BI-WEEKLY PROPAGANDA GUIDANCE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000300050004-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 37
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 17, 1999
• Sequence Number: 4
• Publication Date: November 8, 1965
• Content Type: REPORT

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~ ~- v
r' i9n it'cant Dates
?
NOV.
26 Women's Internat. Democratic Fed. (WIDF -- Communist) 20th anniversary.
29 Yugoslavia proclaimed People's Republic. 1945. 20th anniversary.
DEC.
8 Republic of China establishes seat of government at Taipei, Taiwan; leaves
mainland in Communist hands. 1949.
8 5th Congress, International Federation of Resistance Movements (FIR),
Budapest, 8-12 December (Communist).
10 UN General Assembly adopts, 48-0, Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Soviet Bloc abstains. 1948.
14 USSR expelled from League of Nations for unprovoked aggression against
Poland and Finland. 1939.
15 US Bill of Rights (First Ten Amendments to Constitution) declared ratified.
(174 years of progressive democracy). 1791.
16 Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev form ruling triumvirate ("troika") when
second stroke ends Lenin's public career. 1922.
18 Lavrenti Beria tried and executed. (18-23 Nov.) 1953.
19 Vietminh attack on French at Haiphong begins 7 1/2 year war. 1946.
19 Cuban-Soviet joint communique openly aligns Cuba with USSR's domestic
and foreign policies. 1960.
20 Council of People's Commissars creates Extraordinary Commission to Combat
Counter-Revolution (CHEKA), secret police; forerunner of GPU (State Polit-
ical Administration formed 8 February 1922), OGPU, NKVD and MVD.
20 UN makes second call on CPR for Tibetan freedom. 1953.
21 Joseph V. Stalin born. 1879. (Dies 5 March 1953)
23 Inter-American Conference for Maintenance of Peace (1-23 Dec.) signs
Treaty for Preservation of Peace. 1936.
26 Mao Tse-tung born. 1893.
27 Netherlands transfers sovereignty to interim Republic of United Provinces
of Indonesia. 1949.
29 15th Pugwash Conference on Science and World Affairs, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia,
29 December - 4 January.
JAN.
6 Afro-Asian Latin American Conference (Tri-Continent Conference), Havana,
beginning 6 January, sponsored by the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organ-
ization (Communist controlled).
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#65 Commentary 13-26 October 1965
Principal Developments:
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1.
this period cites a CPSU emissary as declaring to a closely aligned Western
CP that Chinese dogmatism must be combatted as an "aggressive danger" not
only to unity of the WCM but to world Zeace itself: China is attempting
to precipitate a world war in which the USA and USSR will destroy each other
and leave China on top.
2. Simultaneously, the U.S. Embassy Moscow cites "striking" evidence
of "increasing Soviet willingness to air dispute with Chinese, both in pub-
lic and private," in a series of recent developments, including:
a. Brezhnev-Kosygin remarks to visiting Danish Prime Minister
Krag "went further than any such statement we have seen by responsible
Soviet leaders";
b. Omission of reference to "eternal friendship and cooperation"
between Soviet and Chinese people from slogans for October Revolution
holiday (see Chrono, Oct. 24);
c. Revelation in Soviet press of Chinese/Albanian "slander and
attacks" against Soviets at Warsaw WFTU Congress (Chrono, Oct. 8-22);
d. Extensive treatment in Soviet press of Prague meeting com-
memorating 30th anniversary of Seventh Comintern Congress which has
stronger anti-Chinese flavor than Moscow's meeting on the same subject,
earlier in the month.
3. The Soviets suddenly cancel their invitation to Cambodian Prince
Sihanouk to visit Moscow during the forthcoming 7 November October Revolu-
tion holiday on the grounds that the leaders would be "too busy" to see him:
they deliver the blow while Sihanouk is in Pyongyang after having been in-
volved in the strongly anti-Soviet Chinese celebration of the CPR's 16th
anniversary (#64), which leads to assumption by most that the cancellation
is a reprisal. However, the Italian Communist correspondent for L'Unita in
Moscow speculates that the invitation was canceled because the CPSU decided
to convene an urgent Communist summit meeting in Moscow to bolster unity
and coordinate action to cope with the new situation in Asia. In a remark-
ably candid speech in Phnom Penh, Sihanouk describes the anti-Soviet treat-
ment to which the Chinese subjected him during his Peking visit.
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4. Indonesia becomes a new open issue in the Sino-Soviet conflict.
The Chinese, giving unqualified support to the PKI and, to the "30 September
Movement" with its story of trying to save the country from a CIA-supported
"Council of Generals," openly attack the Indonesian Army and "rightwing
forces" now ruling the country in a series of official notes, authorized
statements and press comments. They also criticize Soviet media treatment
of events. The Soviets, while expressing serious concern at the continuing
reprisals against Communists, implicitly acknowledge that "some Communists"
might have been involved in the original coup attempt and dissociate them-
selves from the Chinese-oriented PKI leadership.
5. In a bitter, all-out political fight, the Chinese succeed in forcing
a last-minute (1 Nov.) indefinite postponement of the Second Afro-Asian Con-
ference scheduled for 5 November in Algiers. In the process, they accuse the
Algerians of distortion and trying to impose their own will on others. Fore-
most supporters of the Chinese campaign are recently rewarded Cambodia and
Pakistan, while N. Vietnam, N. Korea, Tanzania, Mali and Guinea also push for
postponement for various reasons of their own. The turning point apparently
comes as the Indonesians drop their insistence on following the original
schedule. (Detailed coverage will follow.)
6. The 2-week WFTU Congress in Warsaw is characterized by continuous
acrimonious clashes between Soviet and Chinese forces, and further develop-
ment ofindependent tendencies among the European elements. The "voting
machine" (as the Chinese call it) adopts resolutions somewhat more "liberal"
than in previous years, -- and the North Korean and North Vietnamese, who
had voted with the Chinese last year, now abstain, leaving only the Albanians,
the Indonesians, and a few Africans to avert total Chinese isolation. (De-
tailed round-up will be forthcoming.)
7. There is a series of further suddenly called bilateral high-level
meetings on unannounced subjects among Soviet-oriented ruling parties:
Brezhnev to Prague; Gromyko to Cuba and East Germany; and Zhivkov to Bucha-
rest and Moscow.
8. The Yugoslavs again produce the pithiest Communist criticism of the
Chinese: a 24 October Kristl article in Zagreb Vjesnik -- "The Great Leap
Backward."
Significance:
Much of the evidence outlined above can be interpreted as forecasting
a Soviet decision to launch a new phase of more determined and open action
against the Chinese on the grounds that Peking has exceeded the bounds of
ideological opposition and now threatens not only the WCM but world peace
itself. It may be that a Moscow summit meeting of Soviet-sympathizing par-
ties in conjunction with the 7 November holiday will formally launch this
new phase. However, we would note that:
a. The evidence is still far from conclusive.
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b. It is unlikely that the present Moscow Leaders will return,
even partly, to the shoot-from-the-hip type of polemical warfare Khrush-
chev indulged in. If there is any noticeable change in Soviet tactics,
we would anticipate only a slightly increased aggressiveness, evident
more in political activity than in polemics.
In any case, it now seems clear that the Chinese are suffering some
significant setbacks in the very field on which they chose to do battle:
the Afro-Asian-Latin American complex. There is not yet any indication
that the Chicom leaders are learning their lessons: on the contrary, out-
bursts like those of Lin Piao and Chen Yi and the Chicom posture in the
Indonesian crisis indicate a further hardening of their ultra-aggressive
line. The question remains whether these Chinese blunders can be utilized
by the Soviets and other CPs for their own gain or to what extent all this
will (or can be made to) produce a general weakening of Communist influence
in the developing areas.
