THE NEW LEFT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030036-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 60
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 14, 2000
• Sequence Number: 36
• Publication Date: August 2, 1968
• Content Type: REPORT

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 25X1A2G
August 1968
The New Left
Richard Davy, in a sympathizing article in the London Times of 1 June
1968, gave a concise, though idealized, summary of student members of the
New Left in revolt:
"If you want to synthesize a student revolt in your laboratory
proceed as follows. Take several thousand students of sociology and
make them attend lectures in a hall that holds a hundred. Tell them
that even if they pass their examinations there will probably be no
jobs for them. Surround them with a society that does not practise
what it preaches and is run by politi-cal parties that do not repre-
sent the students' ideas.
"Tell them to think about what is wrong with society and how to
put it right. As soon as they become actively interested in the sub-
ject send in the police to beat them up. Then stand well clear of
the bang and affect an attitude of confused surprise.
"This is, of course, a crude simplification but it does at least
hint at the pattern of some of the student trouble in the western
world -- a combination of educational grievances, political disillu-
sion, moral concern, frustration, boredom, enthusiasm and a certain
amount of imitativeness."
George Keller, former assistant dean of Columbia College, came a step
closer tq the revolutionary, anarchistic essence of the New Left when he
wrote in the book review section of the Washington Fost of 19 May 1968:
"During the fourth day of the revolution at Columbia University,
where I work and where a small group of x+00 students and outside col-
laborators -- seized by idealism, Maoism, racial concerns, thuggery,
spring fever, religious fanaticism, guerrilla warfare and the romance
and poetry of movement -- grabbed control of the campus, a colleague
turned to me and asked, 'Why is it that so many of the young revolu-
tionaries in our time feel that the universities are the principal
lever for smashing the system?' I hadn't slept more than eight hours
in those four days, and was quite groggy; but the question rocked me~
"Certainly Marx or Lenin would have snickered at the notion of
starting a revolution to transform society by taking over a school
-- an ivy-colored retreat without guns, power or money...."
During the June riots of students in France, a statement by Charles
August Bardin, a 20-year old student participant in the riots (cited in
the New York Times of 13 June 1968) can be taken as representative, and
as a confirmation of how far beyond mere educational reform the New Left
students are aiming:
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"In any revolution there must be an immediate, well-known enemy
for everyone to hate, and in our revolution it is the French police.
Every bomb we make and throw, every paving stone we tear up, means
the revolution goes on another day. Our aim is to destroy the Govern-
ment, and to change our society, but we fight the police to remind
France of who we are, and what we want."
It is undoubtedly true that there are deep-seated and complex socio-
logical causes, as well as geniune and. more immediate social and _political
dissatisfactions, giving rise to student violence and to the-role in it '
played by a movement known as the New Left which has been developing dur-
ing recent years. More and more observers are beginning to see in this
vioeLent and disruptive New Left movement, admittedly aiming far beyond
educational goals, an increasingly serious threat to the continuation and
organic development of the traditional, free institutions of Western demo-
cracy.. It also offers an opport~znity for various enemies of Western-style
democracies to inflict serious ds~rn.age on the institutional fabric of these
societies. The movement has now succeeded in instigating serious mass vio-
1enc:e and rioting, disrupting lawfully constituted authority in the West,
most seriously in France, but also in Germany, Italy,, Japan,and the United
States, to name the most outstanding recent examples. Because of these
successes, an attempt should be made to define or describe some of the
basic features of the New Left, despite its complexity in origin, inspira-
tion, and international ramifications. It has its setting in the larger
arena of the strivings of studen~;s in general to orient themselves to the
soc~:ety in which they are growin_ up~ Most of these strivings are typical
of, and natural to, any politically conscious young generation, but have
little in common with the broader revolutionary objectives of the New Left.
