FARM BUNGLING SOWS MORE TRAGEDY IN CHINA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000100070008-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 39
• Document Creation Date: November 17, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 7, 2000
• Sequence Number: 8
• Publication Date: June 24, 1962
• Content Type: NSPR

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FARM BUNGLING SOWS MORE TRAGEDY IN CHINA
by Warren Unna
The Washington Post. June 24, 1962
Communist China, which has more people than any other country in the
world and has had the longest struggle trying to keep them fed, may be
experiencing a hunger convulsion that, will shake the globe itself.
Since the beginning of its recorded history, China has referred to it-
self as "Chung Kuo, " the Middle Kingdom about which all the rest of the
universe revolved. In today's.mid-20th century, she may not be exactly
the center of the universe. But she undoubtedly has assumed the pro-
portions of a dangerous nova whose explosive inner fires may send
contamination hurtling about.
Because China's estimated 650 to 700 million people account for one
fourth of the world's total, their hunger pains affect the world.
Inasmuch as China's Communist leaders openly boast that they have
enough people to give them gambler's odds for outlasting the rest of the
world in a nuclear war, their ambitions affect humanity.
And since China is groaning with lack of food and doctrinal and eco-
nomic frustrations that may impel these leaders in Peking to take even
more desperate measures for retaining control, China's state of content
affects the world.
And this affection may assume obscure forms, as in the Canadian
election last week, where Prime Minister John Diefenbaker was happy
to campaign for increased wheat production in order to corral a--farm
vote that thinks it now has an unlimited buyer's market in wheat- short
China.
An Emerging Pattern
But China, which always has had to battle floods, drought, insects and
poor soil to grow enough food to fill many too many mouths, also has
to contend with Communist economic doctrine.
By refusing entry to all but a handful of foreign journalists and by
severely restricting the movements of foreign diplomats, China has
kept the world in the dark as to her inner troubles. These troubles
now, however, have reached the point where a number of specialists
are beginning to see a pattern. The most notable recent account is an
article entitled "The Famine Makers" by Valentin Chu., a China-born
and educated journalist, which appeared in the June edition of the New
Leader.
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blows from nature as to the grave errors of a bureaucracy highly efficient in
control but childishly lacking in common sense. A sizable portion of the floods
and droughts which China has suffered during the past few years have been
aggravated, and at times directly caused, by a decade of pseudoscientific
methods in farming, irrigation and soil treatment... What China is now facing
is no ca-mmon natural disturbance, affecting a few provinces for a short time.
It is a nation-wide exhaustion of the land and the people, the cumulative re-
sult of 12 years of abusing nature and human nature. Peking's search for a
breakthrough in agriculture, has resulted in a breakdown."
The Basic Problems
What have been the basic problems of China's farmer in his struggle to grow
enough food, and how has Peking met them?
WATER--China has plenty of it, but in the wrong places. All of north
China has ie ss than '5 per cent of the river flow; the south. 75 per cent.
First the Peking theoreticians, assisted by Soviet technicians, concen-
trated on big hydroelectric dams. Plans called for the Yellow River, the
world' a--siltiest and perhaps its most unmanageable, to have some 60 clams
in a TVA-like complex'which by 1961 would both tame it and leave it crystal
clear. By 1956, half of the high dams were completed, only to be destroyed
by floods or silted up within months. In 1958 another flood proved that most
of the uncontrolled water came from below the Sanmen Gorge where the. key
dam in the complex was being bvii-It. Water Conservation and Power, an of-
ficial Communist Chinese technical journal, then acknowledged that the
Yellow River project could not prevent major floods.
In central China's Anhwei Province, the Futseling reservoir and power
plant first failed to keep the Huai River from overflowing its banks and then,
because of overheavy sluice gates, was not in a position to disgorge the
water when it was needed. The Yungting reservoir tunnel near Peking re-
portedly performed so badly that a subsequent flood inundated some 7 million
acres and washed away some 2.6 million houses:
Construction of the Tahuofang dam in Manchuria, slated to provide China's
second biggest reservoir, was curtailed in 1954 when it was discovered that
the structure "had the consistency of rubber."
In June of 1959, Peking's official People's Daily conceded: "There are
reservoirs without water; reservoirs with water, but without aqueducts."
Water Conservation and Power added that many of the reservoirs "look
all right as long as water is not let in."
In 1958, Pelting decided to abandon its dam schemes in favor of irrigation
canals. But the canals took away too much farmland, leaked, were often too
small to hold their own against flood or drought and sometimes, by being dug
too deep, drained the water table of the surrounding land and created a
drought where none had existed. In north China, canal leaks succeeded in
raising surrounding water tables to the point of forcing up harmful salts and
alkali to the soil's crust. In April of 1961, the Kuang Ming Daily noted:
"Arable land is continuously shrinking and alkalized soil spreading. "
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servation plan. Technical direction often has not matched actual working
conditions. Quality has always been less important than quantity and speed."
REFORESTATION--To help the hillsides retain their topsoil and to en-
Nance the underground moisture capacity for water storage, Peking began a.-
12-year "green-up" program in 1956. One billion new trees a year were en-
visioned if 500 million farmers and school children planted two trees apiece.
One '.'Green Wall" was to provide a 1000-mile windbreak from the Korean
border to the Yangtze River; another in the north was to shield China from
the sands of Outer Mongolia. The holes were dug, the saplings duly inserted.
But the watering was neglected after the first few days and the green walls
and forests withered. And along with the abortive reforestation program there
has been a continuing deforestation practice. In 1958, during the backyard
steel plant craze, nearby mountains were stripped for their wood fuel. Farm
cooperatives and communes have allowed their cattle to graze on saplings.
Timber industries, impressed with the patriotic need to meet their quotas,
have hacked away indiscriminately without replanting.
CULTIVATION--When the Communists first seized power in the late 1940s,
they thought they could yank the Chinese farmer into the 20th century with a
massive farm mechanization program such as the United States has and the
Soviet Union is trying to have.
But what tractors China managed to obtain proved of little help on the cut-
up rice paddies or terraced hillside plots. Moreover, they fell in disrepair.
Five years ago, the People's Daily declared: "It is too early to talk about
general mechanization. We have no oil, too few animals. Steel is expensive.
The cost of machinery is prohibitive. "
Then came the semimechanized "Double-Wheel Double-Share Plow, " a
domestically produced, animal-drawn metal plow. It proved too heavy for
the wet paddies-and terraces and the factories often forgot to include all the
parts. "Double-Wheel Double-Share" soon became known to the Chinese
farmer as "Sleeping Plow."
More recently, there has been a new shift to handmade instruments. But
a hoe made of "back-yard steel" and uncared for by a tired and unenthusiastic
farmer, now may not last one season, instead of the traditional three gener-
ations.
Lacking the foreign exchange to import needed chemical fertilizers and
kissing off the building of domestic fertilizer plants with too low a priority,
China now finds itself still depending upon the traditional "night soil"--
human waste. But this has proved insufficient,so the human waste now is
mixed with sewage silt, river mud, peat, chimney ashes and industrial waste
in order to produce a more impressive tonnage for Peking's statistics book.
When the Communist Party organization took over direct control of agri-
culture in 1958 it ordered half the cropland deep-plowed and close-sown. But
this was done hastily, without concern for local conditions and without any
coordination with fertilization. Crops weakened, soil was debilitated and, a
year later, Peking decided it had lost more than it had gained.
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boost agriculture, fishing, animal husbandry and. forestry all at once. But
when Peking decided to reverse itself to favor food crops over subsidiary
ones, land which for centuries had tested out as good for cotton or tea of
lychees or bamboo suddenly was forced into producing rice, wheat and
potatoes.
This also disrupted such carefully worked-out cycles as the one in a silk
producing village near Canton. Here the waste from the silkworms had been
used to feed fish for an auxiliary income. The fish pond mud was dug up to
fertilize the mulberry trees and the mulberry leaves, of course were fed the
silkworms.
INSECTS--China's locusts reach unbelievable proportions.. Yet when the
first of the season's locusts were discovered in Honan Province in April of
1959 and duly. reported to the Communist officials in the commune, the farmers
were told their labor was more needed for weeding and fertilizing the crops.
Months later, the locusts had eaten their way through 48 counties in Honan,
as well as some 179 counties, comprising 5 million acres of farmland, in
Anhwei, Kiangsu and Shantung provinces. When the population was diverted
to fight the locusts it was too late. And their inexperience in using spray
killed a reported 100,000 farm animals.
And when Peking decided its "Swat-the-Fly" campaign was so successful
it should be extended to such "predatory" birds as sparrows it suddenly
found that knocking off the sparrows had brought an increase in the "predatory"
insects the sparrows used to feed on.
POPULATIONS SHIFTS--When Peking got the notion that the way to leap-
frog the Industrial Revolution was to encourage "back-yard!' steel plants,
small ovens for the forging of farm tools, Peking whistled for all available
hands.
But, as Philip P. Jones and Thomas T. Poleman noted in the February
issue of the Stanford-University Food Research Institute Studies, "The steel
campaign was short-lived. ' It seems clear that it resulted in colossal waste.
If the employment figure of 100 million is to be credited, some 40 per cent
of China's rural work force was diverted away from the fields during the
height of the harvest season."
And when Peking 'had its try at Marxist purism with the commune, in
which dormitory life replaced the farm family, the cranked- out enthusiasm
leaped from recruitment to production figures. Grain production for 1958
was announced at 375 million tons, double the 1957 figures.
Said Jones and Poleman: "For a brief moment even the leadership ap-
parently became me smerized by such politically inspired production figures
... So optimistic were they that the top agricultural planners ordered a re-
duction.in the area planted to fall-sown grains."
But then Premier Chou En-tai, in a recantation speech in 1959, explained
that a "recount" showed grain production at 250 million tons, instead of 375
million, and that poor management in the commune mess halls had resulted
in the farmers eating more of the harvest than usual.
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which the farm team itself must be consulted on its production target and
then permitted the capitalistic incentive of retaining. for private resale
whatever is produced above that target. The commune director still is
around, however, and since his responsibilities now have been taken away
he collides with the brigade director, whoa also i.s in charge.
Journalist Chu declares: "The more the peasants work under the
party's blundering policy, of course, the less they produce. And the less
they produce, the more they have to work. The end result its debilitating
famine.
HEALTH- -Although the world outside "Chung Kuo" may be concerned
with-what undernourishment-may be doing to Chinese health, Peking con-
siders this of secondary importance.
The People' a Daily pronounced the dictum in late 1959: "The point of
departure is production. It must be our unwavering determination in
fighting pests and extinguishing diseases that this work shall be subservi-
ent to prodtion. Public health as a purpose in itself--a bourgeois way
of thinking- -should not be permitted."
And it hasn't been. In the gong-beating marches which accompany the
gathering of fertilizer, "night soil" now is handled in bare hands. News-
papers sometimes praise "fertilizer heroes" who patriotically refuse to
wash;their hands after work. Because of the fuel shortage, drinking water
in the communes no longer is boiled, although it often comes.from polluted
sources.
All this has not been helped by the low food intake which Averell Harriman,
United States Ase4tant Secretary-of State for, Far Eastern Affairs, estimated
two weeks ago to be around 1900 calories a day, compared with the 2300 con-
sidered minimal for a normal man in the Far East.
Dr. Stephen Wang, a 34-year-old Christian Chinese physician who fled
to Hong Kong last month, declared in an interview. "Endemic malnutrition
now makes most Chinese vulnerable to infection. We find the symptoms in
every province where I have worked; both the very young and the older peo-
ple have been weakened until their prospects for survival-are poor.
"Almost the worst thing that can happen to a woman in China today it for
her to learn that she is pregnant. Not enough food is available for her to
nourish herself and the fetus. Should the child be born alive, it has little
possibility of survival. The mother's breasts usually are dry. Even if she
gets to a hospital there will be no milk. Most infants die within the first
few months. When it happens many mothers are relieved."
Recently, Minister of Health, Li Techu'uan acknowledged that even three
years ago there was a total of 70 million cases of schistosomiasis (enlarge-
ment of the liver and spleen), filariasis (parasitic worms in the blood), hook-
worms and malaria recorded for treatment.
DISTRIBUTION?China diverted her precious foreign exchange-reserves
from the purchase of tridl-ustrial machinery to th-6-- urchs.sa of some 6-;million
t^n of feodctui last yeai'"?-.zics.t. of it grain.,, an:?:-a ther .3;.5 million tons of
grain so far this year. 5
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But Hong Kong's Far Eastern Economic Review, in speculating over
last month's exodus of refugees, declared:
"Several factors may be preventing these food resources from getting
to the people. China may still, without advertising the fact, be supplying
grain to Eastern Europe. The storage of grain in the provinces is not
efficient and a proportion of it therefore does not keep. Transport re-
mains poor. Perhaps the most convincing reason of all is that the Chinese
government, anticipating further difficulties, is saving food for the future
as hard as it can."
The United States, under the foreign aid authorization bill which re-
cently cleared the Senate, would be forbidden either to give or to sell
U. S. surplus f6bd?-to governments dominated by either Marxism or
communism unless the President makes a contrary decision.
Such rulings have been made in the past by looking the other way in
regard to Communist ~Pdand and Yugoslavia. But it is both impolitic
and inconceivable for any present-day U. S. President to make such a
finding in regard to Communist China.
And President Kennedy has indicated that he'll engage in no such
transaction without specific congressional authorization. Authorities
differ on whether the Senate amendment precludes famine relief to
"people" as distinguished from "governments. " Public Law 480 has
hitherto provided for famine aid "to friendly but needy populations
without regard to the friendliness of their government."
China's food problems certainly present her with a mammoth head-
ache. But Administration experts in Washington now think her industrial
breakdown, her shortfall of raw materials for factory parts, is providing
Peking with an even bigger headache. And the current shift of population
from the cities to the countryside to help with the food production has
depleted the cities of their factory labor.
Seven years ago, before Walt W. Rostow had any thought of being in
his present post of State Department counselor and chairman of the
Policy Planning Council, noted in an article for Harper's magazine
called "Marx Was a City Boy":
"A sustained failure of output to increase, or a substantial decrease,
coudl create so vast a hunger in China that even a Communist control
system could not prevent some kind of crisis.. .A demcr. tration that
Communist techniques in Asia lead to chronic starvation could damage
or destroy the powerfai beilef in underdeveloped an=;as t. gat comn tui.ism
holds the key to rapid economic growth. It is this j:*Ucf ri'l.ach is one
o?z communism's greatest assets in the Cold War, in South.ast Asia,
in the Middle East, in Africa and even in Latin America."
Well, last: month's mss exoc s of Chinese refs es to Hong Kong
was one indication that the Communist control system war, ont c;. control.
There are str-e tg indications tha a hunger convula.cn is 2zs:~dea~.: ; . Its
contaminating--or perhaps purifying--qualities have yet to be se.~n.
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Peking ITCNA in English to Asia an,:' Europe, 28 September 1962
Peking, 28 September--Following is the text of the communique of the
10th plenary session of the eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party
of China:
The eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held its
lath plenary session in Pekin; 24-27 September 1962.
The 10th plenary session was preside.. over by Comrade Mao Tse-tung.