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961. NEW CRACKS IN THE
WORLD COMMUNIST LABOR FRONT:
The Warsaw WFTU Congress
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SITUATION: The proceedings of the Sixth Congress of the World
Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) show how the Soviets find it increas-
ingly difficult to maintain control of the policy and administration of
this most significant of all international Communist front organizations.
The divergent views of the dissenting Communist blocs were repeated over
and over again in both the open and closed sessions held in Warsaw, Poland
from 8 to 22 October. The Chicoms, Albanians and Indonesians led those
fighting the "revisionist" policy and program proposed in Secretary Gen-
eral Saillant's report. They took issue with both the report's adherence
to the tenets of Soviet foreign policy and its response to the demands of
the proponents of polycentrism. However, the Soviet willingness to com-
promise in favor of the latter group did not extend to all the concessions
demanded by its spokesman, the Italian CGIL (Confederazione Generale Ital-
iana del Lavoro). Further, positions expressed by many delegates, notably
the Yugoslavs, Rumanians and even the hitherto quiescent Poles and French,
suggest that backing for the CGIL platform is growing stronger.
Three groups: their positions
The Chicom group wants no accommodation with the West and feels trade
unions in non-Communist countries should be instruments of the centralized
Communist organization; WFTU. They reject Soviet reliance on the princi-
ple of peaceful coexistence, asserting there can be no coexistence with
capitalism. They maintain that revolutionary change and class struggle
must be the only basis for a unified struggle against capitalism and its
offspring, colonialism and neo-colonialism. Labor unions must be used to
foment revolution both in the West and the underdeveloped areas. In sum,
as the Indonesian delegate bluntly stated, they subordinated tactic to
strategy.
The Soviets, on the other hand, favor using a more flexible tactical
approach {.united front" or "Trojan horse"). They are working for in-
creased contact and cooperation between WFTU and other (non-Communist) in-
ternational labor organizations and call for the development of regional
labor organizations: ostensibly, because labor in different areas of the
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world faces different problems; in reality, because the old approach to
the labor target has become increasingly unproductive. However, they
are not willing to relinquish their control of international Communist
labor which is maintained through the current WFTU organizational struc-
ture. They also continue to use WFTU organs as forums for Soviet for-
eign policy and to expound the economic successes of bloc Socialism.
The Italian-led bloc wants more independent action for national
trade unions and more regional autonomy. This would mean freedom to
devote greater attention to their own interests, most important of these
on the regional level, working within the context of the European Eco-
nomic Community (EEC). They would also deal more intensively with the
special needs of labor and labor unions, in other words a divorce from
the preoccupation with world politics and a recognition that Socialism
as it operates in the Communist bloc (principally the Soviet Union) may
not offer the only or the best solutions for workers in other parts of
the world. They also want a reorganization of WFTU itself, that would
implement their position on the highest levels of international Communist
organization in the labor field.
Mainifestations of the three-way split at the Congress
The program for WFTU collaboration with non-Communist labor and
WFTU's position toward labor in capitalist and underdeveloped countries
represents a Soviet compromise in favor of the Italian bloc (see Unclassi-
fied Attachment T. The Soviets bowed to polycentrism saying individual
differences can exist, but all cannot be incorporated in the WFTU program.
In Congress discussions Korea and Indonesia opposed the program; Rumania
said it would abstain from voting. The vote endorsed the Soviet position
but was not unanimous.
The Chicoms opposed also the solidarity or unity appeal, called for
acceptance of the unanimity rule in Congress voting and were against the
resolution on WFTU finances, which undoubtedly means they will continue
to abstain from contributing to the WFTU coffers. Last year the Chicoms
received blanket backing from their traditional bloc of supporters. This
year North Vietnam (DRV) and North Korea seemed to shift away from the
Chicoms. In this context, it is also noteworthy that the DRV and the Na-
tional Liberation Front of South Vietnam acknowledged Soviet support in
Vietnam.
The Soviets with support from Saillant and the Polish trade union
head Loga-Sowinski chastised the Chicoms by stating that constructive
differences are acceptable but extremist sectarian stands are not. The
Chilean and Argentine delegates were conspicuous among those following
this line. Soviet delegate Pimenov's comment on 21 October characterized
the Soviet refusal to be baited. He said that Soviets would not follow
the Chicpm example of open polemics. However, on the final day the
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Soviets abandoned this position when they entered into verbal name call-
ing with the Albanians, each labeling the other "hooligans." A sharp ex-
change between Indian trade union leader, Dange, and a Chicom delegate
further increased the polemics on the final day. During the course of
the Congress Soviet and Polish media played down the dispute but finally
admitted it. In contrast Unita (Italian Communist Party organ), Rumanian,
Albanian, Czech and Chicom coverage was far more frank.
The latter group does not share the same motivation for revealing
this recent example of the Sino-Soviet argument. The Chicoms refuse to
cover up their quarrel with the Soviets realizing that this would be tan-
tamount to capitulating to the Soviet position. The polycentrists, who
agree with neither the Soviets nor the Chicoms, publicize the Chicom point
of view because to do so increases the Soviet discomfiture:
Peking's refusal to heed Moscow's demands lends courage to others who
desire to assert their opinions. Their positions are certainly no
more acceptable to Peking than the Soviet line; for example, when de-
legates such as the Rumanians or Venezuelans found themselves with
the Chicoms in opposition to the majority, it was not because they
shared the Chicom premise.
The more Peking appears at odds with Moscow the greater Moscow's
need to. curry favor in other sectors of the Communist camp, likewise
the better the polycentrists' chances of obtaining concessions from
the Soviets. There can be little question that the Soviets' perform-
ance at this congress leaves the polycentrists with every reason to
exploit all ways of applying pressure and suing for change.
On the problem of WFTU organization, theSoviets again postponed a vote
on the WFTU statute, obviously unwilling to give up tight organizational
control; likewise the composition of the slate of new WFTU officers suggests
that the Soviets will be able to continue to run the show much according to
their own dictates. They also continued to contrast the progress of the
Socialist bloc and intra-Bloc cooperation (CEMA) with the alleged economic
stagnation of capitalism which they say remains a slave to the profit motive.
They focused on schisms in EEC and conpetition between EEC and other "mo-
nopoly" capitalists, notably the U.S. In the trade union sphere they cited
ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions) failures, parti-
cularly in Latin America. To the polycentrists in and outside the Bloc this
continuation of the old line must appear somewhat in conflict with the new
WFTU program, and certainly the maintenance of the myth of a single model
of Socialism must irritate them.
The Soviets have not abandoned their excessive preoccupation with po-
litical matters as an examination of the content of the final appeal will
verify (see Unclassified Attachment). As has become customary at front
gatherings, they emphasized U.S. imperialism principally in Vietnam in order
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to achieve a kind of artificial unity. In this case, the consensus
looked even more contrived since they resorted to linking U.S. actions
with West German revanchism, trying to benefit from widespread legiti-
mate denunciation of World War II Nazi atrocities. Although passage
of the resolution condemning imperialism (e.g., U.S. in Vietnam, Cuba,
the Dominican Republic; South Africa, West Germany, and others) was
the only show of unanimity attained on any important issue, it is note-
worthy that the Yugoslavs, the Rumanians and Italians were absent from
the opening exhibition on Vietnam; the speech of the Rumanian delegate
did not mention Vietnam; Yugoslav trade union president Vukmanovic was
restrained compared with the congress norm.
The chorus of bloc and non-Bloc delegates taking exception to the
standardized Soviet approach was subtle but highly provocative:
The Poles' Loga-Sowinski criticized WFTU's concentration on poli-
tical affairs to the detriment of genuine trade union work. He cited
a recent meeting of the international fisherman's affiliate as a case
in point. The Poles also expressed dislike of the concept of WFTU as
one centralized organization.
