EXCERPTS FROM SPEECH BY N.S. KHRUSHCHEV, 6 JANUARY 1961, CONCERNING THE RESULTS OF THE MEETING OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000100030008-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 14, 2000
• Sequence Number: 8
• Publication Date: February 13, 1961
• Content Type: SPEECH

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AttachmeR to tem 35 1TN LASSIFiED 3 February 1961
Excerpts from speech by 14. S. Khrushchev, 6 Januar 1961, Concerning
the Results of the Meeting of Representatives of the Communist and Workers'
Parties 25X1C10b
The main distinguishing features of our time is the fact that the S
socialist world system is becoming the decisive factor in the development -- R
of human society. This finds direct expression also in the sphere of inter- A
national relations. In the conditions of today socialism is in a position to
determine, in growing measure, the character, methods and trends of inter-
national relations. This does not mean that imperialism is an "insignificant
factor" which can be ignored. Not at all. Imperialism is still very strong. It
controls a powerful military machine.
But in all probability we will not pursue a policy of,developing iron and
steel to the full extent of our potential. The likelihood is that we will channel R
part of our capital investments to agriculture and light industry. Communism
cannot be built by machines and ferrous and non-ferrous metals alone. People
should be able to eat well and dress well, they should be properly housed and
enjoy other material and cultural amenities.
This is not a revision of our general line, it is rather a rational utilisa-
tion of our material possibilities. When we were surrounded by enemies and our
industry was weaker than that of the capitalist countries, we economised on R
everything, even on schools, as Lenin said. Things are different nov4.?' we have
a powerful industry, and our armed forces are equipped with the most modern
weapons. Why, then, deny ourselves the things that we can have without
detriment to the further development of our socialist state?
Our Party is devoting close attention to the correct application of the R
socialist principle of distribution and to the future transition to the communist
principle of distribution. It has demonstrated that wage-levelling and
weakening of incentives are economically inept and wrong. It may be recalled
that in the past there had been deviations from the principle of incentives,
rarticularly in agriculture. These deviations caused grave harm to agriculture
and to the collective-farm system. Neglect of the material needs of working
people and putting the emphasis chiefly on enthusiasm and political consciousness,
on social and moral forms of encouragement and reward, were detrimental to
growth of production and raising of the standard of living. This had bad effects
at home and even abroad, because it hurts the prestige of the collective-farm
system and played into the hands of the enemies of communism.
We have eliminated these shortcomings and are working for consistent
application of the principle: "From each according to his ability, to each A
according to his work". This principle makes labour obligatory for all. Its
realisation is of immense importance for raising labour productivity, improving
skills, and for educating people in the spirit of a communist attitude to labour as
life's prime necessity. At the same time, our Party combines material and moral
stimuli, As we draw nearer to communism, the role of the moral factor, which is
highly important even now, will steadily increase. The appearance and the spread
of the movement for communist-work teams, shops and enterprises is one of the
outstanding things in Soviet life.
UNCLASSIFIED (MoR F )
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The transition to the communist principle of distribution to each according
to his needs will not be effected until the productive forces and the productivity
of labour attain a level that will ensure an abundance of material values, and, A
until labour becomes life's prime necessity for the members of society. R
The Party is devoting close attention to problems of the theory of the
socialist state. In our country, where exploiting classes have long ceased to
exist, there is taking place the gradual withering away of the administrative R
bodies, first and foremost of those exercising functions of compulsion. Our
Party is firmly following the line of extending democracy, of transferring
certain functions of the state organs to the public organisations, of encouraging
public initiative in all spheres of political and cultural life, of enlisting the par-
ticipation of the masses of the working people in economic management, in
maintaining public order, in combating infringements of the law, etc. This line,
far from weakening socialist society, is strengthening it and is in keeping with
the perspective of socialist statehood evolving into communist public self-
government
These and other questions of the theory and practice of building communism
will be reflected in the new programme of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union. This programme, now being drafted, will be discussed by the Party and
adopted at its forthcoming Twenty-Second Congress.
. . . i .
The-communist and workers' parties have correctly defined, in the spirit
of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, the principles govern- S
ing the relations among the socialist countries and nations. It stands to reason
that some shortcomings and rough edges are bound to appear in such a momentous
,undertaking. But the socialist community is characterized., not by incidental
shortcomings, but by the essentially international nature of a cialism, by the
international policy of the fraternal parties and countries and the epoch-making
successes achieved thanks to this policy.