The University and Social Setting
During recent months, student violence and studE>nt power have become
a commonplace at universities in many places in the Grorld. In many, if
not most cases, there seems to have been sufficient cause for students to
attempt some radical method of. bringing their problems to wide public at-
tent;ion and for prodding many a lethargic, tradition-?bound and hide-bound
university administration to make reforms. The explosion in student popu-
lations (in itself welcome proof of widening access to higher education)
'strasining university facilities and creating an absurdly high faculty-
stuc:ent ratio, obsolescent and arbitrary regulations on student behavior,
rigid and irrelevant curricula of study, the inability of students to
contact not only university administration officials but often (and es-
pecially in the European universities) their own professors, too, are
among the legitimate grievances underlying the demands for redress and
deserving sympathetic hearing and concrete efforts at reform.
But there is also the deeper psychological distress of a young gen-
eration, bewildered and confused by confrontation with a rapidly changing
world, overshadowed by nuclear war, complex international tensions and an
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unprecedented population explosion -- but also offering youth unheard-of
challenges of scientific breakthroughs in many fields, vastly facilitated
opportunities for international travel and communications. The great
majority of academic teachers, political systems, governments offer dis-
appointingly inadequate leadership to this youth -- which often seeks
outlets in pessimism, cynicism, anarchistic radicalism, drugs and other
fads .
To cite the well-known American student leader of demonstrations,
Mario Savio, from his essay "An End of History":
"American society is a bleak scene, but it is all a lot
of us have to look forward to. Society provides no challenge
American society in +.,he standard conception it has of itself is
simply no longer exciting. The most exciting things going on
in America today are mov~:ments to change America.... The
'futures' and 'careers' for which American students now prepare
are for the most part intellectual and moral wastelands This
chrome-plated consumers paradise would have us grow up to be
well-behaved children."
It is in most cases idealism which has impelled Amer_;_can students to plunge
into the civil rights battle and later into the poverty movement. It per-
haps explains the attraction of the Peace Corps. In Europe, the equiva-
lent attraction to youth is found in the developing areas of Africa still
emerging from colonial subjection.
In an attempt to view their own movement with detachment and analyti-
cal objectivity, two recent American college graduates, members of the
local chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society, struggle to ex-
plain their motivation in an introduction to an anthology of New Left
writing:
"... the student is torn between two alternatives: to enter
the world of the adult on its own terms, or to remain apart of
the student world until he can enter the adult one on his terms.
Yet it is difficult to enter on any terms but the given, precisely
because it is hard to formulate any other terms, any alternatives
to the present, any 'positive myths' about the future and how it
should be facedo If the student recoils immediately from this
predicament, and proceeds no further in his analysis, he becomes
'knowing,' 'cynical," determined to 'get his' while he still
possesses a modicum of freedom. Another, more difficult alterna-
tive is rebellion: but even here the student remains caught in
the predicament. In order to be successful in his revolt, he
must steer clear of the adult community: Consequently, rebellion
often leads to the- construction of a very personal, private and
highly individualistic world of vehement nonconformity....
3
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"As an example of this tendency, Irving Howe points to
the emphasis on 'personal ;style' among many of the new left
partisans, and suggests that style has in many cases taken
precedence.: over the content of revolt, i.e., that the exis-
tential act of rebellion, whatever its forms, has come to be
enougho It is plausible, perhaps, that one reason for empha-
sis on style over content :is that many students have become
convinced that content does not matter any morf~; the public
world is dommed,~-and the best one can do is dissociate one-
self from it as quickly as possible." (Emphasis in the
original; from The New Student Left, edited by Mitchell
Cohen and Dennis Hale, Beacon Press, Boston 1967.)
Scme of the factors underlying student behavior have been described
above and while the analysis leans heavily on American experience, it ap-
plies to a considerable extent to university settings in other parts of
the world where student violence has erupted. Within this diffuse stu-
dent activity small, loosely organized groups in some countries, conscious-
ly pursue wide revolutionary aims with a single-minded dedication somehow
i?eminisc:ent of the prototype of Lenin's professiona]_ revolutionary or of
the: classic portrayal of the complete revolutionary in Dostoevs~y's novel
The; Obsessed. This small group is the motive force of the New Left and
it has succeeded on a number of occasions in sweeping into its revolu-
tionary action the large multitude of students who before and after involve-
ment had deep misgivings as to the value of such action.