An international conference of all world trade unions and a new
trade union organization were proposed by several speakers, notable
the Yugoslavs.
The Italian CGIL announced during the Congress that there was a
split within its membership on whether to stay in WFTU.
The Rumanians protested the use of the majority rule. They felt
that, if unanimity were attained in all matters, WFTU would be pro=
hibited from engaging in certain activities without the consent of all
members, and the equal rights of all members would be ensured. They
also rather obliquely inferred that WFTU did not seem to be accomplish-
ing anything very tangible where it should be doing so, presumably in
the area of trade union activity.
At the end of the conference, even the French CGT (Confederation
Generale du Travail) seemed to have moved closer to the Italian posi-
tion. The Congress welcomed an agreement between the CGT and the CGIL
that would give fresh impetus to the development of unity among the
working masses of the Common Market countries.
(In addition to material already specifically mentioned, see Un-
classified Attachment for quotes that will further embellish the posi-
tion of a specific delegation; basic statistics on attendance; slate
of new officers.)
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960 AF,FE,NE,WH. AFRO-ASIAN-LATIN AMERICAN
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PEOPLES SOLIDARITY CONFERENCE
SITUATION: The Communist-dominated Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity
Organization (AAPSO) is now attempting to establish stronger links with
Latin America. AAPSO's Fourth Conference in Winneba, Ghana (10-16 May,
1965) decided in principle that a three-continent conference should be
held in Havana, Cuba in January 1966. This decision was disputed between
Soviets and Chicoms. The next (fifth)`AAPSO plenary will be held in
Peking in 1967 -- which means that, at least for the moment, AAPSO seeks
to create a Latin American adjunct rather than a full extension and fun-
damental change of its total structure.*
The Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples Solidarity Conference, now
scheduled to convene in Havana 3-10 January 1966, has been mentioned favor-
ably'by Moscow in connection with the 1-2 September meeting of the prepara-
tory committee, chaired by the exiled Moroccan Communist Mehdi Ben Barka,
in Cairo, where AAPSO is headquartered. Cuba expresses pleasure at the
prospect of the Conference: the Cuban education minister, appointed na-
tional preparatory committee chairman, called the prospective conference
a "historical accomplishment of prime importance." The Conference will
coincide with the celebration of the seventh anniversary of the Cuban re-
volution.
The subject of a three-continent conference kept recurring at AAPSO
meetings since December 1961. The third AAPSO Conference, held in February
1963 in Moshi, Tanganyika, had endorsed the idea in a resolution. Moscow
at the time showed little enthusiasm at the prospect, while Cuba expressed
delight and Peking accused those who did not "dare oppose imperialism" of
trying to undermine the proposed conference. The Soviet and Chicom posi-
tions are somewhat reversed today: some interpreters felt that, at Winneba,
the Soviets sought to have the Havana meeting replace what would normally
be the next AAPSO Conference in an effort to minimize Chicom influence in
AAPSO.
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The preparatory committee'srresolution states that the final list
of Conference members will be established by the preparatory committee
Chairman (Ben Barka) and the AAPSO Secretary General (Youssef El Sebai,
Egypt) in consultation with the AAPSO secretariat for the representa-
tives of Africa and Asia, and with the six representatives from Latin
America on the Committee* for the American continent. The resolution
also says that the Chairman and Secretary General would transmit to the
organizations concerned all suggestions which would help them to ful-
fill their respective missions; invitations are to be dispatched under
the responsibility of the Chairman, the Secretary General and the host
country. A report on the invitation question will be submitted to the
preparatory committee during its forthcoming meeting in Havana before
the Conference.
The difficulty of selecting organizations to attend the non-govern-
mental conference was acknowledged by Ben Barka during a visit to Cuba.
Havana reported him at the end of September as saying that he would
shortly send invitations to "nations" which should send the "most re-
presentative and popular" delegations. According to Ben Barka, "nations"
invited should be represented by a delegation of five, and "organizations"
invited must be consistently anti-imperialist and should set aside any
differences among themselves; where several anti-imperialist organizations
exist, national committees should be formed to select delegations.
Reportedly, some 100 nations will attend as well as 50 "observerr'de
legations" (A list of observer delegations which attended the Winneba
AAPSO Conference is contained in an Attachment). Efforts to achieve unity
at the national level before the Conference are likely to run into road-
blocks over the question of which revolutionary movements will be repre-
sented as "official delegations.
*Latin American "countries" represented on the preparatory committee
are: Cuba -- represented by a member of its ruling party; Chile -- by the
Frente de Accion Popular (FRAP), the left-wing but legal united front de-
feated in the last Chilean presidential elections; Guatemala -- by the
guerrillas of the Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (which started life as a front
of three movements believing in violence); Mexico -- represented by the
Movimiento de Liberacion Nacional (a faction-ridden organization which
incorporates Communists and other militant left-wingers including followers
of General Lazaro Cardenas); Uruguay -- the Frente Izauierda de Liberacion
(a legal Communist-dominated electoral front); and Venezuela -- the Frente
de Liberation Nacional (the political organization corresponding to the
communist guerrilla movement, and linking the CP with the militant Leftist
Revolutionary Movement -- MIR).
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The representation issue was raised at the Cairo meeting when the Chicoms
objected to some of the (pro-Moscow) Latin American groups Cuba proposed.
The furor over invitations seems to have led to the potentially explosive
decision that it would be left to the revolutionary groups in each Latin
American country to decide who should represent them in Havana. This
leaves the fractionalized Latin American Communist and pro-Communist groups
open to pressure from both Moscow and Peking. It also puts Cuba in the po-
sition of having the final say, since Cuba is the official host and must
extend the formal invitations -- presumably therefore the Cubans will en-
dorse those groups or parties favored by Moscow and thus further deterio-
rate their relations with the Chicoms.
The agenda (see Attachment) agreed upon in Cairo concentrates on at-
tacks against "imperialism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism," demands for
greater economic rights for underdeveloped countries, and attempts to in-
tensify "all forms" of the "revolutionary struggles" of the peoples of
Asia, Africa, and Latin America. While representational, procedural, and
substantive factors will as in other fronts bring the Sino-Soviet conflict
to the fore, the Conference organizers will focus on condemning the U. S.
in every aspect of its foreign policy. (See Attachment, Appeal issued in
Cairo)
In the four part agenda, the section dealing with economic, social
and cultural solidarity proposals is most susceptible to Soviet exploita-
tion and to Chinese counterattack. These Sino-Soviet roles may well be
reversed in discussions on the sections dealing with liberation struggle
and with such specific issues as Vietnam, Santo Domingo, and Palestine.
The nuclear weapons issue, as a subheading under liberation struggle, is
particularly likely to be controversial. But, on precedent, compromise
resolutions of a clearly anti-American and militant character will proba-
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959. COMMUNIST CHINA'S FOREIGN POLICY;
No Change in Sight
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SITUATION: China's recklessness and bellicosity were dramatically
- and authoritatively - illustrated in September 1965 by the widely pub-
licized statements of China's Defense Minister Lin Piao (who claimed that
peoples' wars in Africa, Asia and Latin America are the logical prelude
to world-wide Communist revolution) and China's Foreign Minister Chen
Yi (who invited the US, the British, Japanese, Indians - and even Soviet
"puppet troops" to attack China tomorrow so that they could be thoroughly
wiped out). These statements from men in high places are menacing and
irresponsible, but they reveal nothing new despite the furor created in
the world press. China's basic commitment to violence goes clear back
to the birth of the Chinese Revolution when it was nurtured in the hard-
ships endured by Mao and his hunted followers in the Yenan Caves.
