July speech Castro had
labeled the Chilean Communists as "pseudo-revolutionaries" for allegedly
favoring Soviet economic aid to the Frei regime. Radio Havana, on
3 September, featured a thinly veiled attack on the Chilean Communists,
railing against "leftist leaders who have lost their revolutionary
ardor." Leaders of this sort, it said, "have stopped 'rein revolutionaries
but since they have not gone over to the enemy, and since they remain
in their old organizations and speak a Marxist language, it is neces-
sary to classify them in some way. The title of pseudo-revolutionaries
seems to fit them very well."
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In contrast, Castro has gone out of his way to praise the Chilean
Socialist Party. A Castro letter to the PS Secretary General, dated
7 August, heaped praise on the Socialist Party four its "courageous,
clear, and without any hesitation, internationalist and revolutionary
attitude" toward Cu'ba."
These divergent positions within the FRAP have led to increasing
rumors of splits within that coalition, but so far they are only rumors.
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0
_
Following are excerpts from a
Malaysian Government White Paper entitled:
THE MILITANT COMMUNIST
THREAT TO WEST MALAYSIA
(Published by the Government of Malaysia, October 1966)
The purpose of this White Paper is to give the people timely warning
of a recent and serious development in the security situation in West Ma-
laysia. This is the emergence of militant and violent forms of Communist
United Front activity, directly controlled and coordinated by the Communist
Party of Malaya from the Malaysian-Thai border.
It is necessary to state clearly that this development forms a vital
part of the overall pattern of Communist aggression and subversion in South-
East Asia, masterminded and directed by Peking. It does not arise from the
frustrations of persons who have been denied constitutional or democratic
processes for the advancement of their political beliefs and aspirations.
It stems from the Communist Party of Malaya, which has the interests of its
Peking masters at heart, and is carried out by people whose loyalties are
not towards the Constitution and who do not care at all for the people of
this country.
The White Paper explains clearly the real signficance of campaigns to
support the Vietcong, and the violence of the propaganda attack against
American involvement in the Vietnam war. These have become dominant themes
in all aspects of the political life of many Communist-penetrated branches
within certain political parties. The reason is obvious. South Vietnam is
the testing ground for Mao Tse-tung's theories of "People's War" and "wars
of national liberation," and victory for the Vietcong will vindicate Pek-
ing's advocacy of aggression and revolution in Asia, Africa and Latin
America. It is the gallant struggle of the South Vietnamese people and
their Government, helped by the American military presence in South Viet-
nam, which stands heroically in the way of Peking's evil aspirations.
Over the years, the Government has taken action from time to time
against persons who have sought to subvert the Constitution and destroy
our democratic way of life. The Government has also made it unmistakably
clear on several occasions that those who allow themselves to become agents
and stooges of the Communists must be prepared to accept the inevitable con-
sequences of their illegal action. With the increasing threat of militant
Communism, it is Government's inescapable duty to take firm and effective
steps to safeguard the security of the country and its people, and this the
Government is doing with the full support of all loyal citizens of this coun-
try.
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(White Paper Cont.)
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AIM
4+. The aim of the White Paper is to outline the serious nature of the
threat to Malaysia's security posed by the Communist Party of Malaya and
the militant policies of its United Front.
Background
6. Whilst it is a fact that the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) ceased
to exist as an effective organisation on Malaysian territory in 1960, it
is also true to say that by then its remnants had established themselves
successfully in remote areas along the Malaysian-Thai border and had sent
their representatives to Peking.
7. Since the end of the Emergency in 1960, the Communist Party of Malaya
has continued to develop a safe base in the Malaysian-Thai border area.
It has also established itself in the international Communist field with
"missions" in Peking and Jakarta. Its representatives have attended many
international Communist Front conferences round the world, and it has an
active group in London which serves to co-ordinate CPM activities in the
Afro-Asian and other spheres of interest.
8. The Communist base along the Malaysian-Thai border was originally
established in 1953 and in the following years various armed units, and
political and propaganda organisations of the CPM, retreated into the com-
parative safety of what is now regarded by the CPM as a series of "liberated
areas."
12. It will be recalled that in mid-1961 the Prime Minister of Malaya first
brought up the idea of the formation of Malaysia to consist of the Federation
of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, Brunei and North Borneo. This idea quickly
developed popular political appeal and negotiations with the British Govern-
ment were instituted in a normal friendly manner. The Republic of Indonesia,
which had a Treaty of Friendship with Malaysia, raised no objections and all
went well until the last days of December 1961 when the Communist Party of
Indonesia, or PKI, held "the Third Plenum of the PKI Central Committee.
13. This meeting called upon the Indonesian people to support "the righteous
patriotic and just resistance of the people of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak,
Brunei and North Borneo against ..............Malaysia." This was later fol-
lowed by D.N. Aidit's statement entitled "Why Indonesian Communists Condemn
Malaysia." The whole theme was later taken up by the then. Indonesian Govern-
ment and the Malaysian public well know how Confrontation developed and how,
three and a half years later, wiser counsels prevailed in ruling Indonesian
circles following the abortive Communist coup on 1 October 65. Needless to
say, PKI connections with Peking, the supply of arms from China, the train-
ing of Communist militants and details of the coup have become matters of
history.
2 (White Paper Cont.)
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15. In January 1965 came the formation of the "Thai Patriotic Front"
based in Red China, and subsequent guerrilla. warfare in North-East Thai-
land. The Malayan National Liberation League mission arrived in Jakarta
a month or two later; and then came the announcement of the formation of
the "Malayan Patriotic Front" in West Malaysia. Soon after the Indonesian
Government took action against the MNLL's Jakarta mission in October 1965,
the CPM representatives in Peking were promoted to the status of "mission"
and have taken over many of the MNLL Jakarta's international tasks.
16. In late 1964 and throughout 1965 the Communist directed National Front
for the Liberation of South Vietnam stepped up considerably its militant
struggle against the Government of South Vietnam, and regular soldiers of
the North Vietnam regime crossed the border in great strength to escalate
the war still further.
17. All this is background to what is going on today in South Vietnam.
It is there that the Communists spearhead undisguised aggression into South-
East Asia and, as will be seen later in the Paper, military action against
the United States in South Vietnam is paralleled by co-ordinated support from
the Communist United Fronts in the free countries of South-East Asia.
THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF MALAYA
18. The CPM operates through two illegal organisations:
(a) The Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA), which is responsible
for the armed struggle; and
(b) The Malayan National Liberation League (MNLL), which is responsible
for the constitutional struggle and certain aspects of the illegal, or
"militant," struggle.
22. There are at present between five and six hundred armed members of the
Communist Terrorist Organisation on this border. They are well trained,
fully indoctrinated with Communism and serve as a symbol of the armed strug-
gle ready for use should the necessity arise. In addition to these, the
CPM has been busy giving guerrilla training to youths in the border area and
up to one thousand of them form a reserve which may be embodied at short
notice.
23. That the Communist Terrorist Organisation is still very much a force
to be reckoned with was illustrated on 7 August 66 by the ambush of fifteen
members of the combined Malaysian-Thai Security Forces, ten of whom were
killed and the remainder wounded. Let this serve as a reminder to be vigi-
lant. The CPM may well take advantage of any deterioration in the political
or military situation in South Vietnam to launch a renewed armed struggle in
West Malaysia.
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THE COMMUNIST UNITED FRONT BACKGROUND
24. When the CPM decided to mount its armed revolution in June 1948 it with-
drew into the jungle all the cadres in its United Front. The immediate re-
sult was an almost total collapse of the Trade Union Movement and the complete
disappearance of many bogus "nationalist" organisations.
25. From 1951 onwards the CPM has been endeavouring to stage a come-back
through the formation of a series of Communist directed and controlled satel-
lite organisations. The Communist aim is to establish a United Front in the
political, social, economic and educational fabric of the State through which
it hopes to form somehow a Communist Republic of Malaya (including Singapore).
CURRENT POLICY OF THE COMMUNIST UNITED FRONT
26. Since early 1964 the Communist United Front has paid less and less at-
tention to its so-called "constitutional struggle" and has developed what it
has called "a South Vietnam atmosphere" of illegal "militancy."