Eightytw:o members and 88 alternate members of the Central Committee
attended. Thirtythree other comrades from the departments concerned_
of the Central Committee and from the provincial municipal and autono-
mou.s region party committees were also present.
The 10th plenary session discussed and took decisions on the question of
further consolidating the collective economy of the people's communes
and. developing agricultural production and on the question of commercial
work. It made a decision on the planned interchange of important leading
cadres of party an government organizations at various levels. It de-
ciededd to strengthen the work of the party control commissions at all
levels and elected additional members to the Central Control Comtnission.
It elected Comrades Lu Ting-i, Kang Sheng and Lc Jui-ching as additional
members of the Secretariat of the Central Committee, and at the same
time decided to dismiss (Comrades Huang Ko-cheng and Tan Cheng from
their posts as members of the Secretariat.
The 10th plenary session discussed the international and domestic situation.
The session points out that the international situation is developing in a
dire ction. e ven more favorable to the people of all countries. The struggle
of the people of the world against the U. S. imperialist policies of aggres-
sion and war and against colonialism, old and new, is surging forward.
The Cuban people, after winning victory in their revolution, have embarked
on the roar' of socialism and have continually defeated the U. S. imperialists'
aggressive schemes. The Algerian people have attained independence through
protracted armed struggle. In Laos, an armistice has been realized and a
provisional coalition government has been formed. The people in southern
Vietnam have won one victory after another in successful struggle for the
recovery of West Irian. The J a p ane se people have conducted continued heroic
struggles against U. S. imperialist aggression and, oppression.
All these are important landmarks in the vigorous development of the
national and democratic movements of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and
Latin America. The struggles of the oppressed nations and peoples of
the world for national independence, de:xnocracy, and socialism are playing
an even greater role in the defense of world' peace.
The growing strength of the countries in the socialist camp and their unity,
base' on Marxism-Leninism and internationalism, constitute the decisive
factor in defending world peace and give extremely important encouragement
and support to the liberation struggle of the people of various countries.
The U. S. imperialists are redoubling their efforts to push through their
plans for aggression and war, which are aimed at attaining a world hegemony.
The reactionaries of various countries are serving imperialism in a less
disguised way. And the modern revisionists, represented by the Tito clique,
have become more despicable in betraying the cause of communism and
meeting the needs of imperialism. All this shows that the class struggle is
raging in the international sphere.
The imperialists, the reactionaries of various countries, and the modern
revisionists have engaged in all kinds of criminal activities to oppose
communism, oppose the people, oppose the mass struggle of all oppressed
nations, and oppose the People's Republic of China and all other independent
countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and elsewhere, which refuse to
be slaves, but the result is contrary to their expectations. Their criminal
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activities have only served to further reveal their ugly features and land
them in greater isolation. Although the struggle against the imperialists,
the reactionaries of various countries, and the modern revisionists is
protracted, tortuous, and complicated, the'revolutionary.cause of the
people of all countries continues to develop,, the international communist
movement is growing daily in strength; and our friends have become
more numerous.
The 10th plenary session holds that the development of the international
situation has proved more convincingly that the 'general line of our
country's foreign policy is entirely correct.. This general line is: to
develop relations of friendship, mutual assistance, and cooperation with
the Soviet Union and the other fraternal' socialist countries in accordance
with the principle of proletarian internationalism, to strive for peaceful
coexistence on the basis of the five principle s.,with countries having
differing social systems and to oppose the imperialist policies of aggres-
sion and war; and to support the revolutionary struggles, of the oppressed
peoples and oppressed nations against imperialism and colonialism.
We should continue to carry out this ,general line in international affairs
in the future. We should continue to hold high the banner of opposing
imperialism and defending world peace, and unite all the peace-loving
countries and people of the world to form the broadest possible united
front against U. S. and other imperialists and, their running dogs in
various countries.
We should continue to hold high the banner of.revolution and give active
support, to the liberation struggle of the peoples of various countries,
especially the .struggle of the Asian,'.African,., and'Latin American peoples
for winning and safeguarding their national independence. We should
continue to hold high the banner of. proletarian internationalism and sU?ive
to safeguard and strengthen the unity of the socialist camp and tie inter-
national communist movement.
We should continue to hold high the revolutionary principles. of the '1957
Moscow Declaration and the 1960 Moscow Statement, and resolutely and
thoroughly oppose modem revisionism--the main task at present and for
a long time to come. At the same time, we should resolutely and
thoroughly oppose dogmatism, oppose sectarianism, and oppose great-
nation chauvinism and narrow nationalism. This is also a long-term
trek. The purpose of all this is to kafeguard the purity of Marxism-
Leninism. .
The 10th plenary session notes with satisfaction that.since the 9th
plenary session, held in 1961, and particularly since the session at the
beginning of this year, the work done by the whole party in implementing
the policy of readjustment, consolidation, filling out, and raising
standards in the national economy and in strengthening the agricultural
front has yielded remarkable results despite the serious natural disasters
for several consecutive years and shortcomings and mistakes in the work.
The condition of the national economy last year was slightly better than
the year before, and this year it is again slightly better- than last year.
In agriculture, the actual harvest of summer crops this year has shown
a slight gain over that of last year, and the yield of autumn.crops is
also expected to register an increase. This is the result of carrying
through the party's series of policies concerning the' rural people's
communes and thus giving play to the advantages of the collective economy
of the people's communes.
In industry, positive ' results have been achieved through the adoption of
effective measures of readjustment. The output of means of production-
in support of agriculture, light industrial products using industrial pro-
ducts as raw material, many handicrafts, and some badly needed heavy
industrial products has registered a considerable increase during the
January-August period as compared with the corresponding period of
last year. Many enterprises have improved their management. Their
products are of a higher quality and cover a greater range, their pro-
duction:.-costs have 'bet, and their labor productivity has risen.
In the field of commerce there are also new improvements, and the
supply of commodities is slightly better: than before. All this shows that,
both in town and countryside, our economic conditions are getting better
and better with each passing day... 2
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It should be pointed out that some of our work is not well done. For
instance, because of the incompetence of the leading cadres, some pro-
duction teams, some factories, and some business establishments have
produced less or become unwelcome to the masses. We should endeavor
to change this state of affairs and improve the work of those units with-
out delay.
The people of our country have always united closely around the Central
Committee,of the party and Comrade Mao Tse-tung. Even when con-'
fronted with serious difficulties at home and from abroad, the broadest
masses and cadres, of our country have always firmly believed in the
correctness of the general line for socialist construction, the big leap
forward, and the people's commune--the three red banners. Giving
full play to the glorious tradition of working hard and building the country
with diligence and thrift, and to the militant spirit of relying on our own
efforts and working with vigor for the country's prosperity, they have
actively grappled with the difficulties and scored brilliant achievements
under the leadership of the party and the people's government..
The Chinese People's Liberation Army and the public security forces
are strong and reliable armed forces of the people. Our country has
also a heroic military force of vast numbers. They have performed
well their glorious task of defending the motherland, the people's labor,
and the socialist system. At all times they are vigilantly guarding the
frontiers of our great motherland and protecting public order, and stand
ready to smash the aggressive and sabotage activities of any enemy.
Tested in all these struggles, our country is worthy of being called a
great country, our people a great people, our armed forces great armed
forces, and our party a great party.
The imperialists, the reactionaries of various countries, and the modern
revisionists gloated over the temporary difficulties encountered by the
Chinese people, and they wantonly vilified China's .general line for. social-
ist countries, the big leap forward, and the people's commune, striking
up an anti-Chinese chorus which was sensational for a time. U. S.
imperialism instigated the Chiang Kai-shek gang entrenched in Taiwan to
plot vainly an invasion of the coastal areas of the mainland. At home,
those landlords, rich peasants, and bourgeois rightists who have not
reformed themselves and the remnant counterrevolutionaries also gloated
over our difficulties and tried to take advantage of the situation.
But the imperialists and their running dogs in China and abroad completely
miscalculated. All their criminal activities have not only further exposed
their hideous features, but have heightened the socialist and patriotic fervor
of our people in working vigorouslyfor the prosperity of our country. Our
people have resolutely smashed and will continue to smash every one of these
scheming activities, be it intrusion, provocation or aggression, or subversion
within our state or the party.
The 10th plenary session of the eighth Central Committee points out that
throughout the historical period of proletarian revolution and proletarian
dictatorship, throughout the historical period of transition from capitalism
to communism--which will last scores of years or even longer--there is
class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and struggle
between the socialist road and the capitalist road. The reactionary -ruling
classes which have been overthrown are not reconciled to their doom. They
always attempt to stage a comeback.
Meanwhile, there still exist in society bourgeois influences, the force of
habit of the old society, and a spontaneous tendency toward capitalism
among some of the small producers. Therefore, among the people a small
number of persons making up only a tiny fraction of the total population who
have not yet undergone socialist remolding always attempt to depart from
the socialist road and turn to the capitalist road whenever there is an
opportunity. Class struggle is inevitable under these circumstances. This
is a law of history which has long been elucidated by Marxism-Leninism.
We must never forget it.
This class struggle is complicated, tortuous, with ups and downs, and
sometimes,it is vary sharp. This class struggle inevitably finds expression
within the party. Pressure from foreign imperialism and the existence of
bourgeois influences at home constitute the social source of revisionist ideas
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one es, we must remain vigilant and resolutely oppose in good time various
opportunist ideological tendencies in the party. The great historic signifi-
cance of the eighth plenary session of the eighth Central Committee, held in
Lushan in August 1959, lies in the fact that it victoriously smashed attacks by
right opportunism and revisionism and safeguarded the party line and the unity
of the party.
At present and in the future, our party must sharpen its vigilance and correctly
wage a struggle on two fronts, against revisionism and against dogmatism.
Only thus can the purity of Marxism-Leninism be always preserved, the unity
of the party constantly strengthened, and the fighting power of the party
continuously increased.
The 10th plenary session holds that the urgent ta:ak facing the people of our
country at present is to carry through the general policy of developing the
national economy, with agriculture as the foundation and industry the leading
factor. As put forward by Comrade Mao Tse-tung, attach first importance to
the development of agriculture, correctly handle the relationship between
industry and agriculture, and resolutely readjust the work of the industrial
departments according to the policy of making agriculture the foundation of
the national economy.
In the field of agriculture, it is necessary to continue to carry out the Central
Committee's various policies concerning the people's communes, consolidate
still further the collective economy, bring the peasants' enthusiasm for
collective production into still greater play, give priority to the development
of grain production, and at the same time strive to develop cotton, oil-bearing,
and other industrial crops as well as livestock breeding, aquatic production,
forestry and side occupations. Meanwhile, it is necessary to mobilize and
concentrate the strength of the whole party and the whole nation in an active way
to give agriculture and the collective economy of the people's communes every
possible material, technical, and financial aid as well as aid in the fields of
leadership and personnel, and to bring about the technical transformation of
agriculture, stage by stage and in a manner suited to local conditions.
In the field of industry, the first thing to do is--in accordance with the needs of
the technical transformation of agriculture and the present availability of
materials and manpower--to further carry out national readjustment, strengthen
the productive capacity of the weaker departments, energetically improve
management, and increase the variety and raise the quality of products.
In the field of commerce, it is necessary--in accordance with the principle of
"insuring supplies by increasing production"-and the policy of commerce
serving agricultural and industrial production and the livelihood of the people
throughthe channels of state-run commerce, cooperative commerce, and
village fair trade--to make great efforts to arrange for the interfiow of farm
produce and manufactured goods between the rural and urban areas so as to
supply the rural areas with more means of production, supply industry with
more materials, and supply the urban and rural people with more daily
necessities.
In the fields of science, culture, and education, it is necessary to strengthen
scientific and technological research and particularly to pay attention to
scientific and technological research in agriculture, vigorously train personnel
in these fields, at the same time strengthen the work of uniting with and
educating the intellectuals so that they may play their role fully, as they should.
Although we have produced more goods both last year and this year and the
living conditions of the people have improved, the goods we produce are still
insufficient and the whole nation must strive to expand production, insure the
supply of goods, an3 so gradually improve the livelihood of the people. At the
same time, the urban and rural inhabitants of the whole country must give
attention to diligence and thrift in construction work and housekeeping, practice
economy, and lay up some savings so that we may gradually be better off and be
prepared against the needs caused by natural disasters and other unforeseen
events.
The 10th plenary session is firmly convinced that, though certain difficulties still
exist, it is entirely possible to overcome them. We have already made great
achievements. Our future is bright provided the whole party and the whole
nation, united as one, strengthen democratic centralism, carry through the -
general policy of developing the national economy with agriculture as the foun-
dation and industry as the leading factor, and further conscientiously carry out
the work of readjustment, consolidation, filling out, and raising standards in
the national economy. We will certainly be able, after making efforts for a
period of time, to usher in a new period of great upsurge in our country's
socialist construction. 4
-Continued-
Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000100070008-7
 Approved For ease 2000/08127: CIA-RDP78-061A000100070008-7
The 10th plenary session calls on the workers, peasants, intellectuals,
democratic parties, and patriots of all nationalities throughout the country
to unite even more closely, hold still higher the glorious banners of the
general line for socialist construction, the bag leap forward, and the people's
commune under the leadership of the party's Central Committee and Comrade
Mao Tse-tung, go all out in their efforts to increase production and practice
economy, and strive for a bumper harvest net year, for the new growth of
the national economy and for new victories in the socialist cause of our country.
Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000100070008-7
 Approve- a %& 2j7Li DR(3 IM )Q W0008-7
RED STAR Moscow, 22. September 1962
Soviet military scientific thought has always-.,paid much attention to questions
of military theory. In the last few years a number of major works have been
published on the theory of combat and operations. For a long time, however, no
such works have been published on the highest level of the military art--strategy.
The last major work devoted to problems of military strategy in general,
A. Svechin)s "Strategy," was published as long ago as 1926.
That is why publication of the book, "Military Strategy," written by an authar.-
collective under the leadership of Marshal of the Soviet Union V. D. Sokolovskiy
and issued by the military publishing house, is a very pleasant event. This sub-
stantial, valuable work of.socientific research not only fills a known gap in our
military-theoretical literature, it also represents a remarkable contribution to
the development of the theory of the military art.
The work is composed of eight chapters.. They review in detail all major
problems of strategy. Stressing the class nature of bourgeois and Soviet military
strategy, the authors outline the interrelation between military strategy, politics,
economy, and the moral-political factor, and show the essence of military doc-
trine and its dominating role over military strategy. The book reviews in detail
the reactionary nature of the military strategy of the contemporary imperialist
states--aimed at a third world war which is being prepared by them. The author;
outline the road of development of Soviet military strategy.
A large part of the book consists of a profound, substantial analysis of the
concrete questions which come under military strategy: the character of con-
temporary war, the organization of the armed forces, the means of waging war,
the preparations of the country for repelling aggression, and the leadership of
armed forces. On the whole the structure of the book can be termed successful.
The contents of the book also command attention. It contains the substantiation
of a whole series of new conclusions and tenets applied to the conditions of
contemporary rocket-nuclear war.
The historic 22d CPSU Congress made an outstanding contribution to the
theory of Marxism-Leninism and to its composite part--the Marxist-Leninist
teaching on war and the army.