The; New Left, its Tactics and Strategy
The New Left is a radical. movement, often influenced by Marxist and
neo-Marxist doctrines, comprised of a small, minority of militant, highly
ir~t;elligent university students and some older intellectuals, primarily
i.n the more fully developed and powerful industrial countries of the
Free World (Some disturbances which resemble those inspired by the New
Left have manifested themselves in places distant from Europe, such as
Australia and Brazilo) Its adherents have become di~;affected witki, alien-
ated from the "Establishment," understood roughly as the dominant politi-
cal, social and economic institutions of the countries concerned, fore-
most among which are the United States, Germany, France, England, and
Italy Japan has also spawned a similar movement, mainly represented by
Zer.~gakuren (All Japan Federation of Student Autonomous Organizations).l
1The main organizations of the European New Left are the SDS (Sozialisti-
scrier Deutscher Studenteribund -- German Socialist Student Federation);
UNE;F (Union Nationale des Etudiants Francais -- National Union df French
Students), and the RSA (Radical Student Alliance) in the United Kingdom.
Th.e once notorious Dutch New Left "Provos"(their own abbreviation of
provocateurs) disbanded in 1967.
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(A New York Times article of 30 June .1968, attached, provides a survey of
Japanese and Latin America student unrest for comparison's sake) In
principle, the New Left also condemns the Soviet Union and its Satellites
It expresses contempt for the orthodox Communist parties of the free
world, which :it considers part of the Establishment, even though more
radical splinter Marxist parties (e.g., Maoist and Trotskyite} try to
place themselves at the forefront of the movement, notably in France.
Using legitimate student grievances as a point of departure, the New
Left resorts deliberately to illegal, violent means, anarchistic in intent,
and typically seeks to provoke counterviolence by the police in order to
demonstrate dramatically the brutality of the Establishment Its anarch-
istic bent extends to its own movement, so that it typically avoids firm
organization, formal leadership, or administrative organs. While it has
no visible international organization, happenings at one university, thanks
to the efficiency of modern mass communications, become quickly known to
all universities having a radical student segment and in turn stimulate and
encourage imitative action (witness the successive disruptions at univer-
sities in New York [the Columbia University affair], Paris, Rome and even
Belgrade}.2 A form of international liaison is maintained by frequent
international travel of leading .student New Leftist s Some prominent stu-
dent New Left leaders are known to have visited North Vietnam, Communist
China, and Cuba (certainly for inspiration, and very possibly for instruc-
tion, moral and material support).
The progress of the more extensive student riots has made it self-
evident that the original demands for educational-administrative reforms
for which demonstrations are started, very quickly become vehicles for
quite different goals. In some cases, it has been unequivocally clear
ghat the true aim of "hard core" New Left leaders is the total discredit-
ing of a.ll authority by total disruption of law and order If the leaders
succeed in this on the camp~zses, they then seek to spread the chaos to the
larger community beyond (as happened in France) with the ultimate aim of
total revolution. Spokesmen for the New Left typically aver that they have
no positive program (beyond a vague kind of socialism) and typically re-
spond to questions as to what they wish in place of the university organ-
ization they are trying to destroy, that They do not have anything specif-
ic in mind. Their business, they say, is to tear down the old institutions,
not to build new ones. (The attached analyses by British writer Brian
Crozier and the American journalist Edmound Taylor are representative of
t;he views of other observers of the New Left who describe the movement as
one aimed at society in general and point to totalitarian features ire the
Imitative actions in several other countries have led to the erroneous
assertion that the actions were of New Left inspiration.. Rather, the
success of "student power" asserting itself in one country has moved
student organizations in other countries to try similar actions, but with
different immediate grounds and more limited goals than the "true" New
Left.
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movement. Some observers who have written :in this vein are the British
journalist Neal Ascherson, the American wri-ter and ureaucratic colossus,
a caricature of what Marx intended. In Mao they seem to admire the "puri-
tan" revolutionary who has created the violent Red Guard to dest7?oy those
elements of Chinese Communist society which seek to bureaucratize the rev-
olution (In this sense, the New Left may be said to have some kinship
with the Red Guard of China, but the analogy fails i.n other essential re-
spects, as it does when applied to student and intellectual dissent in
Communist-dominated countries of Europe,) As in Mao, the New Leftists see
also in Castro, Che Guevara, and Regis Debray "model-" revolutionaries,
apI>ealing to the romantic sense of the New Left.