27. What is this "militancy," and how does it differ from the "legal" strug-
gle and the "armed struggle" The answer is in a secret Communist document
dated 20 March 1965 recovered from an Executive Committee Member of a Partai
Rakyat Branch in Perak. This states:
Methods of Struggle: These are: intense struggle or mild struggle,
mass struggle or parliamentary struggle, violent struggle or peaceful
struggle. The application of the method of struggle depends on the re-
actionaries, the political fervour of the people and the comparison of
strength between the enemy and ourselves. It is necessary to substitute
rapidly one method with another in accordance with changes in the objec-
tive situation and make flexible use of methods according to necessity
....(We) should now adopt the violent method of struggle and make suf-
ficient preparations."
29. .... On 13 February 65 (an) illegal procession organised by the Social-
ist Front (prepared) through the streets of Kuala Lumpur. This illegal demon-
stration has proved to be the prototype for Communist "militancy" and Commu-
nist Front Organisations throughout West Malaysia have been constantly urged
to carry out similar illegal displays.
31. With the war in South Vietnam reaching a crucial stage there has been in-
creasing evidence of carefully planned Communist co-ordination on an inter-
national scale.
32. In early 1966, a call by the Peking Communist bloc and their sympathisers
to step up activities against the United States of America, particularly against
American intervention in Vietnam, was made at the Communist -organised Tri-Con-
tinential Peoples Solidarity Conference in Havana when a resolution was passed.
"Appealing to all people to render moral support to Vietnam in every
way by holding demonstrations, taking part in rallies and by organising
'Aid Vietnam' weeks."
33. The Afro-Asian Writers' Emergency Meeting held in Peking, which ended on
9 July, further coordinated anti-US activity in the region. In fact, it
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11 (White Paper Cont.)
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34. .... the Writers Emergency Meeting's final communique had this to say:
"The Meeting .... extends whole-hearted support to the
armed struggles and all other forms of patriotic struggles
against imperialism headed by the United States in Laos, Thai-
land, Malaya (including Singapore), North Kalimantan, Indonesia."
A member of a secret Communist underground organisation within Partia
Rakyat Perak, had this to say after arrest:
"I joined the Secret Organisation in 1960 at Malim Nawar
.... my Directing Figure told me to pay attention to local po-
litical affairs and to elevate my status in Partai Rakyat. I
was told specifically to work my way up in the Party .... and
to talent spot suitable members for the Secret Organisation.
I was told to control the 'X' Section at State level so that
I could pass on the views and directions of the Secret Organ-
isation; in this respect I was quite successful...."
45. This particular person has taken a major part in the militant acti-
vities of MPSF branches in Central Perak and claims to have carried a red
flag during the 13 February 65 demonstration in Kuala Lumpur.
46. As mentioned previously the 13 February 65 demonstration was the
prototype for further similar demonstrations. About two hundred Perak
MPSF (Malayan Peoples Socialist Front) officials and members were known
to have participated in this demonstration. Directives were issued to
convene meetings to analyse the demonstration, which was subsequently up-
held as a "Socialist success" to be used as the basis for future mass
struggle.
47. The Perak MPSF used to publish a monthly organ called the "Berita
Rengkas." The various issues of this publication contained Communist
United Front arguments and propaganda calling for the destruction of
Malaysia and emphasising the necessity to adopt a more militant form of
struggle.
49. Despite the Government's ban on public assemblies during the worst
part of Confrontation, the LPM and PRM Perak, since early July 1965, have
held more than twenty-five illegal public rallies and concerts. The inten-
tion of holding the illegal rallies and concerts was not only for the dis-
semination of Communist propaganda but was also to invite Police retaliation
and thus to provoke clashes between the Police and members of the public.
50. The MPSF Perak achieved a degree of success when on three occasions
during their illegal concerts, they managed to incite their members and sup-
porters to clash with the Police. The last showdown with the Police was on
28 November 65 at Malim Nawar, and resulted in the death of a Committee
member of the LPM Malim Nawar Branch.
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51. The death of this Committee member was quickly exploited by the LPM
Perak United Front cadres. Seditious pamphlets, accusing the Alliance
Government of killing the Committee member, were distributed throughout
the country and other LPM State Divisions were urged to hold protest
meetings. On 7 January 66 Police arrested eleven of the leading agita-
tors. Twelve others, however, escaped arrest and went into hiding, in-
cluding a number of important Communist United Front cadres who had been
mainly responsible for organising the militant form of mass struggle.
They are still living underground.
52. Communist United Front workers ... continue to advocate a more mili-
tant form of struggle. They sent about seventy (of their) members ...
to participate in a ten-minute anti-American demonstration in Kuala
Lumpur on 8 March 66 during which the American International Assurance
Building in Ampang Road was stoned. They also sent about one hundred
members to participate in the "Aid Vietnam Against American Aggression"
demonstration in Penang on 24 June 66.
53. Over forty illegal rallies, concerts and demonstrations of a militant
nature have been held in Perak, Penang, Johore, Malacca, Selangor and
Kedah during the last eighteen months.
55. The Government now wishes to state clearly that CPM penetration and
influence within certain political parties has been neither haphazard nor
indirect. On the contrary, the CPM has established for some time a system
of direct contact with certain politicians.
56. These politicans, and others, have been invited to the Malaysian-Thai
border area where they have been taken into the jungle and have undergone
a "baptism of revolution."
58. Upon arrival, they were warmly received and entertained by the leaders
of the CPM local organisations and were invited to take part in concerts
and political forums. They were also taken round the Communist Terrorist
armed units, and the armoury, and asked to read the CPM's propaganda ma-
terials such as the "Liberation News" issued by the MNLL and miscellaneous
manifestoes. In addition, the CPM made use of the services of the local
population in the area to bring food and drinks for its visitors. All these
entertainments were designed to give a deep and lasting impression to its
guests that there exists in the border area a "People's Armed Force," that
there is "full co-operation between the Communists and the local populace"
and that a "Liberated Area" has been established.
6 (White Paper Cont.)
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61. These "baptisms of revolution" are very much in line with CCP ex-
perience in Yenan during the 1930s when it set up a university in the
liberated area for training youths in United Front activity. It appears
that the CPM, which has always drawn on CCP experience, is turning what
it calls its "liberated areas" on the Malaysia-Thai border into another
"Yenan in miniature" so as to attract and influence Communist sympathisers
in West Malaysia.
64+. It is manifestly clear from the wealth of evidence disclosed in this
White Paper that growing Communist militancy in Malaysia, and in the free
countries of South-East Asia, is closely connected, and skilfully co-
ordinated, with Communist aggression against the Republic of Vietnam.
Thus, it is in this perspective that the revival of the militant Commu-
nist threat to West Malaysia should be studied.
65. Since the, end of the First Emergency on 31 July 60 the Communist
Party of Malaya has undergone a period of streamlining, retraining and
reindoctrination. It has established a series of safe bases, or what it
calls "liberated areas," along the Malaysian-Thai border and poses a major
threat to the security of this country.
66. The CPM has a nucleus of between five and six hundred well-trained
guerrillas and a reserve of about one thousand young men who are available
for full time service if required. These people pose a straightforward
military threat and clearly could be used aggressively should Peking so
require. Moreover, the CPM may well take advantage of any deterioration
in the political or military situation in South Vietnam to launch a re-
newed armed struggle in West Malaysia.
67. The recent outbreak of "militancy" within the Communist United Front,
especially in Perak, is not the work of frustrated politicans with no
avenues left for "constitutional struggle," but is carried out on the
directions of the Communist Party of Malaya. These directives are con-
veyed by personal contact and through "baptisms of revolution" for poli-
ticians and others in jungle camps along the Malaysian-Thai Border.
68. Furthermore, the Communist exploitation of anti-American sentiments,
encouragement of chauvinist feelings towards education and the National
Language, and thinly disguised Communist approaches to unsophisticated
kampong (neighborhood) folk are all part of the Communist plan to win sup-
port by fraudulent means from the people of this country. These campaigns
are neither based on sound argument nor conducted for any altruistic motives
but are operated with the single aim of furthering the Communist cause.
69. Aware that the people of this country have a right to be protected
from blatant Communist subversion the Government considers the time has come
to take preventive action now against all forms of illegal "militancy" and
to put an end to these "baptisms of revolution."
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 C.P
fr 9 elease 199O/21. : CIA-RDP78-030
Ingapore an a aysia:
A Divorce of Inconvenience
YRGHT
CPYRGHT
gg1i O804001U70OG5tgat ncithei
would enter into any treaty or agree-
ment with any third country damag-
ing to the interests of the other.