Violence pervades Communist China's view of the entire globe - she
advocates starting revolutions where they can have only destructive re-
sults, (e.g., Congo (L), Burundi, Somalia, Indonesia); she will help to
destroy any existing socio-political structure - including responsible,
orderly government (e.g., Malaysia, Thailand) - to serve her own aims.
There is no room in China's lexicon for peaceful coexistence (even as a
means for subversive destruction of free countries); her only way is force
of arms and violent subversion. Chou En-lai's ill-advised proposal to
African leaders that "Africa is ripe for revolution" is the verbal counter-
part to CCP actions.
Mao's infamous statement that there would still be 300 million Chinese
left after a nuclear war perfectly embodies the quality of the concern this
China feels for mankind. Mao's statement does something else - it points
up once more Chinese ignorance of the meaning of modern warfare. Peking's
insistence that the spiritual atom bomb (Mao's concepts plus the will of
the people) will prevail, only highlights China's attempts to rationalize
her failure to catch up on the nuclear front. This stress on the spiritual
atom bomb will undoubtedly decrease in direct ratio to the number of suc-
cessful nuclear tests China attempts. Talk of the spiritual atom bomb is
deceptive in another fashion, too: for China's foreign policy is not spir-
itual in any sense of the word.
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China's viwes on promoting revolution on a world scale, as most
recently outlined by Lin Piao, offer food for thought for those inter-
ested in the welfare of their own countries as well as their own skins.
It should be required reading for those who view recent CPR setbacks
with any complacency. The much quoted quip, "China is willing to fight
to the last Vietnamese" wryly illustrates that although China regularly
asserts the need for sacrifice in war, she never specifies just who is
going to make that sacrifice. It will certainly not be China in behalf
of any of her so-called allies such as the North Vietnamese. Not only
has China avoided making any direct commitment to join the war in Viet-
nam -- she has fought consistently against a negotiated settlement of
the Vietnam conflict. A negotiated settlement could mean a cessation
of death, pillage, blookshed. This, according to her own doctrine, is
not of interest to China.
The Chinese would like to bring about the same unsettled situations
in other parts of the world so that they could exploit those they are
"helping." Certainly the "help" China is giving Pakistan in the quarrel
with India over Kashmir is no more than egging on Pakistan to act the
monkey's
paw
for China. This Chinese "help" can only result in bringing
confusion
and
bloodshed to the Indian subcontinent. Aidit had a right
to expect
but
did not receive active Chicom help [beyond arms shipments]
when the
PKI
attempted its coup against Sukarno.
Text of Lin Piao article was distributed as an unclassified attachment
on 27 September 1965, #175, item 947.
Washington Post column by Evans and Novak, "Inside Report," 26 Oct 65
unclassified attachment.]
#162, 29 March 1964, item 888: "Militarism: Basic Chicom Outlook" w/att
2
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(959 Cont.)
25X1C10b
 5X1 C1 Ob
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 1MANCHESIER GUARDIAN
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CPYRGHT
The student, - who _ _s uddenlY went 'mad'
AN OPEN LETTER TO THE KREMLIN
L. I. Brezhnev, First Secretary of the Soviet Union had gone wrong, and ought
Communist Party. to be put right.
A. N. Kosygin, Prime Minister of the He told us that after a great deal of
Soviet Government. thought and study of party history he had
realised that the party had become a
WE appeal to you to put right a terrible burea,acratic organ'isation representing only
injustice of which we have personai the interests of a ruling group. The party
knowledge, was supposed to be based on the principle
We have just returned from a student of democratic centralism, but it was far too
holiday in Russia. This was our second centralistic, and not democratic enough.
holiday in your country. The year before, The party's poficiies, he believed. should
when we abso went with a student group, come from be(low instead of being imposed,
the official Soviet tourist organisation from above.
He told us that the system of proletarian
dictatorship had been officially declared
dead, and replaced by " the State of the
whole people." However, in his view, these
were empty wards, for the people as a
whole did not exercise power now any more
than in the past. Moreover the machinery
of the dictatorship was still being main-
tained and used to keep down those with
dissenting views.
He believed that the party should be
organised in such a way as to give expres-
sion to the true feelings and views of the
people. He now thought that the press and
radio were tlhae vreatures of a power clique,
Instead of being the free instruments of
popular opinion. He wanted the trade
unions to have reaq power to act on behalf
of the workers. But he wanted all these
changes to be accomplished constitutionally
and legally by the Communist party itself,
and believed that it was the duty of every
true Communist to open the eyes of his
comrades to the need for change.
Sputnik attached to us a student interpreter
named Eugene Belov. We called him
Zhenya for short.
We spent a great deal of time arguing
about politics with him. We are not very
politioa4'1y minded, but we do believe in
the Western democratic way of life. Zhenya
was very concerned about our political
ignorance, and talied in every way to make
as understand that communism was the
best possible political system. When we
pointed out to him various things in the
Soviet Union that did not appear to bear
this out, he was always ready with a strong
counteraarguanent.
Often, although we knew we were right,
his replies were so well argued than we just
had .to leave it at that. Zhenya was recog-
nised by all his Soviet student friends to
be the very model of a good Communist.
Sometimes, when we got into a political
argument with one of the other Russian
students, and appeared to be winning, .they
would tell us : " Go to Zhenya, he will put
Communist ideal
a meeting of his party organisation, at
the Foreign Languages Institute in Mos-
cow. He argued that, as the twenty-third
for the sake of the party and the country
Ile got no reply, He then wrote anothe
letter to you, Mr Kosygin, making the
same appeal, and adding that if he should
again get no reply, he would feel bound as
a Communist to try to obtain further
publicity for his ideas. He proposed to do
this by distributing to the embassies o
the Communist countries in Moscow copies
of his proposals.
At this point the four of us left Masco
to go on to Tokio for the rest of our
holiday. When we returned, Zhenya was
not at the airport to meet us, as he had
promised. We went to his home, where we
were told by the neighbours that Zhenya's
parents and younger brother had been
taken away by the police. They did not
know What had happened to Zhenya, but
we found this out later. Zhenya was due to
be attached as an interpreter to another
foreign tourist group, and was told to
report for a medical examination prior to
this. He did, and he was declared to have
gone mad, and put away in a lunatic
asylum.
Not surprised
Sirs, we do not believe that Zhenya was
mad when we knew him, and we cannot
believe that he went mad during the few
weeks we were away, without giving any
prior indication to his friends that he was
mentally troubled. In trying to find Zhenya
in Moscow, we met a number of respectable
Soviet citizens who were not at all surprised
by our story. Some of them knew of cases
when people who had become " politically
unstable " were treated as if they were
mentally unstable.
Nor did our arguments cease when we Congress of the party was approaching, Zhenya is our friend, and our
came baick to England. 'We continued to individual party organisations ought to conscience does not allow us to remain
exchange letters with Zhenya, and the kept start discussing these matters so that they silent. We will try to rouse the young
urging us to read the works of Marx and might be taken up more authoritatively by people of England to press for his release.
Lenin, to te% us what was wrong with?. the congress, which would be the proper We wall not rest until he is free again.
Western policies, how noblle was the Coon- forum for full discussion and for the taking If you care at all for the good name of
munist ideal, and how we really ought to of decisions. j the Soviet Union, for truth and justice,
speak to some British Communists who 1 However, "the insti'tute's party organisa- you will please make sure that he is
would help us to sort out our Ideas. In I tion imanedla+tely suspended him from released as soon as possible.
our own letters. we tried to reply to some membership, and dn9tru'eted him to go (signed)
of his arguments, but he was not to be before the Moscow City party committee Elizabeth Hoey, Queen's University,
shaken in his loyalty to communism. Where, he was tald, "they will sort you Belfast.
