WORLD-WIDE PERSPECTIVES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 26
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 5, 2001
• Sequence Number: 10
• Content Type: REPORT

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Principal Developments in World Communist Affairs
20 September-18 October 1968
1. World Communist Conference Preparatory Commission Meets
Delegates from 58 Communist and workers' parties gathered in Budapest
during the week of 23 September with the shadow of the Soviet invasion
clouding the proceedings. It was the second meeting of the World Commu-
nist Conference (WCC) Preparatory Commission (PC) which first met in
April 1968 with 54+ parties present. (These PC meetings were preceded by
the Budapest Consultative Conference (67 parties) in February-March 1968).
The Soviets were much more successful this time in preventing news leaks
on the more vital parts of the proceedings, but it is generally acknowl-
edged that the early part of the week passed in caucuses with the Czech
issue at the forefront of the discussion: whether to hold the WCC as
scheduled, postpone it, or call it off altogether.
A communique was issued after the formal proceedings 27 September-
1 October (text attached -- it also lists all parties present). Briefly,
it unanimously affirmed "the necessity" of holding a Conference (a Soviet
victory, unless it was only a face-saving device for the Soviets), agreed
to hold a third meeting of the PC in Budapest on 17 November to decide on
a date for the WCC (originally scheduled for 25 November, it remains to be
seen what the Soviets will succeed in arranging), with the delegates tak-
ing the issue back to their respective Central Committees for decision (en-
ergetic Soviet lobbying can be expected in the various parties on their
home ground).
While most experts are confident that the WCC will not adhere to its
original schedule, and that it will be postponed to early 1969 or possibly
indefinitely, they differ as to whether the Soviets suffered further dam-
age to their claim to leadership of the Communist world by having to dis-
rupt their schedule, or whether they were satisfied -- in light of the
disunity and disaffection caused by the Czech invasion -- to keep the is-
sue of convoking a Conference open at all.
Perhaps the best view is that they reckon a relatively short post-
ponement as part of the calculated cost of the invasion, Keeping open
the possibility of a meeting and avoiding a public discussion of the Czech
issue are a measure of their continuing power over the world movement.
Perhaps a clearer measure of this power will be possible after 17 November.
2. The Czech Experiment being Extinguished
Despite the presence of vast numbers of Soviet and Satellite
troops in Czechoslovakia, a dogged popular resistance to Soviet demands
for "normalization" continued during the past month. Against the constant
complaining and admonishments from her neighbors, particularly East Ger-
many, Poland and the Soviet Union, Czechoslovak news media spoke up from
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time to time refuting the more blatant lies. Nevertheless, the resisting
voice of the Czech media is progressively growing weaker, and the once forth-
right; voices of the Czech leadership are tiring and are more and more keyed
to the Soviet-called tune. The Soviet colossus is gradually, patiently,
but inexorably grinding down the Czech Communist and popular ability to
resist. Somehow, the accounts of Dubcek's faltering voice as he addresses
his countrymen, his outbreaks of weeping, and his appearance of physical
exhaustion seem to symbolize the vanquished spirit of Czech independence
and individuality.
In the Moscow meeting between Soviet and Czech leaders which finally
took place 3-4 October after many postponements, the Czech side was forced
to accept the principle of the "temporary" stationing of troops in Czecho-
slovakia (the "temporary" stationing of troops in Hungary after the So-
viet repression of the Revolution has lasted for 12 years). Prime Minister
Cernik has been the leading Czech negotiator. Details of the agreement
are not known as of this writing. Observers believe that sufficient troops
will be left indefinitely to insure "normalization," but that the bulk of
the troops will be withdrawn, perhaps by 28 October, the 50th anniversary
of the birth of Czechoslovakia as a state. Such a move would be calculated
by the Soviets for its maximum. psychological impact, particularly to im-
prove the possibilities of convoking the World Communist Conference in the
near future.
3. Protest in the Soviet Bloc
For the most part, the widespread revulsion against the Soviet inva-
sion among the ordinary people in the Soviet Bloc does not break into pub-
lic view and is conveyed privately by word of mouth. The handful of ex-
amples of protest that have become known is truly representative of the
sentiments of countless other private citizens.
Five Soviets who briefly demonstrated in Red Square against the inva-
sion were sentenced on 11 October after a short trial that was closed to
all but an official claque and a few very close relatives of the accused.
They were charged with "slandering the Soviet state" and disturbing the
peace. Three -- Pavel Litvinov, 30-year old physicist and grandson of the
prewar Soviet Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov; Mrs. Larisa Bogaras-Daniel,
wife of Yuli Daniel, the writer who was sentenced in 1966 to five years
in a forced labor camp for criticizing the Soviet Union in his writings
which were published abroad; and Konstantin Babitsky, a literary critic --
were sentenced to exile in an undesignated remote area of the Soviet Union
for five, four and three years respectively. The "lenient" exile sent-
ences, in lieu of forced labor camp servitude, were requested by the state
prosecutor, purportedly on the grounds that these three were first offenders,
more probably, however, because of the prominence of the accused and Krem-
lin sensitivity to world opinion over its invasion role. The other two
defendants -- a young university student-poet and a Leningrad worker --
received forced labor camp sentences of about three years because they had
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committed prior offenses. When the young poet, Mr. Delone, was informed
by court of his sentence, he said, "for three minutes on Red Square I felt
free, I am glad to take your three years for that." His words seemed to
represent the sentiments of all five unrepentant defendants.
The noted Soviet poet Yevgeny Yevtushenko reportedly sent a strong
telegram to Premier Kosygin and CPSU leader Brezhnev on 21 August protest-
ing the invasion "as a tragic mistake and a bitter blow to ... the world
Communist movement." When queried by the press about his protest he
claimed he had not sent it ... possibly to avoid prosecution for "anti-
state propaganda."
Jerzy Andrzejewski, prominent Polish novelist wrote to Czech writers,
expressing his feeling of shame at the invasion and his solidarity with
his Czech confreres. Similar expressions are being privately circulated
by Hungarian intellectuals.
The 30th anniversary of the Munich Pact of 30 September 1968 -- which
opened Czechoslovakia to occupation by Nazi Germany -- was the occasion
for thousands of East German citizens to protest the regime's participation
in the invasion. Many accused the regime of having "trod in Hitler's foot-
steps," and many of them have since been arrested. Similar demonstrations,
involving lesser numbers of demonstrators have been reported in Poland
and Hungary.
4+. Soviet Diplomatic Relations
At the United Nations foreign ministers from Albania, Brazil, the
Dominican Republic, Finland, France, Japan, the Netherlands, Pakistan,
Salvador, Sweden and Venezuela, as well as U.S. Secretary of State Rusk,
excoriated the Soviet Union for violating the spirit and letter of the UN
Charter and international law and called for removal of Soviet bloc troops
as a requirement for an improved political climate.
U.S. Secretary of State Rusk forcefully warned Moscow again that any
military action against West Germany would bring immediate military reac-
tion by the NATO powers and pointedly told Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko
that any new chances of detente depend upon the Soviets' application of
the UN Charter to Czechoslovakia.
As a result of the Czech crisis French officials began an important
review of France's military strategy, as well as economic and diplomatic
policies, to be conducted under the direction of Premier Couve de Murville.
Foreign Minister Michel Debre's UN address strongly condemned the Soviet
Union and supported the Czechoslovaks. Debre also called the Soviet Union's
violent anti-West German campaign a diversionary maneuver to obscure the
consequences of its military invasion of Czechoslovakia, and he added that
it would be "supremely unjust" not to recognize the peaceful intentions
of the present West German leaders. Like Secretary of State Rusk and
other foreign ministers, Debre made detente with Moscow contingent on the
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Soviet Union's willingness to recognize the sovereignty and personality
of her neighbors.
Soviet reaction has been to restore matters to a "business-as-usual"
basis as soon as possible. Thus, Foreign Minister Gromyko told the UN
General Assembly that the Soviet Union was prepared to start a "serious
exchange of views" with the U.S. on mutual limitation and reduction of
strategic nuclear weapons, including antiballistic missiles, but warned
that Moscow would "not allow infringements upon the vital interests of so-
cialism" or upon "the inviolability of the boundaries of the Socialist
Commonwealth."
A conference between Rusk and Gromyko on 6 October regarding Vietnam,
the Middle East, disarmament, and European security, reached no agreements,
and Rusk characterized the talks as "a scouting expedition." "Soviet pol-
icy damaged a good many efforts that were being made to resolve problems
in the general field of East-West relations," said Secretary Rusk on his
return to Washington from New York.
Foreign Minister Gromyko also talked with West German Foreign Minister
Willy Brandt, on 8 October 1968. While Brandt declined to discuss the
details, he did say their talk had been "very useful," adding significantly
that now West Germany would be even more cautious in its policy of bridge-
building with East European countries.
As part of efforts to recover from these diplomatic setbacks, the
Soviets welcomed an unusual number of foreign visitors to Moscow. They
included the Shah of Iran and his queen, the Yemeni Foreign Minister, the
Governor of West Pakistan, the Syrian Minister for Culture, National Guid-
ance and Tourism, and the Deputy Chairman of India's Planning Commission.
The Chief of the General Staff of the Iraqi Army also visited the USSR
during this period, heading a military delegation. They were guests of
Soviet Defense Minister Andrei Grechko.