The CPSU Program and the CPSU statutes, the reports and the condluding
speech of N.S. Khrushchev contain a profound illumination of many aspects of the
activities of our party for the strengthening of the defense capacity of the Soviet
state and the defense of the countries of the socialist camp against imperialist
aggression. Another development of Soviet military theory was the well-known
decision of the fourth session of the USSR Supreme Soviet of the fifth convocation.
The basic tenets of Soviet military doctrine as formulated in the materials of the
22d CPSU Congress and the fourth session of the USSR Supreme Soviet were the
basis for the work reviewed here.
Based on these tenets, the authors expose with great force and conviction,
while analyzing the military strategy of the imperialist states, the aggressive
nature of imperialism and primarily that of American imperialism, stressing the
consolidation under the latter sponsorship of all imperialist forces against the
Soviet Union and other countries of the socialist camp.
The mightiest military power of the capitalist world--the United States--is
exerting on its partners in military blocs political and military pressure and is
leading them along the path of preparing aggression against the socialist countrie
It is continuously stepping up its military potential axed reawining its forces with
the newest means of combat and technical equipment. Its calculations are based
on the preparation of mighty and technically well-equipped armed force ready
for a surprise attack. Such.a strategy of imperialism can lead at any moment
to war with the utilization of the most modern means of combat.
In contrast to the strategy of the imperialist states, which is reactionary
throughout and aggressive in its spirit and content, Soviet military strategy, as
stressed by the authors, serves the most advanced and progressive social
regime. Its efforts are not directed at attacking someone but at protecting our
country and other socialist countries against imperialist aggression. In this
connection, the working out of means for reliably repelling a surprise nuclear
attack by an aggressor is the main problem of Soviet military strategy.
Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000100070008-7
 _f4ff %Mr~ 0604 1VV6t&qQq Pi~7bMo'gk eq1- r 6A1$99PiJ i9 eYia71
how strategic views on the character and the means of armed struggle have
changed in the Soviet Army, how the art of strategic leadership has been
perfected. They show the leading role of the Communist Party and its Central
Committee in determining the political goals of the strategy and leadership on
the armed'forces, The book states that in-the years of the civil and the great
fatherland wars the party Central Committee was the militant staff and the true
organizer and inspirer of the Soviet people. in the struggle against the inter-
ventionists.
The Central Committee reviewed all major questions of the organization and
strengthening of the armed forces, the strategic war plans, the establishment
and distribution of reserves, the appointment of commanders, and so on.'
The historical approach to the analysis of questions of strategy undoubtedly.
facilitates' the understanding of the contemporary state of the theory of Soviet
military strategy. At the same time one wishes to note that, in our opinion,
the authors should have shown more 'extensively the people who took a direct
part in the working out of the strategic theory, strategic planning and leadership,
and the continuity of the best traditions of the Russian National Military School.
The foundation of the military theory of the Soviet state and the inexhaustible
source of its development is the .treme.ndous legacy left by V. I. Lenin regarding
the strategic leadership of the armed struggle in the period' of the civil war and
the foreign military intervention and the rich fountain of wisdom of the Leninist
military-theoretical views.
A tremendous contribution to the theory of.strategy was made by such
prominent military functionaries of our' party and state as M. V. Frunze,
B. M. Shaposhnikov, and M. N. Tukhachev.skiy.: A. certain influence of the
development of the military-strategic thought in the .Soviet Army came also
from the prominent military theoreticians A. A. Svechin, A. A. Noznamov,
V.K, Triandafillov, and E.A. Shilovskiy. Great work on this problem is
being done by S. N. Krasilrnkov and others,.. . . .
In outlining the questions of the development of Soviet military strategy,
the authors of the book should as a matter of course have mentioned these names.
This would have enriched the work and would have promoted the correction of
the situation which existed during the period of the personality cult when every-
thing new and progressive in military theory.was attributed to Stalin-alone.
The book devotes considerable space to the Marxist-Leninist analysis of the
character of contemporary war and to the influence which the contemporary
means of armed struggle have on it. .
"One of the important tenets of Soviet military doctrine," stress the authors,
"is that a world war, if it is unleashed by the, imperialists, will inevitably assume
the character of a rocket-nuclear war. That means the character of a war in
which the main means of destruction will be nuclear weapons and the basic
vehicles for carrying them to the target will. be rockets. "
As is known, the character of the armed struggle is influenced not only by
the means with which it is waged, but also the social nature of the war. The
new world war, if unleashed by the imperialists, will be characterized by the
participation of two opposing worldwide social systems--the capitalist and the
socialist system. This very fact will determine the resoluteness and fierceness
of the war.
The problem of its duration is of great importance for understanding the
character of future war. On the basis of research, the authors arrive at the
conclusion that in a future war, one must base one's calculations for victory
(vesti raschet na pobedu) over the aggressor on the shortest possible time. In
this connection, as pointed out by USSR Minister of Defesne Marshal of the
Soviet Union R. Ya Malinovskiy, the initial, period will be of decisive importance
for the outcome of the whole war.
Of indisputable scientific interest are the recommendations of the authors
regarding the organization (stroiteslstv) of the armed forces. They stress that
the basic means for speedily defeating and putting out of the war whole countries
are rocket-nuclear weapons. They determine also at present the main direction
in the organization of the armed forces and in the means of waging a future war.
"Nuclear weapons," says the book, "represent already at present the basic
firepower.of all branches of armed forces.. The creation of superiority over the
enemy regarding this weapon and the means of its utilization are the most
important task of the organization of the armed forces in times of peace as well
as in the course of war."
Approved For Release 2000/O T.lDP78-03061 A000100070008-7
 ~n -F r RpI - V
of armed forces in modern conditions. We think only that the authors should
have developed in this chapter the relationship between different forces and
services as well as the basic principles of their organizational structure and
buildup.
One cannot agree fully with the authors' opinions about strategic maneuver-
ing. The book points out that "strategic maneuvering (manevr) in conditions
of rocket-nuclear war can be defined as shifting of efforts from one strategic
direction or objective to another mainly through the fire maneuverability
(ognevogo manevra) of the nuclear weapon." The authors recognize the
maneuvering of forces and materials only within the theater of battle and mainly
on the operational scale. In addition they omit the obvious truth that no single,
grouping of troops can be carried out in the war plan both before the beginning
and in the course of war without maneuvering with forces and materials.
Strategic transfers of forces and materials to theaters of action for supplementi7g
or replacing definite groupings also cannot be excluded.
Naturally the country preparing for war will develop its forces and materials
in such a way as to start action with the existing grouping. But even this group-
ing cannot be created without preliminary maneuvers on a strategic and
operational scale. And if we take into account that as a result of the first nuclear
strikes military groupings may be considerably weakened, or that the first
strategic echelon in the definite theater of military operation may suffer great
losses, then it will appear obvious that there is a necessity for strategic
maneuverability of sources and materials'-something which the authors of this
work do not mention for some reason.
An important place in the book is given to describing the methods of warfare
on a strategic scale. A new classification of types of strategic operations is
given. The authors consider that all strategic operations by the armed forces in
a future war will boil down to the following: "Rocket-nuclear strikes with the
aim of destroying and annihilating objectives making up the foundation of the
military-economic potential of the enemy, damage to the system of state and
military administration, destruction of strategic nuclear materials and main
military groupings, military operations against land theaters of war with the
aim of completing the destruction of enemy forces, protection of the rear of the
socialist countries and military. groupings from enemy nuclear attacks, and
military operations in maritime theaters of war with the aim of destroying the
naval forces of the enemy."
The concrete recommendations by the authors regarding the methods of
conducting rocket-nuclear war represent a great scientific interest and deserve
diligent attention. It must be noted, however, that the authors, having here
justifiably concentrated their main attention on the rocket forces for strategic
purposes, have not given sufficient weight to and have not analyzed deeply enough
the role and methods of operations of other types of armed forces, particularly
of the land troops.
In the chapter dealing with opinions on the methods of warfare, the authors
examine also such an important problem as the use of outer space for military
purposes. They cite a number of facts showing that American imperialists
have entered the path of direct use of the cosmos for carrying out their aggressi?e
aims directed against the socialist countries. The American press openly speaks
about "outer space being the strategic theater of tomorrow."
The Soviet people are occupied in peaceful exploitation of the cosmos. The
flights of our cosmonauts Yu. Gagarin, G. Titov, A, Nikolayev, and P. Popovich,
which have amazed the whole world, as is known, did not pursue any military
aims. But it is quite obvious that if the imperialists continue to search for
ways of using outer space for military purposes, then the interests of insuring
the security of the Soviet state will require the necessary measures by our side
as well, the Soviet military strategic thought the problem of using outer space
for forestalling the aggressive aims of the imperialists should be taken into
account.
The reader will find Chapter VII on "preparation of the country for repelling
aggression" an interesting one. This chapter considers the main problems of
such preparation, giving a general picture of the character of the measures
taken by our country for strengthening its defense capacity. The authors draw
a number of important practical conclusions. They justly note in particular
that "in contrast to the covering forces (sil prikrytiya) of former wars, the
combat-ready part of the land forces must in modern conditions be numerically
much stronger to be capable of executing its assignments." In our opinion their
recommendations on simplifying mobilization, on utilizing motor transport and
3
Approved For Release 2000/0811'PNE1--78-03061 A000100070008-7
 Approved For Frelease 2000/08127: CIA tRDP78- ~ Qua ~~Q08-7
transport aviation not requiring complex bases or ran
materials, on construction. of industrial enterprises of military importance, on
the organization of civil defense and on other things are also important.
In the last chapter of the book the authors, using considerable historical
material, show how strategic leadership of the armed forces was carried out
in the World War II by the capitalist states, and what is the basis of the leader-
ship of the armed forces at the present time. They give an evaluation of the
good and bad aspects of, such leadership.
The structure and functions of the higher organs of leadership of the Soviet
armed forces during the dlvil War, in the pericd of peace, and during the Great
Fatherland War are examined in detail. A conclusion is drawn on the basis of
this that "the principles of the unity of leadership of the conduct of armed
struggle in the political, economic and military respects, centralization of the
leadership of the. armed forces with a wise combination of collegiality and
personal responsibility of the leaders--principles which were worked out and
tested in practice in our country--are fully valid in modern conditions. " The
book shows in general outlines the possible organs of leadership of the armed
forces of the Soviet Union in conditions of a modern war.
In the concluding chapter, the authors examine briefly the questions of the
leadership by the Communist Party of the Soviet armed forces and the principles
of party-political work.
Unfortunately these important problems are examined very lightly and
superficially. Individual confused statements are made which in fact distort the
question of the role of the party organizations in the Soviet Army. It appears
that the authors of this section did not think enough about the tenet of the new
statute of the CPSU which states that "the party organizations of the Soviet army
insure the implementation of the party policy in the armed forces . . . .
(Ellipsis as printed)
There is no possibility in the framework of a newspaper article to examine
such a large number' of problems as are raised in the book "Military Strategy; "
We cannot express our agreement with the authors on a number of these problems
apart from those examined above. These problems deserve a special discussion.
But on the whole I would like to stress once again that a necessary and valuable
military-technical work has been published, both in content and significance.
The broad Sovietrtgarding -public will undoubtedly find in this book much that
is interesting and new. The work will be of undoubted profit to all generals
and officers of the Soviet Army and will be an important handbook in their
military-theoretical training.
Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000100070008-7
 Approv8gl&ffi l"M a / 7Ei~~ t ~~4 1~ 0008-7
RED STAR Moscow, 22 September 1962
Soviet military scientific thought has always-,-paid much attention to questions
of military theory. In the last few years a number of major works have been
published on the theory of combat and operations. For a long time, however, no
such works have been published on the highest level of the military art--strategy.
The last major work devoted to problems of military strategy in general,
A. Svechin'a "Strategy," was published as long ago as 1926.
That is why publication of the book, "Military Strategy," written by an authar,-
collective under the leadership of Marshal of the Soviet Union V. D. Sakolovskiy
and issued by the military publishing house, is a very pleasant event. This sub-
stantial, valuable work of socientific research not only fills a known gap in our
military-theoretical literature, it also represents a remarkable contribution to
the development of the theory of the military art.
The work is composed of eight chapters. They review in detail all major
problems of strategy. Stressing the class nature of bourgeois and Soviet military
strategy, the authors outline the interrelation between military strategy, politics,
economy, and the moral-political factor, and show. the essence of military doc-
trine and its dominating role over military strategy. The. book reviews in detail
the reactionary nature of the military strategy of the contemporary imperialist
states--aimed at a third world war which is being prepared by them. The author;
outline the road of development of Soviet military strategy.
A large part of the book consists of a profound, substantial analysis of the
concrete questions which come under military strategy: the character of con-
temporary war, the organization of the armed forces, the means of waging war,
the preparations of the country for repelling aggression, and the leadership of
armed forces. On the whole the structure of the book can be termed successful.
The contents of the book also command attention. It contains the substantiation
of a whole series of new conclusions and tenets applied to the conditions of
contemporary rocket-nuclear war.
The historic 22d CPSU Congress made an outstanding contribution to the
theory of Marxism-Leninism and to its composite part- -the Marxist-Leninist
teaching on war and the army.
The CPSU Program and the CPSU statutes, the reports and the condluding
speech of N.S. Khrushchev contain a profound illumination of many aspects of the
activities of our party for the strengthening of the defense capacity of the Soviet
state and the defense of the countries of the socialist camp against imperialist
aggression. Another development of Soviet military theory was the well-known
decision of the fourth session of the USSR Supreme Soviet of the fifth convocation.
The basic tenets of Soviet military doctrine as formulated in the materials of the
22d CPSU Congress and the fourth session of the USSR Supreme Soviet were the
basis for the work reviewed here.
Based on these tenets, the authors expose with great force and conviction,
while analyzing the military strategy of the imperialist states, the aggressive
nature of imperialism and primarily that of American imperialism, stressing the
consolidation under the latter sponsorship of all imperialist forces against the
Soviet Union and other countries of the socialist camp.
The mightiest military power of the capitalist world--the United States--is
exerting on its partners in military blocs political and military pressure and is
leading them along the path of preparing aggression against the socialist countries
It is continuously stepping up its military potential wzacl vea. pining its forces with
the newest means of combat 4a.nd technical equipment. Its calculations are based
on the preparation of mighty and technically well-equipped armed force ready
fora surprise attack. Such a strategy of imperialism can lead at any moment
to war with the utilization of the most modern means of combat.
In contrast to the strategy of the imperialist .states, which is reactionary
throughout 0.nd aggressive in its spirit and content, Soviet military strategy, as
stressed by the authors, serves the most advanced and progressive social
regime. Its efforts are not directed at attacking someone but at protecting our
country and other socialist countries against imperialist aggression. In this
connection, the working out of means for reliably repelling a surprise nuclear
attack by an aggressor is the main problem of Soviet military strategy.
CONTINUED
Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000100070008-7
 how strategic views on the character and the means of armed struggle have
changed in the Soviet Army, how the art of strategic leadership has been
perfected. They show the .leading role of the Communist Party and its Central
Committee in determining the political goals, of the strategy and leadership on
the armed forces. The book states that in the years of the civil and the great
fatherland wars the party Central Committee was the militant staff and the true
organizer and inspirer of the Soviet people in the struggle against the inter-
ventionists
The Central Committee, reviewed all major questions of the organization and
strengthening of the armed forces, the .strategic war plans, the establishment
and distribution of reserves, the appointment of commanders, and so on.