When. we returned to Moscow this out." He refused because, he told us, he
summer, something had happened to knew that he would not get a fair hearing. Susan Poole, ex Bedford College, London,
Instead he wrote a defter to you, Ms of Pavenham, Bedfordshire.
Zhenya. He stfRR believed himself to be a
Comrmunie*, but he had also ooine.'to feel. Brezhnev, setting out his ideas and appeal- Michael Beckley, ex Pembroke College,
very et/bld 119~0'1I eading.
Robert Dwyer, ex Borough Polytechnic,
South I radon, of S'idcup, Kent.
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6 October 1965 CPYRGHT
Zhenya
Below
A. Russian student friend
of four young British
people who have just
returned from a holiday
in the Soviet Union has
been put in a Russian
lunatic asylum for expres.
sing unorthodox political
opinions-that the Com-
munist Party ought to be
more democratic and that
-,there must be freedom of
the press and of trade
unions in Russia.
The young British
people, whose circum-
stantial account of the
affair is given in their open
letter to the Kremlin on
par 12, are laumcbing a
national campaign to
secure the release of their
friend, Zhenya B e 1 o v.
Previous reports of this
kind of thing in Russid"
were not always fully'
believed, but this time
there is no room for doubt.
The four ask all, those
who are horrified and
distressed by the fate of
Zhenya Belov to join them
in their campaign.
ZHENYA knew he was play-
ing with fire and even told
us he thought he might be
arrested, but this did not deter
him because he believed he
was doing the right thing.
He said that. as he was not
married, no-one else would suffer
if he got Into trouble with the
authorities.
He certainly did not think that
the police would take it out on
his parents and younger brother.
It may well be that when
Zhenya was taken away they
kicked up so much fuss that the
police. decided to take them
away too.
When we drove up to their
house in our search for Zhenya
we were surrounded by excited
neighbours who made it quite
clear, with every appearance of
sympathy, that the family had
been taken away by the police.
Our appeal is launched quite as
much on behalf of Zhenya's
family as of Zhenya himself.
He was one of the few Soviet
students privileged to have
travelled abroad-he served in
Cuba as an Interpreter in 1962-3,
during the Cuban missile crisis.
He greatly admires Dr Fidel
Castro-
Left-wing support
We hope that Communists and
people on the far Left Will take
an especially active part in our
campaign, because their pleas; on
behalf of Zhenya are likely to be
more effective.
Ours Is certainly not an anti-
Soviet or anti-Communist cam-
paign. The October Prisoner of
the Month Appeal Is also being
made on behalf of two other
prisoners associated with univer-
sity youth-a professor In Chiang
Kai-shek's Taiwan, imprisoned
for encouraging free political
discussion among his students,
and an Algerian student leader,
believed to be a Communist,
imprisoned after the fall of Ben
Bella.
This is In accordance with the
policy of Amnesty International,
des1gned to *void political bias.
We hope that people who arer
so often stirred by political
persecution in RlydLt wing dic.
tatorships will also be moved by
their conecdence to try to help
Z'benya.Aelov.
(Signod)t ll NHAEL DRCKLEY.
IF I had read this story in a
newspaper, I doubt if I.
would have done anything to
help.
I might have thought that it
was an anti-Communist propa-
ganda stunt, or that the facts
were .none too clear, or that it
did not concern me personally.
The fact is, I have heard vaguely
about things like this before but
I have never really quite believed
that they could happen,.
I have been only moderately
interested In politics. I have just
graduated in philosophy at Bed-
ford College, London, and much
of my correspondence with
Zhenya was about what he des-
cribed as materialism and
idealism-materialism had all the
answers, and ?ideaLi'm was a dirty
word to desci1ibe what most of
us in the West believe an.
But Zhenya was honest. He
really did believe, passionately,
that the materialistic view of
history was the only correct one,
and that Communists had a
mission to make all others think
as they themselves thought.
He has a very sharp Intellect,
and at the same time he is gay,
warmhearted. kind, sensitive to
the suffering of others. When
he was talking about " the mis-
deeds of imperialism in the
colonies" he was really con-
cerned about the privations of
the ,people in the under-developed
countries.
But above all Zhenya as one of
us. a young man in a difficult,
complicated world who has tried
hard to find the right answer.
All he was looking for was truth.
And then they put him away,.
It makes me shudder to think
of him locked up in a madhouse.
This could indeed maim him for
life. Try to Imagine yourself in
that position--alone against a
mighty Power, with your whole
still before you, yet obliged
to live out the rest of your days
in a mental straitjacket.
Can you imagine yourself
locked up in a madhouse because
somebody did not like your
views ? Would you not want
everybody to rally to your help
if this happened? S+houdd you
not yourself do what . little you
can to help ? If they let Zhenya
out, he might well owe one
thousandth pant of his freedom to
you. Write ddlrectly to the
Kresnbin, and write also to
Amnesty Intern0ionad Be that
we can te1 you wiwc ylae ynt
can do to belpt- - -
(Signed) Sly' AN POO SE..
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8 November 1965
Excerpts from Novak and Evans' "Inside Report" Column
of 26 October 1965 issue of The Washington Post
CPYRGHT
One small fact dramatizes the precipitous decline in Red China's
international prestige today: Peking's sudden, almost hysterical about-
face against going ahead with the second Afro-Asian conference now
scheduled to begin in Algiers on Nov. 5.
Last summer when a coup d'etat threw out Ahmed Ben Bella as Algerian
dictator, the Chinese were beside themselves not to let the coup force a
postponement of the Afro-Asian conference. With the United States then
under growing world pressure to end the war in Vietnam, Chinese Communists
saw the conference as a "Hate U.S.A." field day. Red China lost, however.
The conference was put off to November.
But what has happened now? Wherever the Chinese Communists still
have political credit in the bank, they are frantically lobbying to
postpone as long as possible the Nov. 5 conference. As one diplomat of
a neutralist African nation told us: The Chinese know that any anti-
imperialist resolution coming out of the conference would hit them as
well as you."
....The political ground already had been cut out from under Peking
when an abortive coup d'etat, backed by local Communists, rocked Indonesia
on Sept. 30. China's public conduct following the failure of the Indo-
nesian coup has hardened resistance to Peking.
The Chinese have made no pretense of disinterest in Indonesian
affairs. The stridency of Peking's reaction has amazed neutralist coun-
tries. A few days ago, for example, China sent off diplomatic notes
angrily defending her insulting refusal to lower the Chinese flag to
half-staff in Djakarta in memory of six Indonesian generals assassinated
in the Sept. 30 coup attempt.
These events in Asia ... are far better known than a second, more
subtle reason for China's pressure to postpone the Algiers conference:
Peking's heavy-handed power politics in the newly independent African
states.
China's African target is the east coast -- the part of Africa
closest to Peking and f u r t h e s t from Moscow. Significant Chinese
"diplomatic" and "cultural" missions have been planted in a dozen African
countries, but their clandestine political activities have aroused the
suspicions of one country after another.
(Cont.)
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CPYRGHT
... In Burundi, it is commonly assumed by African politicians that
China has been at least partially responsible for several violent efforts
to overthrow the government. Even though the Chinese mission (inflated
far beyond normal size; was expelled from Burundi early this year, the
latest assassination attempt on the Prime Minister last week is linked
by some to Chinese intrigue.
Underlying the rising apprehension over Chinese troublemaking was
the red flag stat'ment made in Tanzania by Foreign Minister Chou En-lai
last June that "conditions in Africa are favorable for revolution."