Herbert Marcuse is a German-born American philosopher teaching at the
University of California, San Di.egoo He is regarded. as the philosopher
of the New Left Briefly, his thesis is that moderr.~ society has become a
kind of technological-administrative dictatorship of modern industrialism,
which like other dictato~?~;hi~:;, controls the population, but more pleas-
antly by providing prosperity and material comfort. These, however, pre=
ver:t the victims from developing their talents and qualities as individual
and. unique personalities to the fullest, so that they have become "one-
dimensional men" (after the title of one of Marcuse"s books). Thus, the
proletariat (Marx' historic instrument of revolution.) has been bribed
away from its revolutionary impulse, which is now inherited by the intel-
lectual (student). The New Left's license for violence is found partly in
Marcuse's prescription of "intol_eranee against movements from the Right
and. toleration of movements from the Left" and from. his idea that the right
of resistance to this new dictatorship may be extended to the point of sub-
version. The following citation from his essay "Repressive Tolerance" is
enlightening:
"But I believe that there is a 'natural. right' of resistance
for oppressed and overpowered minorities to use extra-legal means
if the legal ones have proved to be inadequateo Law and order are
always and everywhere the law and order which protect the estab-
lished hierarchy; it is nonsensical to invoke the absolute author-
ity of this law and this order against those who suffer from it and
struggle against it -- not for personal advantages and revenge, but
for their share of humanity. There is no other judge over them
than the constituted authorities, the police, and their own con-
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science. If they use violence, they do not start a new chain of
violence, but try to break an established one Since they will
be punished, they know the risk, and when they are willing to take
it, no third person and least of all the educator and intellectual,
has the right to preach them abstention."
Moscow and Peking Attitudes
While Chinese Communist propaganda enthusiastically hailed the crisis
provoked by the New Left students in France, Soviet propaganda has roundly
condemned Marcuse and his stl~dent New Left following (see Pravda article
attached), Neither Qropaganda stance is surprising in view of Marcuse's
and the New Left's condemnation of the Soviet system and the New Left
adulation of Mao. (The Soviet position was taken partly in support of the
orthodox French Communist Party, which tried -- with indifferent success --
to resist the New Left tactics in view of the Party's hope to enter a stable
leftist coalition government in the event of an electoral victoryo)
Nevertheless, the anarchistic goal of the New Left represents what has
been one of the major goals of the Communist world from .its very begin-
nings: subversion and debilitation of free world political, social, and
economic institutions. While this parallelism of interest between the New
Left and world Communism is a far cry from proving that the two movements
are conspiring, it would be surprising if either the Soviets or Chinese
(or even both together) did not seek to gain, by devious and unpublicized
methods, a means of exerting influence on and giving direction to the New
Left This is an aspect of the New Left that will bear watching
However that may be, those who believe in the preservation of the
freedoms (and their institutions), imperfect but expanding and won by the
open societies of the West in centuries-old, largely evolutionary strug-
gle, cannot help but condemn this negative, destructive effort by a radical
minority of students and intellectuals (rapidly becoming professional rev-
olutionaries) who have learned the art of capitalizing on the. just griev-
ances of large groups and parlaying action on these complaints into a full-
scale assault on a.ll the values of free societieso
While opposing and denouncing the anarchistic destructiveness of the
New Left, each affected nation must eliminate legitimate reasons for stu-
dent unrest by thorough-going reforms of higher education, including a new
place for students in university organization and administration Such re-
forms are imperative regardless of student unrest since the rapid progress
of the scientific revolution, as well as the other changes in the world of
today, make updated education essential for the survival of any nation
For these reforms, the active cooperation of all students of good will
ought to be mobilized.