From this point of departure, he as-
sailed the Lee Kuan Yew govern-
ment in the bitterest terms and
outlined the measures Kuala 12ur could take to bring it to its
polt-r SWETTENHAM, which serves per cent of Indonesia's exports went nees. o ertCrT+~
Kuala Lumpur and its develop- to Singapore; next to the Malayan ham wharves, he said, "We caii
lug industrial satellite at Petaling hinterland, Indonesia was also Sin build storage tanks here and divert
Jaya, is poorly located and designed. gapore's best customer. Tongkangs all our shipments of latex and palm
Its berthing and turning operations. that came laden with smallholders' oil away from Singapore. We can do
are difficult, its shore installations rubber and other produce from the it and we will if Singapore behaves
confined, and it lacks the banking Indonesia archipelago went back like this."
and insurance and other invisible bulging with consumer goods. Since Malaya's rubber exports,
but essential commercial machinery By adroit manipulation of ship which amount to about forty per
that have helped Singapore main- registration, the flying of flags of cent of the world's supply, tradition.
rain its place as one of the world's convenience, and other means, the ally" go through Singapore, such a
great international seaports. Singapore traders, in connivance diversion would indeed be a certain
But Kuala Lumpur can no longer with their partners in Indonesia, way of destroying the island's' eco-
depend on Singapore. Its unrealistic succeeded unofficially in slipping nomic hopes. "If you were to do
expectation that things would get through some of the confrontation that," I said, "you would cause the
better after Singapore's expulsion barriers, although the trade statistics economic collapse of Singapore and
from Malaysia last August has not in both countries were careful not 'force a Communist take-over."
been fulfilled. Relationships that to reveal the fact. Nevertheless, Sin- "I'd rather have the Communists
were accepted as mutually conve- gapore's total trade dropped from than Lee Kuan Yew," said the Cab-
nient and expedient before the mar- $2.4 billion in 1960 to just over $2 inet Minister. "We've dealt with
riage have proved distasteful since ' billion in 1964, a reverse that it the Communists once and can do it
the divorce. Thus, instead of restor. could afford less than ever once its again. Lee Kuan Yew is worse than
ing the status quo ante, which Teng- expectations of a Malaysian com-. the Communists."
ku Abdul Rahman, the Malaysian mon market were dashed by its ex-
pulsion from the #ederation. N THE EVENT, Singapore's efforts
Prime Minister, fondly hoped would
I
be the case, the separation has only It then hoped, somewhat optimis- to persuade the Indonesia barter
tically, to pick up trade worth be- traders to risk their necks alon the
A
created new divisive trends. Instead
$30 million and $60 million policed corridor leading to ulau
of the collaboration that their joint tween
turning the island of Pu- Sedang have proved no more fruit-
and separate problems demand, a year by
lau Senang, a former penal colony fit] than its attempts to reassure
Kuala Lumpur and Singapore have
twelve miles from the main Kuala Lumpur. Early in January,
embarked on a form of competitive some
island of Singapore, into a barter Tengku Abdul Rahman described
coexistence that is potentially disas-;
with the proviso that the the barter plan as a hostile act and
trous, not merely to themselves but center, ?
Indonesia traders would not have said that Malaysia was prepared "to
to all non-Communist interests in
to Singapore proper. They use peaceful methods" to stop such
were to be confined to a nar- a move. "Singapore must realize the
[hider the Barrier row policed channel and were per prosperity of Singapore very much
Southeast Asia. access long as took
Recently I visited Port Swettenham mitred to land only on designated' depends on goods which come from
with some friends and a Malaysian and supervised stretches of the here," he said.
Cabinet Minister and his wife. shore; they could remain only so On January 23, Tan Siew Sin, the
In-
it k to make their trans-, Malaysian Finance Minister, said
cvitably, the conversation turned
before being ushered out that a ministerial committee had
to some of the more pressing
through the same channel. As Sin- made a special study of Singapore's
problems of the region. I had just
gapore saw it, these precautions, separation from Malaysia and con-
come from Singapore, where the Lee
eluded that the export of Malaysia's
coupled with increased naval pa-
Kuan Yew government, in urgent
rubber could be diverted from Sin-
trols, would take care of Kuala Lum-,`
quest of means to cope with the un-
ore to ports on the mainland. As
par's fears that the trade might pro- gap
expected economic burdens caused
chairman of the committee, Tan
vide a cover for the smuggling of
by its expulsion, had begun to take
men and weapons into Malaysia. told an interviewer: "A customs or
overt steps to resume its trade, spe-
cifically its barter trade, with Indo- But this was not the view of the der on one sheet of paper would do
nesia. Malaysian Cabinet Minister. He the trick. If it came to a push I think
Before President Sukarno's policy regarded Singapore's attempt to re- we could stop every pound of rub.
of " nfrontation" officially ended sume barter trade as a breach of the her from going to Singapore."
trad"an lr~f1lffddti ra&~tea&ey1 6i 4agrO s -t7e8t+0~f96IA OO4t30tti}y0pAn. lit not be car.
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tied out that easily. Not is there
any real likelihood, as Tan made
clear in a subsequent statement, that
it will be translated into action. Still,
as symbols of the deteriorating re-
lationship between these two inter-
dependent states whose association
once promised hopes of stability in
the southern tier of Southeast Asia,
the barter controversy and the Port
Swettenham threat are painfully
apposite.
Typical of these new divisive
trends was an even more bitter quar-
rel that developed in February,
when the Second Battalion of the
Singapore infantry regiment that
had been serving in Borneo as part
of the multinational Malaysian se-
curity forces returned home after
completing its tour of duty. Instead
of returning to their permanent
quarters, however, the Singaporean
troops were obliged to pitch tents
because Kuala Lumpur's Royal Ma-
laysian battalion, stationed in Sin-
gapore under the terms of the sepa-
ration agreement, refused to vacate
the Singapore battalion's barracks
until the Singapore government pro.
vided suitable alternative accommo-
dations.
The controversy raised immediate
fears in Singapore that Kuala Lum-
put was trying to turn the island
into a Malaysian satellite. In Kuala
Lumpur the reaction was that Singa-
pore was trying to break the separa-
tion agreement, which in turn raised
new fears in Singapore that Kuala
Lumpur might be tempted to use
military force if Singapore pursued
economic and political policies of
which it disapproved. Fortunately
wiser counsels eventually prevailed,
and in mid-March it was announced
that Singapore had agreed to find
alternative accommodation for the
Malaysian battalion in exchange for
the return of defense equipment
that Malaysia had been holding.
The Hazards of Separation
In retrospect, it is easy to see
that Lee Kuan Yew's vigorous, even
ruthless, approach that proved so
necessary and so effective in the mal-
odorous Sintannore political scene
could not have been translated into
the conservative councils of Kuala
Lumpur without provoking person.
al as well as political animosities.
While Singapore remained a mem-
ber of the federation, however, even
the most violent personal clashes
precipitated by Lee's intellectual su-
periority, arrogance, and drive were
confined to the family circle. To-
day, the causes for conflict not only
remain but have been exacerbated
and raised to the level of interna-
tional quarrels. If Kuala Lumpur
had used force to bend Singapore to
its will a year ago, there would have
been a storm, but it would have
remained an internal matter. Today
such an act would be an act of war.
In a more equable political cli-
, mate, the recognition of the hazards
that separation has raised for both
territories would have led to ex-
pedient co-operation on vital issues.
To expect such pragmatism in
Southeast Asia, however, is utopian
to begin with, and in the case of
Singapore and Kuala Lumpur, it
underestimates the antagonism that
divides the two ruling elites. They
are set on courses which may not
lead to collision but which threaten
to foment the mutually undesirable
conditions that Kuala Lumpur
hoped to avoid first by merger and
later by separation.
To Singapore, Malaysia meant
above all a common market. "One
of the most compelling factors why
we went into Malaysia was because,
we wanted the broader base, so that
industrialization and capital accu-
mulation could take place with less
sacrifice," Lee Kuan Yew told a
Singapore audience. Singapore's con-
tribution of forty per cent of its
revenue to the federal budget was
the price it had to pay for an outlet
for the productive energies and in-
dustrial skills of its population,
which is expanding by four per cent
a year.
But separation resulted in the
imposition of immediate trade and
.tariff barriers. Although It clearly
had the most to lose in any trade
war, Singapore was first off the mark
with the imposition of duties and
quotas on manufactured goods com-
ing from Malaya in competition
with its own industries. Manufac-
turers in Malaya ruefully ' began to
think of suspending operations that
had been initiated only on the
assumption that Singapore's more
active market would be freely avail-
able.