Kosygin's Sudden Visit to Finland. Soviet Premier Kosygin's sudden,
unannounced, "unofficial" visit with Finland's President Kekkonen,
6-9 October, caused widespread uneasiness in Finland, which has tried to
maintain a precarious neutrality with the Russian bear next door. The
bland communique (why a communique after an "unofficial" visit?) and the
deadpan assertions by officials that Kosygin came for a fishing trip vaca-
tion did not obscure the real reason: the effect of the Czech crisis on
Finland. After the Chairman of the Finnish Communist Party (FCP), Aarne
Saarinen, condemned the Soviet invasion in very strong terms, after Finnish
Foreign Minister Ahti Karjalainen joined the general condemnation of the
invasion in the United Nations, and after the Finnish Communists suffered
heavy losses in the communal elections of 6-7 October, the Soviets dispatched
Kosygin to remind Finland that there are limits to how far "friendly neu-
trality" can be stretched before the Soviets take more formal action to
bring Finland back into line. The communique's invocation of the military
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clause in the Finnish-Soviet treaty of 19+8 was the slight baring of the
teeth that passes for a Soviet smile of friendship with neutral Finland.
Kosygin also took time to confer with Finnish Communist leaders, presum-
ably to rebuke them for the party's criticism of the invasion.
Soviet Posture on Germany. The sudden concession reportedly made to
Secretary Dean Rusk by Foreign Minister Gromyko in their meeting on
6 October that West Berlin was a legitimate sphere of security concern
for the U.S. and her allies, coupled with assurances that the Soviets will
not threaten the status quo, may be explained as a tactical move, to allay
the concern of the Western allies over Soviet intentions on the eve of a
ministerial-level meeting of NATO and thus to forestall the expected West-
ern effort to strengthen NATO. But the Soviets' position on Berlin would
also serve a second purpose: to lead the world to believe that western
interest in Berlin is equatable with Soviet interest in Czechoslovakia,
5. Soviet Military Aggressiveness
As part of the Soviet return to "business-as-usual," side by side
with a new Middle East "peace plan" which contained nothing new, the So-
viets are continuing their strengthening of the Egyptian armed forces.
The program allegedly calls for military supplies and equipment sufficient
to help Egypt retrieve, within two to five years, all territory lost to
Israel in June 1967.
While the editor of the authoritative Jane's Fighting Ships warned
about the increasing size of the Soviet navy and its penetration of the
Mediterranean and the Far East, the Soviets sailed their new helicopter
carrier Moskva into the Mediterranean, ominously strengthening Soviet
naval potential in this sensitive area. In the Christian Science Monitor
(Boston) writer Paul Wohl warned:
"The Soviets have also sailed deeply into the North
Atlantic, and their planes are on patrol beyond Iceland and the
British Isles. Whether their motivation is fear of NATO, as
they contend, or whether Soviet admirals -- like their counter-
parts, the marshals of the Soviet Army -- have begun to influ-
ence the political deliberations of the Kremlin in the sense of
a more active and aggressive naval policy, no one can say."
Finally, the Paris newspaper L'Aurore reports that for months Soviet
military instructors, technical advisers and specialists of all kinds'
have been arriving in Algeria.
6. Two Significant Western CP Reactions
The French Communist Party (PCF) is evidencing the effects of deep
division on the Czech crisis, so much so that L'Humanite published on
5 October an article by Central Committee member Lucien Mathey bitterly
attacking Politburo member Roger Garaudy, who is also a leading PCF
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theoretician, for "breaking party discipline" by writing a favorable pre-
face to a collection in book form of pre-invasion statements and doctrines
of the Czechoslovak leaders. Garaudy wrote: the "Czechoslovak positions
as defined between Janua and August this year were the 'model' of So-
cialism that came closest to our conditions." The Humanite article as-
serted that Garaudy exceeded PCF policy which, while condemning use of
armed force by the Soviet Union, nevertheless chided the Czechoslovak com-
rades for not having acted with sufficient vigor against 'anti-socialist'
tendencies. Garaudy was accused of "propagating 'new' definitions of so-
cialism in the economic field.," implying that such socialism would rely
unduly on intellectuals instead of on the working class: Mathey's article
possibly foreshadows disciplinary action and even expulsions from the
party.
Garaudy's position appears to have much in common with that of Andre
Berteloot, Secretary of the CGT (Confederation Generale de Travail --
Communist-led labor federation), thus indicating possible widespread sup-
port for such a thesis within the large and powerful labor union as well
as within the PCF. This would. help explain why L'Humanite is so concerned.
Berteloot was interviewed by _Prace (Czech trade union newspaper) in Prague
on 28 September while there as part of a CGT delegation meeting with re-
presentatives of the Central Council of Czechoslovak Trade Unions and the
powerful and Communist-led Italian CGIL (labor federation). Said Prace:
Berteloot "resolutely rejected assertions that the stand
of French trade unions on the military intervention in Czecho-
slovakia was only a tactical maneuver carried out with members
and voters in mind. He said the CGT position was absolutely
one of principle. He said the post-January (1968) road of the
Czechoslovak working class 'represented an attempt to find a
form of socialism which would be in accord with the economic,
social and other traditions of the country. The reason we are
interested in it is that once we have established the conditions
for building socialism in France, we shall be confronted by the
same problems!" (Emphasis added)
The Austrian Communist Parma announced on 3 October that the western
Communist Parties would probably hold a regional conference to discuss
their disagreements with Moscow over Czechoslovakia and to make a "posi-
tive contribution to the peaceful political solution of this problem,
including the speedy withdrawal of Soviet Bloc troops from CSSR." The
party has accepted an invitation from the CPSU Central Committee to send
a delegation to Moscow for bilateral talks, during which they will prob-
ably be subjected to heavy pressure to drop the idea of a regional confer-
ence. The likely degree of pressure may be judged from the vicious attack
made by Pravda on 5 October on Austrian Communist Party theoretician Ernst
Fischer, who has played a key role in proposing such a regional conference,
which included such remarks as: "It would be hard to find among the ranks
of Communist party members anywhere a person who stood. so close to the
crudest inventions of imperialist propaganda concerning the occupation of
Czechoslovakia."
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T. Ill-Timed Debut for a New West German Communist Party
Thirty-one men and women issued a manifesto in Frankfurt on
29 September announcing the founding of a new West German Communist Party
(DKP) as a variant of the outlawed Communist Party of West Germany (KPD).
Though tiny, the new DKP is backed by Walter Ulbricht's East Germany and
is presumed to be acting on Ulbricht's orders in a move to challenge Bonn's
12-year ban on the KPD. Leader of the new DKP is 59-year old Kurt Bachmann,
an old-time Communist, Nazi-era emigre who returned in 1945 to help re-
establish the KPD, and former editor of the Cologne Communist newspaper
Volksstimme.
To protect itself domestically, the Bachmann group made two statements.
It called for lifting the ban on the KPD, thereby avoiding the taint of
being a substitute for, or successor to, the outlawed party and automati-
cally subject to the same ban, Simultaneously, the new DKP declared its
respect for the Constitution and Bill of Rights of the Federal Republic.
The Bachmann group foreign policy platform echoes that of East Germany; it
reaffirms that the intervention in Czechoslovakia was a defensive measure,
favors the recognition of existing de facto European boundaries, and calls
for East-West German relations on a "basis of equality." Whether the new
party will foreswear typical Communist subversive tactics remains to be
seen. Will the leopard change his spots?
Whatever the reason for founding the DKP, the timing is inauspicious.
Events in Prague have alienated many left-wing elements who might other-
wise have been sympathetic. And, as the Frankfurter Rundschau commented
editorially, "the legal acceptance of the DKP will improve the image of
the FRG abroad since the legality of the neo-Fascist NPD, contrasted with
the ban on the KPD, has only facilitated Soviet propaganda efforts."
8. New Left Groupings Reviving in France
Pro-Chicom Grouping The contents of the new journal, Drapeau Rouge
(discussed in "Principal Developments in Communist World Affairs" of
September 1968) confirm not only its Maoist orientation, but also the fact
that it will be used as the nucleus of a new Communist party to the left
of the French Communist Party and dedicated to Maoist doctrines of violence.
The French have deduced from the awkward language that some of the edi-
torial material is provided directly by the Chinese Communist Embassy in
Paris. One of the strains animating the French New Left finds its inspi-
ration in Chinese communism and the "thoughts of Mao Tse-tung." Though
direct evidence is lacking, one should not be surprised to find not only
inspiration and editorial support from the Chinese Embassy, but also
financial support (the new magazine is a luxury edition and is distributed
gratis).
New Extreme Left Journal. Another extreme left journal is reported
to be ready to make its first appearance in France. Known simply as Rouge,
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it is said to represent student militants from the former Jeunesse Commu-
niste Revolutionnaire (Revolutionary Communist Youth) which was dissolved
by decree as the result of its participation in the May riots in Paris.
However, it now seeks to unite radicals from universities, secondary schools,
trade schools, etc., and also like-minded adults. Frankly revolutionary
in its intentions, it will emphasize the international scope of the revo-
lutionary movement and establish liaison with equivalent group in other
countries, such as the S.D.S. in Germany, the "Jeune Garde Socialiste"
(Young Socialist Guard) in Belgium, student movements in Italy and South
America, and the Zengakuren in Japan.
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NEW YORK TIMES CPYRGH
20 October 1968 T
A Balance Sheet on the Soviet Occupation
PRAGUE Alexander Dub"'4, views within the party would
gain expression. This was an-
cek, first secretary of the Com.: other Soviet demand to make
munist party, is trying to sal'!, 'the Czechoslovak Communist
vage what he can of liberalize. party monolithic and strength
tion In Czechoslovakia, His pro en the party discipline. There
gram 'has been battered since' are further Soviet pressures to
the Soviet-led invasion Aug. 20 slice off liberal elements within
21.
There is a spirit of defeat-
ism and dejection, especially,
among younger-people here, as
Dubcck Is forced to make one'
concession after another to the,
Russians"to achieve what Is
termed "normalization"' In rela-
tions between the two countries.