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Robert Hessen, an instructor and doctoral candidate at Columbia Uni-
versity, gave his view of the Columbia riots in the magazine Baryon's:
National Business and Financial ideekly and in the substantial excerpt at-
taclled herewith rendered a powerful refutation, one by one, of the argu-
ments used by the New Left to justify its violent, illegal methods. It
wou:Ld seem to apply with equal force wherever the New Left embarks on its
violently anarchistic course.
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 CPYRGH
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CURZEPIT i7,LGEST 0~'~`i'~-IE SOVTET PRT;SS ~ '
19 June 1968
rvs~: 'false Pro~p~et of Deg?~~~ ~a~~es~'
WEREWOLVES.-On the False Prophet Marcuse and His Vo-
ciferous Disciples. (By Yury Zhukov, Pravda, May 30, p, 4.
Complete text:) Marcusar, Marcusm, Marcuse-t(tp name of
this 70-year-old "German-American philosopher," which has
emerged from the darkness of obscurity, has been endlessly
repeated in the Western press. In Bonn the name is pro-
nounced Markoozeh; in New York, Markyooz; in Paris, Mark-
yooss. The California resident who has undertaken to dis-
prove Marxism is being publicized as if he were a movie star,
and his books as if they were the latest brand of toothpaste or
razar blades. A clever publicity formula has even been
thought up: "the three M's"-"Marx, the god; Marcuse, his
prophet; and Mao, his sword."
"Well, well," some reader will say, "so even Mao Tse-lung
is now considered worthy of glorified publicity in the bour-
geois press." Just imagine, I have a big pile of newspapers in
front of me that in different ways rehash the "three M" for-
mula, and this is no accident. As far back as February, 1987,
a directive circulated by the director of the U.S. Information
Service {U.S.I.S.) among all U.S.I.S. centers stated that em-
ployees "must take advankage of every 6pportunity to strength-
en the position of Mao's supporters," because it is desirable
for the United States that "Mao and his group remain in power
for the time being," since their activities are aimed against
the Communist Party of the Soviet Univn and other Communist
Parties. (This secret document was published on May 19 by
the weekly Ceylon Tribune.) But let us return to Marcuso.
The Dream of "Decommunizing" Marxism.-Recently this
gentleman visited Paris. There he spoke at a UNESCO collo-
qutumdevotedtothe 150th anniversary of Marx's birth. His
report was entitled "A Revision of Marxist Concepts of Revo-
lution," but in reality it was not even a revision of Marxism
.but an attempt to disprove it. A pitiful and flimsy one, but
still an attempt. According to the newspapers, Marcuse d?-
clared that in our time "the working class, which has cast its
lot with the capitalist system (? !), is no longer capable of
playing the revolutionary role that Karl Marx assigned to it.
The power of capital can be overthrown, consequently, only by
forces outside this system: the colonial peoples, Negroes or
young people whu have not yet become part of the system."
As was to be expected, the Marxist philosophers who partic-
ipated in the colloquium dealt the proper rebuf# to this false
prophet. Same were astonished: Why did Marcuse say that the
working class "is no longer capable of playing a revolutionary
role" at a moment when the wave of sharp class struggle hae~
risen so high In the capitalist world, particularly in France,
where he spoke? But more farsighted people realized that
Marcuse had been catapulted from distant San Diego to Parse
for precisely this reason. It was necessary to set in motion
all possible means to try to inject disorder and confusion into
the ranks of the fighters'against the old world and-most im-
portantl-to try to cpunterpose young people, primarily the
students, to the chief forces of the working class.
It was not without reason that The New York Times very re-
cently invented the new term "decommunization (I) of Marx-
ism," and not without reason that it wrote, with obvious sym-
pathy (or Marcuae'a Parisian disciples, that their flag "is the
black flag of anarchy, not the red flag of communism."
These days the Paris newspapers Le Figaro and Lo Monde
and the weeklies I.'Express and Nopvel Observateur have been
publdshing extensive interviews with Iv{arcuse, his biography*
* A aigniflcant biographical c)etail: Ihtring the war Marcuse
worked in American intelligence; and then spent many years in
the not unknown "Russian Institute" at Harvard. A result ui this
Work was the anti-&tvte~~"~ie~?~~~s~rR~~~ey~~ ` d
"fii?wP. hwat aallam_ s. 1 fTc ~~l ~
and detailed summaries of his books, emphasizing that, while
Living in Germany in the 1920x, he renounced 'communism
? and social democracy" and later, in the U.S.A., created his
pwn ''doctrine," intended for "disoriented" young people.