The historical approach to the analysis of questions of strategy undoubtedly
facilitates the understanding of the contemporary state of the theory of Soviet
military strategy. At the same time one wishes to note that, in our opinion,
the authors should have shown more extensively the people who took a direct
part in the working out of the strategic theory,'. strategic planning and leadership,
and the continuity of the best traditions, of the Russian National Military School.
The foundation of the military theory of the Soviet state and the. inexhaustible
source of its development is the tremendous legacy left by V. I. Lenin regarding
the strategic leadership of the armed struggle in the period of the civil war and
the foreign military intervention and the rich fountain of wisdom of the Leninist
military-theoretical views.
A tremendous contribution to the the ory'of strategy was made by such
prominent military functionaries of our party and state as M. V. Frunze,
B. M. Shaposhnikov, and M. N. Tukhachevskiy. A certain influence ,of the
development of the military-.strategic thought in the Soviet Army came also
from the prominent military theoreticians A. A. Svechin, ' A. A. Neznaxnov,
V. K. T riandafillov, and E. A. Shilovskiy. Great work on this problem is
being done by S. N. Krasilxnov and others.
In outlining the questions of the development of Soviet military strategy,
the authors of the book should as a matter of course have mentioned these names.
This would have enriched the work and would have promoted the correction of
the situation which existed during the- period of the personality cult when every-
thing new and progressive in military theory was attributed. to Stalin alone.
The book devotes considerable space to the Marxist-Leninist analysis of the
character of contemporary war and to the influence which the contemporary
means of armed struggle have on it.
"One of the important tenets of Soviet military doctrine," stress the authors,
"is that a world war, if it is unleashed by the imperialists, will inevitably assim-:
the character of a rocket-nuclear war. That means the character of a war in
which the main means of destruction will be nuclear weapons and the basic
vehicles for carrying them to the target will be rockets. "
As is known, the" character of the armed struggle is influenced not only by
the means with which it is waged, but also the social nature of the war. The
new world war, if unleashed by the imperialists, will be characterized by the
participation of two opposing worldwide social systems --the capitalist and the
socialist system. This very fact will determine the resoluteness and fierceness
of the war.
The problem of its duration is of great importance. for understanding the
character of future war. On the basis of research, the authors arrive at the
conclusion that in a future war, one must base one's calculations for victory
(vesti raschet na pobedu). over the aggressor on the shortest possible time. In
this connection, as pointed out by USSR Minister of Defesne Marshal of the
Soviet Union R. Ya Malinovskiy, the initial period will be of decisive importance
for the outcome of the whole war.
Of indisputable scientific interest are the recommendations of the authors
regarding the organization (stroiteslstv) of the armed forces. They stress that
the basic means for speedily defeating and putting out of the war whole countries
are rocket-nuclear weapons. They determine also at present the main direction
in, the organization of the armed forces and in the means of waging a future war.
"Nuclear weapons," says the book, "represent already at present the basic
firepower of all branches of armed forces. The creation of superiority over the
enemy regarding this weapon and the means of its utilization are the most
important task of the organization of the armed forces in times of peace as well
as in the course of war."
2
Approved For Release 2000/087jNciA78-03061 A000100070008-7
 L qi& 7WQ OAWg?#l a7tion
T P1PvicPAf1gSgRkegFf. o9A4R11y -@W
of armed forces in modern conditions..: We think only that the authors should
have developed in this chapter the relationship between different forces and
services as well as the basic principles of their organizational structure and
buildup.
One cannot agree fully with the authors', opinions about strategic maneuver-
ing. The book points out that "strategic maneuvering (manevr) in conditions
of rocket-nuclear war can be defined as shifting of efforts from one strategic
direction or objective to another mainly through the fire maneuverability
(ognevogo manevra) of the nuclear weapon." The. authors recognize the
maneuvering of forces and materials only within the theater of battle and mainly
on the operational scale. . In addition they omit the obvious truth that no single
grouping of troops can be carried out in the war plan both before the beginning
and in the course of war without maneuvering with forces and materials.
Strategic transfers of forces and materials to theaters of action for supplements ;
or replacing definite groupings also cannot be excluded.
Naturally. the country preparing for war will develop its forces and materials
in such a way as to start action with the existing grouping.. But even this group-
ing cannot be created without preliminary maneuvers on a strategic and
operational scale. And if we take into account that as a result of the first nuclear
strikes military groupings may be considerably weakened, or that the first
strategic echelon in the definite theater of military operation may suffer,great
losses, then it will appear obvious that there is a necessity for strategic
maneuverability of sources and materials-.-something which the atithors of this
work do not mention for some reason.
An important place in the book is given to describing the methods of warfare
on a strategic scale. A new classification of. types of strategic operations is
given.. The authors consider that all strategic operations by the armed forces in
a future war will boil down to the following: "Rocket-nuclear strikes with the
airn of destroying and annihilating objectives making up the foundation of the
military-economic potential of the enemy, damage to the system of state and
military administration, destruction of strategic nuclear materials and main
military groupings, military operations against land theaters of war with the
aim of completing the destruction of enemy forces, protection of the rear of the
socialist countries and military groupings, from enemy nuclear attacks, and
military operations in maritime theaters of war with the ,aim of destroying the
naval forces of the enemy. "
The concrete recommendations by the authors regarding the methods of
conducting rocket-nuclear war represent a great scientific interest and deserve
diligent attention. It must be noted, however, that the authors, having here
justifiably concentrated their main attention on the rocket forces for strategic
purposes, have not given sufficient weight to and have not analyzed deeply enough
the role and methods of operations of other types of armed forces, particularly
of the land troops.
In the chapter dealing with opinions on the methods of warfare, the authors
examine also such an important problem as the use of outer space for military
purposes. They cite a number of facts showing that American imperialists
have entered the path of direct use of the cosmos for carrying out their aggressive
aims directed against the socialist countries. The American press openly speaks
about "outer space being the strategic theater of tomorrow."
The Soviet people are occupied in peaceful exploitation of the cosmos. The
flights of our cosmonauts Yu. Gagarin, G. Titov, A. Nikolayev, and P. Popovich,
which have amazed the whole world, as is known, did not pursue any military
aims. But it is quite obvious that if the imperialists continue to search for
ways of using outer space for military purposes, then the interests of insuring
the security of the Soviet state will require the necessary measures by our side
as well, the Soviet military strategic thought the problem of using outer space
for forestalling the aggressive aims of the imperialists should be taken into
account.
The reader will find Chapter VII on "preparation of the country for repelling
aggression" an interesting one. This chapter considers the main problems of
such preparation, giving a general picture of the character of the measures
taken by our country for strengthening its defense capacity. The authors draw
a number of important practical conclusions. They justly note in particular
that "in contrast to the covering forces (sil prikrytiya) of former wars, the
combat-ready part of the land forces must in modern conditions be numerically
much stronger to be capable of executing its assignments." In our opinion their
recommendations on simplifying mobilization, on utilizing motor transport and
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transport aviation not requiring complex bases or trap ial
milit
s of
ort matrials, aon of civil ldefen edandron other r t inise gs are als?aimporta tance, on
the organiz
In the last chapter of the book the authors, using considerable historical
material, show how strategic leadership of the armed forces was carried out
in the World War II by the capitalist states, and what is the basis of the leader-
ship of the armed forces at the present time. They give an evaluation of the
good and bad aspects of such leadership.
The structure and functions of the higher organs of leadership of the Soviet
armed forces during the Civil War, in the pericd. of peace, and during the Great
Fatherland War are examined in detail. A conclusion is drawn on the basis of
this that "the principles of the unity of leadership of the conduct of armed
struggle in the political. economic and military respects, centralization of the
leadership of the armed forces with a wise combination of collegiality and
personal responsibility of the leaders--principles which were worked out and
tested in practice in our country--are fully valid in modern conditions." The
book shows in general outlines.the possible organs of leadership of the armed
forces of the Soviet Union in conditions of a modern war..
In the concluding chapter, the authors examine briefly the questions of the
leadership by the Communist Party of the Soviet armed forces and the principles
of party-political work.
Unfortunately these important problems are examined very lightly and
superficially. Individual confused statements are made which in fact distort the
question of the role of the party organizations in the Soviet Army. It appears
that the authors of this section did not think enough ' about the tenet of the new
statute of the CPSU which states that "the party organizations of the Soviet army
insure the implementation of the party policy in the armed forces . . . .
(Ellipsis as printed)
There is no possibility in the framework of a newspaper article to examine
such a large number of problems as are raised in the book "Military Strategy."
We cannot express our agreement with the authors on a number of these problems
apart from those examined above. These problems deserve a special discussion.
But on the whole I would like to stress once again that a necessary and valuable
military-technical work has been published, both in content and significance.
The broad Soviet Irrgarding public will undoubtedly find in this book much that
is interesting and new. The work will be of undoubted profit to all generals
and officers of the Soviet Army and will be an important handbook in their
military-theoretical training.
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'A-GREAT BETRAYAL OF MARXISM-'LENINISM"
Zc i I P. Qpullit
T i:an a, lilbania.
October 13, 1962
Soviet President Brezhnev recend:,f made an 11-dad- offiCial visit to Y?xgoslavi
at the invitation of Tito. The Soviet and Yugoslav, press announced that
Brezhnev96 visit was in response to the one made by,Tlto to the USSR in 1956.
At Moscow airport her wao seen off by Khru.shchev. Upon his arrival in Belgrade,
where ' h was'g'.ven a great welcome by Tito and his clique, 'Br:.ozhnev hastened
to express to "esteemed Cvurade Tito" ins gratitude for this friendly invitation.
and to convey to him, on behalf of N. S. Khrushchev, "cordial greetings and good
wishes for 'success in his life and work, in the struggle for a long peace and for
socialism."
During the visit the two presidents made many -speeches. In them Tito hastened
to express' his great joy at being able to show, Comrade Brezhnev "the results
attained in' the development and construction. of socialism in Yugoslavia l' under
the guidance of the League of Yugoslav Communists, He said that "the existence
of certain differences must not be an obstacle; along this road, inasmuch as they
represent a natural phenomenon which frequently,, in,today's world is engendered
by the fact that the concrete paths followed by the conomc and.social rise of
different countries are different, due to differing historical"and other conditions.!
Tito dealt with the aid and support Yugoslavia has offered to the national and pro-
gressive liberation movements throughout the world and. in the; independent
countries of Asia and Africa.
He,proclaimed loudly in front of the President of the Supreme Soviet that "the
attitude of the Yugoslav Government and that of the USSR. Government either
coincide 'or are identical on a number of fundamental international questions. "
Recalling the time when' a certain obscurity reigned in.USSR -Yugoslav relations,
Tito said: "There is no. need for us to insult each.other. We must put an end to
this once and for all and become good friends. I am convinced that your visit is
a great step forward in the development of relations between our two 'countrie s.
In his speech at Kragujevac, Tito said: "We can tell our friends frankly that
they have come to a country where socialism is being built and where there can-
not be another road of development.' We shall continue to advance along this path;
we have something to build--our socialist regime. (Note,well, he did not speak
about American "aid".) In conclusion I would like to thank Comrade Brezhnev
and our other friends for the visit they have paid and for the words they. have
spoken, which are in complete accordancw with our views of socialism:"
In his turn President Brezhnev praised Tito's speeches and made several state-
ments. During his first speech on 24 September, and many times. later, he
repeated that "cooperation with Yugoslavia is in the, intere's'ts of all countries
building socialism and communism." After indicating that the field of activities
in Soviet' Yugoslav relations is vast, he continued: "We greatly. appreciate the
efforts made by the government, and personally by President Tito;' toward a
policy of peace and cooperation among states." During a speech made 'at'a
meeting in Split, Brezhnev spoke to "the Yugoslav comrades" about the liqui
dation of the personality cult and its odious consequences. He underlined that
"the uncovering and bold unmasking of the personality cult of Stalin and its
condemnation was of tremendous importance for the successful building of a
communist society." Here Bre'zhnev also gave his impression "of the construction
of socialism in Yugoslavia-by saying that "we have seen how the peoples of
Yugoslavia are working as a fraternal and united family in, the construction of
their new life." He often mentioned his "interesting and valuable conversations"
with President Tito and other eminent Yugoslav personalities, and "the interest-
ing things he had seen," as well as the "interesting trip" he,made' across
Yugoslavia.
The most important person among those accompanying the Soviet President on
his trip across the country was A. Rankovic, known for organizing the tortures
and killings of thousands of Yugoslav communists who have had the courage to
oppose the revisionist course of the Tito clique since 1948..
In taking "cordial" leave of Tito, Brezhnev spoke once more about "'the sincere
conversations" he had had with him on many problems "concerning the joint
struggle for peace and the general development of Soviet-Yugoslav relations in
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the interests of peace and socialism." He once more "warmly thanked" his
"dear friend, the President of the republic, Comrade Tito," and on behalf of
Khrushchev, begged him to pay a visit to the Soviet Union. According to Tass.
Tito accepted this invitation with satisfaction and said he would visit N.
Khrushchev in December.
BORBA, speaking with frenzied joy about Brezhnev's visit, said: "The friendly
relations and fruitful cooperation between the USSR and Yugoslavia will no doubt
become established for a long time, will become stable and continue improving."
That is what was said publicly. But what attracts attention is what was not. said
or what was evaded intentionally, both in the speeches and the published com-
munique. We do not want to talk about the secret talks which have been in pro-
gress for a long time between the group of N. Khrushchev and Tito, of their
plans to cooperate and coordinate their secessionist activities. Time will reveal
the secrets, as has happened on earlier occasions..
We want to speak about the questions on which silence is being maintained, or
which are being approached in a twisted manner. Anyone who ha,s followed
Brezhnev's trip from the beginning and carefully read the final communique on
the Tito-Brezhnev talks will note that the danger that American imperialism
presents to peace, to the national independence of peoples, and to socialism was
not stressed; that the illusion has been created that the time has come when the
imperialists will, as a result,of disarmament, transfer large funds to the
development of the well-being of people, and particularly in ;underdeveloped
countries; that when..apeak?ng of Cuba, the finger is not pointed at American
imperialism, which is threatening that country with aggression, but mention
is only made of some aggressive circles of imperialism; that when speaking
about the admission of the CPR to the United Nations, nobody recalls the
necessity of driving the Chiang Kai-sh.ek clique from the United Nations, that
the imperialist policy of. "two China?'s" is not. condemned, etc.
It therefore appears that Brezhnev's visit, the visit of N. Khrushchev's personal
envoy to Tito, was not a simple and ordinary trip to see "beautiful and wondrous
parts of Yugoslavia," in spite of the efforts. made to .keep it officially,within the
framework of peaceful coexistence and relations between states. This visit was
paid only a short time after N. Khrushchev's speech at Varna in Bulgaria, where
he eulogized the Tito clique "which is building socialism," where he characterized
his relations with Tito to be "not only normal but good," and where he launched
an appeal for a rapprochement and multilateral improvement of relations with
Yugoslavia, describing cooperation with and aid. to Yugoslavia as a factor which
'!nit .r?nly will contribute to an improvement in mutual relations between the
Soviet Union and Yugoslavia but which will also be of advantage to all countries
building socialism and communism." ..