Lenin instilled in our Party the spirit of uncompromising struggle against
imperialism, for durable peace and friendship among all nations. These prin= S
ciples have always been the essence of our foreign policy. Our Party remem- R
bers Lenin's words to the effect that capitalism, even while disintegrating and A
dying, is still capable of bringing misfortune to mankind. Our Party, always
vigilantly on guard against the danger emanating from imperialism, has educated
the Soviet people accordingly, doing everything to prevent the enemy from taking
us by surprise. We alert the peoples to the danger of war in order to whet their
vigilance and rouse them to activity, to rally them in the struggle to avert world
war.
In the conditions of today the likelihood is that there will not be wars be-
tween the capitalist, imperialist countries, although this eventuality cannot A
be ruled out. The imperialists are preparing war chiefly against the N
socialist countries. They would like to sap our might and by so doing restore
the one-time rule of monopoly capital.
The task is to raise insurmountable obstacles to the unleashing of war by
the imperialists. Our possibilities for putting roadbloacks in the way of the war-
mongers are growing, so much so that we can avert a world war. It stands to-
reason that we cannot completely exclude the possibility of war, since imper-
ialist countries continue to exist, but it is now much more difficult for the
imperialists to start a war than was the case heretofore, prior to the rise of the
owerful socialist camp. The imperialists can start a war, but they cannot do so
without giving thought to the consequences.
I have had occasion to say that if even Hitler had had an inkling that A
his reckless gamble would end in the way it did and that he would be forced N
to commit suicide, then in all probability he would have thought twice before
starting the war against the Soviet Union. But at that time there were but two
socialist countries--the Soviet Union and the Mongolian People's Republic. Yet_
we smashed the aggressors, and in doing so we made use also of the contradic-
tions between the imperialist states.
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Today the situation is entirely different. At present the imperialist camp
is opposed by the socialist countries, and they are a mighty force. It would be
wrong to underestimate the strength of the socialist camp, its influence on A
world developments, and consequently, on deciding the question whether there
is to be war or not. Now that there is a mighty socialist camp with powerful
armed forces, the peoples can undoubtedly prevent war and thus ensure peaceful
coexistence provided they rally all their forces for active struggle against the
bellicose imperialists.
We know that if the imperialist madmen were to begin a world war, the
peoples would wipe out capitalism. But we are resolutely opposed to war, S
because we are concerned for the destinies of mankind, its present and its
future. We know that the first to suffer in the event of war would be the working
people and their vanguard -- the working class.
We remember how Lenin put the question of the destiny of the working
class. Just after the revolution, when the first country of the workers and
peasants found itself beseiged, he said,. "If we can save the working man, save
the main productive force of society -- the worker -- we shall get everything
back, but, should-we fail to save, we are lost.... " (Collected Works, Russ. Ed.,
Vol. 29, pp. 334-335. )
There exists in the world today, not just one country of workers and
peasants, but a whole system of socialist countries. It is our duty to safeguard-
peace and ensure the peaceful development of this grand creation of the interna-
tional working class, to protect the peoples of all countries from a new war S
of annihilation. The victory of socialism on a world scale, inevitable by virtue
of the laws of history, is no longer far off. War between countries is not needed
for this victory.
A sober consideration of what a nuclear war implies is indispensable if
we are to pursue a consistent policy of averting war and of mobilising the masses
for the purpose of doing so. For the realisation by the masses of what a nuclear
war means strengthens their resolve to fight against war. It is necessary, A
therefore, to warn the masses about the deadly consequences of a new world
war and arouse their righteous wrath against those who are plotting this crime.
The possibility of averting war is not a gift from heaven. Peace cannot be had
by request, it can be secured only by an active, purposeful struggle. That is
why we have been waging this struggle, and will continue to do so.
Comrades, experience has demonstrated the soundness of the Leninist
policy of peaceful coexistence, the policy constantly pursued by the Soviet Union
and other socialist countries. For our Party the policy of peaceful coexistence,
which we have inherited from Lenin, is the general line of its foreign policy. S
Peaceful coexistence is the highway of the relations between the socialist and
capitalist countries.
Consistent implementation of the policy of peaceful coexistence strengthens
the positions of the world socialist system, furthers the growth of its economic
might, international prestige and influence, and provides favourable oppor- A
tunities for it in the peaceful competition with capitalism.
The policy of peaceful coexistence is, then, as far as its social content
is concerned, a form of intense economic, political and ideological struggle A
between the proletariat and the aggressive forces of imperialism in the world arena,
The struggle against imperialism can succeed only if its aggressive actions
are firmly resisted. Scolding will not halt the imperialist adventurers. There is
pnly one way in which they can be curbed: steady strengthening of the economic,
political and military power of the socialist countries, vigorous consolidation
and reinforcement of the world revolutionary movement, mobilisation of the
people for the struggle to avert war.