What is the essence of thin "doctrine"?
Four Focal Pointe.-First, Marcuse replaces the class
atru~gie in present-day society by the " enerational conflict."
Flattering the students, he assures them t sat they are the
chie# revolutionary force, since, ae Nouvel Observateur wrote
in summarizing his "doctrine," "they are young and reject the
society of their elders." Therefore, "young people to general"
must struggle against "adults in general." Everywhere and
anywhere I ~ '
Second, Marcuse asserts that it is necessary, it you please,
to fight not only against capitalism but against "industrial so-
ciety" in general, and, as L'Express emphasizes, "genuine
opposition can consist only in radical and global negation of
all the elements constituting this society, including Comr.~~u-
nist Parties." In this connection he slanderously asserts that
re soc a ist countries differ in no way from tho capitalist .
cotrntrtea, since they are becoming industrial, and "flood3 of
cancrete" Qupposedly smother "liberation aspirations."
Third, Marcuse denies the necessity of any organized riual-
ity whatever in the atruSgie for the overthrow of the old world,
?rging young people to "spontaneous rebellion." "It is useless
xo wait until (he masses join the movement,. he said in an
interview by 'the newspaper Le Monde. "Everything has ai-
waye started with a rebellion by a small handful oP intellec-
tuals." And as the greatest virtue Marcuse cites the fact that
among the ."rebels" iii the U.S.A. "there is absolutely no co;
ordination or organization." Consequently, down with any
organized basis in revolution, and particularly down with
Communist Parties, and long live rebellion? This is just a
step away from the not-unknown Peking slogan 'fire on h~:ad-
quarters.". Not without reason did Marcuse state in the Le
Monde interview that "today any Marxist whq is not an ohedt-
ent (?) Communist ,is a Maoist."
Fourth, Marcuse, in asserting that in "industrial society"
the working class has lost its revolutionary nature, says that
the'. order of things can be changed" only by "those whp stand
outside the production process," that is, "the racial minor-
sties, most of which are excluded frpm this prciceas, the ltard-
core u'hemployed, lawbreakers (I), etc., and at the top, fire
privileged cultural figures who are able to avoid subjugation:"
As the French democratic press rightly wrote, Marcuse and
his supporters "seek to cast doubt on the chief role of the
working class in the struggle for progress, democracy grid
socialism," and their theory, "when put Into practice, leads to
the weakening of the revolutionary movement by seeking to
exclude #rom it its chief force-the working class.
Sych is the attempt to overthrow Marxism that this `Ger-
- man`-American philosopher" is staging.
It is characteristic that his "interpretation of prophetic
revelation for the uninitiated" invariably coincides with the
pragtipe~ot Mao Tae-lung's group. And what is of the greatest
significance is that although this group does not stint on abu-
sivo language-aimed at the imperialists, the governmepta.of
the capitalist states have very tolerant attttudes toward dis-
semination of its "ideas," and at the same time toward the
activitiery of Marcuse and his vociferous;diseiples as well.
Recently, New York Times columnist Sulzberger conversed on
this topic with F.R.G. Chancellor Kissinger tilmaelt, who re-
assgred Sulzberger by explaining that the activities of Mar-
cuae'e follower. s ; "hays nothing 1n common with Soviet com-
munism" and~th}at "pth~ey~have #~pecial gods." ~'
IA-~ao~dea~th~t~ar~7n ~~c~'r7t" ivb~e iw~a~d'ri~ti~e ~b ~i~;
 developed `third world__~~~'"? Thi~ h ~oai~de ;ap eels t ~,q~~,17
tional sentiments" of IPl`lf'~s~ :~~ts~ ~61~~~ j~J.~
immediate threat to them." Let war be waged over #here, and
we here can shout to our heart's content, these "r-r-revolu-
tionariea" reason.