Brezhnev's visit, if considered in the context of the secessionist activities
applied by the Tito clique against the socialist camp, the national liberation,
movement,. the revolutionary movements within the working class, and pro-
gressive movements in general; if considered within the context of the bilateral
attempts made by N. Khrushchev and Tito to, come together and coordinate their
anti-Marxist activities, leaves no doubt that it reached beyond the limits of a
courtesy visit laid down by diplomatic protoeel. Brezhnev's journey, this
"friendship missidn," this "important visit"--to quote the Soviet press--reveals.
its strongly accentuated political and ideological nature and constitutes a link in
the chain of N.. Khrushchev's aims to achieve a rapprochement with the Yugoslav
revisionists, to coordinate with them a new revisionist course to split the
socialist camp and liquidate socialism.
It is known that N. Khrushchev,publicly began seeking a rapprochement with the
Yugoslav renegades in 1955 when he knelt down before Tito in Belgrade, begged
his pardon for the mistakes allegedly committed by the communist and workers .
parties of the socialist countries against "the Yugoslav leader's," and forgave the
Titoists' their sins in the name of the Soviet Union. That was ' the first step.
Having again clothed the Yugoslav revisionists in the mask of Marxist-Leninists,
Khrushchev systematically adopted one measure after another to achieve an ever
closer rapprochement with them. Developments which took place after Tito's
visit to the Soviet Union in 1956, particularly the counterrevolution in Hungary
and the publication of the revisionist program of the League of Yugoslav Commu-
nists, put obstacles in N. Khrushchev's progress along this road. The Moscow
meetings in .1957 and 1960, which justly and severely unmasked the revisionist
Yugoslav clique as a traitor to Marxism-Leninism, as a saboteur of the camp of
socialism in the service of American imperialism, worried Khrushchev consider-
ably.
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Bg cause of the pressure of the just struggle carried out by the. communist and
vvcrCes parties against revisionism --anal in particular against Yugoslav
revisionism--as. the main danger to the communist movement, he sometimes
had to say a word against the clique of Tito. But, as always, proved by the
many facts now. known publicly-.- throughout, b1s speeches, made at an opportune
time, or otherwise, Khrushchev, always. left the door open for an agreement with
the Tito clique. He always in one way~or another urged others not to worsen,
the. relations, not to fight the. Yugoslav revisionists, under the absurd pretext
that it would "increase,, their i.mportance..""
But the time finally came, at the 22nd congress., When Khrushchev came out
.. opeily as the divider of, the socialist camp and..,of the communist movement.
At that, time the first thing he. had to do was to remove all obstacles and renew
official state and party relations with the Tito clique , This was indispensable--
for the continuation of his splitting activities, and the best ally for this under-
taking was obviously Tito, who had given proofs of the ways of treason to
Marxism-Leninism. To achieve this aim, he had to trample the 1960 Moscow
declaration underfoot; and determined upon the fulfillment of his plans, he did
not he stitate to do such a thing.
Thais collaboration in the economic field began.' Since 1961, trade has increased
2;5 times compared, with 1955. In 1962, trade will be 30 per cent greater than
,last year. Last 3uly, 'in cordial talks held in an, atmostphere of friendship and
complete mutual understanding,!' all questions of. mutual economic cooperation
were solved.. without any difficulties. One after the, other, various agreements
were signed providing for a. considerable increase in trade between 19-63 and
1903 compared with the volume determined for this period by the long-term
.agreement in force.. ' All measure s have been taken for cooperation in the fields
of industry and technical-scientific collaboration, for mutual exchanges of
specialists, etc.
After solving economic questions, Khrushchev had to fully settle ideological and
po' Sp ridonov, cha the the o Soclique. A v et of the Union of the S collaborator of a N Khrush as v,
V.1 uprem Soviet, has
said: "if one is giming at increasing points of contact between states on questions
of foreign' policy,. economies, and culture, then one can set upon the path of
removing differences in the ideological field" (from the speech made by Spridinev
on 2 July 1962 during the reception in honor of the Yugoslav parliamentary dele-
gation). 'Cooperation began to assume large proportions through the exchange of
many delegations in all fields, including delegations from the political and ideo-
logical fields. The exchange of delegations comprised mass organizations such
as those of trade unions, journalists, writers, artists, scientists, etc. The
rumors that Khrushchev and his propagandists spread now and the on the accord
of his policy and that of the Tito group were only prologues for the visit of
.Bre zhne v.
The rapprochement with the Tito clique was made by Khrushchev, statements
that`'rYugoslavia is a country which is building socialism."' Such a mask is too
transparent to hide the great treason which- is being carried out in collaborating
with the renegades of Belgrade.
On what basis and what logic are Khrushchev and his followers relying when
they say that Yugoslavia is building socialism? How can a group of traitors to
Marxism-Leninism be building socialism, when one knows that Marxism-
Leninism is, the scientific ideology of the construction of socialism? How can
one build socialism by giving free rein to capitalist development in the country-
side, by'turning the economy into a capitalist economy? How can one build
socialism with billions of American dollars which will strangle the entire
Yugoslav economy? How can one build socialism in a country whose leaders
are undermining the unity of the socialist camp? How can they be saboteurs of
socialism and the builders of socialism at the same time ? How can one call a
country socialist whose leadership, under the pretext of a policy of nonalignment,
is pursuing a line harmful to the un ity of all peaceful forces and states.? What
changes have taken 'place in Yugoslavia since the 1960 Moscow meeting that enable
one to arrive at such views as those of the Khrushchev group,? No changes have
taken place. Not only have the 'Yugoslav revisionists made no changes, but each
day they have put themselves more deeply in the service of imperialism and have
set about. restoring, capitalism in Yugoslavia.
The Khrushchev group'needs the Tito clique for its treacherous and secessionist
activities. Tito's experience in this field is useful in implementing Khrushchev's
revisionist course. Therefore, he is intentionally closing his eyes to the present
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situation in .Yugoslavia, which is marching toward the restoration of the
capitalist system; he is forgetting everything he has said' against the Yugoslav
revisionists. This explains all the various ideological concessions, the efforts
made during the visit of Brezhnev to Yugoslavia to fit their views together.
It was not without purpose that Brezhnev, during his stay in Yugoslavia, never
mentioned the words "the socialist camp" in his speeches. He was obliged not
to mention them because Tito would not acceptit--for he is "against all camps4"
and is "above camps," Another and more important reason for not.rnentioning
these words was that he is trying to find adequate ways to liquidate the socialist
camp, to introduce a wolf into the sheep pen; to admit "friendly socialist
Yugoslavia" into the family of socialist countries and achieve common aims
which are already known by all. This is why he. avoided referring to the "social-
ist camp," and instead spoke about the "world of socialist countries,: the
"socialist forces in the world," and. the. "society of socialist. states."
To achieve his aims of rapprochement, Khrushchev had Brezhnev accompanied
by reliable support, consisting of the latter's party during his visit to Yugoslavia.
This support consisted of the most reliable men closest tQ the Yugoslav revision-
ist line--Adzhubey, Firyubin, and Andropov. Adzhubey,` whose only merit as a
"political personality" is that he married a daughter of Khrushchev,. is known as
the man who, following in the steps of his father-in-law, has called the mult-
millionaire president of American monopolies, Kennedy, a ,"hero who is the
pride of the American people, " and he has acted as the direct agent of Khrushchev
in his transactions with Kennedy. Firyubin was ambassador in Belgrade. and
served as an official liaison ageny between Khrushchev and the Tito clique, and
lie has special merits in the Tito-Khrushchev rapprochement, Andropov, former
ambassador to Hungary and at present an important official in the apparatus of
the CPSU Central Committee, is known as a proponent of ` the' sinister activities
of Khrushchev and his group during the events of the Hungarian `count`errevolution
in 1956 and in the plots of Khrushchev against the Albanian Workers Party and
against the other communist and workers parties of the world..
The Khrushchev Croup, and Tito himself, consider that the most. t mely moment 1
for a many- sided rapprochement has come, that it is now time for an open
collaboration in all directions and in all forms. This was clearly expressed in
Tito's speech addressed to Brezhnev: "Let us have done with insults. We must,
not quarrel any longer. We must be good friends." In other words, Tito said:
Let us stop throwing dust in the eyes of others as if we were adversaries. Let
us abandon our masks. It is time to openly extend hands and work together for
our joint aims.
During his visit to Yugoslavia, Brezhnev mentioned more than once the known
formula of Khrushchev on the "accord" of views and positions on questions of
foreign policy. In our previous articles we have closely analyzed and proved
by facts that the positions of the Yugoslav revisionists have nothing in common
with the foreign policy of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries.
That is why it is not necessary to deal with it at length. We will only stress
that precisely when Brezhnev was touring Yugoslavia, trying to smooth out the
positions and policy of the Yugoslav revisionists and present them as identical
to Soviet policy, Popovic, the representative of the Yugoslav revisionists at
the present session of the U.N. General Assembly, once more attacked the
policy of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries, comparing it with
the policy of aggression and war of American imperialism.
The attempts of the Khrushchev group to equate the policies of the Yugoslav
revisionists and the Soviet Union--regarding the conformity -and identity of
Soviet-Yugoslav positions concerning international questions--are only a bluff
and a mask used by Khrushchev to present the renegade clique of Belgrade as
socialist.' In fact, these attempts have been refuted by many facts and by Tito
himself in his recent interview when he said: "Our representatives do.not
always vote as the side opposing the United States.... There were cases when
our representatives adopted, in accordance with our points of view, attitudes
which corresponded to the positions of the American representatives."
It is -no secret that Yugoslav policy in international questions follows the policy
of aggression and war followed by the American imperialists, and that there
can be no question of conformity with the policies of the Soviet state and the
other socialist countries. The policy of the Yugoslav revisionists is fully in
conformity with the news and aims of the revisionist group of Khrushchev.
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It is of great importance for Khrushchev that the positions suit the strategic
fundamental questions uniting the Khrushchev group with the Tito clique.
These questions are: class conciliation between socialism and capitalism,
political and ideological coexistence between them, peace and coexistence
at any price, negation of all revolutionary movements, and the economic and
political integration of the world. As for.:actinns and positions on given
concrete questions, Khrushchev himself is in many. instances in contradiction
with the principla policy of the Soviet state axed the C.PSU. In support of this
.there are many instances showing that Khrushchev has contradicted what he
said the day before. One day he priases Eisenhower, the next day he insults
him; one day he declares that the que stiQn of Germany must be settled without
delay- -fixing a time limit- -then he declares without blushing that the question
of time limits has no importance; one day he says that Yugoslav revisionism
is a Trojan horse, the next he alleges that it is building socialism. This tactic
constitutes one of the ~eharacteris-tic si-gna of modern revisionists: lack of
principles. Like anti-Marxists--and this.is.what they are--they try to adapt
themselves to turns caused by sxnall.political events, but they forget the vital
interests of the proletariat and the nature of. the capitalist order.
It was in vain that the Khrushchev group tried to give Brezhnev's visit-an anti-
imperialist charter and thus camouflage the real purpose of the visit--to
coordinate their views and revisionist actions. IZVESTIYA, in an article
entitled "In the Name of Common Objectives, " which points out eagerly "the
pure atmosphere of Soviet-Yugoslav ,relations, " tried to indicate that the visit
by Brezhnev would allegedly be viewed "with anxiety by Adenauer's leading
circles and in general in imperialist circles.'ti
But the truth is different. Indeed, Bre_zhnev was not particularly ?concerned
with this question, and IZVESTIYA-Aid .n,ot.insist on pressing it. On the
contrary, concerned lest the imperialists get angry and turn their backs on
the Tito clique, the Khrushchev group particularly stressed that "the Soviet
Union, desiring the expansion of good. relations. with Yugoslavia, is not trying
to aggravate its relations with other countries. ". Look at IZVESTIYA of,
29 September. And this is not done without a purpose; it is not in Khrushchev-1s
interest that the Yugoslav revisionists break up with the imperialists, particu-
larly with the U. S. imperidlists. The Tito clique represents an important
bridge between Khrushchev and Kennedy.
The hubbub being made these days in the United States over the U. S. Senate r s
decision to deprive Yugoslavia of the right of. the most favored nation trade
clause is not fortuitous. The truth is.that the reactionary press could not hide
its joy over this visit and enthusiastically described the demonstration of friend-
ship of Khrushchev's grouptoward Tito as "a thaw in Soviet-Yugoslav relations."
It clearly stands out from the above that the Khrushchev group the renegade
Tito gang are in accord politically and ideologically on the fundamental questions,
in their tactics and their strategy with a view to a rapprochement with the'
imperialists; that they agree on their strategy and tactics in their struggle
against Marxism-Leninism and the unity of the socialist camp, in their joint
efforts to attract to treason and to corrupt certain leaders of. the communist and
workers parties of some socialist countries of Europe and some capitalist
countries. They are in accord in their strategy and tactics aimed, at undermining
the national liberation movement by subjecting it to general and complete
disarmament; they are in accord in their strategy and tactics for the economic
and political integration of the world.
...
All this indicates that we are faced with a great betrayal of Marxism-Leninism.
This betrayal may not be. seen by those and only those who do not wish to see it,
by those whose interest it is not to see it. We must look things straight in the
eye, and call a spade a spade. Modern revisionism has become a. very great
danger to the great historic victories scored by the proletariat, to the revolution,
and to socialism. It has become aggressive and shameless.
Modern -revisionism, as an anti-Marxist trend, has not been completely un-
masked--and precisely herein lies its dangerous character. It is true that
Yugoslav revisionism has been greatly discredited, but today one must
completely unmask the common front which the modern revisionists are about
to create in their struggle against socialism, against revolutionary Marxism-
Leninism.
Wherein lies the force of modern revisionism ? We have to deal today not with
an opportunism like that of the Second International during the 1894-1917 period,
which relied solely on the charities given to it by the dominant bourgeoisie from
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unlimited profits drawn from the exploitation of colonial and dependent peoples.
The great tragedy which has struck the international communist movement
today is that the revisionism is represented by the group of N. Khrushchev,
who is at the head oi'the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Great Lenin.
By engaging in frenzied dema: gcgy, the revisionists are profitably exploiting
the great international authority acquired by the CPSU under the leadership
of Lenin and Stalin, as well as the glorious revolutionary past of some- commu-
nist parties in various countries. Modern revisionism uses Marxism-Leninism,
particularly the name of Lenin, as a label to propagate its theories and anti-
Marxist views, to deceive the masses. Naturally, one cannot prevent Khrushchev
Khrushchev, Tito, and their followers from using any labels they wish in order
to sell their antiquated goods; but they are dangerous when they are used by men
whose mask has not been completely torn off, ;whose anti-Marxist faces are
still hidden. V.I. Lenin continuously stressed that obvious opportunism is not
so dangerous and noxious as the one which presents itself under the guise of
Marxism-Leninism.
Moreover, modern revisionism also has the support of international imperialism,
which is aiding it under various forms and devices, overtly or covertly.
Suffice it to mention Yugoslavia, where the U. S. monopolies have given Tito,
one of the leaders of modern revisionism 5 billion dollars to reach their
essential objective; namely, the liquidation of the socialist system and
restoration of the world hegemony of imperialism.