Though ', he still 'retains' the
confidence and trust of> most
Czechoslovaks, there is the feat
among liberals that he may be
pushc too far and that Czecho-'
slovaka will again become a
police state. Well before this
stage is reached, however, it is
almost certain Dubcck and his*
liberal colleagues on the party
Presidium would resign,
Drspite the pessimism pre-;
vailing; now, it is probably too;
'early to write an epitaph el--
t her fp'r Dubcck or his program.
DespltF the crowding by the
Soviets leadership, he still main.
tains Ma certain flexibility.
Here is what the balance
sheet' looks like two months aft
er th? invasion:
Thq Press. Gone is the free-
dom to criticize, to engage in'
polemics,. to express diverse
views, which provided such ex--'
hilaration and excitement in the
spring and early, summer
months. The new controls have,
probably hit the press the hard-
est, but even today occasional
liberties are taken in stretch-
ing the censorship rules.
The Party. Dubcek Eai s been
forced to tighten the controls
and end the democratic ex-
periment under which minority
the party such as organizations
of Communists and academic in-
stitutions. Dubcek is resisting,
these pressures.
Economic Management. The
Russians want an end to eco-
nomic refroms aimed at increas-
ing industrial efficiency by veer-
ing Czechoslovakia's commerce'
toward the West. They want
Czechoslovakia to continue play-i
ing her key role as heavy indus
trial supplier and munitions;
maker for COMECON, the Com
munist bloc's economic network)
Dubcek has made some con-'
cessions. The leadership now;
talks about'how much they love,
',COMECON. But he insists. that,
the process or decentralization
of industrial decision-making
will continue, with workers par.'
ticipating in the management of
enterprises, as they do in Yu-
goslavia: This is a key element
in the economic reform pro-
gram.
The Law. Dubcek and the
liberal leadership have repeat
ediy' stressed that - citizens'.
rights are guaranteed under
Czechoslovak laws and that
they need not fear midnight ar
rests and violations of personal
liberties. But there are stronb
pressures by the Russians for
the authorities here. to arrest
those whom Moscow regards as
leading the counter-revolution.
aries and stage show trials.
Most observers feel that if there
is -any point on which Dubcek,
Will. not yield, it Is this:
The Military. Soviet Premier
AIPS"PI lencygin awd Cztohoslo-
wvak Premier Oldrik Cernik signed
a treaty in Prague last week, pro-
viding for the gradual with-
drawal of most of the Warsaw
Pact invasion forces. Contingents
of Soviet forces will remain. The
stationing of Soviet forces here
has been denounced by the liberal
.Intellectuals as "another Mu.
nich" but there was ? little the
leadership could do about it.
That Dubcck has not given
Lup despite the intense Soviet
pressures is Indicated by the
commission he formed to deter-
mine the "tasks of the party in
the present period. This Is
aimed at preserving as much
of Dubcek's "action program" 'as possible.
The pressures come. on many
fronts. Soviet political officers
In Pilzen, for example, went to
the district committee of 'the'
party last week and demanded
that the editor of the Skoda
.Works newspaper be fired be-
cause he published certain na-
tionalistic poems.
Gen. Ivan Pavolsky, supreme
commander of the invasion forc-
es, threatened in a letter to
the Minister of Education to oc-
cupy the nation's schools
which he termed a "nest of
.counter-revolution!' - unless
teachers adopted a more favor-
able attitude toward the - Rus-
sians.
in the final tallying of the
`balance sheet, Dubcek Is seen as'
a man who Is trying to hold on
to power to prevent the com-
plete erosion of his liberaliza-
tion program. And he retains an
ultimate trump card--a threat of
resignation. This would probably
produce demonstrations In the
streets, general strikes and the
:rekindling of a potential expla'
sive situation.
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12 October 1.9U
CPYRGH
T
By PETER WORTHINGTON
Telegram Staff Reporter
attention in Canada
has recently focused on the
possibilities of France deliberate.
ly practising and encouraging
agitation and disruption in Can-
ada,. another instrument of poten-
tial . subversion has largely - es-
caped notice up to now.
Prime Minister' Trudeau 'has
lifted the- lid on the French ques-
tion, ? mnd the steam that has es-
caped may both ease the pres-
sure= and fog the eyes. '
But as yet the whistle hasn't
been 'blown on another matter
which, though it isn't directly re?
lated. to the problems with Paris,
does , embody another, possibly
moresignificant, development
with, greater international remifi-
cations. ,
This is the so-called Hemi-
spheric Peace Conference, orig-
inally scheduled for Montreal,
,Oct. 12, 13 and 14. It has now been
,postponed to November. Ostensi-
bly it will be devoted to opposing
the war in Vietnam. But.almost
certainly.it will become a forum
fon .?Anti-Americanism in. Latin
America.
Originally it was stated that
about 2,000 delegates from Can-
ada, the U.S. and various Latin
American countries would at-
tend., .
B a t balancing expectations
with probabilities,,, it now seems
that about 600 will actually show
up. This,is still a large number',
considering who and what the
participants will represent.
IAXDORI
NPiUFIAUCA
10SS
I/DDAESIA
zt COUNTRIES
WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UAIDRI
INTERNATIONAL UNION OF STUDENTS
WORLD PEACE COUNCIL
WORLD FEDERATION OF DEMOCRATIC YOUTH
WOMEN'S INTERNATIONAL
DEMOCRATIC FEDERATION
AFRO-ASIAA?LATIN
AMERICAN PEOPLES'
SOLIDARITY ORCAAIIATIIN
AALAPS0
AAVAXA tIS
12 COUNTRIES
LATIN AMERICAN
SOLIDARITY OROARIIATIIN
LAs#
RAVARA 1417
27 COUNTRIES
ASIAN SOLIDARITY
COMI HITS[
A SC
11 154
1ST AF, RD-ASIAN
34UDAXITY CONFERENCE
CAIRS 1007.5$
AS OOIIATRILI
TRIC41 MENTAL
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NAYhRA SHE
f2 CI UNTAIEI
TRICONTIXENTAL
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NEW YORK
THIRD WORLD
1NFCEOTREO
TORONTO
In, ions are that the Hemis j reefed towards anti-American is-
periq Peace Conference , (HPC) sues in Latin America.
will become an extension of the
Communist-sponsored, revolution-
oriented . 'i'ricontinental Confer-'
ence that was held in Havana in
January, 1966. - - I
The first indication that there
would even be a "hemispheric"
peace conference, was when the
question was raised at the Buda
pest conference of Communist
artie
i
th
i
t
f 1966
i
p
s
n
e w
n
er o
. Th
s
War ~G in itself is ominious.
P Y Since then the idea has steadily
expanded and matured.-
The. Vietnam .war issue seems It ..'seems likely that: Latin
mainly a ploy to get potential .Americans, led by 50 to 80 Cu.,
radicals and activists and bans,. will -dominate the Montreal
"peace-lovers" together so that meeting.. ",Some ?.150 -Chileans -
r~ Communists and- radicals are
Lthe ZUU 9/17: atj Ae15P78-03061A0004000300,10-5 '
WORLD
PEACE
'COUNCIL
AFFILIATES
A100-ASIAN FEOPLES'
SOLIDARITY OAOAIIEATION
AAPSO
IUINEA4 1H1
7' 1
PERMANENT
SECRETARIAT
CAIRO-
SOLIDARITY
FUND
EUINLA
COMMURIOT PARTY OF CUBA
POP. ACTION FRONT OF CHILE
RECEL ARMED FORCES FRONT OF CUATEMAU
RATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT OF MEXICO
RATIORAL LIBERATION FRONT OF VENEZUELA
LEFT LIBERATION FRONT OF URACUAY
LIBERATION
COMMITTEE
OPYRCH
T
'
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listed as perhaps coming, and
from the Argentine there are 24
pages of sponsors. How many
will actually turn up 'la another.-
matter.
Logic boggles at supposing
such a gathering would be con,
tent with merely discussing Viet-
nam. and .lamenting over Ameri.
can's Asian policies,
many members of 'the Soviet-
backed World Peace Council,
wds held in Cairo in 1957-58.
A second such conference was
held in 1960 in Conakry, Guinea,
and out of this was created the
Afro-Asian - Peoples' Solidarity
Organization (AAPSO), which in-,
eluded the earlier Asian. Solidari-
ty Committee.. , . "
The Soviet Union itself was ev
Locked doors -
press that has lavished most at-
tention on the upcoming confer-
ence..The Canadian Tribune has
given it frontpage headlines. -
The roots of this conference go,
.deep into the past. The Latin.
Americans see It as an extension
.of the 1966 Tricontinental Confer-
ence, and last year's, First
Conference of the Latin-Ameri-
can' S o l I'd a r i t y Organization
The :Havana conference was
held Jan. 3 to 15, 19(36. A total of.
728 accredited participants from
38 countries and three continents
attended. Canada was represent-
ed by Francis and Libbie Park of
the Canadian Tribune.. .
'eatually admitted as an "Asian" f _ Fidel Castro was especially
country, by dint of its territories: anxious to make a big thing of
east of the Ural mountains. The the conference .- ' so ' much so?
Russians began competing with that in order 'to ensure that no
the Chinese for control, and both' delegates left early, he closed the
Soviet and Chinese money kept' airports for the duration.
the organization solvent and paid, By this lime the once-modest
for delegates to attend confer-' Asian Solidarity Committee was
ences, a robust, cocky and rambunc-
tious creature that embraced
d .......1,...:,.
three Mnfiri+
an
Volatile
The mixture of these types,
with Quebec separatists, well
it's interesting, and disturbing to
contemplate.
Already there is it difference of
ideas as to what the hemispheric
Conference is to be all about.
Canadians' insist it is to be about
Vietnam the Latin Americans
see it as an, aid to their own
"revolutionary" movements.