Attacks on the Working Class.-The bourgeois ideologists
realized thatt at a moment of serious exacerbation of the class
struggle their old theories of "people's capitalism" and "con-
vergrnce" (i.e., the gradual rapprochement of the antithetical
systems) are powerless to influence the struggling proletariat.
But now "uitraleftist," anarchistic statements have been set in
motion that often constitute a rehash of Mao Tae-tung"s
"ideas," with whose aid-they seek to sow discord and confusion
among ardent but politically inexperienced young people, to
split them and make those who can be influenced into blind
tools of provocations.
Marcuse is not alone. In the F.R.G., for example, right be-
hind him are some who assert that the West German working
ciasa cannot be revolutionary, since it, together with the bour-
geoisie, is "participating in the exploitation of the third world."
In Italy Socialist Deputy Codignola endarse~ Marcuse's thesis
on the necessity of "rebellion" against "industrial society in
general," since, as he said to a correspondent of L'Expreea,
"present-day society-be it capitalist or_soCialist-inereasing-
ly resembles an industrial enterprise." ^~_..___._
But just as the Peking Ieadere these days, by holding demon-
strations supposedly in support of the struggle of France's
working people for their rights, are pointing their main thrust
against the French Communist Party and the b.S.S.R., sa
Marcuse's vociferous followers in Western Europe are raising
their little fists against the working class and Communists.
This same purpose is served by the vague judgments of
Marcuse and his disciples on, the struggle against "industrial
'viltzation" in eneral without ascertaining whether it is the
ca~itaiist or the socia ist system that is Involved. At the Sor-
bonne Marcuse'a Soltowere posted the following "programmatic
statement":
"The revolution that has begun calls into question not only
capitalist society but also industrial civilization as a whole.
The society of consumption must die a violent death. The so-
ciety of alienation (I) must also die a violent death. We want a
new and original world. We reject a world in which the cer-
Linty that you will not die of starvation is acquired in ex-
'range for the risk of dying of boredom."
rty the way, lordly, snobbish declarations of this kind arouse
?. ~~ing itut indignation among the few etud~nts in bourgeois
~:urmtries who have made their way to the universities from
the workers' milieu (in France; according to data published 1n
L'Humanite, only 8% of (university) students are children of
workers): "They, of course, are not in danger of dying of
starvation," the workers' children say of these "`rebels,' wise
are generously supplied with pocket money by their loving par-
ents. This is why they ta1(S about boredom. But we need some-
thing more: an immediate democratic university reform that
would open up the way to higher education for working people!"
And the students who are aware of their civig duty are reso-
lutely struggling for this democratic reform, with the steadfast
support of the working ciasa. In this struggle the working
ciasa seeks to create a united front with the intelligentsia against
the schemes of the reactionaf?iea, who will make use of any means
in their interests, including the most refined provocattonal devices.
And it was obviously not for nothing that on May 28 The New
York Times, adopting the terminology of Jenmin Jihpao, sud-
denly began to say that'"rebellion is a just cause" and, lashing
out at the French Communists, accused them of "wanting to
avoid violence" and seeking to create a people's goyornment
with a democratic coalition.
Whom Do These "lnsur~ents~Servo?-The bourgeois press .
hoe boon carrying vigorous and colorful accounts of the "men-
kcyshines" of one Cohn-Dendit, a 23-year-old German from
the F.R.G., who pntil recently was enrolled at the University
of Paris, engaging there in schismatic activities among the
students. When jourdalista asked him whist .t}e was libing on,
Cohn-Bendit replied: "I receive a stipend from the German
(West Getman) state as ah orphhm"` At ~Srpeent he i$? touring t
t. .
CI s y d~~~ll~n~'fldr~Ob~epvolution."" Y ..
ubliahed an inter-
view with this "insurgent"-he bgasted that his pale had dis-
rupted a~peech to students delivered by Communist Deputy
Pierre Jucsine, and he urged "beating up the Communist .Par-
ty guys." "At the present moment," he declared boastfully,
"the shtdenta alone (I) are waging the revolutionary stru~le
of the working class. A worker with a family is unwilling'~(7)
to fight."