The socialist countries take both of these trends into account in their policy.
They work for negotiations and agreements with the capitalist countries on the S
basis of constructive proposals and promote personal contact between statesmen
of the socialist and capitalist countries. Every opportunity should be used as before
to expose the cold-war men, those who want to keep up the arms drive, and to
convince the masses that the socialist countries really mean what they say in
working to safeguard world peace.
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The peoples are becoming increasingly aware that it is the Communists
who advocate relations between countries to be based upon the principle of peace
ful coexistence, that it is they who are the most ardent and consistent fighters
for peace. We can take pride in the fact that more and more peace and commu-
nism are being associated in the minds of people.
The renovation of the world on the principles of freedom, democracy and
socialism, in which we are now participating, is a great historical process in
which different revolutionary and democratic movements unite and cooperate, A
with socialist revolutions exerting the determining influence. The successes U
of the national-liberation movement, due in large measure to the victories of
socialism. It is this truly Leninist concept of the historical processes that
forms the basis for the policy of the Communist parties and socialist countries,
a policy aimed at strengthening the close alliance with those peoples fighting
for independence or who have already won it.
Bourgeois and revisionist politicians claim that the national-liberation
movement develops independently of the struggle waged by the working class for
socialism, independently of the support of the socialist countries, and that the A
colonialists themselves bestow freedom on the peoples of the former colonies. U
These fabrications are designed to isolate the newly-independent states from the
socialist camp and are an attempt to prove that they should act the role of a
"third force" in the international arena inst ad.of opposing imperialism.
The correct application of Marxist-Leninist theory in the newly-independ-
ent countries consists precisely in seeking the forms that take cognisance of the
peculiarities of the economic, political and cultural life of the peoples to unite
all the sound forces of the nation, to ensure the leading role of the working class
in the national front, in the struggle completely to eradicate the roots of
imperialism and the remnants of feudalism, and to clear the way for the uliimat~c
advance towards socialism.
Today, when imperialist reaction is striving to foist the policy of anti-
communism on the young independent states, it is most important to give a
truthful explanation of the communist views and ideals. Communists support
the . general democratic measures of the national governments. At the same
time, they explain to the masses that these measures are far from being
socialist.
For us Soviet Communists, sons of the October Revolution, recognition
of the necessity of the revolutionary transformation of capitalist society into A
socialist society is axiomatic. The road to socialism lies through the proletarian
revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. As regards the forms of the U
transition to socialism, these, as pointed out by the Twentieth Congress of the
C. P.S. U. , will become more and more -varied. This does not necessarily mean
that the transition to socialism will everywhere and in all cases be associated S
with armed uprising and civil war. Marxism-Leninism starts from the premise
that the forms of the transition to socialism may be peaceful and non-peaceful.
It is in the interests of the working class, of the masses, that the revolution be
carried out in a peaceful way. But in the event of the ruling classes resisting
the revolution with violence and refusing to submit to the will of the people, the
proletariat will be obliged to crush their resistance and launch a resolute civil
war.
We are convinced that with the growth of the might of the socialist world
system and the better organization of the working class in the capitalist countries,
increasingly favourable conditions for socialist revolutions will arise. The tran-
sition to socialism in countries with developed parliamentary traditions may be
effected by utilising parliament and in other countries by utilising institutions
conforming to their national traditions. In this case it is a question of using the
parliamentary form and not the bourgeois parliament as such in order to place it
at the service of the people, and to fill it with new meaning. Thus, it will not be
a matter of electoral combinations or simply skirmishes round the polls. The
reformists indulge in this sort of thing. Such combinations are alien to us
Communists. For us the rallying and consolidation of the revolutionary forces of
the working class and of all working people, and the launching of mass revolution-
ary action are an absolute condition for winning a stable majority in parliament.