The Americans, as stated by
Peter Oris of the militant Stu-
dents for a Democratic Society
(SDS) and one of the U.S. organ
isers of the conference, see it as.
a chance . to co-ordinate future
activities among radical groups '
in different countries.
.The Canadian " version seems.
the most unrealistic.
A look at the earlier Triconti-'
nental Conference and the LASO
gang might be useful to indicate
the intentions and composition of
the upcoming Hemispheric
Conference
It all began back in 1954 when
the Soviets sponsored the Asian'
Solidarity Committee through the
auspices of their front group, the
World Peace Council (WPC)
After the Bandung Conference
of 1955, held in Indonesia, and
which brought the heads of state
of some 29 countries together, the
Soviets began to horn-in in ear-
vi. "" ' 'b`u"". The Tric4ntinental Conferences
Further "solidarity" . confer-' again deeply involving the World
ences were held in Tanganyika in ;'peace Council, listed among its
1963, and in Ghana in 1965.
rime objectives:
p
Throughout there was bickering
and back-biting feuding-and-fuss- "To unite, co-ordinate and en-
ing over the appropriate tactics courage the struggle of the pee
to use (Soviet or Chinese) in or- pies of Asia, Africa and Latin"
der to fight the common foe - America against imperialism.
,Imperialism,, capitalism, colo- "To support. the revolutionary'
nialism, all euphuisms for the struggle as an inalienable and
'U.S. and its allies. imprescriptible right of the peo-
AAPSO was composed of 75 ples before imperialism, colonial-
"National Committees" from 75' ism land neo-colonialism. .
countries, and Its first objective, "To organize the solidarity of
as published in its manual, was `the 'peoples of the three conti-
to: "Utdte and' co-ordinate the. nents and serve as a permanent:
struggle of Afro-Asian peoples link among the different move-
against imperialism and colonial-. ments which are members of the
ism, to accelerate the liberation organization.
of the peoples and to ensure their ."To give effective support to'
economic, social and cultural de-.- the national liberation move-
velopment." - ? ' ..I ments in the three continents,
Curiously, to this' day, there using all the means 'within its
has been no machinery set pp to reach:"
achieve ? "economic, social ?. and The message was clear.
cultural development..". All stress,
.has : been 'given to "liberation,In Toronto the Third World In
;which simply means replacing formation Service, headed by
"the existing order with a more William Spira and Heather Dean,
Marxist one. -late' of the Students Union for
At x the fourth AAPSO confer-. Peace Action (SUPA), became.
an active echo of the Tricontinen
ence in Ghana, now - deposed tal Conference,
President Nk r u in, a h formally From this conference the AAP
moved , that a Tricontinental SO was transformed into the AA-
Conference be held in Havana. LAPSO '-, the Afro-Asian-Latin
The Russians, now feuding fu- American People's Solidarity Or-
riously and openly with . the ganization. '
Chinese, actively sided with Cuba gases were also laid for. the.
In order to ;prevent the next "so- Latin American Solidarity. .Or-,
lidarity"'-conference from being
nest. held in Peking. ganrzatron (LASO), which held
A "non - governmental" Afro- r ,.. its first. conference in Havana in
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representatives from 27 coun-
tries.
' In general,' the . objectives of
LASO were to "use all means"
within its reach to' support and
encourage "liberation" move-
ments and to "link its action ...
to the activities of the -Triconti-
nental organization."
,Among its proclamations was
one that "principles,of Marxism-
Leninism guide the revolutionary
movement of Latin America." 4.
Also that "guerrillas are the
embryo of liberation armies and.
constitute the most effective way
of initiating and carrying out the'
revolutionary struggle,",
? The slogan of. LASO Is: "The
duty of every revolutionary Is to.
make revolution." - ,
Too fast
At. the conference in Havana once in Montreal. Exactly what
last year, attended by 281 partlci- 'form it will take should be clear-
pants from 38 countries, the So- er next month.
viets attempted to, cool" the rove- Such ' a gathering,`' dominated'
lutionary ardor. by some of the most radical and,
Pravda, that organ of Soviet revolutionary elements in North
enlightenment, noted that "ex- 'and South America would be of
porting" revolution was a touchy obvious Interest to Quebec separ-.business'and if done indiscreetly, atists. It would also interest what
Cuban-style insurgence might agitators and subversives there
"seriously damage" Communist may be in that province -- be
parties and movements in these they Paris-sponsored, S o?v i c t.
countries. - ? 1 e a n i n g, Maoist-inspired, jut
It was almost as If Pravda was plain ' hooligans or Borne-grown
anticipating the 'rather ludicrous activists, All brands arc avail.,
and dismal demise of Che Gueva , able in this country.
ra, who is now being transformed ----~
into something of a revolutionar
y ,
icon. r Confusion ,
nlutionn; partly because he. chose, . How many of the,, Canadian,
the wrong country, for revolution;_ sponsors of the . Hemispheric
and partly because of simple Conference are aware of what,
ineptness, they are endorsing? . Those, who
' have lent their names to it,"
Which brings us to the present
.
A year ago last March, LASO The tentacle; of revolutionary' for might themsel well to attend and
18SLIed -a call
is all ovements 'with gu rrill as in Boliviad(heayd ttoowards Canada, be spreading about, 'and if it is compatible
ed by Che Guevara) -- before the' SUPA, which became the New with their beliefs.-
Bolivian government had even ac Left .Committee, which" became Possibly some do know what is
knowledged that there were guer the Canadians' for the National` happening. Possibly the. Phyllis
rillas active in that country! Liberation Front, which has" de.' Clarkes, the Raymond Boyers,
Other guerrilla movements in=veloped . such offshoots as" the Rabbi Feinbergs, Lukin Robin
volving LASO are In Colombia, ` 'Planned Action Committee; now` sons,. George Harris', Helen'
Peru and Venezuela. 'stresses 'A "liberation" move- Weirs, Chandler Davis', Ron'
In a way, the Latin Americans . ment, -in. -Canada to - forcibly Maynes and Dr. James Endieotts'
have one too fast for the So- "'free" ' the country, know exactly what they ars
g ..from the doing. , . t . ,,
viots,'even though LASO involved 'shackles of U.S. imperialism,
such Soviet-favored groups as the ?? Quebec's, separatist' movemettt But others may not, or may be
World Fed oration of Trade' fits `into this spectrum. ' confused - the June Callwoods,
Unions, the World Peace Council,' What began in 1954 as the So Laurier Lapierres, Andrew Bre> D the International Union of Stu- viet-sponsored A&ian Solidarity' Gerussis-vid Gauthiers and Bruno
dents, the Women's International Committee, and then "seeped Those who think that the' Viet
Democratic 'Federation, the In- through the Middle East into Af-'
ternational Organization of Jour- rica, and then on,.to Latin Ameri-' nam War is the prime reason,
nalists and ' the Tricontinental cais now about to reach Can ;why the . conference Is being
Committee to Support Vietnam. ada, t called ,may be disillussioned.,
bans, ~CLASO tried' toY become a ll new acn ,ot , "sohcoming.' for the anti-American get
will pr probablybly be forthcoming;
-third forcel"between the pro-So-.. from the Hemispheric Co fer. er -not the "reason."
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November 1968
SOVIET RELATIONS WITH THE COMMUNIST WORLD
For several years now the Soviets have been attempting to arrange a
world conference of Communist parties. It has become clear that their
basic aim in convening such a conference is to attempt to get back in
hand the world Communist movement -- or at least whatever part of it can
be brought back together. They clearly recognize that the movement is
rapidly losing its cohesiveness and that this trend must be stopped before
it is too late. It has now become obvious that there is no hope of re-
integrating the Chinese Communists, nor is there much hope of herding
Castro into the same fold as Ulbricht. But, they are intent on gathering
together whatever remaining part of the world movement they can, or re-
asserting the primacy of the Soviet Union in this movement and, if pos-
sible, on preparing a document which will embody the basic Communist doc-
trine to which all members of the movement will subscribe.
Despite considerable foot-dragging by such parties as the Italian
and Rumanian, two Preparatory Commission meetings had been held and the
date of 25 November set for the World Communist Conference. Then came
the invasion and occupation of Czechoslovakia and the entire proceedings
were thrown into doubt. The issue, as it was developed in the Communist
world, was clear: is the Communist movement a unified whole, dominated
by the Soviet Union, or is it a sort of federation of separate, equal,
autonomous elements?
The Soviet stand was set forth bluntly on 26 September when a leading
Soviet ideologist, Sergei Kovalev, writing in Pravda , enunciated a prin-
ciple which not only attempted to justify the Soviet armed incursion into
Czechoslovakia, but which would also henceforth provide a priori justifi-
cation for the Soviet Union to intervene in any manner it sees fit in the
domestic affairs of any Satellite country whose leaders were pursuing pol-
icies contrary to Soviet interests. The key passage reads:
"The peoples of the socialist countries and Communist
parties certainly do have and should have freedom for deter-
mining the ways of advance of their respective countries, How-
ever, none of their decisions should damage either socialism
in their country or the fundamental interests of other social-
ist countries and the whole working class movement, which is
working for socialism. This means that each Communist Party is
responsible not only to its own people, but also to all the
socialist countries, to the entire Communist movement.,.. The
sovereignty of each socialist country cannot be opposed to the
interests of the world of socialism, or the world revolutionary
movement."
-.The article is entitled "Sovereignty and International Duties of Social-
ist Countries."
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While this principle is advanced with the primary intention of defin-
ing relations between the Soviet Union and its European Satellites, its
implications for any Communist party outside the Soviet Bloc which iden-
tifies its interests with those of the "fatherland of socialism" are
clear: the Soviet Union arrogates to itself the authority to control such
a party's policies, whether before or after its accession to power.