But when the working class of France organized a i,00Q,000-
strong demonstration on May 13 in support of the legitimstte
demands of the students seeking democratic university rg-
form, the same +);ohn-Bendit and a handful of his aupportgra-
Trotekyites, anarchists and "Maaiets"-tried in vain to spw
tumult and dissension in the ranks of the demonstrators by _
shouting the' provocatfonal slogan, "Let's storm the Elysee ?
Palacel"
Speaking on May 27 to the workers of the Renault Automo-
bile Plant, Benoit Franchon, chairman of the Generaif Confed- `
eration of Labor, described the ignoble role that the U.S. Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency and the French under_ ground terroris_ t_
organization O.A.S. attempt to play in events involving the ,
French students. "Right now," he added, "a whole cohort of
people c}o nothing but `feed the fires,' showering all kinds of
braise on the young people's enthusiasm, while actually they
are preparing'a trap ar5d?a snare for us." ,
Not so long ego two of Cohn-$endit'e compatriots came to
give him a hand in Paris-they spoke at student meetings. The
newspaper Combat obligingly published an interview withthem,
concealing their .names behind the initials "J. S." and "P. B."
This interview was quite candid. "P. B." said that "over the
entire history of the F.R.G. the working class has ident[fied
itself with the bourgeois system," and that "over here" in
France the workers "also do nothing"; "J. S." added that "the
working+ciasa is sakisfied (71) to such an extent that it cannot
criticize the existing system."
Here the correspondent asked: "Are the students them-
-- selves politically conscious?" "P. B." reptied: "Yes, be-
cause they belong to a privileged (1) group. Revolutionary
topics are discussed in privileged groups, in so-called Mar-
cuse groups."
Their Ex ectations.-By making blasphemous use of the
name of arx, the werewolves attempting to "decommunize
Marxism,",split the progressive forces and set them against _
one gnothor are thereby carrying out the very definite social
command of the enemies of the workers' movement, who are'
seriously perturbed by the intensification of the class struggle
in their countries. This struggle is headed by the working
class,~which, as `L'Humanite emphasizes, "is powerful, orga-
nized and knows where it is going. It is the decisive force,.
the only Completely revolutionary alasa, because it hoe nothing
to lose but its phainal"
The leading force of the working class has been, is and al-
ways will be Communists who draw their strength from the
great doct~ine'of Marx and Lenin. And no matter how much
unsolicited "adviset?s" from The NeW Xork Times try to
preach "decommunization of Marxism," no matter how much
the bourgeois press publicizes Marcuse's judgments and the
activities dP his d[sciples, the expectations of khe enemies of
the working ciasa will be disappointed.
The developments in France provide especially convincing
evidence of khfa. "Yn France there can be no leftist olic or
social ro ress without the active artici ation of the om- ` .
munists, Waldeck Rochet, General ecretary of t e rent
Communist Party, said on March 28. "And it is still more
inadmiaslgle to claim to be moving toward socialism without
Communists.
Indeed, the working class and particularly the. Communists
marching ip its vanguard are the forces that everywhere up-
hold tt}e fundamental interests o{ all the working people, in-
eluding the intelligentsia and the students. And no one will
. succeed #n Weakening the unity, which is intensifying in strug-
gle, among the peoples, who are g}?adualiy rallying around the
:.Life, will. have, its say 1. .
 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 :CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030036-7
PRAVIlA
3o May 198
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If ono is searching for a common de-::thought can be~ misused:' Some, is~
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9'-het avorda, ~u~st,;bp;,:ircer than otb
nominal:or, an all-embracing label tor' =
:md practice, one might do worse bran; Daniel Ca:ia-~~endit, ,:much in the;j
to terry it "post-Leninist violence." They ~:nesvs lately. aS a major leader of Para
callectice label that appeals to' me ~ Sian stuient' riots,.:. ;goes further. "R'~e
most, fir members of the g;oup as a: claim freedo:ri of expression within the
whole, is "the new brotherhood of viox~ locally," he said in a recant interview,
leave." , '~_