UNDER strong commercial pressures
in both Kuala Lumpur and Sin-
gapore, the two governments agreed
last September 8 to remove quota
restrictions on trade across the cause-
way that links Singapore with the
Malay peninsula. Hope rose high on
October 8 when the Singapore gov-
ernment announced that all obsta-
cles to trade between Singapore and
Malaysia would be eliminated im-
mediately by the lifting of the li-
censing and quantitative restrictions
on commodities contained in the
common market list drawn tip by
the two countries.
These hopes were soon disap-
pointed. The following day, Kuala
Lumpur announced new tariffs to
protect Malaysian manufacturers.
'Forty-eight hours later, Singapore re-
plied with its own list of some 150
protective duties on goods manu-
factured in numerous foreign coun-
tries but also in Malaya.
Singapore went on to pass the
National Reregistration Act, which
is designed to classify all residents of
Singapore as citizens or non-citizens.
Since many thousands of Singapore's
inhabitants have only the vaguest
idea where they were born and even
more frequently are unable to pro.
duce the documentary proof required,
the task is more formidable than
the government anticipated. But the
desired result-the creation of the
machinery to exclude Malaysians
from Singapore citizenship, and also
from the Singapore labor market,
except where they possess useful
professional, technical, or commer-
cial skills-is likely to be achieved.
The Singapore government has no
Intention of throwing out Malay-
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 CPYRGHT
signs &pFpLXpt4ii g R1eatsie 199 A241ip GIA40 ail 06'P 0Ci'04 the
families, but it is determined to halt and other nearby Asian countries. c e^ co?nuol in e i -1950 s,
the flow of thousands of Malaysian One result was that Russian and British worked to create a Malayan
migrants into the island. Since the Yugoslav trade missions agreed to government that would be conserva-
specter of rising unemployment visit Singapore. With one offshore tive and predominantly Malay and
constantly haunts the government, island reserved for the highly con- that would be willing and able to
this restriction on immigration may tentious and evanescent barter co-operate with the leading members
be prudent, but it is also another trade, the Singapore government al- of the Chinese community, who were
of the many steps that have led the so plans to turn another into a tour- likewise conservative. This is pre-
two states to move further and ist playground, complete with dog cisely what has been achieved.
further apart. tracks and "massage parlors." . As the Singapore leaders are well
No one pretends that barter, aware, any conceivable alternative
The Need for a Common Market Russian trade, or the encouragement in Kuala Lumpur at the present
High commodity prices, a seemingly of offshore vice is going to solve would be much worse. If the Malay
assured world appetite for tin, and Singapore's economic problems. Be- ultras ever get their hands on the
a continued demand for rubber tween 15,000 and 25,000 new jobs Malaysian government, there will
have helped to maintain Malaya's must be provided every year. Dr. be no more racial unity, and
prosperity at a level that must Goh Keng Swee, who moved from the Malayan National Liberation
seem to reflect an excessive abun- Finance to Defense after separation, League, which has now established
(lance of riches to most of its Asian says that over the next five years its headquarters in Peking, will find
neighbors. Yet the tin reserves are this goal will require the setting up few obstacles to fomenting a new
limited, and rubber, despite the ef- of about two hundred factories, each war of national liberation.
ficiency of the Malayan plantations employing about two hundred to ? In Singapore the alternative to
and extensive replanting of high- 250 workers and producing two Lee Kuan Yew and the People's Ac
yielding stocks, faces increasing com- hundred different products. Singa- tion Party is Communism. With the
petition from synthetics. The need pore will then need a .002 per cent collapse of the extreme left-win
to industrialize is fully appreciated share of the market of the United Barisan Sosialis Party, the official
in Kuala Lumpur, and the first post States, Britain, Australia, and New opposition, Singapore has become
separation budget was a deliberate Zealand. If the western powers are however temporarily, a one-part
invitation to foreign !capital inter- not prepared to.open their domestic state. Its
Party, ereal o o sition, theven tit
ested in industrial development. markets to industrial goods from There is little likelihood, however, Singapore, he claims, the island's the present ci is rcumstances, however,
that such investments will be forth.. unemployment situation will get out the Communists could probabl
coming in the degree that the coun- of control and open the door for command close to thirty per cent o
try's needs dictate. "The simple pro-Communists to win power in the popular vote. If economic hope
truth is that without a Singapore- Singapore through free elections. are not realized, or if the newl
Malaysia common market there can created Family Planning and Popu
be no industrialization worth speak- ~THILE Singapore will settle for lation Board fails in its ambition
W trade, of," said an unusually frank edi- trade, Malaysia wants aid. In goal of cutting the birth rate fron
torial in the Straits Times, which",\ his budget speech last November, about sixty thousand to thirty thou
is published in both Singapore and 'Tan Siew Sin mentioned $330 mil- sand annually, it scarcely seems po
Kuala Lumpur. "It can only be lion in foreign loans and $300 mil- sible that the People's Action Part
hoped that the ill-conceived trial of 'lion in foreign aid and grants. Tun can remain in power.
strength which has been inaugurated Razak, Malaysia's Deputy Prime Min
HExE is a chance that the Con
will quickly convince the contestants ister and the Tcngku's announced
of their individual puniness, and of heir, subsequently raised the direct- Tmunist alternative car. be avoi -
the great need they have for co- aid ante to more than $600 million. ed. The Tengku and Lee Kuan Ye
operation." It has not clone so. "Thus, more and more, a sense of met in Singapore for a golf matt
The Tengku occasionally talks of unreality pervades the Singapore- and informal. dinner on March 21
what may be if Singapore "has a Malaysian economic and political their first encounter since secessio- .
change of heart," and Tan Siew Sin scene," the Far Eastern Economic The Tengku also invited Lee t
in his Malaysian budget did not Review commented. "It is hard to bring a golf team to Kuala Lumpur
rule out the participation of Singa- see the two countries approaching- for a match with Malayan gover -
pore in a common market, though the West with great success." ment members. This is his custotnat
he insisted that there would have One of the more melancholy as- way of approaching difficult pro -
to be a substantial, though unstated, peels of the situation in both states lems, and it is not impossible th t
quid pro quo. For their part, the is that the government in Kuala a compromise may be worked out . t
Singapore leaders have indicated Lumpur reflects the best hopes of the nineteenth hole. In other par s
that they are not interested in taxa- the British colonial administration of Southeast Asia, the complexity of
tion without representation. of a decade ago; the Singapore gov- the problems often defies solutlo .
After separation, two of Singa- ernment, though different from any- In the Singapore-Kuala Lumpt r
pore's senior Cabinet Ministers visi- thing anyone planned, is also better feud, there is nothing that con I
tedA PIl ,%flA,FaO1 #r~aek>3aPa *i99t9j68 fl'4ne Vl/"CcR piyiY+0S06'1 A Uff UU5r7mon sense.
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MALAYSIA
Looking for an Angel
CPYRGHT
Cling little land that survived twelve vi- ing his own Johnson-style "assault on
munist guerrillas and has gone on to has opened 200,000 acres of new farm-
achieve one of the highest standards of land to 30,000 settlers. Since its found-
living in Asia. Until recently, Malay- ing in 1963, Malaysia has raised the
sians could look forward to continued G.N.P. of its 9.2 million people by an
progress. Now a cloud has fallen over annual average of 71,% .
from nearby Indonesia, Britain is with- nist-inspired civil war that ended in
drawing its 10,000-man military force, 1960. Others are clustered along the
military aid will not be forthcoming. parently have still not got the message
fore leaving on his-trip, the President tiracial, multiculture conglomerate. Bud
sians. He ordered a reduction in U.S. his creation together. Fearful that Sin
sales of stockpiled rubber in order to : gapore's industrious Chinese might
bolster the price and thus help Malaysia, overshadow his own easygoing Malays
which supplies one-third of the world's Abdul Rahman last year expelled the
studying requests for at least a modest Unifying Influence. The Tunku has
amount of economic aid to support Ma- also provoked bitterness in the Borne
laysia's ambitious five-year development states of Sarawak and Sabah, wher
were diverted to a defense buildup to formed head-hunters of the Dyak and
state a compelling case for assistance. ment is a constitutional clause that calls
- n -------- acro - ---- South
Sea to the pleasant Malay highlands- neo states might break away except fo
Asia. The handsome capital of Kuala y velopment aid that the Tunku's govern
^Lumpur is alive with new autos, motor I ment dispenses. That, of course, is the
bikes and eager shoppers; outside the I major reason why Malaysians feel that
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CPYRGHT
OCEAN
MALAYSIA
0 MILES
1000
J
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 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000400070005-7
19 December 1966
Federation of Malaysia - a member of the UN and Commonwealth in South-
east Asia; came into being September 16, 1963, following 2 years of
negotiations and a formal agreement with Great Britain signed July 9,
1963, consenting to relinquish sovereignty over Singapore, Sarawak
(on Borneo) and Sabah (North Borneo) to permit them to federate with
the existing independent Federation of Malaya. Brunei, a small British-
protette-d sultanate on northern Borneo, withdrew during negotiations
over a question of precedence. Formation was opposed by Indonesia and
' Philippines, but a UN inspection team's survey of North Borneo
(Sabah) and Sarawak showed popular support for the merger. Indonesia
haras,seAl the nation with guerrilla action, 1963-65.