The Kovalev thesis may be regarded either as a new doctrine or as a
more forceful, unambiguous re-formulation in neo-Stalinist terms of the
old Communist tenet known as "proletarian internationalism." Stalin's
classic definition in 1927 read:
"A revolutionary is he who without arguments, uncondi-
tionally, openly and honestly ... is ready to defend and strengthen
the USSR, since the USSR is the first proletarian, revolutionary
state in the world ... an internationalist is he who, unreserv-
edly, without hesitation, without conditions, is ready to de-
fend the USSR because the USSR is the base of the world revolu-
tionary movement, and to defend, to advance this revolutionary
movement is impossible without defending the USSR."
Stalin's former Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky stated the propo-
sition even more bluntly in the Soviet journal Voprosy Filosofii (Prob-
lems of Philosophy) No. 2, 1948:
"At present the only determining criterion of revolutionary
proletarian internationalism is: are you for or against the
USSR, the motherland of the world proletariat? An internation-
alist is not one who verbally recognizes international solidarity
or sympathizes with it. A real internationalist is one who
brings his sympathy and recognition up to the point of practical
and maximal help to the USSR in support and defense of the USSR
by every means and every possible form. Actual cooperation with
the USSR, the readiness of the workers of any country to subject
all their aims to the basic problem of strengthening the USSR
in its struggle -- this is the manifestation of revolutionary
proletarian internationalism on the part of workers in foreign
countries.... The defense of the USSR, as of the socialist
motherland of the world proletariat, is the holy duty of every
honest man everywhere and not only of the citizens of the USSR."
The Kovalev formulation of proletarian internationalism has met with
either silence or disapproval among Communists. But one leaders (not un-
expectedly an East German) has harmonized his voice with Kovalev's. A
speech by Eric Honecker, Politburo member of the East German Communist
party (known as the SED -- Socialist Unity Party), and heir apparent of
Walter Ulbricht, reprinted (significantly enough) in Pravda on 7 October,
contained the following passage:
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"Now, when proletarian internationalism is again being tested
for strength, the SED and all democratic parties and mass organi-
zations of the German Democratic Republic, all our people feel
closely tied to the great Soviet people, to their glorious Lenin-
ist party, the CPSU, and its Central Committee. Relations with
the USSR, relations with the CPSU, are for us, as for all Lenin-
ists, the most important criterion by which a party pretending
to the right to call itself Marxist-Leninist is judged. In our
time, it is impossible to be a Communist without love for the
land of Lenin, without supporting its policy...."
The Kovalev thesis was immediately recognized by western journalists
for what is was: a blunt statement of the Soviet demand that the "social-
ist" countries, indeed all Communist parties around the world, are to sub-
ordinate their individual interests to Soviet requirements, euphemistically
expressed as those of the "world revolutionary movement." The Yugoslav,
British and Austrian Communists attacked the revival of this thesis di-
rectly and the Rumanians indirectly (by invoking the phrase -- in vogue
since Khrushchev's reconciliation with Tito in 1955-56 -- of "mutual ref-
spect for the independence and sovereignty of the socialist countries").
Perhaps because of its bluntness, Soviet propagandists have subsequently
been reluctant to reiterate the Kovalev formulation, and have taken refuge
in less obtrusive and less blatant terminology, such as the necessity for
"unity," "cohesion," "solidarity," etc. in the international Communist
movement, counterposing its "international tasks" and "common interests"
to "national tasks" and "individual interests." However the thesis is
phrased -- obscurely, politely, euphemistically -- the meaning of "prole-
tarian internationalism" remains the same: Soviet interests take prece-
dence over those of any Communist party within or outside the Communist
camp.
As in other times of crisis and strain within the Soviet Bloc, invo-
cation of proletarian internationalism takes precedence over another (and
conflicting) thesis, though the two are usually stated side by side. One
authoritative expression of the contrary thesis is found in the 1957 Mos-
cow Declaration subscribed to by 12 of the 13 parties in power at that
time, including Communist China but not Yugoslavia: "The socialist coun-
tries base their relations on principles of complete equality, respect for
territorial integrity, state independence and sovereignty and non-
interference in one another's affairs." Now Kovalev has explicitly rejected
the absolute validity of the sovereignty concept, and posited the "higher
good" of proletarian internationalism.
The World Communist Conference (WCC) Preparatory Commission (PC)
meeting in Budapest 27 September-1 October can be regarded as a practical
application of the Kovalev doctrine. The adverse repercussions which the
Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia had on all non-Bloc Communist parties,
had, in the general view, thrown the issue of proceeding with the WCC,
and even preparations for it, in doubt. Yet the Soviets succeeded in
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mobilizing 58 parties (versus 54 and 67 in two previous preparatory meet-
ings), succeeded also in keeping the Czech issue from erupting into public
polemics, in getting a unanimous decision on the "necessity" of holding a
World Communist Conference, and in gaining assent to reconvene yet another
preparatory meeting on 17 November (which is to decide finally on a date
for the full WCC). It seems evident that the Soviets persuaded the parti-
cipants to subordinate their individual interest to those of proletarian
internationalism. In sum, it was a fair example of the servility to which
Communists are reduced in the service of this doctrine.
This does not mean, however, that the Soviets achieved a clear-cut
victory in their struggle to convene a world conference. Although the
25 November date originally designated for convening the full conference
was not cancelled outright (perhaps to save face for the Soviets), most
observers believe that the 17 November meeting will postpone the WCC to
some time in 1969 or to the indefinite future. And though discussion of
the Czech crisis did not break into public view, there can be no question
that the dissidence aroused by the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia was
the root cause for making uncertain the future of this pet project of the
Soviet Union.
(Attachment A is the English translation, made by Novosti, of the
Kovalev article appearing in the New York Times of 27 September. Attach-
ment B is a translation of a 25 September Izvestiya article entitled "The
Sacred Principles of Internationalism," which represents the more usual
approach to the subject, Attachment C is the text of the official com-
munique issued at the conclusion of the PC; it includes a complete list-
ing of parties participating.)
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 "' I I "" I CPYRGL I
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27 c1,_r:,..er ~777i
Pravda .The -Yim Article Intervention
Quoted
ll
1'
G
in Czethoslovakia
i~"utiia' UTAYC4t1 .' t/i
'Sovereignty and Interns- U.O V
?
S It t 1posed to one-sideness. The
la
t
? Duties vi oc
ona
s I demand that each phenom
ountries," published today .f b d co et 1
lice
arty' newspaper, and trans-
,
ated by Novosti, Soviet press
gency:
In connection with the
vents in Czechoslovakia, the
question of the correlation
and Interdependence of the
national interests of the so-
ticular topical nd ac.tte
Importance.
shun a caaminI
y
in general connection with
other phenomena, with other
cannot but take Into account'' t.;omrauc W.uolnulK'1, rose
such a decisive fact of our; -Secretary of the Central Coma
time as the struggle between] mittee of the Polish Unitcfd
This is an objective struggle..; when he said: -J
ill of the people, and slip comrades of ours in the other
lit Into two opposite social ' upholding the righteous cause.:
stems Lenin said! "Each' of socialism and the rover-
Just as, In Lenin's words
a man living in a' societ
system of other states comb
nity, cannot be free from th
.common interests of the
. The sovereignty of?. eaclj
The measures taken by the
Soviet Union, jointly with
defending the socialist gains
of the Czechoslovak people!
are of great significance for
.et-..nnthnning the cnelalict
an must choose between eighnty of the , peoples by
our
or the
-... . ,
..-?o
-?--
de. Any attempt to avoid , against the enti)r of our a
ust end in fiasco." When the enemy mines-our';
zed that when a socialist tsarist states, with dynamite.
non-affiliated" stand, it re- and International duty to ob-
ause of the might o the People who disapprove of
the world revolutions !'i
movement. Lenin demande 4
that all Communists filth d
communit ,which is the main against smau?nauon narrow i,
seclusion an
mindedness
e
,
nt of the interns-
achievem
donor working class. Isolation,. Consider the who!
sections, held in some places, ,the Particular to the general
socialist countries run coup _? The socialist states respect
,;determination. in practice, by coming ou
The groundlessness of such 1 'violate the sovereignty an
reasoning consists primarily; inde endence of nations.
atrnct nonclnss approach to
,sromese sams
t It i f the pu
in that it is based on an ab- tions that they reject th sovereigntyi the question of
ti
to leftist, adventurist conce
f
o s
ra
o
se
social-t 'tlon," of "bringing happ
f th
h
l
e
es o
e peop
T
1st countries and Communist,'?ness" to other peoples.
parties certainly do have and, However. from a Marxi
should have freedom for de-i ,point of view, the norms
_ J 1 ! aw. including the norms
i.vance R their' respective' mutual relations of the s
s' # tsarist countries, cannot
i
t
coun
r
e
However, none of their de-' interpreted narrowly, forma
e either ly, and In Isolation from th
6-1.4 d
m
s
a
ag
! thefun"' "' """ - strugso le in the modern wort
fundament fl interests of The socialist countries res
'
other socialist countries, and th,
!.the whole working class 1 lutely come out against
d,,,,nvement_ which is working # exporting and importing f
I Thi .,means that each Corm Opposing Systems Stresec~
not only to its vvvii vc1alalis free to apply the basic prf
but also to all the the socialist ` ci Ies of Marxism-LenInis
countries, to the entire Com- p ,
n,nnist movement. Whoever and of socialism in its cou -,
I the i maguLn fills. "' of tnly orn these riots ies assum1n
i
endence of the r~m. ~ p _ A ti
the inde
p
:a
3
omu
h each Communist party
Bove all the Socict Union as Icialist states are ignoring the
?