The source of modern revisionism was best isolated and defined at the meetings
of the representatives of the communist and workers parties held in Moscow in
1957 and 1960. "The existence of bourgeois influence, " the 1957 declaration
stated, "is the internal source of revisionism, whereas capitulation before the
pressure of imperialism is its external source. "
Therefore, revisionism is not something fortuitous; it has not been brought
forth suddenly as Athena. It has been born as a result of a ceaseless struggle
which is taking place between the socialists- -to which the future belongs--and
the imperiiist bourgeoisie, which is heading for doom. The capitulation of
the "aristocraticized" and unstable section of the represmtatives of the working
class has been embodied in this struggle as a result of powerful and continuous
pressure exerted by imperialism.
As in the past, the substance of opportunism today is the idda of collaboration
between the classes. The entire activity of modern revisionism rests upon
this idea. The revisionist group of Khrushchev never talks about the scientific
definition of our epoch, as given in the 1960 Moscow declaration, because this
grates on his ears. In this declaration our epoch has been defined as an epoch
of struggle between two different social systems; an epoch of the disintegration
of imperialism and the liquidation of the colonial system; an epoch of the
passing on of socialism and the triumph of socialism and communism on an
international scale.
Khrushchev and his followers present our time as one of peaceful coexistence
during which, by peaceful means and negotiations, the social and political
problems dividing the world at the moment are to be settled. To them the
essential content of our time is the peaceful economic competition between
the world social systems-- socialism and capitalism. Peaceful coexistence
was also proclaimed with much hue and cry by the Khrushchev group as the
general line of foreign policy of the socialist countries, as the general road
leading to the victory of socialism on a world scale. The evaluation by the
Tito group of our present time, which they describe as the epoch of the
peaceful integration of the world into socialism, make s. the same point.
We have stressed the essential difference in meaning given to our time by
the Moscow statement of 1960, on the one hand, and by the revisionists on
the other hand, becuase it is here where the ways of revolutionary Marxism-
Leninism and the modern revisionists, diametrically opposed to each other,
diverge.
Proceeding Tom a scientific definition of our time, Marxist-Leninists draw
correct revblutionary conclusions from the radical changes which have taken
place in the new balance of power on the international arena, a balance which
is in favor of socialism. The waxing strength of the forces of communism
in the world and the strengthening of the influence of the socialist system are
conceived by revolutionary Marxist- Leninists as a factor which has created
most favorable conditions and new opportunities for the communist and workers
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parties,, for the working class and alt. revalutir?nary forces of the capitalist
countries, as well as fer.the:peoples-oppressed by imperialism, for a certain
victcxry for socialist revoluti is and national. libe=ration movements,, for the
triumph of,socialisn7 and communismthroughout.the World. But victory never
falls from heaven, nobody makes :you a present of it, it is gained by struggle
and by the efforts of the;peoplets messes,: strongly united to a revolutionary
leadership, determined to defend the `interes.ts of the. people 'and the revolution
to the end. This is the les"sorn of history.
Today mote than ever before, the situation demands that the communist and
workers parties remain always in the lead of the efforts exerted by the masses
against imperialism, that they show by deeds their -ability to guide the
proletariat and' its-allies in the struggle for the triumph of the socialist revo-
lution and the national liberation-revolution. It is -,not sufficient to call one-
self avant garde and be an avant-garde unit, Lenin has said. "One must also act
in a way that all other units, see us -marching, at the nead and are forced to
admit . it. " ("Selected Works," Vol.,_I,:p 174) The historical development of
events never asks what name you besLTV-w;hether it be "Communist Party" or
any other, what program and what slogan you proclaim. Revolution has no
need of words but'of actions. If you cannot get out'of a situatimby actions it
will reject you; it will reject you' st voilently. that it will damage you and nobody
will give .you any further c onoide ration. -There is no shortage of examples;
take, for instance, our radiant reality, which shows how 'strongly the develop-
ment of revolutionary events has condemned those who have lagged behind
events as a result of their degeneration,,.by following the revisionist course of
Khrushchev.
American imperialism today represents the essential force' of aggression and
war; it is also the most ferocious enemy of all- humanity. The world witnesses
its numerous acts of aggression. and war unleashed in various countries: It
witnesses the feverish preparations: fur new aggressive wars made by the
American imperialists and their partners in-aggressive blocs against the
socialist countries, against the peoples who have barely.-, emerged into freedom
and independence, against the peoples who rose and continue to -rise with every
passing day in order to free themselves from the yoke of the colonialists and
imperialists and in order to liquidate the heinous regime of oppression and
capitalist exploitation.
The present situation demands, more than ever and urgently, the creation of
a united front for the struggle against imperialism, for peace. and national
independence of the socialist countries, the revolutionary workers movement
in capitalist, countries, the revolutionary movement for nationallliberation
and democracy in. all countries, and all peace-loving peoples, because imperial-
ism is at present the essential and common enemy of mankind. It is only in
this manner. that it is possible to insure a durable peace and stave off a new
world war, simultaneously liquidate imperialist domination and achieve the
triumph of socialism on an international scale.'
However, the creation of a strong front against imperialism is hindered by
all available means by the modern revisionists.. They,'riasort to anything,
even the vilest criminal actions, to sabotage the struggle for' liberation of
the oppressed peoples against imperialists,' to prevent the union of all anti-
imperialist forces struggling for peace, national independence, and socialism,
and to prevent the ideas of revolutiazary Marxism-Leninism from spreading
and taking roots. In this respect the modern revisionists make great concessiom
of principle to the imperialists.
In the meantime the imperialists, mainly the American imperialists, exploit
as best they can the weaknesses and concessions of the modern revisionists,
particularly those of Khrushchev, The policy of antirevolutionary opportunist
activity, the policy of conciliation with the imperialists which is being practiced
by the revisionists, divides and weakens the .socialist camp,' weakens the
revolutionary movement of peoples against imperialism, and- allows the
imperialists. to strengthen their positions in various points of the world which
are turned into.-centers of aggre s sion 'against the USSR, the CPR, other
socialist countries,. and, the liberating movements of the oppressed peoples.
In spite, of savage measures and billions of dollars used by the imperialists
and supported by the revi:sionists,:, in order to stifle the revolutionary and
anti-imperialist movements, the revolutionary movement and the international
communist movement in general spreads and grows stronger with each. passing
day.' This could not be otherwise. Contradictions of all kinds within
imperialism continuously become mor serious. Today more than ever the
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old capitalist world engenders socialist and national.liberation movements.
A very severe class struggle is taking'place in the international arena. In
more oppressed countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America the blaze of
revolutionary struggle spreads unceasingly. Even in the most advanced
capitalist countries the class struggle has not c4ased and will never case,
because this does not depend on the will of the revisionists or on the will
of the imperialist bouregoisie. It is being caused by objective conditions
of oppression and exploitation of man by man which can disappear only with
the overthrow of the capitalist regime and the installation of the socialist
regime.
A certain increase, not unusual, in the production of some capitalist countries,
is nothing but a phenomenon of temporary contingency, because it has not been
and it cannot now be a permanent peaceful development of capitalism.
The world capitalist system is plunged into a profound general crisis; there-
fore, the situation of "peaceful development of capitalism" in certain countries
of the world cannot continue indefinitely.
As was underlined by the Moscow statement of 1960, no attempts by imperialism
can hinder the advance of society, the liquidation of the imperialist system, and
the complete triumph of socialism on a world scale. This may, happen more
quickly or may take more time. It depends on the extent to which the proletariat
and the other oppressed and exploited masses are ready and prepared to act in
every respect in revolutionary situations which at present are inevitable; to the
extent to which the-- communist and workers parties are :able to prepare the
masses in a many-sided manner for the revolution, to make them completely
conscious, and to lead them to a complete victory over internal and external
enemies. No party of the working class is able to accomplish this task if it is
infected by the dangerous disease or revisionism, if revisionist leaders are at
its head, if the solidarity of the world revolutionary movement, the unity of the
international communist movement, and the unity of the socialist camp are not
safeguarded and strengthened in. the struggle against revisionism. The
dissemination and strengthening of revisionism, within the international commu-
nist movement not only prolongs the existence of imperialism and considerably
retards the triumph of socialism in other countries, but it threatens still more
seriously the victories attained by the workers masses in those countries where
socialism has triumphed.
The definition of revisionism at the Moscow meeting of 1957 and 1960 as an
important danger in the international communist movement, and the task set
to fight and destroy revisionism to its very roots are, ideologically speaking,
more topical and concrete today than ever before. The struggle against and
the ideological destruction of modern revisionism has become at the moment
a historically indispensable and urgent task. Revisionism not only numbs the
revolutionary energy of the masses, but it finds this torpor a fertile soil for
development. We note this phenomenon in countries where.revisionists are
at the head of communist parties, whereas Marxism-Leninism and the
Marxist-Leninist parties rely on and become stronger precisely through the
revolutionary energy of the masses. Therefore, by fighting revisionism and
exposing its propagators, the revolutionary energy of the masses will be
activated. The masses become conscious and learn to fifht for their own
interest, the revolution, complete national independence, democracy, socialism,
and communism. Imperialism cannot be fought successfully, nor can victory
over it be achieved, without, fighting and exposing revisionism. Fladimir Ilich
Lenin always pointed out that the struggle against imperialism becomes an
empty and false phrase when it is not linked closely with the fight against
opportunism.
To fight successfully against revisionism, which has become such a great
danger, it should be made concretely clear to the communists and masses
what revisionism is. At times, even the group of Nikita Khrushchev is
compelled to say a few words about the struggle against revisionism. Definitely,
the struggle against revisionism is an abstract thing without any objective for
the group of Nikita Khrushchev. It is only empty phraseology. In the past, when
the press and, speeches of present Soviet leaders mentioned the struggle against
revisionism, it could eventually be interpreted that the case referred to was that
of the Yugoslav revisionists. But now that we are confronted with a fait accompli
and a coordination of Khrushchev's policy with that of Tito in all fields, there is
not the slightest doubt that Khrushchev's group not only fails to fight against any
form of revisionism but has taken into its own hands the banner of contemporary
revisionism.
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In the present circumstances of the difficult class struggle between communism
and imperialism, while imperialist reaction more and more joins its forces
against communism, it is particularly indispensable to preserve and strengthen
the unity of the socialist camp, of the communist and workers international
movement. To every true Marxist-Leninist it is clear that this unity has been
greatly'darnaged by the modern revisionists. One of the main goals of the
revisionist group of Tito has always been to harm the unity of the socialist
camp and the forces of international communism.
The revisionist group of Khrushchev now works against this unity through its
attacks, plots, and other very vile and criminal actions against the. Albanian
Workers Party, other revolutionary Marxist-Leninist parties, the socialist
camp, and all world revolutionary movements.
The preservation of the unity of the socialist camp and of the international
communist movement, as well as the further strengthening of this unity,
requires firm` opposition to modern revisionism, combating and unmasking
it in all its forms and in all its domains in order to fix once and for all the
demarcation line with revisionism. Revisionism is a sore point in the
communist movement. One must heal this wound as soon as possible in spite
of the terrible pain which this operation may cause.
Once again topical today, just as in, the heroic period of Marx and Lenin, is
the revolutionary watchword which for more than 100 years has guided the
violent class battles and the victories of proletarians and. of the oppressed
and exploited masses: "Workers of all countries unite. " As usual today,
too, this unity can be achieved only on the basis of revolutionary Marxism-
Leninism, around the immortal ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and,
never around" the revisionists and their rotten ideas.
.Even though they occupy commanding positions in a party, the modern
revisionists, 'e-Neept for a section of privileged people who have created
support for their anti-Marxist activities, are deprived of the essential support
of the mass of communists; they are deprived of the workers and revolutionary
peasantry, although it has become a habit with the revisionists to refer to the
masses every time they want to claim that their theories and anti-Marxist
doings are perfect. The mass of communists and workers are more and?more
aware`. of the great betrayal at their expense and the expense of Marxism-
Leninism, and that the revisionists are renegades of communism and are
beyond repair. It is precisely these masses in these historic moments who
have the heavy task of saying their word, and as soon as possible to put
revisionism and the revisionists in their places, because revolution and
counterrevolution, Marxism and anti-Marxism, proletarian ideology and
bourgeois ideology, whose creature revisionism is, cannot live together
for long, neither within the framework of a party, nor within the framework
of the movement as a whole.
Moreover, these communists who are wading in the mud of N. Khrushchev
and who have now the possibility of more or less seeing the betrayal to
Marxism-Leninism must, from now on, find the energy and the courage of
stopping and detaching themselves from the revisionists.
They are faced with the alternative: either to fall in the abyss where the
Khrushchev group leads, or to courageously and firmly react, uniting with
the mass. of the party and resolutely relying on the working masses, and
deal a mortal blow to the revisionists. ~t is only in this way that one can
help the party, the country, socialism, communism, and peace.
This is not the first time that the workers and communist movement has
been faced with such a great betrayal, the betrayal of the modern revisionists.
The history of the struggle of the international proletariat has sometimes
confirmed that at difficult moments of a general crisis of capitalism, oppor-
tunism as the creation and agency of the bourgeoisie in its struggle and efforts
to establish world domination and the oppression of the revolutionary movements
of the masses.
Everyone knows very well the betrayal of the Second International and its
failure, the betrayal of Kautsky, Plekhanov, Trotskiy, and their failure,
the betrayal of Zinoviyev, Kamenev, and Bukharin and their failure. The
true Marxist-Leninists, at decisive moments of danger from opportuni-sm,
have acted firmly, have courageously risen, and have waged an uncom-
promising and very vigorous principled struggle against the enemies of
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Marxism-Leninism. Lenin and his Bolshevik comrades, -w-ho themselves
were in the midst of fires coming from several directions--from the ferocious
czarist autocracy and later from the bourgeois dictatorship of K.erenskiy, from
the international imperialist bourgeoisie .and from the traitorous leaders of the
Second International--were '.never.afraid, but bravely defended the principles of
Marxism-Leninism and dress the line between them and, the Mensheviks,
Trotski,yites, and so forth, in orc r to, unite closer ' around' the ideas of Marxism-
Leninism. We know very'well how the Bolsheviks acted, with Lenin in the
vanguard, when they saw that there was no hope of putting the Mensheviks right
and. that to remain with them further in a united party was harmful and impossible.
It was only by definitely-eliminating the Mensheviks in 1912 that a real unity was
established and it was only in this way that it became a revolutionary party, a
vanguard of the entire international communist movement. In 1917, in answer
to those who c:~ntinued to demand the union of all Russian social democrats,
Lenin wrote: There can be no question at all about a unity with the Russian
social democrats. We would rather remain with two persons like Liebknecht,
which would mean staying with the revolutionary proletariat, than accept even
for a moment, the idea of 'a union with the party of the organization committee,
(Mensheviks) with Chkheidze and Tsereteli.
Marxism-Leninism has always come out triumphant in the struggle against
capitalism and opportunism, primarily because the Marxist- Leninists have
fixed the barriers with the traitors to their proletariat, because the working
class, all the classes exploited and oppressed by international imperialism
andlocal bourgeoisie were on'the side of the revolutionary communists.