Malaysia was defined as a constitutional, parliamentary monarchy
comprised of the nine hereditary sultanates of the Federation of
Malaya, independent since 1957 -- Johore, Kedah, Kenlantan, Negri
Sembilan, Pahang, Perak, Perlis, Selangor and Trengganu -- the two
former British Straits settlements of Penang and Malacca, and the for-
mer British colonies of Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo (renamed
Sabah).
But on August 9, 1965, Singapore announced its separation from
the Federation, under an agreement between Malaysia and Singapore offi-
cials that it was the best way to end tensions between the Chinese,
largest ethnic group in Singapore and in the Federation, and the Malays,
2nd largest group, who were in control of the Federation government.
Malaysia's population, before Singapore's separation, was composed
of: Malays and closely related groups, 40%; Chinese, 42%; Indians and
Pakistanis, 10%; others, 8%. With Singapore's departure, the Malays
became the ethnic majority in Malaysia, with ethnic Chinese totaling
over a third of the population.
On August 9, 1965 the Government of Malaysia announced that terms
had been agreed upon with the Malaysian State of Singapore for the
separation of Singapore from the Federation of Malaysia.
Malaysian Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman thought that Malayan
predominance should be maintained indefinitely with adequate provi-
sions for safeguarding the rights of other races (i.e., the Chinese).
Singapore's Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, held that the special
status of the Malays should be guaranteed only for a specific interim
period, after which time there would be neither special privileges or
special restrictions for any race. Disagreements between the two
leaders on this issue were exacerbated by their personal antagonisms and
by failure to agree on the distribution of territorial revenues. The
severed sections immediately began attempts to undercut one another in
tae foreign trade field (see the Denis Warner article also attached).
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CPYRGHT
The Meaning of "Black Power"
JAMES E. JACKSON
F ROM the Montgomery, Alabama,
Bus Boycott which the Reve-
rend Martin Luther King led in
11)50 to the Freedom March through!
Mississippi which James Meredith
initiated on June 5 this year, the
struggle of Negro Americans to:
secure their citizenship rights to full
political, economic and social equal-
ity has been the most visible battle
banner on the frontier of social
progress In our country for a decade.
Enormous energy has been expend-
ed In great actions of Negroes
and their white supporters in dram-
atizing the demands for equality
and freedom and for an end to
segregation and discrimination, In
these struggles men, women and
youth of the Negro freedom move-
ment have made many sacriflces:
scores have been martyred, thou-
sands have been Imprisoned, schools,
churches and homes have been
bombed.
When contrasted with the situa-
tion that prevailed a decade ago, the Nragro freedom movement can take
justifiable pride in. the significant
gains which its militant struggle
has forced the ruling class to yield.
However, when measured against
the rights which white Americans;
take for granted as their birthright,
and when weighed. against the suf-
fering and sacrifices exacted in the
last decade of hard-fought battles,
the advances which Negro Ameri-
cans have made towards the goal of
equality and freedom have indeed
been Insubstantial.
All of the key indices of their
special oppression remain as before:
Negroes are the most disfranchised
politically, the most jobless and
underemployed economically; in
terms of social well-being, they are
the most deprived-ill-housed, med-
ically uncared for, educationally
and culturally denied; their dignity
as human beings is constantly vio-
lated by anti-Negro slurs and defa-
mation, by the practices and pre-
cepts of the doctrine of white racist,
supremacy.
After a decade of pragmatic'
pursuit of obvious objectives essen-
tial for the attainment of a status
of equality with all other citizens,
the need for a summing-up of ex-
perience and the definition of a
theory of Negro freedom as an aid
and guide to the further develop-,
ment of the movement has become'
a matter of concern to the leader-
ship.
The catch-phrase or slogan 'of
Black Power has emerged as a
rather sensationalized by-product'
of the new endeavours of Negro
leadership to formulate a strategic
and tactical pattern of guide-lines,
to elaborate a theory of the advances
of the Negro freedom movement.
The primary use of the tern),
Black Power was in connection with
the campaigns to boost the registra -1
tion by Negroes for-the right to vote.'
It was also used to describe the con*
sequence of Negroes withholding
their purchasing power against
stores which discriminated against
them; it was used to describe the
potential power of the economic,
boycott In . the tactical armoury of
the local Negro community.
Stokley Carmichael, President of
the Student Non-Violent Co-ordina;
ting Committee, put the phrase
Black Power into sioganized form
during speeches on the 260-mile
Meredith Mississippi Freedom March.
In doing so, he was seeking to gene
ralize certain positive experience of
the Lowndes County, Alabama, Free
dom Organization, which had field-1
ed an all-Negro (Black Panther)'
party in the local elections this year.'
His central emphasis was that Ne-
groes should not hesitate to utilize
situations where they are forced
into a separated majority of the pop-
CPYRGHT
ulatlon "to grasp the political pow-
er in those areas where Negroes.
predominate." Elaborating on this
particular concept behind the phrase
Black Power, the Mississippi Free-
Victoria Gray, said In a press in-
terview: "The MFDP is interested in
consolidating a base of power. In the
black community. This is our con-
cern. But we are not Interested ba-
sically in colour-and we have said
this in our campaign. Our interest is
In changing the political and ' the
economic system of this entire state
and this ultimately involves white
people as well as blacks. But this
does not have to be a contradiction
with the SNCC concept of Black
Power."
r + r
In a declaration printed as an ad
broadside in the New York Times of
July 31, a National Committee of Ne-
gro Churchmen Issued a statement
on Black Power signed by promi-
nent Negro clergymen of major
denomination. They put It that
"powerlessness breeds a race of beg-
gars.... A more equal sharing of
power is precisely what Is required
as the precondition of authentic
human Interaction....
What the "disinherited" must
have, the clergymen pointed but,
was an increased "capacity to par-
ticipate with power-i. e., to have
some organized political and eco-
nomic strength to really influence
people with whom one interacts. , : r
They declared, further, that "Ne-
groes need power in order to partle-
ipate more effectively at all levels of
the life of our nation."
Essentially, there is general agree-
ment among Negro spokesmen
today that the chant "Black Power"
is reflective of a determination, !on
the part of the Negro Freedom
Movement to build up a maximum
strength of united action in all sit-
tuations in which Negroes are the
preponderant number in the total, to
create local bases of political power
and economic strength and thereby
transform their isolated ghettos into
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CPYRGHT
positions of influence, of Black
Power.
This aspect of the concept of
Black Power corresponds very much
to what was stated in the resolution
on the Negro question of the Com-
munist Party. The Communist Par-
ty's statement on the Negro ques-
tion, adopted at its Seventeenth Con-
vention In 1959 and reaffirmed and
amplified at the Eighteenth Conven-
tion this June, said:
"Negro Americans are determined
to build ever closer their unity in
order to wage the struggle even
more militantly to break down all
remaining barnicrs In their exercise
of any and all political, economic
and social rights enjoyed by other
citizens.
"The great masses of Negroes
unite not in order to?separate them-
selves from the life of the country.
They unite to more effectively
employ the strength of their own
numbers and the weight of their al-
"It is a struggle for n just shire seek to effect alliances with the
of representation nationally; it is a comparably disadvantaged whits
struggle for majority rule in those who, are exploited by the ruling
,localities where Negroes are the do- class of monopolist Interests which
minant people in the population." dominate the society.