i
n
orce
h
isi
I -- ;
tla.
ce
, A.
c
also -'
-
eludes the might of its ;countries are defending the
rmed forces. The weakening t interests of all of world so-
lectly affects all the l The system of socialism
exists In concrete form ln,nilifferently upon, this. -ountries, which cannot look some countries: which - have
NATO Threat Seen their own definite state
The antisoclalist elements in boundaries; this system Is de-
zechoslovakia actually cov- veloping according to the
-red. up the demand for so- specific conditions of each
ailed neutrality and Czecho? country. Furthermore, nobody I
lovakia's withdrawal from interferes in the concrete.
he socialist community with j measures taken to improve .;
asking about the right of the socialist system In the dif.
rations to self-determination. ferent socialist countries
However, the implementa- However. the picture
on of such "self-determina- AL. changes fundamentally when's
on," In other words, Czech-a danger arises to socialism".
slovakia's detachment from itself in a particular country.
be socialist community,' As a social system, world so-
would have come into con-,. cialism is the common gain'::
lict with its own vital in-,}of the working people of all
crests and would have been, lands; It is indivisible and Its
etrimental to the other so-' k,
is the common cause
ialist states. i of all Communists and nit
Such "self-dete;rnina'.inn,"I' progressives in the world, in?;
s a result of wh'. h NATO the first place, the working
roops would have ueen able folk of the socialist Countries.,
o come up to the Soviet
!order, while the community, s "Rightist' Alm Described
f European socialist coun?~ The Bratislava statements
ries would have been split,,. of the Communist and Work-,'
n effect encroaches upon the i err' parties says of socialist
rital interests of the peoples'; gains the "support, consoli-
if these countries and con- ; dation an1l defense of these
licts, as the very root of it. gains, won at the price of
with the right of these people'; {heroic effr?rt and t,ir self-''
o socialist self-determination. ` sacril' a of hpe p':,, rep-
Discharging' their interne- resent a nor it,, !1y2.
,ionalist duty toward the' ,ional uty :d obliz,ation for
raternal peoples of Czecho- all the socialist countries."
lovakia and defending their, What the right-wing anti-'
wn socialist gains, the,' socialist forces set out to
J.S.S.R. and the other social achieve in recent months in
st states had to act deci-' Czechoslovakia did not refer,
ivel and the didacta ainst
G 19QC 1$ _ c _ ?r3 site! _.tlu,wL mm~nt n. .1.~
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,application or the principle The 'help to the working
of Marxism-Leninism to the people ,of Czechoslovakia by
d
,concrete con
itions obtaining.
in that country, but consti-"
tuted ehtn th
ncroacmen oe
foundations of socialism, on
,.the basic principles of Manx-,
ism-Leninism.
1:? This is the nuance that`
'.people who have fallen for!
the hypocritical nonsense of
the antisocialist and revision-'
,ist elements still cannot un-
derstand. Under the guise of
"democraLiza tion" these ele-.
oments were little by little
;shaking the socialist state,
`seeking to demoralize the.
Communist party and befog-
the minds of the masses,;
} stealthily hatching a counter-'
revolutionary coup, and they*
were not duly rebuffed inside,'
!#e country.
Could Not Stand Aside
'Naturally the Communists
of the fraternal countries;
could not allow the socialist;
states to be inactive in the,;
name of an abstractly under-
stood sovereign',, when they;
saw that the country stood;;
In peril of antisocialist de-
generation.
The actions in Czechoslo?j
vakia of the five allied so-
cialist countries accords also,
with the vital interests.of the,.
people of the country them
Socialism, by delivering at
nation from the shackles of
an exploiting regime, Insures:
the solution of the funda-,
mental problems of the na
tional developments of any,
country that has embarked
upon the socialist road. On:
the other hand, by encroach-i,
Ing upon the main stays of
socialism, the counterrevolu
tionary elements in Czecho.
Slovakia undermined thevery,
foundations of the country's;
independence and covet-.,:
eignty.
Formal observance of the',
freedom of self-determination
of a nation in the concrete
situation that arose in Czech-;
oslovakia would mean free-}
dom of "self-determination"t,
not of the popular masses,
;the working people, but ofa
their enemies.
The antisocialist path, "neu-'-
trality", to which the Czech-:
onlovak people were pushed'
would bring it to the loss,
of its national independence.,
World imperialism, on its'
part,, supported the anti.
socialist forces In Czechoslo
vakia, tried to export coun
terrevolution to that country,
In this way.
which prevented the export
of cognterrevolution from
abroad ;constitutes the actual
aoverefgnty of the Czecho-
slovak' socialist republic
against those who ,would like
to deprive It from its sover-?
eigntyrand give up the coun-.
try t9 imperialism.
Politipal Means Exhausted
The fraternal Communist
partie~.of the socialist coup-.
tries Were for a long time
?takine'measures, with maxi-,
mum ,elf-restraint and pats-,
ence?!o help the Czechoslo
yak `people with political.
~meanp to stop the onslaught.
of antisocialist forces in!
. Czechoslovakia. And - only;,
,wh n all such measures were,
exh Lusted did they bringl
armed forces into the coun-i
try.
Tile soldiers of the alliedt
socialist countries now, inj
Czechoslovakia proved by
their actions indeed that theyi
have no other tasks than the }
tasks of defending socialists
gain In that country.
Thpy do not Interfere in;
the internal affairs ,of the
country, are fighting for the.
principle of self-determina.
tion oi~ the peoples of Czecho-,
.slavakia not in words but in'
deeds, tIare fighting for thein
Inalienable-.right to think outs
profoundly and decide their
fate themselves, without in-
timldation on the part 'of
counterrevolutionaries, with
out revisionists and national..,.
'Ist demagogy.
Class Approach to Law '
Those who speak about they
f"illegal actions" of the allied
socialist countries in Czecho-,
Slovakia forget that in a
!class society there Is not,,
and there cannot be non-F
class laws.
Laws and legal norms are4
3I subjected to the laws cti the.
class struggle, the laws of
social ddvclopment. These.
laws are clearly formulated
in Marxist-Leninist teaching,.
In the documents jointly.
'adopted by the Communist;
and Workers' parties.'
Formally Juridical reason-
ing must not overshadow ai
class approach to the matter.',
One who. does it, thus losing'
the only correct class crite.
rion in assessing legal norms.
begins to measure events-
with a yardstick of bourgeois
law.
Such an approach to the
question of sovereignty means
that. for example, the pro.
gressive forces of the world
would not be able to come
out against the revival of
neo-Nazism In the Federal
Republic of Germany, against
the actions of butchers
;Franco and Salazar, against
'reactionary arbitrary actions"
of "black colonels" in Greece,
because this is "the internal
affair" of "sovereign" states.
Vietnam Example Cited
It is characteristic that
both the Saigon puppets and
their American protectors
also regard the notion of
sovereignty as prohibiting
support for the struggle of
progressive forces.
i They proclaim at every
crossroads that the socialist
countries, which are render.
Ing help to the Vietnamese,
people in their struggle for
'Independence and freedom,
are violating the sovereignty
of Vietnam. Genuine revolu
tionaries, being internation
'allsts, cannot but support
progressive forces In all,
countries In their just strug.
F for national and social
liberation, J
The interests of the social-,
Ist community and of the
whole revolutionary move-?
ment, the Interests of social-,
ism in Czechoslovakia de-
mand complete exposure and
political isolation of the re-.
actionary forces In that coun-.
Z , consolidation of the,
rkin people and con-.
sistent implementation of the
Moscow agreement between'
the Soviet and Czechoslovak
leaders.
There Is no doubt that the '
actions of the five allied so-
cialist countries in Czecho
Slovakia directed to the de-
fense of the vital interests of
the socialist community, and .
the sovereignty of socialist
Czechoslovakia first and
foremost, will be Increasingly
supported by all those who
have the interest of the
present revolutionary move-'
ment, of peace and security
of peoples, of democracy and
socialism at heart , , .
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IZVESTIYA, Moscow
25 September 1968
"Scared Principles of Internatibnalism"
. Life has convincingly proved that socialism,, in its forward movement, overcomes
all barriers. Such is the objective law of the new world which is coming, through
turbulent class battles, to replace the old world of capitalism. Whereas not so long
ago it was hoped in the camp of our enemies that it would be possible to halt
historical progress, such hopes have been finally dashed to the ground by recent events.
Al,]. those who hold dear the cause of socialism and the peaceful future of the people
are reading the dispatches coming from Czechoslovakia today with a feeling of confidence
which is growing stronger. Even the most frantic anticommunists are now compelled to
admit the invincibility of socialist gains in that country and the fact that counter-
revolution found'itself powerless against them.
? Among the people of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic there has noticeably been an
increasing understanding of the necessity of bringing the allied forces into the
country. Nationalist intoxication aroused by antisoeialist propaganda is being gradually
dissipated.
Genuine Czechoslovak patriots are realizing more and'more clearly the vital
importance of a consistent and honest implementation of the discussions taken at
the Soviet-Czechoslovak talks in Moscow.
At the same time one cannot fail to be legitimately alarmed at the fact that antisocialist
sentiments are still making themselves felt in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.
The process of normalizing the state of affairs which has begun in the Czechoslovak
Socialist republic is clearly not to the taste of the imperialist circles which are
not using their propaganda services to give any support they can to the antisocialist
forces in Czechoslovakia.
The present international situation, notable for an aggravation of class warfare in
the world arena and a step up of aggressive activity on the part of imperialism,
demands that the builders of socialism make even more effective use of the mighty
arsenal of Marxist-Leninist ideas. An exceptionally important role in this connection
was played by the conference of representatives of communist and workers parties of
Bulgaria, Hungary, the.GDR, Poland, the Soviet Union, and Czechoslovakia which took
place in Bratislava on 3 August this year. The declaration approved by the
participants in the Bratislava conference contained a formulation of the major
principles of strengthening the unity and oahesion of the socialist countries,
principles of struggle,at the present stage for consolidating the positions of
socialism, for the peace and security of people, and against the aggressive policy of
imperialism.