"Chou scared the pants off every new African nationalist leader with
those words," a U.S. specialist asserts. One month later, Prime Minister
Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya kicked out the New China News Agency, which was
operating as a front for Chinese espionage.
Another signal of growing resentment against China is the failure
thus far of the Organization for African Unity, now meeting in Ghana's
capital of Accra, to devote much attention to the war in Vietnam.
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5X1 C10b
FACTS SHEETS
8 November 1965
Observer Delegations Which Attended the Winneba AAPSO Conference
May, 19 5
International Organizations
World Peace Council (WPC)
Women International Democratic Federation (WIDF)
World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY)
International Union of Students (IUS)
World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU)
Afro-Asian Organizations
Permanent Bureau for Afro-Asian Writers
Afro-Asian Jurists Conference
Afro-Asian Journalists Conference
Asian Organizations
Anti.-Atomic and Hydrogen Bomb Council
African Organizations
Pan African Journalist Union
All African Trade Union Federation
All African News Agency Organization
All African Radio and Television Union
All African Women's Organization
Ghana Peace Council
The Accra Assembly
Encyclopaedia Africana
Latin American Organizations
The Armed Front of National Liberation (Venezuela)
The United Party of the Socialist Revolution of Cuba
Observers from Socialist Counties of Europe
Czechoslovakian Committee of Solidarity with the Nations of Africa
and. Asia
The Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee (East Germany)
League for Peace and Independence (Yugoslavia)
Front of the Homeland and Committee for the Solidarity with the
People of Africa and Asia (Poland)
Albanian Committee of the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity
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 FACT SHTS
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5X1 C10b
AFRO-ASIAN-lATIN AMERICAN PEOPLES' SOLIDARITY CONFERENCE
January 3 - 10, 1966
Havaria, Cuba
The Common Struggle of the Peoples of Africa. Asiat and Latin America
against Imperialism, Colonialism, and Neo-colonialism
1. Struggle for total national liberation, the right of self-determina-
tin, and, consolidation of independence and national sovereignty in
Africa, Asia, and Latin America against imperialist aggression, sub-
version and intervention in the affairs of independent nations, and
imperialist isolation of peoples struggling for national independence.
2, Intensification of all forms of struggle, including armed struggle,
of Afro-Asian and Latin American peoples against imperialism,
colonialism, and neo-colonialism, led by the US; methods to assist
liberation movements, particularly armed struggle, in the three con-
tinents,
3. Support for the just struggle of the people of Cuba against the
U.S. imperialists in defense of national sovereignty, support for
the patriotic struggle of all Latin American peoples against U.S.
imperialism and its instruments such as the O.A.S.
4. Struggle against discrimination and racism in all forms, including
apartheid and racial segregation; support of the peoples of African
descent in North America in their just struggle for equal rights
and liberty.
5. Struggle for banning use, production, tests and stockpiling of
nuclear weapons and for complete destruction of all existing
nuclear weapons and all means of their production in favor of dis-
armament and world peace.
6. Struggle for removal of all foreign military bases in Africa, Asia
and Latin America and action against the policy of military pacts.
Vital Issues in the Struggle against Imperialism of the Peoples of Africa,
Asia and Latin America
1. Vietnam
2, Dominican Republic
3. Congo
4. Portuguese Colonies
5, Rhodesia
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Solidarity among the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America in
Economic, Social and Cultural Matters in the Struggle against Imperialism
1. The economic, social and cultural emancipation of the peoples of the
three continents.
a. Principles of common action for achieving and consolidating
economic liberation of the peoples of the three continents
from the exploitation and aggression of imperialism, colonialism,
and neo-colonialism.
b. Measures for liquidation. of economic, social, and cultural con-
sequences of colonial domination.
ca Action against the imperialist policies of blockade and economic
boycott against countries struggling for liberation or countries
that have achieved independence.
d. Planning and mobilization of human and natural resources for
economic development and true economic independence, formation
of national cadres, agrarian reform.
2. Development of economic, social, and cultural relations
a. Economic and technical cooperation and aid among the peoples of
Africa, Asia, and Latin America based on equality and mutual
interest.
b. Coordination and cooperation of the workers, students, women
and cultural organizations in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
c. Development of a new economic policy between the countries of
Africa, Asia, and Latin America and the rest of the world,
including economic, commercial and financial relations with
the developed countries for our own development.
d. Elaboration of a common definition of peaceful coexistence for
Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
Political and Organizational Unification of the Common Struggle of
the Peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America for National Liberation
and Economic Emancipation.
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FACT SHEETS 25X1 C10b
8 November 1965
FOR THE FIRST SOLIDARITY CONFERENCE
OF PEOPLES OF AFRICA, ASIA AND LATIN AMERICA
(Havana, 3-10 Jan.; 1966)
We, the representatives of anti-imperialist organizations, forming the
Preparatory Committee for the First Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples'
Conference, meeting in Cairo, September lst and 2nd, 1965 have de-
cided upon the invitation of the United Party of the Cuban Socialist
Revolution, to convene this historic Conference in Havana from January
3 to 10, 1966.
Solidarity among the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America has long
been a reality and the coming Conference can be regarded as the climax
of a movement which has been gaining strength along with the develop-
ment of the national liberation struggle throughout the three continents.
The global strategy of the imperialists who claim the right to rule the
world constitutes a challenge to the peoples of the three continents.
The concerted attacks launched against national independence, sovereignty,
progress and peace as witnessed in the Dominican Republic, Vietnam, the
Congo and Palestine and elsewhere are a clear evidence of this strategy.
That is why this Conference will be an appropriate action to counter
this challenge.
The peoples of the three continents deeply realize the imperative charac-
ter of the solidarity that should bind them and the need to co-ordinate
their struggle against the common enemy, that is U.S. imperialism. The
Afro-Asian Solidarity Movement has always felt this need. In spite of
all imperialist intrigues attempting to isolate it from Latin America, the
movement has worked relentlessly for the realization of our common as-
pirations. Likewise the liberation movements and the popular organiza-
tions of Latin America, have succeeded to break the "tete-a-tete" with
imperialism.
There is a strong bond which binds the peoples of the three continents.
They have all faced the same problems and the same dangers, namely
oppression, exploitation, aggression and armed intervention.
The Preparatory Committee calls upon all peoples of the three continents
to spare no effort for the success of the first Conference of the Peoples
of Africa, Asia and Latin America. The Conference will mark a new phase
in the common struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism
and for complete national liberation, social progress and for world
peace. When the U.S. imperialists attempted to invade Cuba, all the people
of Africa, Asia and all peace and freedom loving peoples rose izp against
that barbaric act. The victorious Cuban Revolution, that put an end to
the reactionary rule, and is continuously checking U.S. imperialism, is
a guid.ng light and an example to the peoples of Latin America and of the
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Cuba has shown that revolution is possible, even 90 miles from the coast
of the U.S.A., that the people can carry out the revolution, and that no
force in the world is capable of standing in the way of the people's move-
ment for liberation.
The fact that our Conference is held in Havana during the 7th Anniversary
of the Cuban Revolution, is in itself a tribute to the heroic people of
Cuba,
As seen from the agenda adopted by the Preparatory Committee, the Havana
Conference will be an opportunity for all popular anti-imperialist organi-
zations, in Africa, Asia and Latin America to exchange views on their ex-
periences in the struggle for liberation and reconstruction waged by our
peoples, Our solidarity will emerge strengthened and our determination
of common action would be enhanced.
We are living a decisive stage of our history; colonialism suffers its
death throes under the blows of the liberation struggle of formerly en-
slaved peoples. As long as imperialism survives, the exploitation of
peoples and men will continue.