The Communist Party has long Black Power of Itself is not and
recognized that the struggle to eannol be sufficient to overcome the
create the conditions for the Negro tyranny of the power of the mono-
people to exercise the power In the poly capitalists. Theirs is the power
.areas of their majority is an impor- behind Negro enslavement as w'rll
tant part of the true programme for, as working-class exploitation in the
Negro freedom. Yet, this does not and final analysis. Theirs is the power
cannot satisfy the requirements of that stands astride the path of pro-
the whole of the Negro people. In- tress towards freedom for the Negro
terms of the country as a whole,
Negro Americans are more often
than not cast In a minority situa-
tion; therefore. the fight to guarantee
fullest protection and enforcement,
people and social advance for the na-
tion. To win significant victories
from It will require not only the
maximum united action of the
Negro people but Negro and white
of the equal rights of the minority is working-class unity in allied and co-
no less important to the cause of, ordinated struggle against the com-
Negro freedom. Also, the struggle mon oppressor and in behalf of the
against prejudice and racist practIc common goals of the poor and the
es and the fortiflcation and enforce-
ment of an adequate body of law.
against victimization and discrimi-
nation of individuals because of race
and colour remains an important
part of the prngramme for fulfilling
the rights of the Negro people. In-
deed, the absence of prejudice means
a Negro should enjoy the right to
The National Committee of Negro
Churchmen gave on excellent ex-
pression of this strategic necessity at
seeking a fighting alliance relation-
ship with social forces In the popu-
lation who are objectively "going
our way" in order to fashion the
scale of power required to win. They
said: "We must organize not only
among ourselves but with other
groups In order that we can, togeth-
er, gain power sufficient to change
this nation's sense of what Is nQw
Important and what must be done
now.... We and all other Ameri-
cans are one. Our history and desti-
ny are Indissolubly linked. If the
future Is to belong to any of us, it
must be prepared for all of us, what-
ever our racial or religious back-
grounds. ... We are persons and the
power of all groups must be wielded
to make visible our common humani-
ty."
stances with other parts of the pop-
ulation to level all barriers to their
fullest integration into all aspects of
the economic, political and social life
of the American people as a whole.
They -are forging an internal unity
to facilitate their struggle for inte-
gration as free and equal American
citizens."
And several years in advance of
the current concern with this aspect
of the problem of the movement, the
Communist Party thus formulated
its position:
The Negro people in the United
States must secure their rightful
share of governmental power. In
those urban and rural communities
.where they are the larger part of the
population generally. and in the deep
South areas where they are the larg-
er part of the population partic
ularly, they must constitute the ma-
jority power in government.
"In its essence, therefore, the
struggle for the rights of the Negro,
people is not merely a 'civil rights'
fight, it Is a political struggle for the
power to secure and safeguard the
freedom of a people....
fill any position which he or she is
capable of, regardless of the propor-
tion of Negroes in the given situa-
tion.
The perspective and struggle to es-
tablish Black Power bases of local
political control in the deep South
and metropolitan slums of the North
ought not to be confused with any,'
notions of Negro exclusiveness or
political isolationism.
Such Black Power positions of
strength would prove useful to a'
total strategy for Negro freedom,
only Insofar as they enhanced the ca-
pability of the Negro movement to;
consummate more favourable alli-
ance relations with comparably dis-
advantaged and objectively "anti-
establishment" classes and forces
among the white population. The
mass of Negroes who are poor and
working-class have no choice but to
There are other concepts assoeint-
cd with the discussion about Black
Power which are of significance, to
the further development of i the
practical activity of the mover ent
as well as relating to the theory; of
the freedom movement,'
. One of these Is the concept of ithd
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CPYRGHT
re-establishment of, Negro hegemony
over the leadership of all major de-
partments of the Negro freedom
movement. This is a demand for a
new quality to Negro-white rela-
tions within the Negro freedom
movement; it demands an end to all
paternalistic and privileged assump-
tions on the part of white partici-,
pants in the Negro, freedom move-
ment. Which is to say, that the white
supporters of the movement must
display sensitivity and not arrogate
? to themselves roles of super-
advisers to the leadership as the
price for their participation. Also,
the leadership of such organizations
as SNCC and the Congress on Racial
Equality have called for a greater
respect for the mores of the Negro
community on the part of white
workers In the movement, in order
not to affront or violate the dignity
of those very people with whom
they join, for, indeed, a vital part of
that which the oppressed tight for is
human dignity. in general, these
organizations have called upon their
white supporters to, make their first
concentration work In the working-
class areas of the adjacent white
communities.
Especially do the Negro leaders
now challenge the organized labour
movement to make their support to
the cause of Negro freedom more
visible and more substantial in terms
of policing their own union areas of
Influence and authority for ending
discriminatory practices in employ-
ment, housing, upgrading, ap-
prenticeship and other training pro-
grammes, and election to union office:
Above all, Negro leaders demand of
the labour leaders that they carry
through the long-awaited task of
undertaking the organization of the
unorganized Southern workers, Ng-
gro and white, of factory and farm.
Another question which has been
given widespread discussion in con-
nection with the dialogue on the
theory and practice of the Negro
freedom movement which the Black
Power issue triggered has been that
of the effect of the foreign policy of
the government upon the goals of
the Negro people.
Never before have so substantial a
section of the Negro leadership
come out in vigorous opposition to a
war in which the U.S. government is
engaged. In the past, individual Nei
gro leaders have opposed various for.
eign policies and particular acts of
aggression by the government, but
never before have entire organiza-
tions of the Negro people-as is the
case In respect to SNCC and CORE-
come out in unequivocal denuncia-
tion of a war in which a high pro-
portion of Negro soldiers have been
impressed to kill and be killed. In
addition to Carmichael and McKis-
sick, leaders of SNCC and CORE
respectively, the Nobel Peace Priz
winner and best known Negro lead-
er, Rev. Martin Luther King, has
come out against the war which the
Johnson government is waging in
Vietnam. The resistance to support
for Johnson's genocidal war against
the people of Vietnam Is disclosed
in the growing number of Negro
youth who defy the draft boards, the
army induction centres, and in the
number of Negro soldiers in the
U.S. armed forces stockades In Viet-
nam for resisting serving on "hunt
and kill" missions against the people
of Vietnam.
Carmichael, McKissick, King and
others have raised the banner of
anti-imperialist solidarity between
the Negroes of the U.S. and the vic-
tims of U.S. imperialist aggression hi
Vietnam, the Dominican Republic, its
well as African and Latin-Ameri?-
can countries, as a vital strategy for
uniting the cause of Negro freedom
with the interest of the majority of
mankind. They have pointed out
that for the American Negro to
adopt a position of support to U.S.
imperialist policies of aggression and
war would be to isolate themselves
from the overwhelming majority 6f
mankind. This represents not only
a meaningful contribution of Negro
Americans to the growing power of
the world front to force the U.S. gov-
ernment to quit Vietnam but also
represents a new depth of compre-
hension of the true nature of the so-
cial and class forces-within the coun-
try and the world arena on the part
of an Important sector of the Negro
freedom movement. It has demon-
strated by Its opposition to the Viet-
nam war that it associates the des-
tiny of the just cause of Negro free-
dom with the main social tendency
of our epoch.
Seeking sensations and fostering
all opportunities for divisionism and
conflict among the component . sec-
tions of the Negro freedom move-
ment and between Negro and white,
the press and television have been
waving the phrase Black Power be-
fore the eyes of the nation with
alarming interpretations. It is repre-
sented as a black nationalist answer
to white supremacy and as the'doc-
trine for a ghetto rising of blacks
against whites in the great cities of
the country.
The Ideological provocateurs of
the press find some encouragement
for their sensationalizing of parodies
of concepts about the Black Power
phrase in some speeches and articles
of certain Negro spokesmen who
someti.mesendow the two words: with
powers that they cannot and should
not possess. At times, they even sug-
gest that by uniting their . own
strength Negroes can go It alone, by
virtue of the fact that they would
"control" politically the central cities
of a score of metropolitan centres of
the country. What these poorly in-
formed speakers and demagogic com-
mentators like the Liberator Maga-
zine's editorial writer forget, or!don't
know, is the actual nature of : the
"power structure" in this country:
the corporate elite of monopglists
whose power over the Congress, the
White I-louse and the Pentagon rests
on the solid material base of de;fac-
to ownership of the vast majority
of the whole economy.
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 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A000400070005-7
CPYRGH T
In responding to the atrocities of
the police against the Negro march-
ers struggling to push back the'
walls of their ghettos to enlarge the
living space and secure some job
opportunities, some speakers have
suggested that Negroes could organ-
ize their own policing system to
counter the violence of the' racists
and the police.
The concept of self-defence is n
well-established practice in life on
the part of American working peo-
ple; furthermore, it is given official
sanction in 'the U.S. Constitution.