Not much time has elapsed since the conference in Bratislava, but it has been a
period filled with great events which have fully confirmed the correc'tnes's of the
deductions made by participants of the conference and set forth in their declaration.
And today one can state with confidence that, acting unflinchingly in the spirit of
that declaration, the socialist countries have already made a considerable
contribution to the strengthening of the cause of socialism.
Can people who have come to know the triumph of free labor and life with the
establishment of socialism wish .to depart from the road they have chosen? Of course
not. Expressing their firm will, the participants in the Bratislava conference
unanimously declared their unflinching determination to develop and defend the
socialist gains. .in their countries and to strive for new successes in building
socialism. The~Bratislava declaration'contains a vitally important principle,
dictated by the,nepessity for further united action by the socialist states. The
support, strengthening, and defense of these gains, which were achieved at the.price
of,the. heroic efforts aid selfless labor of every people, is the common international
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This is all the more important in view of the fact that the foes-or socialism are
quite prepared to make use of the well-known tactics-of the old colonialists:
divide and rule. Not risking a frontal attack, they are especially active in making
use of these tactics in ideological struggle against the socialist countries. The
policy of building bridges and other political diversions of the West pursue the aim
of achieving erosion of Marxist-Leninist ideology as the ideological foundation of
a socialist society, impairing its political organization, and thereby clearing the
field for antisocialist activity in one country or another. The fraternal parties,
as was stated in the Bratislava declaration, firmly and resolutely oppose their
unshakable solidarity and high degree of vigilance to any attempts by imperialism,
as well as by any of the other anticommunist forces, to weaken the leading role of
the working class and the communist parties. They will never allow anyone to drive
a wedge between the socialist states or undermine the foundation of the socialist
social system. The significance of this principle, recorded in the Bratislava
declaration, cannot be overestimated.
The document approved by the participants in the Bratislava conference has developed
the principles collectively formulated by the fraternal parties at their conferences
in Moscow in 1957 and 1960--applying these principles to new conditions. This docu-
ment expresses positions and views which accord with the interests of all fraternal
countries and parties, with the cause of the unshakable friendship of the peoples
of socialist states, and with the interests of peace, democracy, national independence,
and socialism. It was by fidelity to the principles. fixed in the. Bratislava deola.ra-
r:i"n, Oust i 19Y deiiy;y iA Uhi-4r 1~~+e6ntii*Asia ~ duty and obligations as allies, that
the Soviet Un:?n and the other allied states were guided when a real threat was hang-
ing over the socialist gains in?Czechoslovakia. These lofty Marxist-Leninist princi-
ples are inspiring our soldiers, who came to the fraternal soil of Czechoslovakia
for the sole purpose of guarding the freedom and independence of that country as a
socialist state.
The builders of the new world would be Utopians and not the revolutionary realists
which Lenin taught them to be if they considered that complex problems did not arise
in the development of'socialism. These problems exist, and united efforts by the
fraternal countries and peoples are necessary for their solution. The significance
of the Bratislava declaration is all the greater because it contains a clear and
constructive program for strengthening all-round cooperation of the socialist countries.
Since the signing of that document a number of bilateral and multila.teralfl etings of
leading figures of the fraternal countries and parties have taken place. In Moscow,.
for instance, Soviet-Czechoslovak talks were carried out in the course of which the
conviction was expressed by both sides that one of the main ta:?:;in.the present condi-
tionn in Czechoslovakia was implementation of theses and principles formulated at the
Bra.iL lava conference.
The socialist states coordinate their actions in the international arena. How neces-
sary this is especially convincingly proved by the'present development of the inter-
national situation. The NATO bosses have recently e:,ibarked on a,.n open course for a
mii..tary-political compnet against the Warsaw Pact countries. Especially active in
funning an atmosphere of hysteria znd tension in Europe are the ruling circles of
the German Federal Republic; supported by American imperialism. The criminal aggres-
s"on of the United States against the heroic Vit':namese people is continuing. The
e: hers of the unquencnRdd fire ..f war which was l~?t by Israeli extremists in the Near
Dist are being intensive3.y fanx-ed. '
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The communist parties and go ve- nm~nts of the fratern?~1 countries are taking up a
c:ummon attitude toward all these burning problems-of international life, prrceeding
from the interests of the struggle for peace and against the aggressive pt:"cy of
imperialism. The CPSU and the USSR Go--,ernment have proved by their actioza that
they fu1::y adhere, and wil]. continue to adhere, to the collectively formulat'd prin-
ciples. The international unity of communists is tempered in strruggle against imper..?
alism a;W all variants of opportuni,m and sectarianism. Practice shows that dev~at.i
from Marxism-Leninism becomes especially dangerous whenconbinsd with manifestations
of bourgeois nationalism. UnreconcI1able struggle again !. all deviations from
Leninist principles, and against their nationalist, dogmatic, and revisionist dis-
tortions, is the condition and pledr,,, of a successful rebuff to imperialist schemes.
,the condition and pledge of the triumph-of the cause of peace, democracy, nationaj
independence and sooialism.
Moscow TASS
1 October 1968
(C)
Text of Communique
(Communique on meetings of the working group and commission for the preparation of an
international meeting of communist and workers parties]
-A meeting of the working group and commission for the preparation
of an international meeting of communist and workers parties took'place in Budapest
from 27 September to 1 October 1968.
Taking part in the meetings were representatives of the following communist parties:
The Socialist Vanguard Party of Algeria, the U.S. Communist Party, the Communist
Party of Argentina, the Communist Party of Australia, the Communist Party of
Austria, the Communist Party of Belgium, the Bulgarian Communist Party, the
Communist Party of Bolivia, the Brazilian Communist Party, the Communist Party
of Chile, the Progressive Party of the Cyprus Working People, the People's Vanguard
Party of Costa Rica, the Czechoslovak Communist Party, the Communist Party of
Denmark, the South African Communist Party, the Communist Party of Ecuador, the
Communist Party of Northern Ireland, the Communist Party of Finland;
The French Communist Party, the 'Communist Party of Greece, the Guadeloupe Communist
Party, the Guatemalan Party of Labor, the Haiti Party of People's Unity, the
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Communist Party of Honduras, the Communist Party of India, the Irish Workers Party. the
Iraqi Communist Party, the People's Party of Iran, the Communist Party of Israel,
the Communist Party of Colombia, the PZPR, the Lebanese Communist Party, the Communist
Party of Luxembourg, the MSZMP, the Party of Liberation and Socialism of Morocco, the
Martinique Communist Party, the Mexican Communist Party, the MPRP, the Communist Party
of.Great Britain, the SED, theSED of West Berlin, the KPD, the Italian Communist
Party, the Paraguayan Communist Party, the Peruvian Communist Party, the Communist
Party of Reunion, the Rumanian, Communist;.Par" y, the Communist Party of Salvador, the
San Marino Communist Party,;'the : Communist, Party of Spain;" the Swiss Labor Party, the
Syrian Communist. Party., the,.CPSU,-the Sttdafiese.Communist :Party,.the Communist. Party
o.f Turkey, tha,Tun9aiann:.Communizt Party, the Communist.?arty of Uruguay, and the
Communist Party of Venezuela.
Several parties, whose representatives could not arrive for the meeting due to different
reasons, addressed appropriate letters to the preparatory commission.
The preparatory commission heard and approved information on the work to prepare a
meeting of communist and workers parties. Questions connected with the international
meeting of communist and workers parties were discussed. The participants in the
preparatory commission unanimously confirmed the need for an international meeting to
consider the tasks-of struggle against imperialism at the contemporary stage, and for
the united actions of communist and workers parties, and all the anti-imperialist
forces.
The participants in the preparatory commission deem it expedient to consider again
,the question of the date when the international meeting should be held. They decided
'to consult the central committees of their corresponding parties on this question.
The members of the preparatory commission agreed to convene a regular session of the
preparatory commission in Budapest on 17 November to discuss the date for the meeting's
convocation and the procedure of_its further preparation.
The meeting of the working group and preparatory commission proceeded in an
atmosphere of free, comradely exchange o views and demonstrated once more the
uesdre of the fraternal. parties to further develop cooperation on the basis of
Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism.
NEW YORK TIMES (D)
3 October 1968
Excerpts ?
CPYRGHT
CPYRGH
T
IkITE"'o efoi "Yellerar,
C ens D.Z.
5y'clal to'rha N* ~or 'I'1mr,
UNITED';NATiONS, N. Y.,-
Oct. 2-Foll0wing are ex
'cerpts from addresses made
before the General Assembly.
today by Secretary of State..
Dean Rush and by Torstein
By Mr. Rusk
Czechoslovakia today is an
occupied country. Six weeks
ai;o, in the middle of the
night, suddenly and without
warning, that small .inde-
.pendent state was invaded
by a massive army led by the
Soviet Union. Thus a world
which had begun to speak
of a thaw in the cold war
feels once aAfDproov16d F4
,..,.,,...,.,............ ...,
vict.purpose. plot but simply from the na
in recent months the 111;w, Nor was there an invita-
ileaders of Czechoslovakia. ,.__
t from any
or e tes
d
t
uc
mumst system, to con
r armed forces of the Warsaw
their country's internal at- ,,,,, to enter the rnnntrvand
rains in CCeucuancc wnu ucw
render so-called "fraternal
policies, more responsive to
f the assistance." " I doubt that any'
-_ ---
o
,=i nt: ouvIe. h,vua,vn Wua. Yet today, six weeks later,
mounted ins order to'reverse a~ ern rnnnix ks la
bj
ct
d t
i
i
e
o su
es an
these pol
c
Czechoslovakia once again to the occupying forces remain
. ... . in Czechnclnvalda. We arc
_.1.,,r.. were signs of e desire malization.
ovie n
:the job of reimposing censor-
-ship. on the press, the radio
and the television of Czecho-
slovaltia; to abolish this or
that organization not con-,
genial with Soviet ideas; to
get rid of this or that leader'
of whom Moscow disapproves.