To win a majority in parliament and transform it into an organ of the people's
power, given a powerful revolutionary movement in the country, means smashing
the mil,itar beaurocratic machine oft1e bon eoisie and setting up a new, pro-
letaria~i ~ ved so ~Ig eFP0JfR 8 3261AO001000300
UNCLASSIFIED (MORE)
 AttachmgR?ta tem _ont~l7 1Vt;LA5 1~061A00 1 0 4Q -ruary 1961
The struggle against revisionism in all its varieties continues to be an
important task of the Communist parties. As long as the bourgeois system exists
there will be soil for the revisionist ideology. That is why we must always keep
our powder dry and conduct an uncompromising struggle against revisionism
which is trying to emasculate Marxism-Leninism of its revolutionary substance S
to embellish capitalism, undermine the unity of the Communist movement and
confine the Communist parties to their own national quarters.-
The Communist movement faces yet another danger -- dogmatism and
sectarianism. At present, when all forces must be united to fight imperialism, -
prevent war and end the omnipotence of the monopolies, dogmatism and sectarian-
ism can do great harm to our cause. Leninism is uncompromising towards dog-
matism. Lenin wrote: "...It is necessary to grasp the indisputable truth that the
Marxist should study life as it is, the precise facts of reality, and should not cling
to the theory of yesterday which, like any theory, at best can but indicate the
basic, the general factors, and can but draw close to an understanding of the
co-enplexities of life" (Collected Works, Russ. Ed., Vol 24, p. 26)
Dogmatism nourishes a sectarian bigotry, which hampers the unity of the-
working class and of all progressive forces with the Communist parties. Dogma-
tism and sectarianism are irreconcilably at variance with the creative developmer
of revolutionary theory and its creative application, they lead to the isolation of
Communists from the masses of the working people, doom them to passive antici-
pation or to reckless ultra-leftism in the revolutionary struggle, prevent them froz
utilising all the opportunities in the interests of the victory of the working class S
and of all the democratic forces.
The statement stresses that the Communist parties will continue to wage a
resolute struggle on two fronts -- against revisionism, which is still the main
danger, and against dogmatism and sectarianism. Dogmatism and sectarianism S
may also become the main danger at one or another stage in the development of
the various parties unless a consistent struggle is waged against them.
The international duty of all the Communist and Workers' parties is to hold
aloft the banner of creative Marxism-Leninism as the decisive condition of all our
future victories.
As to the principles of relations between the fraternal parties, the CPSU
very definitely expressed its views on the matter at its Twenty-First Congress.
From the rostrum of the Congress, we declared to the whole world that in the
Communist movement, as in the socialist camp, there has always been complete
equality and solidarity of all the Communist and Workers' parties and socialist
countries. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union does not lead other
parties. There are no "superior" and "subordinate" parties in the Communist
movement. All the Communist parties are equal and independent, all are re spon-
sible for the destiny of the Communist movement, for its setbacks and victories.
Every Communist and Workers' Party is responsible to the working class, to the
working people of its country, to the entire international working-class and
Communist movement.
The role of the Soviet Union does not lie in its leading the other socialist
countries, but in its being the first to blaze the trail to socialism, in its being S
the most powerful country in the socialist world system, in its having accumulated
vast-positive experience in building socialism, and being the first to embark on the
full-scale building of communism. It is stressed in the statement that the Commun-
ist Party of the Soviet Union has been and remains the universally recognised
vanguard of the world Communist movement, being its most experienced and
steeled contingent.
At the present time, when there is a large group of socialist countries each
facing its own specific tasks, when there are eighty-seven Communist and Workers
parties each with its own tasks, it is impossible to lead all the socialist countries
and Communist parties from any single centre. It is both impossible and unnecessan
Tempered Marxist-Leninist cadres capable of leading their parties, their countries
have grown up in the Communist parties.
And, indeed, it is well known that the CPSU does not issue directives to
other parties. The fact that we will be called "the head", spells no advantages for
our Party or the other parties. Just the reverse. It only creates difficulties.
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On behalf of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union our delegation
assured the participants in the meeting that for our part we would do our best to
strengthen still more our close fraternal bonds with all the Communist parties.
Our party will do everything to make the socialist camp and the world Communist
front still stronger.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union is firmly determined to strengthaz
unity and friendship with. all the fraternal parties of the socialist countries, with-
the Marxist-Leninist parties of all the world. In this connection I want to empha-
size our invariable effort to strengthen bonds of fraternal friendship with the
Communist Party of China, with the great Chinese people. In its relations with
the Communist Party of China our Party always proceeds from the premise that
the friendship of our two great peoples, the unity of our two parties, the biggest
parties in the international Communist movement, are of exceptional important
in the struggle for the triumph of our common cause. Our Party has always
exerted and willcontinue to exert every effort to strengthen this great friend- S
ship. We have one common goal with People's China, with the Chinese Communist
as with the Communists of all countries -- safeguarding peace and the building of
communism; common interests -- the happine.s-s and wellbeing of the working
people and a firm common basis of principle -- Marxism-Leninism.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet people will do
their utmost to further increase the unity of our parties and our peoples, so
as not only to disappoint our enemies but to jolt them even more strongly with our
unity, to attain the realisation of our great goal, the triumph of communism.
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Attachment to Item fni
In order to correct certain misunderstandings about the attitude
of the National Union of Students of Finland in connection with
the VIII Festival of Youth and Students, sponsored by World
Federation of Democratic Youth and International Union of Students,
the National Union of Students of Finland gives the following
statement.