Our peoples, exploited, humilated, subjected to misery and condemned to
stagnation for centuries, possess however immeasurable riches which have
only served until now to provide welfare and opulence to imperialist
exploiters and a handful, of privileged persons. We are determined to
put an end to this contradiction which has been the source of so much
suffering to humanity, there is no greater force than the determination
of the peoples to win their freedom and independence and to win peace.
Fegples of Africa, Asia and Latin Ameri.ca...Forward in the decisive battle
a .nst Imperialism, Colonialism, and Neo-Colonialism.
:POXG LIVE THE SOLI1A tI' Y AND UNITY OF AFRO-ASIAN-LATIN AMERICAN PEOPLES.
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FACT SHEET 8 November 1965
Sixth Congress of the Communist Front World Federation of
Trade Unions = Warsaw, Poland, 6-22 October 1965
Total: 512 delegates from about 90 to 98 countries purporting to
represent anywhere from 159,000,000 to 165,000,000 trade
union members*
Representation of different areas of the world:
delegates
countries
Europe
242
25
Africa and the Arab World
52
28
Americas
62
20
Asia and the Pacific
84
12
Balance of 70 odd delegates:
representatives of the WFTU Secretariat and the international
federations of individual trade unions, invited guests
Groups to note:
Chinese delegation of 80, Soviet delegation of 40, 65
women, representatives of other international Communist
front organizations (Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organi-
zation, International Association of Democratic Lawyers,
International Organization of Journalists, World Federa-
tion of Democratic Youth)
Newly Elected Officers
Secretary General: Louis Saillant (France)
Deputy General Secretary: Pierre Gensous (France)
Secretaries: Chen I (China)
Edwin Chleboun (Czechoslovakia)
Stana Dragoi (Rumania)
WFTU officialdom is not consistent in the figures (countries, total
membership) that it issues. In addition, the figures they cite for
total membership are undoubtedly over-estimates.
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Muhammad as-Saa.d Muhl amed * (Sudan)
Luis Padilla (Chile)
Viktor Podzerko (USSR)
Raul Silvestri (Italy)
Setiati Surasto (Indonesia)
Executive Bureau
President: Renato Bitossi (Italy)
Vice-Presidents: Benedicto Cerqueira (Brazil)**
S. A. Dange (India)
Benoit Frachon (France)
Viktor Grishin (USSR)
Ignacy Loga-Sowinski (Poland)
Mohamed Munir * (Indonesia)
Enrique Pastorino (Uruguay)
Lazaro Pena Gonzales (Cuba)
Shafi Ahmad ash-Shaykh (Sudan)
Herbert K. W. Warnke (E. Germany)
Frantisek Zupka (Czechoslovakia)
A change in men as of this Congress
A change in the man and the country as of this Congress
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Excerpts from the WIi"U Final k. peal (22 October)
Trade union unity -- translated isolation from all but one political view
"Unity is an essential requirement in our days particularly.
It is forged every day in your action against the monopolies and
for economic and social demands, for national liberation and
peace. ...The capitalists alone benefit by the division of our
ranks.
"Monopoly capitalism, using the powerful means open to the
modern state, is increasing its pressure on the working class...
"Recent powerful struggles have revealed the community of
demands of the workers of various countries. The workers feel
a growing need for solidarity, better coordination, and stronger
international unity for the defense of their vital interests against
the economic policy of the monopolies, and for national indepen-
dence and peace.
"...difficulties on the road to unity, created not only by
the monopolies, but also by those who refuse to defend the vital
interests of the workers and who persist in the cold war policy.
...unity of action...is growing steadily. ...trade union organiza-
tions with different affiliations today adopt very similar posi-
tions on trade union liberties and economic claims, the preserva-
tion of peace, and the eradication of colonialism. ...a new stage...
Current trade union interests weighted in favor of the political
"...We call upon C11 worker], to form a united workers'
front against the threat of a new world war which would inevi-
tably be a thermonuclear war. Condemn and demand more emphatically
an end to the American imperialists' criminal aggression in Viet-
nam...
"Reject with indignation the shameful boycott and the continued
provocations against revolutionary Cuba.
"Demand the withdrawal of U.S. troops from the Dominican
Republic and from all countries where these have taken up their
position flouting the dignity and sovereignty of the people.
"...reinforce your unity and...offer your...solidarity to
the struggle of the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America --
in whatever form these peoples themselves decide -- for genuine
national liberation and independence and against colonialism and
neocolonialism, and against international imperialism headed by
American imperialism which acts as an international gendarme.
"...West German imperialism is causing great anxiety, justi-
fied by history."
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Excerpts from Secretax General Saillant's Report (8 October):
A Progran for W TTJ United Frond Action CPYRGHT
"...a new and quicker method of achieving international
trade union unity on five levels...
"...There is the development of trade union unilateral
and multilateral relations among countries belonging to various
economic and political zones. Trade unions of European Common
Market countries should link such efforts with the conditions of
the Europe of the monopolies and, at the same time, defending
the direct interests of the working world and Europe's continental
reality...
"..,,new bilateral relations between trade unions and national
trade union boards of the same continent on which countries of
different economic and social systems coexist but where a real
need exists for guaranteeing peace, security and social progress...
"...new trade union relations of an intercontinental scale
in order to hold common consultations and take action connected
with common needs. African and European trade unions are aware
of the need to give new form to mutual solidarity and fully respect
each other's independence. The Afro-Asian trade union conference
can begin a new phase in intercontinental trade union relations...
"...renewal and improvement of all initiatives by WFTU and
international associations in order to create conditions for
effective collaboration in specified spheres with trade unions,
the International Labor Organization and UNESCO...
"...preparations of the extraordinary world conference of
trade representatives of 205 millions of trade union members at
a true roundtable of the international trade union movement, where
everyone will bring his own program.., the main purpose of which
will be defense of peace, social progress, national sovereignty,
and democratic freedoms."
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8 November 1965
Excerpts from Speeches Define the Three Positions Within WFTU
CPYRGHT
Albania, Komo Kocani, Tirana ATA International (13 October)
"...The concern of certain WFTU leaders to echo, even within
our international trade union organization, the tactics of the
Soviet revisionists who want to veil with anti-imperialism their
line of cooperation with US imperialism, is clear for all to see...
"...publicity given to CEMA which, though built on correct
principles, has been turned into an instrument to implement the
chauvinistic big-state policy of the present Soviet revisionist
leaders.... Another question is the recommendation that the unions
of socialist countries draw closer to the leadership of the
Yugoslav trade unions which, in the sphere of the trade union
movement, serve the pro-imperialist policy and splitting activity
of the renegade Tito clique, that special diversionary hotbed
of US imperialism."
Albania, Kimo Kocani, Tirana Domestic Service (16 October)
"...We jibanian' s7 had to overcome not only the difficulties
inherited from the past but also the difficulties which were im-
posed on us in the new conditions...the hostile activity of the
imperialists and the savage blockade of the Khrushchevite revi-
sionists."
Communist China, Kang Yung-ho, NCNA (12 October)
"...certain persons try their utmost to impose an erroneous
and diametrically opposite line on the international trade union
movement. This is the general line of peaceful coexistence...
This is how differences and controversies within the WFTU originated.
"...peaceful coexistence is the foreign policy of the socialist
countries vis a vis different social systems ...it is completely
wrong to turn it into the fundamental or general line of the WFTU,
because the WFTU is not a state organization but a mass organiza-
tion of the working class.
"...The oppressed and exploited absolutely should not and
could not peacefully coexist with the imperialists and monopoly
capital,
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CPYRGHT
"...5-esulf an entire series of erroneous positions and
methods taken by UTTU on such questions as defense of world peace,
solidarity with the national liberation movement, and the orien-
tation of the workers' movement in the capitalist countries.