The right of the Negro community or
of an individual Negro citizen to
armed self-defence in face of wanton
assault by mobsters, racists, or other
lawless elements is one of the man-
hood rights of citizens of this coun-
try and does not need the advocacy,
of anyone.
The fact that circumstances have
prevailed where Negroes have been
abandoned to mob terror by law
enforcement authorities, and indeed
in many situations the officers of the
law, sheriffs and policemen have
themselves committed the "deeds
most foul," does not make the res-
ponsibility of the Federal govern-
ment any less for the protection of
the lives and, property of Negroes.
Negroes hpve defended themselves
in the past' and will do so in the,
future against racist violence, but
their demand; remains for the govern-
ment to discharge its duty to safe-
guard the lives and property of all
of its citizens in the exercise of their
constitutional rights.
The widespread discussion which
has developed about the several in-
terpretations. of the cry of Black
Power, which, was raised by marchers
on the walk from Memphis to
Jackson last June, is part of a seek-
ing for sound theory to illuminate
the pathway of progress for the
Negro freedom movement.
The Communist Party has already
made important contributions in
elaborating theoretical problems and
strategic concepts of the Negro free-
dom movement. As the leadership
of the mass movement now address-
es Itself to the problem of historic
direction and relationship of the
Nero people's cause to the goals of
peace and the change of the system
of society itself, the Communists will
continue to make key contributions.
We fully support the struggle of
the Negro people to secure the
power required to free themselves
from racist. tyranny, economic ex-
ploitation and social discrimination.
At the some time, we point out that
the struggle for winning freedom
has to be waged in more areas than
just those situations in which Ne-
grocs constitute the majority.
It is necessary to win broad strata
of the white masses to an active par-
ticipation in' the struggle for the
freedom rights of the Negro people.
On the basis of mutual advantage
and advanced self-interest, it is nec-
essary and possible to establish a
fighting partnership between the
Negro freedom movement and the
organized labour movement, and
with various organized categories of
the population who are victimized
by the monopolists' establishment.,
Negro Americans, being over-
whelmingly working people, are
victimized by class exploitation; the
racist deprivation and discrimination
which they, suffer are part of the
systematic super-exploitation and
robbery practised in accord with the
laws of the system upon the most
underprivileged part of the nation's
working people, the Negro people.
Therefore,: the struggle of the Ne-
gro people. for freedom can be
viewed as a specialized part of the
general class struggle of the jobless
and working poor against. the reign
,of the monopolists-the working class
against th~, capitalist class. The
struggle for, Negro freedom which
rages these days in the streets of tho
great cities ; as? well as along the
rural roads is part of the revolu-
tionary progesses which are rending
the old social system beyond repair.
New York
September
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 TIME, toted6For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-03061A0004000706 FGHT
WHAT THE NEGRO HAS-AND HAS NOT'-GAINED
THE new factor in U.S. race relations and politics that has
j come to be known as backlash is more than merely the
reaction of some white people to Negro rioting or cries of
"black power." The attitude of many white Americans is in-
fluenced by the belief that the Negro has made great gains in
a relatively short time, and that he now would do better to
stop agitating and consolidate what he has won. At the same
time, much of the new black militancy is a result of frustra-
tion over what many Negroes consider their snail's pace of
progress. Beneath the passion and the rhetoric, these two op-
posing views pose a root question about the state of the Ne-
gro in the U.S. today: just what advances have-and have
not-been made by the nation's 21 million Negroes?
The fact is that Negroes have progressed farther and fast-
er than any minority in the history of the U.S., or almost any
other nation. Considering that the drive for full equality did
not really begin until after World War 11 and did not achieve
the sanction of law until the Supreme Court struck down the
old "separate but equal" doctrine in 1954, the gains have
been nothing less than remarkable. Though whites still earn
far more than Negroes ($7,170 per family compared with
$3?,971), Negro income has risen 24% since 1960 v. only
14% for whites. Today, just over one in five Negro families
earns more than $7,000 yearly, a figure that puts them firmly
in the middle class. The Negro has enthusiastically partici-
pated in the U.S.'s steadily increasing material prosperity:
nine out of ten Negro families own one (or more) televi-
sion sets, two-thirds have automatic washers and more than
half own cars. Negroes own 50,000 businesses and, while
most of them are small groceries, beauty parlors or mortu-
aries, the nation has about 40 Negro millionaires and many
thousands who are more than comfortably affluent.
Practically all of the gains have been made by the grow-
ing Negro middle class, which still constitutes a minority of
the Negro population. That is the heart of the problem, for
it leaves behind the lower-income, semiliterate Negroes,
notably the families that are below the Government's $3,000-
a-year poverty line. This class contains 60% of all the na-
tion's Negro youths, the very people who are in the vanguard
of desire and disorder. While the income of the middle-class
Negro rises, that of this great mass of Negroes is actually
declining. During the 1960s, median family income for Ne-
groes has dropped from $3,897 to $3,803 in Los Angeles'
Watts, from $4,346 to $3,729 in Cleveland's Hough district.
This great disparity has created a profound hostility be-
tween the low-income Negro and his more affluent, well-
educated, middle-class brother. Demoralized, alienated and
apathetic, the slum Negro is . bitterly jealous of those he
scornfully calls "white niggers." The middle-class Negro, on
the other hand, is troubled by the riots and the chants of
"black power," which he knows hurt his cause. The gulf be-
tween the two is widened by the fact that the better-off
Negro tends to demonstrate too little concern for those he
has left behind. Almost alone among all U.S. ethnic groups,
Negroes have no significant charity supported by their own
people for their own people. The number of Negroes on the
public-welfare rolls is increasing, and one-third of the na-
tion's spending for public aid, education and housing (or an
estimated $3.5 billion in all) goes to Negroes, who consti-
tute only 1 1 % of the U.S. population.
Most of the Government's new antipoverty programs are
directed toward the 2,800,000 poor Negro families. In many
ways, they get more attention than the 9,100,000 poor white
families, which are tucked away in such areas as the Appa-
lachians and the Ozarks, the southern Piedmont, the Upper
Great Lakes region and the Louisiana coastal plain. Half
the eo le in the Job Corns and most of the preschoolers in
both whites and Negroes-about 31% a year-hut the Nc-
gro seems to have made more dramatic gains because he had
greater ground to make up. The proportion of poor families
among Negroes fell from 52.2% in 1959 to 43.1%a in 1964,
while that among whites declined from 20.7% to 17.1%.
The Government figures that if all Negroes could he brought
up to the average white American's level of affluence, em-
ployment and education, the U.S. economy's output would
climb by $27 billion a year, equal to 4% of the gross
national product.
It is almost academic to ask what the Negro wants. He
wants what the white man has. To him, that means not
only possessions but opportunity and options. It means a fair
shot at the necessities of jobs, education and housing, as well
as at the intangibles of political power, social acceptance and
a sense of pride. How much of that has he gained? Here is
a balance sheet of the Negro's recently acquired assets and his
persistent liabilities, compiled from material gathered by 30
TIME correspondents throughout the U.S.:
s
JOBS. The employment situation has become incomparably
better for the middle-class Negro and worse for the lower-
class Negro. While unemployment among whites has been
declining this year and is now 3.3%, Negro unemployment
has been climbing and is now 7.8%. This is primarily be-
cause the jobless rate in many black slums has soared to 25%
and automation has eliminated a lot of menial and manual
jobs traditionally held by lower-income Negroes. The overall
figure nonetheless conceals the fact that countless job op-
portunities have opened for skilled and semiskilled Negroes
in the past few years.
Negro employment in the professional and technical fields
has soared 130% in the past decade; the number of Negro
lawyers has increased 50% since 1950. In the South, well-
educated Negroes are being hired for the first time as clerks,
policemen, nurses in white hospitals and teachers in white
schools. Boston's Negro newspaper has six pages of want ads
for everybody from laboratory technicians to plasma physi-
cists. In Milwaukee, Chicago and Providence, corporations
have joined together to seek ways of finding more Negro
workers and executive trainees; in Minneapolis, Omaha and
San Francisco, corporate recruiters flock to interview thou-
sands of Negroes at "job fairs." A dozen recently created
personnel agencies specialize in Negroes, and almost every
Negro graduate with a good college record can count on from
three to twelve job offers.