The processes of unmasking isolation and the ideological destruction of modern
revisionism, as a'very dangerous disease within the'international communist
movement, has begun and-is progressing with big strides. This is a dialectical
process which nothing can stop. It cannot be stopped by the demagogy of
Khrushchev's group, it cannot be stopped for long by N. Khrushchev nor his
admirers who abusively use the authority Of the great party of Lenin. The
great authority of the Soviet Union. and the Communist Party of Lenin cannot
be considered as the 'property of one or the other and even less by a group of
renegades and revisionists, such as the group of N. Khrushchev..
The authority of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Lenin is main-
tained and defended not through words but through deeds, but hose who firmly
pursue"the path of Lenin and his triumphant teachings. It is defended by the
fraternal parties which struggle for the purity of Marxism-Leninism; it is
defended by the Albanian Workers Party, by the.Bolsheviks of the Lenin party
itself, devoted to its revolutionary path. ' It is preserved by the communists
and revolutionaries the world over.
By combating the modern revisionists, they express at the same time their
love and respect for the fatherland of the October Revolution, the party and
ideas of the great Lenin, which a group of revisionists tries to besmirch.
The creation of a revisionist common front--Khrushchev and Tito--their
collaboration, the sharpening of arms jointly, deepens and accelerates', the
processes of political and ideological destruction by modern revisionism,
because in their manifest and coordinated activity,' the communist parties,
the international communist movement; and the working class see more
clearly each day the. great danger which today threatens the unity.of the
socialist camp, the unity of the international communist and workers move-
ment, and the unity of the progressive and peace-loving forces generally.
Therefore, profoundly persuaded of the inexhaustible revolutionary energy
of Marxism-Leninism, we can. say that there As no force in the world which
can stop the triumphant march of ever victorious ideas.
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For some decades the debate has raged whether the economy of the
Soviet Union is "socialist" as it claims, or "state capitalist." Through-
out the world, nations espousing rather diverse economic systems all
call themselves "socialist." The definition of "socialism" is complicated
by the fact that Marx was extremely vague in his description of the
operation of a "socialist" economy. If one takes the yardstick "from each
according to his abilities to each according to his needs," the United States
becomes the most Marxist, and hence "socialist" economy in the world,
since its unemployed are paid "according to their needs" a weekly sum
larger than the average -voyage earned by working Russians (even when
calculated at the official rate of exchange.)
"Ownership of the means of production" is the standard most com-
monly used in propaganda. The Soviet Government boasts that everything
in the country is "owned by the people" or "the state." This Soviet slogan
is actually a modernized ceremonial formulation of the older, more
familiar, "property of the Crown," or in other words the king, who was,
in effect, the state f L' etat, c'est moil" - Louis XIV-/. It is difficult
to distinguish any fundamental difference in the "ownership" of those
mines and railroads which belonged to the Tsar. in pre-Revolutionary
Russia and to the "state" after 1917.
Current Russian explanations concerning the ownership of industry
end with the state. But who owns the state ? The ownership of an enter-
prise by a capitalist is reflected by the fact that he derives income from
it. This income, called "interest" or "dividends," was also called "sur-
plus value" by Karl Marx, who defined it as that portion of the value of
the labor of the workmen which was not paid to the workman, but to
someone else.
The Soviet state owns almost everything in the country. It may
therefore be compared to a gigantic 19th Century capitalist corporation
which has finally succeeded not only in establishing a monopoly on one
product, but on all products.
It is well known that a small minority in Soviet Russia, called
"The New Class" by the idealistic Communist Milovan Djilas, lives very
well indeed. They can afford foreign travel, imported hunting rifles and
radio-phonographs, tailored clothes, country estates and private auto-
mobiles. Moskovskaya Pravda on June 30, 1962, in an article denouncing
blackmarketeers, name two rich Russians who paid the criminals 3000
new rubles (3, 300 American dollars at the legal rate of exchange) for
foreign radio-phonographs. This sum is equal to three years' for wages the ordinary working man ! "Very few people can pray sucprices"
commented the newspaper. Clearly, then, this privileged minority pays
for its high standard of living with funds, drawn from the great corporation
called the "state" which, instead of calling these funds "interest" or
"dividends" calls them "bonuses, " "salaries," "royalties," or often simply
provides an automobile or a country house at government expense. This
privileged minority is therefore living on the. "surplus value" of labor
defined by Marx. The members of this minority work, but no harder
than the laborer who, in a letter to Sovetskaya R os siya published October
4, 1959, complained that he had owned only one pair of shoes for the
previous four years and the only reason they had lasted that long was that
they were of foreign manufacture.
The privileged members of ovset or Eastern European society -
high party officials, directors and managers of giant trusts, theater
managers, engineers and wVAters, are therefore as much the "owners"
of industry as their 19th Century counterparts in Britain and the
United States.
These facts are apparently obvious to many of the working people
in Russia and Eastern Europe, who have coined the now famous joke:
"Capitalism is the exploitation of man by man, while socialism is just
the reverse!"
The rioting workers of Poznan in 1956, who scribbled "down with
the rich" slogans on the walls of their "people's" factories, were
seconded by the Polish newspaper Nowa Kultura on July 29, 1956, as
follows:
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per cent, but this increase was not reflected in the wages.
The average wage was increased after, 1953 by 1.6 per cent,
In comparison with the year 1954 it was, however, 3. 5
per cent lower later., ... Wrkers who overfulfilled the
norm were illegally taxed 30 -per cent. .. Even worse,
the people's power took away from worker's in these enter-
prises many social gains which they had to win in early
years. Before the war, during the German occupation,
and until 1954 work clothing was washed at.the .expense
of the enterprise. In April 1954 this was changed to the
workers. ? .the first wage raises were in the ministries
and management jobs. . . the ene iciaries. of the wage
regulations are usually not those who are badly off, but
those who are receiving higher salaries in any case. The
United Installation works received an additional monthly
wage fund of 19, 100 zloty... from it each of the three
managers received a wage rise of 2 6.2 per cent... and
the rest of the workers got a, monthly raise of. 4.4 per cent.
On April 5, 1956, the Budapest radio reported a listener's letter as
follows :
How can the great disproportion between salaries be
explained on the road leading to, Socialism and Commu-
nism? ... It should not be considered right that some
people earn ten times as much as others.,
On April 16, 1958, the Budapest Communist newspaper Esti Hirlap,
contained the following bit of news, which sounded more like a develop
ment on New York's Park Avenue thari.'one in a "socialist" country:
Work has begun on the building in Majakovski utca of 174
luxury apartments, each to have servants' quarters....
In this same !'s,ocialist" country, the Communist Party organ
Nepszabadsag, Budapest, July 8, 1962, describes appalling housing for
the poor:
One family with four children lives in the bathroom of a
:two-room apartment which is occupied by 14 people.
The paper then blames these wretched people for coming to Budapest
from the provinces in an attempt to better their living conditions. One
wonders how they must have lived in -t the provinces !
The disparity in housing is no different in Russia, where, some
years ago, the rich playwright Virta was criticized for intimidating
the local Komsomol into doing unpaid "volunteer" work on Sundays on
his country estate, where his pretty wife cantered about on a thorough-
bred horse. She, apparently, was not one of the thousands of women
which Soviet Weekl on April 25, 1957, promised eventually to relieve
from t h ex underground work in the mines ! Nor can her lot be com-
pared with that of the women, who complained in a letter to Trud on
March 15, 1957, about their. shift boss, Pristyuk, that "he treats women
workers heartlessly: he does not transfer pregnant women to light
work, nor did he allow work breaks for nursing mothers."
Of more importance, perhaps, is the perpetuation of the privileged
class. The elite military academies which enroll only the sons of officers
and "heroes of the Fatherland War" (also mostly officers, judging from
the names and.ranks on the Russian War Memorial in West Berlin) ensure
the hereditary nature of the Russian military caste. The requirement
of tuition payments for higher education, only recently abolished, made
it accessible only to the already rich and influential. Even now, the
poor cannot usually spare a breadwinner for higher education and a poor
youth finds it difficult to live on the allowance. provided students. The
impeccable political references of the sons' of party officials likewise
tends to make this class hereditary by facilitating their access to the
privileged party schools and the diplomatic service.
The "New Class" ! after 40 years of "socialism" has become so
conspicuous that authors have begun to use it as a theme in literature.
In Continuation of a Legend, by Anatoly Kuznetsov, published in 1957,
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 sRpf l8iycy~IM J gOp&Zive s
t 'fi $ e~ Fy~~tEFi iz~L c ~~ $aL~s~io'~~ 14j
more pocket money than the hero's mother, a seamstress, can earn in a
month. The author describes the confusion and embarrassment of the
poor boy when he is confronted with the luxutieus' home of his friend and
the snobbery of his mother. He developes a better feeling toward them.
The situation in the countryside is similar. Until 1861 the Russian
peasant was a serf, forbidden to leave the noble's estate without per-
mission. He had to work a certain number of days in the year for the
noble. From 1861 until 1930 he was at least free to leave the estate, and
many more had acquired their own land after the Stolypin reforms of 1911
before the "Revolution." With collectivization the peasant, in effect,
returned to his pre-1861 position on the farm. He could not leave the
estate, now renamed "collective farm" to go to live in a city, or even
near a city, without an internal passport, which the lord of the manor,
now renamed "Chairman of the collective farm" could refuse him.
Theoretically he might move to another collective farm, though he would
hardly be improving his lot by such a move, but even in this case, he
must make a settlement with his own collective farm, which in effect
means abandoning his only property, his half-acre private garden, which
most peasants are loath to do in hungry Russia.
The position of the "lord of the manor" has worsened considerably
since the "Revolution, " however. If, as one did recently in Central Asia,
he amasses too many automobiles, houses, and motorcycles, Moscow
will very probably deal harshly with him. He also suffers from more
nervous tension, due to the necessity of meeting production quotas, but
this nervous tension is usually transmitted to the peasant in the form of
greater pressure to work.
Occasionally a peasant will get permission to leave the collective
farm, but usually only on condition that he become a colon in the Central
Asian "republic" of Kazakhstan, where Russians are rapidly replacing
the conquered Kazakhs, and where living conditions prompted the
terrible uprising at Temir Tau in November 1959. But even this
migration is not new. For centuries the peoples conquered by Russia
have been Russified by a swarm of Russian immigrants fleeing bad
c ondit ions in their own country.
Basically, then, Russia is still a place where the well-born and
the well-connected, are paid up to twenty times as much as an ordinary
workman.
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the World Socialist System
by N. S. Khrushchev
AA, report on N. S. Khrushchev's article in
Problems of Peace and Socialism No. 9 --
1962, by Moscow Domestic Service radio
in Russian on August 24, 196Z/
The current issue of the theoretical journal of communist and workers
parties begins with an article by First Secretary of the CPSU Central
Committee and Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers N. S.
Khrushchev, "Essential Questions in the Development of the World
Socialist System. "
The article develops the Leninist thesis on future cooperation among
the socialist peoples and their merger into a single world cooperative
where the economy will be directed according to a general plan. It -
defines the natural laws of the prolonged, complicated, and compre-
hensive process of putting Lenints able prediction into practice.
Using an analysis of the contemporary situation as his basis, N. S.
Khrushchev comprehensively characterizes the new stage in the
development of economic cooperation among the socialist countries.
The world socialist system has now approached a frontier where -it
is no longer possible to correctly determine prospects for. its de-
velopment on the basis of the simple mechanical addition of national
(figures?). While strengthening in every way the national economy
of each country and developing relations among them in every possible
way, it is now essential to gradually promote the creation, within the
entire system as such, of the single economic organism which
Vladimir Ilich Lenin had in mind. It is a task of historical importance
to learn to correctly exploit the advantages of socialism, which pro-
ceed from the fact of the existence of the new world system.
To fully exploit the economic laws of socialism in our time means to
learn to reveal their actions, and to consider them not only within
their national framework but also on an international scale. Im-
provement of the system of cooperation and mutual assistance has
created a favorable basis for the comprehensive rapprochement of
the socialist nations. It contributes to strengthening the general -
course-of economic development while at the same time. strengthen-
ing the sovereignty of each of the socialist countries, since each
country acquires the opportunity in its development not only to rely
on its own strength, but also on the support of the entire comity.
Not to take advantage of the international division of labor in our
time when, a system of socialist countries exists, would mean to
deprive oneself of the opportunity to develop production on the basis
of the newest achievements of science and technology.
The world socialist system, N. S. Khrushchev notes, can develop
successfully only under conditions of: comprehensive cooperation
by the economies of all its countries, close mutual interaction, the
coordination of their efforts, and consideration of the interests of
each country and the entire socialist comity as a whole. The need
for more active cooperation by the socialist countries is also
dictated by the need to gain the maximum time for victory in the
economic competition with capitalism. The imperialist states
strive to consolidate their strength in order to halt the victorious
advance of socialism. Of course, one must not exaggerate the
possibilities found in international imperialist associations. The
unions set up by imperialists do not eliminate the deep internal
contradictions and faults inherent in the capitalist world. How-
ever, not to exaggerate the enemy's fo- ces does not mean that
they should be ignored.
The article states: "We have been exposing and will continue to
expose the dangerous consequences of capitalist integration for the
working masses. At the same time, we consider the objective
.tendencies toward internationalization of production in operation in
the capitalist world, and we are drafting our policy and economic
CONTTNTJEll)
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 measures accordingly'i In this connection, -the questio. rises of the possi-
bi ` q1@'j p i 00*/ 2Dea0141R x6$m( '
arnah individual states with different. social systems but also among their
economic asso~d%tiens: "
The article stresses the basis difference in'the international division of labor
under capitalism and socialism. If under capitalism it is being used by the
monopolies as a tool for looting people who are hist?rically.backwaid in their
development, under socialisrm. it graphi"cally..'reflectsini its content the relations
of true friendship, equality, and cooperation which exist among people who are
building a new life.
The division of labor, under. socialist conditions, increased the pace of our
progress' and' promotes the successful solution of`economic difficulties. It
aims at liquidating the economic is abyss between- industrial and formerly back-
ward countries by promoting the industrialization of agrarian countries, the
accelerated development of their economies and cultures, and the strengthen-
ing of the independence and sovereignty of all countries of the socialist system.
The article shows that collective agreement on economic policy is not assum-
ing particular importance in the development of the world socialist system.
It is becoming the major factor of our economic cooperation.
An important .role~in further strengthening the social system and increasing
its influence on world development will undoubtedly be played by the Moscow
conference of first secretaries of central committees of communist and workers
parties and heads of governments of CEMA member states,. which-was con-
vened at the initiative -of the PZPR Central Committee in. June 1962. . CEMA
member states have, laid a .good foundation for the coordination of naticnal
economic plans. Positive results have been achieved in ,the joint settlement of
certain important problems concerning fuel and power development, as well as
the raw materials base, and in intergovernmental specialization and cooperation
between the engineering and chemic'alihdustries. Proceeding from the results
achieved, it is now possible to advance considerably in this important matter.
Our common aim, N. S. Khrushchev writes, is to build the world socialist
economy as a single entity (edinyy kompleks).
The article raises important questions on further. perfecting mutually
advantageous economic cooperation among the socialist countries. ''For instance,
the question is raised about the most efficient.use. of funds appropriated for.
capital construction work and extension of the practice of jointly financing con-
struction of industrial, transport, and other projects of international importance.