Despite Soviet assurances
that their occupying forces
will not intervene in internal
matters, Soviet military com-
manders have forcibly oc-
cupied and closed certain
newspapers; and that same
"fraternal assistance" is now
being furnished to ministries
of the Czechoslovak Govern
ment.
These acts against Czecho-
slovakia, so repugnant in
themselves and so dangerous
little
e
.v. u
-
- e of the United Na
'ais~l$(~0fad4glcsii~lA-SO~aAQQ04i{ZOOfs~ 9
hZi overnments of the
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great majority or, the nations
of the world; artists and in-
tellectuals with a long record
of friendship for the Soviet
Union; even the, leaders of.
sonic of the world's largest
Communist parties- all have
condemned the invasion and
called on the invading powers'
promptly to withdraw.
Twenty-three years ago
when the United Nations
came into existence, it was
hailed as the hope of the
world. One main reason for.
this hope was. the restraint
which the Charter placed
upon the historical tendency
of great powers to abuse the
rights of smaller states. This
central restraint of the Char-
ter has been brushed aside
by the U.S:S.R. The United,
would be an impossible task.' whenever the Soviet Union r gctically, the road to on
But last week this task was; finds It in conflict with the `honorable peace.
ti
l
i
'
"
To this end, last March
President .Tnhnsnn excluded
from air and naval bombard-
ment all of North Vietnam
north of the 20th parallel an
area containing 7h per cent
o? the land and 00 per cent
of the population of North
Vietnam. Ile took this step
despito the fact that even
today not one square mile
or Smith Vietnam is immune
from attack. This major in-
itiative led to the opening of
Nations has been told, in a
singularly 'crude phrase, not
,
affairs of any of its members' I Finally, in the same article,' The road to detente is the
that happen to lie in Eastern', we read that "the . sover-; ..road of the Charter.
Europe within reach of So- ,eignty of each socialist `;,.Strife In Southeast Asia
viet armies. `country cannot be opposed n' I turn now to the strife in
True, In recent years, espe to the interests of the world Southeast Asia, where our.
ciaily in the Nineteen Sixties,", of socialism, of the world 'duty-our fervent desire-is
signs slowly appeared that`, revolutionary movement." to seek an end to the violence
Moscow was beg inning. -.to..,And as if to make sure that, with Its 'tragic suffering and
permit its neighbors in East `this instruction from the larg- its risks of larger war. We
ern Europe to enjoy soma ;-est Communist country is must do all we can ' to turn
measure of Independence.-,,,, fully understood by citizens 'from 'war to the works of
The idea of "different roads I of smaller Communist coun-` peace.
T
T socialism" became re- tries, the writer adds this. . In Vietnam the purposes of
reminder: "Lenin demanded'
the United States and its al
In on and against all Communists fight lies 'are very simple.
against small-nation. on. oar
its Warsaw Pact allies. Even. rowmindedness." We want no
~ permanent
as late as Aug. 3, they joined' Such are some highlights military bases' in Vietnam.,
in a communique at Bratis-; of this new contribution from. We are not trying to take
lava declaring that coopera- Moscow to the discussion of, over any. part of Vietnam,
tion among them would be international law--a contri nor do we threaten any legit
based on "equality, respect bution which does :not once imate interests of any nation
for sovereignty and national mention the Charter of the' in Asia. We want no Ameri
independence, [and) terra United Nations, In 'the' light can empire In Asia,
tonal integrity." of recent, events, this As What we do want is a po
Alon with this trend were sembly is entitled to know, litical solution on honorable
other developments equally what the Soviet leaders }'terms--a solution consistent'
hopeful for the cause of anean ? by-this doctrine of with the safety and national
peace. These Included notable theirs. existence of all of the smaller
We have proposed that the'
demilitarized zone be re-
stored.
We have proposed that all
parties comply fully with the
Geneva agreements of 19G2
on Laos.
We have proposed that all,
concerned respect the ter-
ritorial integrity and neutral-
ity of Cambodia.
We have stated our belief.
that all the South Vietnamese
people should be allowed to
participate peacefully in their
country's future, and have
reaffirmed our belief in self.
determination on the basis
of "one man, one vote."
Hanoi's Rejections Noted
We have restated our inten-
tion to withdraw our forces'
from Vietnam as the other
side withdraws, as infiltra-
tion stops and the level of
violence thus subsides. And
we have proposed a number
of ways in which the level
of violence in Vietnam could
W, reduced and ultimately
new willingness by the So-; the states allied with the 'the people of South , Viet-'endcd."
vict Union to allow its people- Soviet Union, the "nonclass nant can decide their' own: But Iranoi has rejected all
a degree of contact with the' laws of the United Nations destiny,free of force. these and many other pro-
outside world. ...Charter are mere abstract We believe the question of easels. , We look to the
'Doubt and Discouragement
Now the subjugation of
Czechoslovakia has raised-
doubt and discouragement'
about many a hopeful ven-
ture. President Johnson's
diligent---efforts to ''build
brides of common .Interest'
and contact between, Fast,
and West have been attacked:
and misrepresented. Policies
initiated by the Federal Re-.
public of. Germany to Im-.
prove its relations with'East-
ern Europe have likewise'
been condemned.
One might think that to
devise a justification for such,
gross violations of the first
principles ? of the Charter'
,,to be the laws of the "class` .free choice by the peoples
struggle"? Of North and South Viet?
A Mere 'Abstraction'? :ram without outside 3ntcr--'
Does it mean ' that the Terence.
. We want a settlement on,:
Charter's laws -Of sovereign, 'the basis of. the 1054 and:
equality of states, and of na-; 1062 Geneva, agreements.
tional self-determination, arel :
These peaceful purposes
powerless to shield smaller, continue to guide us. Let no
states within the Communist, one mistakenly suppose'that.
bloc from invasion and dom-.: military. pressure or any,
ination by.the Sovlet..Unioa other kind of pressure can-,
in the name of the "class; make us abandon our..com
struggle"? .. ? .a} mitment to help' the llepab~.'
Does it mean that` the. jic.of Vietnam defeat aggres-',
Charter's law prohibiting the. sion f l'otn 'the North and
threat or use of 'force against detcrnhinc its own future. But
other states will be dismissed', in carrying out that commit-
as a mere - -"abstraction",. merit we shall pursue ener-
c
e
attempted. in. an ar
n. i
class struggle
laws of the
Moscow's most authoritative' Does it mean that the So-:
organ, Pravda, Met Union's doctrine of
Therein we read that, "con-', ' "Peace fuh-coexistence" does
Crary, to the, general impres-. not apply to its own allies or
sion, the foreign occupying, those with the same social
armies in, Czechoslovakia are, system?
actually "fighting for the. ? Finally: when will the So-
principle of self-determina viet Union, whose interna-
.tion of the'peoples of Czechs 'tional relations are subject
oslovakia,": We read further, to the United Nations Char-
that to condemn the lnva ter, make good on' its 'own
sion as a violation of sover- ' repeated promise on its own
i
ng.its occupy
orces
f
rom
ng
"
i
f
eignty and national self-i
determination betrays ? "an` Czechoslovakia?
abstract and nonclass ap-. The nations of the world
preach" to the subject, be will look to the Soviet Union
cause "in a -class society, for answers to tthese ques-
there is-not and there cannot. .lions, and for assurance that
be nonclass laws." And still it is not seeking to place it
further we read that "laws, self. above the Jaw of the
negotiations
May.
the United
in Paris
last
tatives have rrrnrnrl I
r,,,,,_
and legal norms are 'sub' rrnarEer, her of spe.cifir. proposals for
iected to
the Laws of the' Let us say very plainly and de-escalation and a political
Vietnam to indicate now trey
propose that the fighting be
scaled down. For our part,
we arc prepared to stop the
bombing the minute we can
be confident that this would
lead toward peace.
But it takes two sides to
make peace. The will to
peace in the Ur.ited States---
both among its leaders and
people-is deep and abiding.
An honorable settlement is
possible. What remains Is for
l anoi to get down to the
serious business of malting
peace in par!,,;. They will find
the United States receptive
and willing to negotiate in .
good faith.
Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5
7
 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 :. CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5
Perhaps the United Na-
tions, as some have sug-
gested, has fallen short of
the high hopes. that were
entertained for It at its births
But , we can remember. the;
`revered statesmen `' who'
launched this organization'
.upon its course. We can re.
.'call major agreements which
`represent giant steps toward'.
peace. We can take deep;
satisfaction from the,histor-'
ical process of decoloniza
tion, which is reflected in the
rise, of our membership.froniv
.51 to 125.
And we can be grateful for,
the dedicated service which?
the world has received fromv
the representatives of this,
organization as they havo'
toiled tirelessly and patient-'
ly, often in danger and with.,
out thanks or praise to bring
reason to bear in the affairs'
of. mankind. This ? organiza-'
tion was not created to pre-+
side over an earthly paradise;'
,it was created to enable frail
:human beings to find a way
to resolve their disputes by
peaceful means and to ioin
)lands in conquering their,
difficulties, animosities, pas-+
'dons and fears-all in the
.fidelity, to the Charter,
Approved For Release 2P05/0$/t : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5