Of course, discrimination is still far from eliminated. Some
employment agencies, for example, use codes to alert prospec-
tive employers that the applicant is a Negro. The most un-
yielding barriers to the Negro's advancement are put up not
by corporations but by the craft unions, which are so biased
that it is easier for a Negro to become a physician or junior
manager than an electrician or a plumber. A recent Labor
Department survey showed that in Baltimore there were no
Negro apprentices among the steam fitters, sheet-metal work-
ers or plumbers; in Newark, none among the stonemasons,
structural ironworkers or steam fitters; in Pittsburgh, none
among the operating engineers, painters or lathers; in Wash-
ington, none among the glaziers, sheet-metal workers or as-
bestos workers.
Largely because of union bars, the incredible fact is that
since 1957 the number of Negroes at work in the U.S. private
economy has scarcely increased at all. The number of Negro
jobholders has risen from 6,721,000 to 7,747,000 during that
period, but the gains have been primarily in Government jobs.
Negroes hold 23% of the city jobs in New York, 30% in
Cleveland, 40% in Philadelphia. At the federal level, 13.2%
F t,
thespacbsbee el a19u-.' ?08 ! 0FA-R t ~ 06 ~ 'f'3 `h'fltar'F`E21"f~UR egroes. Negroes
.measure, poverty has been declining wit equal speed am ong simhe a n e serve Board, act
 as postmasters
six are U.S. !A1{~~~IRI~!l I 4LE1 eJ &ei
forces, the number of Negro field-grade officers (major
hrough colonel) has jumped since 1962 from 769 to 1,319.
?
EDUCATION. While still appreciably behind the whites, Ne-
groes have made impressive gains in education, particularly
it the college level. Outnumbered by white students 30 to I,
hey have raised their numbers in colleges and universities to
225,000-far greater than the total enrollments of the uni-
versities of Belgium, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland
and Switzerland put together. Almost all the Southern uni-
ersitics now have some Negroes. Admissions officers at
uch universities as California and Stanford give preference
o Negroes; like many other schools, Harvard often chooses
egroes over whites with equivalent academic records. So
any scholarships are being offered that almost any talented,
nergetic Negro youngster can get into college.
For the Negro who never gets to the college level. things
are considerably bleaker. In a recent study of 650,000
children, the U.S. Office of Education reported that, com-
pared with whites, the average Negro child actually attends
ewer schools and has newer textbooks but is less likely to
have modern scientific equipment or competent teachers.
The Negro needs good teachers even more than whites be-
cause of greater deprivation in his family background.
Eighth-graders in Negro slum schools, for example, com-
monly read at sixth-grade levels. The IQ of the average
Harlem pupil drops from 90.6 in the third grade to.87.7 in
the eighth grade. An extraordinary 67.5% of all Negroes
fail the armed forces' pre-induction mental tests (v. 18.8%a
of the whites).
Four out of five U.S. students attend schools that are
practically all black or all white. School segregation is rising
in the North because an increasing number of neighbor-
hoods are becoming wholly black. Ironically, integration has
progressed far more rapidly in the South. Only 10% of the
South's 3,500,000 Negro schoolchildren attend integrated
classes, but that is twice as many as a year ago. Federal
education officials say that 4,200 of the 4,600 Southern
school districts have sent in "acceptable" plans for integra-
tion. But the increase is slowing down because Congress-
itself reacting to the reaction against Negro demonstrations
and gains-has softened the penalties for noncompliance.
?
HOUSING. Getting good housing is perhaps the most dif-
ficult hurdle of all for most Negroes. One tragedy is that
urban renewal often means Negro removal-replacing
shacks with vertical ghettos for middle-income Negroes
and forcing lower-income Negroes to move to even meaner
slums. Because the Negro urban population has almost dou-
bled since 1950, the ghettos are spreading. Negroes now
constitute 27% of the population in Chicago, 37% in St.
Louis, 39% in Detroit, 40% in Birmingham, 41% in New
Orleans and Baltimore, 24% in Norfolk and 63% in Wash-
ington. Worried about being surrounded by Negroes, most
whites flee to the suburbs when Negroes move into an urban
neighborhood; there, barely 4% of all residents are Negro.
When given the choice, most Negroes are not terribly
eager to live next door to the white man. Even in the 17
states and 31 cities that have enacted fair-housing codes
since 1958, thousands of huge, moderately priced apartment
towers are pure white. Despite a fairly large supply of open
housing, the Michigan Civil Rights Commission estimates
that, since 1958, fewer than 60 Negro families have moved
into white areas. The Negro's desire to enjoy the superior
schooling and housing of a white neighborhood is very much
tempered by his fear of striking out alone. He has a long
way to go before he will live side by side with the white man
even in moderate numbers.
?
POLITICS. The advances have been enormous: the poteegn~-j
eelective oven ffice 15a risen 25uo to "Wffie*f~ff~'n'fdcf tit~4
Party over the past two years-alone. This autumn, a record
210 i~let3'noc ..f hnth artiea are trying for seats in state
CPYRGHT
-P !sea! offiees, -1
~~p~Q3i0~~q~1000~Q~~asOQOrJ*9n fro
two in 1954 to six now; altogether, 17 are running for
Congress this fall (eleven Republicans and six Democrats).
Massachusetts' Republican Attorney General Edward Brook
is the first Negro since Reconstruction to campaign for the
U.S. Senate on a major party ticket. Last November, Cleve-
land's Carl Stokes, a Negro state legislator, came within
2,000 votes of unseating Mayor Ralph Locher, and Houston
recently became the first Southern city to appoint a Negro
assistant district attorney, Clark Gable Ward.
Negroes will not live up to their full potential in politics
until they become more diligent at the polls. While the
number of registered Negro voters in the South has risen
from 1,900,000 to 2,300,000 in the past ten years, scarcely
35% of the eligible Negroes bother to vote in local clec
tions up North; by contrast, 85% of the Jews vote, and
get commensurate rewards when politicians pass out patron-
age or nominations. New York's 16% Negro populatio
elects only one of the city's 19 U.S. Congressmen, two 0
the 37 city councilmen.
?
SOCIAL ACCEPTANCE. The most obvious and humiliat-
ing forms of discrimination have become illegal or unfash-
ionable (at least in the North), but there are subtler prob-
lems. The Negroes, like the Catholics and Jews before them
want to be welcomed in the private clubs, on the golf
courses and at weekend parties with their co-workers and
customers. As it is, the Michigan Civil Rights Commission
estimates that 90% of its state's whites have no contact
with nonwhites, and the situation is much the same elsewhere
The Negro thus has to look inward and, in so doing, is
slowly beginning to discover a long-submerged sense o
pride. That sense is essential to remedying the lower-clan
Negro's other social and economic ills, since only pride car
overcome the defeatist attitude that has contributed s
much to his high rates of unemployment, illegitimacy, de
linquency and crime. In Rochester, St. Louis and a doz
en other cities, Negroes in the past two years have or
ganized to clean up their neighborhoods, finance small busi
nesses, pressure for school improvements and get polio
action to chase out the "white hunters," white men who
crash the ghetto in search of black prostitutes. There is
trend among Negro coeds and career girls to wear thei
hair "natural" instead of attempting to unkink it by "conk-
ing"-rinsing it with lye and binding it with handkerchiefs
Yet for every Negro who flaunts his identity, a hundred try
to camouflage it. Advertisements in the Negro magazines still
hymn Nadinola skin bleach: "Lightens and brightens skin."
?
If not all Negroes covet white skin, all of them without
exception seek after the white man's freedom of choice
The Rev. James Jones, the white Episcopal Urban Vica
of Chicago, who moved into a Negro ghetto, argues tha
Negroes will not live up to their full responsibilities an
potentials as citizens until the white majority grants the
that freedom. "In the ghetto," he says, "there are no choices
no power, no ability to make responses. Therefore there i
no responsibility." Considering that the U.S. is the first so
ciety in history to adopt as its national goal the full eco
nomic integration and social equality of different races, th
Negro's choices are widening with fair rapidity. The U.S
has certainly come an incredibly long way since Abraha
Lincoln, shortly before the end of the Civil War, askec
his logistics experts to determine whether the U.S. couk
muster enough transportation to export the Negroes-onl
to be told that Negro babies were being born faster tha
all the nation's ships could carry them from the country.
The Negro has been a permanent part of America eve
since then, and perhaps the greatest advance of recent year
is the realization by white people that his problems canno
be ignored. The Negro's recent progress, far fprom7 makin
o1'tfetp t VV o AV04!0tt66d'3`l a sdl~ellecon
tinue to be the nation's most urgent piece of domesti
business for decades come.
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