The gaestion:ts raised regarding trends in production specialization in each
country, establishment of an equilibrium between production and consumption of
the main types of production covering a period until at least 1.9.70, and develop-
ment on this basis of an overall plan for intergovernmental industrial special-
ization and cooperation.
The article also brings up the issue of better utilization of the system of
material stimuli. One must work to achieve conditions under which economic
requirements themselves, economic advantages, and the interest of each of
the socialist countries serve as stimuli for an international socialist division
of labor and the. rappro chement of .national economies.
N. S. Khrushchev writes that cooperation in production, economic rapproche-
ment among the socialist countries, and an equilibrium in the general line of
economic development will result in the fact that in the long run it may become
advantageous and expedient to provide for direct outlets for commodities from
some socialist countries in the markets of: others. This will become one of the
manifestations of the gradual erasure and overcoming of economic barriers
among the socialist countries.
The article cites figures which give a picture of the further strengthening of
the material-technical basis of_CEMA member states. As becomes apparent
from the outlines of long term plans, the industrial production of these
countries between 1961 and 1980 will increase more than sixfold, agricultural
produce threefold, and national income nearly fivefold.
The final part of the article describes the international influence exercised by
socialist economic successes. The socialist comity, N. S. Khrushchev states,
now has vast new opportunities to influence world development. We communists
cannot but be elated by this., However, as internationalists, this commits us to
a great deal. A truly historic responsibility falls upon the socialist countries
and their Marxist Leninist, parties to insure that these opportunities are used to
the maximum within the framework of each country,. as, well as on the scale of
our entire system.
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AGAINST THE EUROPEAN
COMMON MARKET
The Soviet campaign against the European Economic Community -- the
Common Market - which began in 1957 has been stepped up in the past few
weeks with the. growing probability that Britain will join. It received
Khrushchev's personal endorsement at the end of May when he described the
Common Market as an exclusive, discriminatory alliance set up by opponents
of East-West Trade and aimed against the developing countries.
The main reason for the campaign is undoubtedly Soviet anxiety about
the growing economic co-operation and prosperity in Europe which will
inevitably lead to a growth in world trade to the benefit of both Europe and
the developing countries, thus making them less vulnerable to Communism.
The Soviet campaign has so far been addressed in the main to two
audiences: first, the developing nations, which are somewhat apprehensive
about the effect on them of European economic groupings, and second,
Western Europe. .
To both audiences the Soviet Union has put forward, as an alternative
to the Common Market, a proposal to establish a world trade organisation
"without any discrimination. "
Campaign in :Developing Countries
In the developing countries the Soviet aim is to discredit the Common
Market by branding it as an attempt to continue the old colonial trading pattern
and thus as a. threat to.the interests of those countries which are seeking to
diversify their economies and increase their foreign currency earnings. The
Common Market, it is said, will not only restrict developing countries. to
supplying food and raw materials to Europe, but will also lead to decreases
in the prices.of those materials. In his speech to the Soviet-Mali Friendship
Meeting in the Kremlin on 'May 30 Khrushchev branded the Common Market
as a "rich man's club" which was designed to tie the newly independent
countries of Africa and Asia to the economy of Europe. "One of the main
purposes of the Common Market is to tie the liberated countries to the
economy of the imperialist States. The liberated countries are being com-
pelled to link their fate with the Common Market and thus to retain the old,
lop-sided. colonial structure of their economies. "
Camps n in Europe
In Europe the aims are to try to discourage Britain from joining, to try
to convince European neutral countries that membership would be incompatible
with their neutrality and to try to prove that the Common Market is an
economic appendage of NATO, another vehicle for potential aggressive and
revanchist aims, and in particular a platform for German aggression.
In his May-30 speech, Khrushchev declared that: "The aggressive circle:
of Imperialism are using it /The Common Market/ with the aim of strengthen-
ing NATO and stepping up the arms race. The common Market is also
directed against the Soviet Union and other Socialist countries. "
In a subsequent speech on May 31, Khrushchev described the Common
Market. as "potentially aggressive," and the Soviet Press and radio have
developed the theme of the Common Market as a platform for German
aggression. The argument is that any additional strength that Germany may
gain from .its membership of the European Community will be used aggressively
against the East.
So far as the neutral countries of Europe are concerned, the Soviet Union
has declared that the proposed association of Sweden,. Switzerland and Austria
is designed to enable them to be drawn into the Common Market while at the
same time maintaining what Izvestiya on June 7 called. "the signboard of
neutrality.' International A t .;rs u +December, 1961, was quite categoric in
declaring that'-'an7,, "form o ac'sociation of the. neutral countries with the Commc
Market will lead them to depart from a policy of neutrality," because the
Common Market is the economic and political arm of NATO.
Economic and Social Development
Most of the Soviet assertions are refuted by the Treaty of Rome, on
which the Common Market is based, and by the nature of the European Com-
munity and its economy.
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Europe, therefore, has a natural interest in freeing world trade and raising
the standards of living of the developing countries, quite apart from any
humanitarian considerations. More specifically the Treaty of some provides
that the Common Market should promote the economic and social develop-
ment of its non-European associates. For this purpose the Common Market
has not only opened its doors to its associates but has also operated an
overseas development fund of nearly; .,,.00, 000, 000 in the five years ending
in 1963. This fund will be renewed for another five years and, though the
total is still being negotiated, it will certainly be more than for the previous
five years. As for those non-European countries which are not associates of the
Common Market the latter, as a major trading unit, has undertaken the
responsibilities of co-operating in the task of helping developing countries.
An important aspect of this help is the reduction of barriers to international
trade so. that the developing. countries can sell their raw materials and
manufactures more easily abroad.
If Britain joins the Common Market special measures will be necessary
to safeguard the interests of the newer Commonwealth countries. Such
safeguards are an important part of the negotiations now going on between
Britain and the six members of'the Common Market in Brussels. The
broad effect of Britain's accession to the Common Market would be a
lessening of the levels of preference from which other suppliers would benefit.
The extent to which the prosperity of Western Europe is bound up with
the prosperity of the rest of the world is shown by figures of international
trade, which is, and will remain, one of the chief sources of wealth to
developing countries. In 1960, the developin countries imported goods to a
total value of $29, 300 million. Of this total $20, 500 million came from the
West. - In the same year the developing countries exported food, raw materials
and goods to the value of $27,100 million. Of this a total of $18, 000 million
went to Western countries.
In the same period the Sino-Soviet bloc exported and imported to and
from developing countries goods to a total of $Z,400 million -- or 1 per cent
of world trade (total Soviet `foreign trade outside the bloc accounted for
$11, 000 million. or less than 5 per cent of world trade.)
The Soviet attempt.to show the Common Market as potentially aggressive
and as a, platform, for German aggression is unconvincing. The integration
of the German economy into that of the European Economic Community as a
whole will make it increasingly difficult for Germany to act independently
of the rest of Western Europe. This factor operates in the same way as the
incorporation of the German military forces within NATO makes it
impossible for Germany to undertake any independent military action.
Communist Difficulties
Allied with the Soviet attacks on the Common Market have been sugges-
tions that the Soviet Union might increase its aid to developing countries.
In his speech at the Soviet-Mali Friendship Meeting on May 30, Khrushchev
said: "The Socialist countries' possibilities of rendering aid to developing
countries are steadily increasing. 11 The fact is that the Communist bloc can-
not meet the needs of the developing countries. Soviet offers of aid have
recently run at a rate substantially lower than a year ago. At present
disbursements to developing countries under Communist loan agreements are
running at about $300 million a year at a generous estimate. Western
contributions from both government and private investments run at the pate
of $7, 000 million a year. It is difficult to see how the Communist total could
be significantly increased, since the decree announcing the recent food price
increases in the Soviet Union examined all possible alternative sources for.
investment in agriculture and concluded that none was available.
Mr. Khrushchev's misrepresentation of Western aid in the same speech
is both surprising and deplorable. After referring to the "great assistance"
rendered to India by the Soviet Union in completing an iron and steel mill in
Bhilai he "What countries, other than Socialist countries are capable
of such a st p, of such disinterested help? The capita'.-sts never give
anything, not a single dollar, not a single mark, if they do not expect to
make a profit. "
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 large steel mills in India, and the Western Powers have financed a large
number of major industrial developments such as the Volta Darn in Ghana
and the Kariba in Rhodesia.
More important is the fact that a large proportion of British, American
and French aid is in the form of grants, whereas virtually all Communist
aid has to be repaid, with interest, usually at 2 1/"2 per cent. American
economic aid to developing countries between 1946 and the end of 1961, excluding
Marshall Aid, totalled about $35, 000 million. The value of Communist
economic loan agreements since 1954, when the Communists began to give
aid, is $4, 500 million, and actual disburserr:.ents to the end of 1961 were about
a quarter of this figure. Moreover, Communist aid to developing countries
is tied to procurement in those countries. In assessing the actual burden of
2 1/2 per cent interest account must be taken of Soviet Trading practices,
prices and quality standard. When allowance is made for the large element of
grant-in-aid, Western economic assistance is available at an overall interest
rate of little over 2 per cent.
World Trade Organisation
In the course of his attack on the Common Market on May 30, Mr.
Khrushchev proposed the establishment of a world trade organisation "without
any discrimination. " This is not a new proposal. The Soviet Government has
for some time advocated calling a world economic conference under the
auspices of the United Nations with a view to setting up such an organisation.
The last occasion when this proposal was put forward was in the United
Nations General Assembly in 1961. It was then made by a number of developing
countries and supported by the Soviet bloc. The revival of this idea at the
present time is obviously designed to create the impression among developing
countries that the Soviet Union could offer better terms for their products than
the West.
In making the proposal the Soviet Union is being less than honest. It is
a fundamental Soviet principle to aim at economic self-sufficiency and to
avoid dependence on international trade. Indeed, in 1961, foreign trade
amounted to only 3 per cent of the Soviet Union's gross national production
and two-thirds of this was within the bloc.
The Soviet economic system itself is incompatible with world trade.
In the Soviet Union all trade is a State monopoly which excludes consumer
and customer choice. The Soviet Government alone decides what is to be
bought abroad; its decisions are determined mainly by internal economic
planning considerations. The liberal Western and the State-controlled Soviet
bloc economic systems are so different that there would be a fundamental
difficulty in drawing up practicable rules to govern trade. The non-Communist
countries would be unable to secure reciprocity for the opportunities which
their systems provide. Indeed, for the Soviet Union to engage in non-
discriminatory international trading would require fundamental revision of the
Soviet economic system, and there is no indication that this is to happen.
The Soviet proposal for an international trading organisation ignores the
consistent refusal of the USSR to join international organisations which might
affect its economy. It has always, for example, boycotted the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) whose members, including Britain and all
Common Market members, signed a declaration in. December, 1961,
specifically recognising the needs for Governments to assist developing coun-
tries to export more industrial goods.
The strengthening of the European economy which the European Common
Market will produce will inevitably:
(a) provide larger European markets for the agricultural products
and the new industries of the developing countries, and
(b) generate increased capital which will be available for the
development of the developing countries.
It is this success in peaceful Western co-operation that alarms the
Soviet Union. One of the assets it has always counted on for success in
economic competition with the West is a self-destroying scramble for
markets among the capitalist States themselves. Any reduction of this asset
must weaken the Soviet position and threaten not only their relations with
developing countries but their entire world strate;;y.
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Revolution in Weapons/Technology 1951-1969
Tables from Herman Kahn's book
ON THEIL MONUCLEAR WAR
Princeton University Press 1960
Table 61 TECHNOLOGY, 1951
Third or fourth generation atomic bombs
B-50 and B-36 form backbone of U.S. SAC
Initial production of B-47
First flight of XB-52
Manual air defense system started
Air defense has F-80, F-86, F-89, F-94
Production order for Nike A
Range extension (aerial refueling and overseas bases)
Nuclear-powered airplane under development
Many organizations, in and out of government, to institutionalize
innovation in air warfare and to rationalize research, develop-
ment, procurement, and operation
Russians have TU-4 and MIG-15 and have tested 3 nuclear weapons
Table 62 TECHNOLOGY, 1956
Third generation thermonuclear bombs;
Flexible, efficient fission bombs;
Three nuclear countries;
Last B-47E produced;
B-52 and KC-135 being phased into SAC;
B-36 being phased out (last B-36J produced in August 1}54);
B-52D in production;
B-58, Snark, and XP6M-1 (Martin Seamaster) fly;
Regulus I, Nike-Hercules, and Falcon missiles in service;
Atlas, Titan, and Thor in crash programs;
Many other missile programs in progress;
Century Series of fighters (F-100 to F-104) phased into Air Defense
Command;
DEW Line being built;
lB-1 (nuclear warhead for air-to-air rockets) tested;
Production order for Missile Master and Sage;
U-2, Turkish radar, and other intelligence devices;
Atomic-powered plane and rocket under development;
Atomic-powered submarine launched;
Research and development become major business of aircraft industry;
procurement is secondary;
Russians have Badgers, Bears, Bisons, IRBM's and their own model
H bombs.
Table 63 TECHNOLOGY, 1961
Arms Control (techniques and effects)
Experimental nuclear explosives
Satellites (Vanguard, Pioneer, Discoverer, Tiros, Transit, Notus,
Mercury, Echo, Convier, Ranger, Mariner, etc.)
Soft Atlas and soft IRBM's deployed
25 psi Atlas, 100 psi Titan, BMEWS, and Polaris being phased in
Crash program on Minuteman and other second-generation missiles
B-47E, B-52G and H, B-58A or B form bulk of SAC
Airborne Command and Control
Bombers operated alert and dispersed
Sage and Missilemaster partially deployed
Bomarc A and Hawk being phased in
Nike-Hercules, F-100, 101, 102, 101+ in service
Cheap civil defense?
Inexpensive, efficient, and versatile nuclear weapons
There are four nuclear countries
Goose, Navajo, Regulus II, F-108 etc., cancelled
British cancel Blue Streak (1960j, Canada cancels CF-105 (1959)
Nuclear-powered plane and rocket still under development
X-15 test vehicle
Russians have . . . ?
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Table. 64 ?T. CHNOLOGY,.1965
"Independent" nuclear deterrents being phased in
Inexpensive reliable research missile (-!- Commercial nuclear ex-
plosives?)
Limits of bomb technology (if testing is continued)
Minuteman B and Polaris C
Second-generation Atlas and Titan
BMEWS-B? Midas? SAMOS
Protected B-52G and H, B-47E, B-58
Skybolt (Airborne ballistic missile)
Super guidance
SAGE B. Bomare B and C. Nike-Zeus'A and B, gawk_B,1F-108,..B-58B,"
B-70, Dynasoer technologically possible but.imay be cancelled
Antiradiation drugs
Exotic fuels
Nuclear-powered airplane? Rocket?
Experimental climate control
Bacteriological and chemical warfare
Astronautics
Table 65 TECHNOLOGY, 1969
(Extrapolations: and - Breakthroughs )
Advanced satellites and primitive space ships
Cheap simple bombs
Cheap simple missiles
Controlled thermonuclear reaction
Other sources of cheap neutrons
Other sources of nuclear .fuels
Californium bullets'
Reliable sensors
Super calculators
Cheap calories
Cheap, fast transportation for Limited War
Ground effect machines
Reliable command and-control
Medical progress .
Advanced materials
Disguised warfare
Doomsday Machines
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