"...The most glaring example. . .the fraud of the'tripartite
treaty on a partial nuclear test ban.... certain persons$ dis-
regarding strong opposition by the trade unions in China and other
countries forced the WFTU to laud this fraud ...They even openly
made use of Wt11U publications under their control to maliciously
attack member organizations opposed to the treaty.
"...the report to the congress reaffirms in strong terms the
erroneous position of the 13th WFTU General Council...In order
to promote their erroneous line...these persons do their utmost
to organizationally control the WFTU, demanding that it follow
every diplomatic move of a certain country...They reject the prin-
ciple of achieving unanimity through consultations...They dis-
criminate against and attack at will organizations that hold opinions
different from theirs...stop at nothing to undermine progressive
trade union movements in certain countries and create splits.
Does this not prove that when these persons speak of unity they
speak falsely..."
Indonesia, Sugiri, NCNA (15 October)
"...Multifarious forms of tactic should be subordinated to
the fundamental line which is anti-imperialist and which requires
the implementation of class struggle.
"...we cannot find a clear analysis on the question of line
and tacticZi-n the WFTU program) in fostering unity, where the line
of struggle decides tactic and where tactic aerves this line.
What is obvious is the existence of a line which is not clearly
anti-imperialist..."
Argentina, Rubens Iscaro, Paris AFP (11 October)
"Trade unions must not become centers of armed struggle.
We must not forget the trade union nature of the WFTU. WFTU
must seek unity with those whose thinking disagrees with it in
order to get even closer to the masses."
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Chile, Luis Padilla, Warsaw PAP International (11 October)
"...WFTU greets the establishment of the OAU as an important
stage in the solidarity of people of the African continent...
"...cooperation among trade unions of the socialist, capi-
talist, and newly-developing countries on the basis of the common
struggle against imperialist monopolies and their agents. Based
on these principles,, the WETU decided to form a world trade union
committee for consultation and united action against monopolies.
At its last plenum, the committee decided to convene an international
trade union conference to discuss the expansion of world trade
in order to promote an equitable solution of and extend world trade
without discrimination."
Cuba, Lazaro Pena, Warsaw PAP International (14 October)
"...Our Congress should confirm that they can also rely on
the great force of international solidarity, on the friendship,
assistance, and solidarity of the Soviet Union, the socialist
camp, and working masses...
"...The solidarity conference of Asian, African, and Latin
American countries to be held in Havana will be of great signifi-
cance for the development of international solidarity Zextecting
W2TU support for this conference7..."
France, Louis Saillant, Warsaw Domestic Service (22 October)
"...This was not an ordinary congress. ...it provided an
opportunity for many analyses...it became a place at which a
trade union unity line has been worked out...
"...As a result... documents of great importance have emerged.
Not all of them have been passed unanimously. .,.we are bound by
the principle of majority.
"...WFTU will now embark on unfolding activity in all direc-
tions...observing...the correct line which has gained the approval
of the entire congress. ...a line of struggle against imperialism
and battle for peaceful coexistence. The former is inseparable
from the latter. Together they constitute the general line of
the WFTU.
"...it is necessary to separate oneself from extremist stands,
from sectarianism, which are not constructive and which do a great
deal of harm."
Italy, Renato Bitossi, Warsaw PAP International (22 October)
"...From the congress platform opinions and theses,sometimes
contradictory ones, were set forth. Everyone had the broadest
possiblity to express his opinion...
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"...certain people have even abused this possibility and
liberty without considering that there are certain limits to
polemics which should not be overrun."
North Vietnam, Nguyen Minh, Warsaw PAP International (18 October)
'}...WFTU can and should support policy of coexistence of
the socialist countries, not treating its however as the only
possible way in the fight for peace." *
North Viethain, Tioang Quoc Viet;, 17CNA (13 October)
'The Soviet Union has furnished and will continue to furnish
to the Democratic Republio of Vietnam any necessary aid to keep
away the American aggression..."
Soviet Union, V.V. Grishin, Chairman, Moscow TRUD (12 October)
"...The experience of the class trade unions of France,
Italy, Japan and other countries enrich the world trade union
movement with new forms and methods of struggle. The road toward
unity necessitates the patient and constructive search for mutually
acceptable terms, the broadening of cooperation, and the develop-
ment of joint action to defend the interests of the working people."
Italian
Italy, Luciano Lama, Warsaw PAP International (13 October)
"...The voting on the subject of CGIL remaining in the WFTU
was not unanimous -- 25 comrades in favor -- 10 against. ...All
feel the need for establishing closer, deep, strong ties with
other trade union organizations in the capitalist, socialist,
and newly liberated countries... where it does not affect the class
aspects of their policy."
Poland, Ignacy Lgga-Sowinski, Warsaw PAP International (15 October)
"...Each of our national organizations has and implements
its own program. The WFTU program cannot be the sum of these
programs. It is also not true that the present line of the WFTU
reflects the position of one central trade union organization.
It is almost certain that a different line introduced to the 6th
Congress by the All-China Federation of Trade Unions will not be
and cannot be the WFTU line in the future. The method of adopting
* A shift away from the Chicom position.
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Ap
the line of any central trade union organization will lead us
to nothing.
"...We should not block our road to unity because it weakens
M. Comrade Krasucki from CGT and Comrade Lama from the CGIL
gave us a beautiful example of creative and constructive dis-
cussion in their speeches...
"...too much eagerness among some delegates flattering
faulty points of view and unjustified and irresponsible attacks
against one or the other great federation, have done the worst
service to the cause of unity...
"...Professional problems in the activity of WFTU interna-
tional affiliations, in the cooperation with specialized trade
unions, call for much more attention than previously..."
4rand, Ignacy Loga-Sowinski, Warsaw Domestic Service (8 October)
"...WFTU rejects the fatalistic idea about the inevitability
of war. War can be prevented.
"The WFTU put forward two imperative principles required
for implementation of the policy of peaceful coexistence. ...non-
interference in the domestic affairs of other countries. ...com-
plete freedom of choice by every nation of its political princi-
ples and system.
"...necessary for ICFTU to change its present methods of work.
Also correct is the attitude of the WFTU which...does not treat
the ICFTU as a uniform force of militant anti-communism or a
tool of the cold war, since our view is that the membership of
WFTU, the ICFTU and the International Federation of Christian
Trade Unions cannot and should not constitute an obstacle for
trade union cooperation..."
"...Bearing in mind the importance of this WFTU Congress
attended by all affiliated organizations, we consider that it
would have been particularly apt and useful if the reports make
a more thorough-going analysis of the concrete activity of the
WFTU...and...executive bodies. This would enable a clearer view
of the good results as well as shortcomings.
"...WFTU was engaged in some international actions without
the approval of all the affiliated organizations. Majority vote
1.zmania, Constantin Dragan, Bucharest Agerpres International (iL October
aca~ Support for the Soviets against the Chicoms but also a shift
toward the Italian section.
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PYR HT
harms unity. ...ZunanimitJ To ensure fully equal rights of all
trade union organizations. ...series of proposals can draw a great
number of non-affiliated organizations. end thus contribute to
strengthening unity of action...on the international plane."
kugoslavLa, S. Vukmanovic, Tanyug International (19 October)
"...cooperation regardless of ideological orientation is the
only way leading to the elimination of misunderstanding, to broad
trade union cooperation, and to the formation of wide foundations
for a new world trade union organization -- would primarily have
to respect the right of every trade union independently to choose
the forms of its activity. Each trade union also would inde-
pendently decide in which actions to participate. ...no question
of a majority and a minority...the difficulties now confronting
the international trade union organization would be solved.
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