During 1959 and up to October 1960 the representatives of SYL were in-
formed on a number of occasions that there was a great probability that the VIII
Festival, of Youth and Students might take place in Helsinki in 1962. For the
first time these rumours were affirmed semi-officially after the meeting of the
initiating group of the VIII Festival in Stockholm, Sweden, in October.
No invitation was extended to the Council of Finnish Youth organizations
or the National Union of Students of Finland and therefore they had no opportunity
to express their views in this matter at the meeting.
After the meeting a delegation authorized by the meeting to investigate
the possibilities of arranging the Festival in Helsinki, arrived here. They
requested an audience with the Prime Minister, but made no efforts to contact the
Council of Finnish Youth Organizations or the National Union of Students.during
the five-day wait. The delegation asked the Prime Minister for permission to hold
the Festival in Finland. The Prime Minister, in his published reply, stated brief-
ly that it is the traditional policy of the Finnish Government not to interfere in
international congresses which are organized by non-governmental organizations.
There would therefore be no objection against holding the Festival in Finland, as
the matter concerned only Finnish youth organizations, not the government. It was
not until after this discussion that the delegation asked for an opportunity to
state its views to the Council of Finnish Youth Organizations and the National
Union of Students. This procedure, where the consultation of youth and student
organizations took place only after the contact with governmental authorities
indicated that the delegation considered the opinions of youth and students to be
of secondary importance. This is difficult to understand since, in case a negative
reply would have been given by the representative youth organizations, there would
have been no reason to apply for permission to hold the Festival in Helsinki.
The representatives of SYL met the delegation and informed them about the
stand taken by SYL on the issue of the Festival. This negative attitude had already
been communicated to WFDY and IUS, the sponsors of the Festival, and was already
familiar to the delegation since SYL sent to the initiating group meeting in
Stockholm a copy of the letters addressed at an earlier stage to the WFDY and IUS.
Before the members of this group left Finland, they were informed quite explicitly
that SYL would not participate in the preparations for the Festival in any way.
The Council of the Finnish Youth Organizations also decided not to participate in
the preparations for the Festival, nor in the Festival itself. It is important
to note that the Council of Finnish Youth Organizations is the only body in Finland
claiming to represent the youth of Finland nationally and internationally and is
recognized as a representative body also by the Finnish Government as well as by
foreign national and international organizations, e.g. WFDY. It is also important
to remember that the National Union of Students of Finland is also the only organi-
zation claiming to be the National Union of Students and is recognized by ISC, IUS
and a number of national unions of students as well as by the Finnish Government.
In spite of the negative attitude of these major organizations, represent-
ing youth in general and the students in particular, the initiating group, according
to their statement given to the Finnish Press Agency STT, found Helsinki to be a
suitable site for the Festival. This has later been confirmed by several partici-
pants of the IUS congress held in Baghdad in October 1960. Finally Mrs. Hertta
Kuusinen, Chairman of the Parliamentary Group of the Democratic Union of Finnish
People, announced in her speech delivered at the celebration of the 15th Anniversary
of WFDY in Helsinki on December 11th 1960, according to the account in the news-
paper "Kansan Uutiset", an organ of the Democratic Union of Finnish People and the
Finnish Communist Party, that "it may be possible to hold the Festival in Finland.
- Finnish rightist circles seem to be worried because of this. Therefore it is in
order to ask whether their system is so weak that it would collapse if the youth
of various countries came here to dance and compete. We would like very much to
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show our country and inspire the youth of the world to act with increased energy
for the cause of peace." SYL fully agrees that the cause of peace is to be
furthered. It was, however, some difficulty in understanding why all these
opposing the idea of having the Festival in Finland are in this context labelled
as "rightists". This is very difficult to understand since youth organizations
representing every political party in Finland, where there are no banned parties,
are affiliated to the Council of Finnish Youth Organizations, which quite naturally
reflects the views of the youth organizations in a democratic spirit.
We want to stress once more that when deciding not to participate in the
preparations of the Festival, SYL has only followed its traditional policy of
refraining from participation in events which are partisan, of a predominantly
political nature, or controversial. It is quite obvious that the Festival falls
into this category. We have the right to expect that the attitude of the two
organizations representing the youth and the students of Finland with unchallenged
authority is repsected by the organizers of the Festival. Our decision is a result
of democratic procedure, therefore we cannot see how it is possible to ignore it
without ignoring the true democratic spirit on which this decision is based.
First Festival sponsored by World Federation of Democratic Youth and International
Union of Students in Prague 1947.
Second Festival in Budapest 1949, third in East-Berlin 1951, fourth in Bucharest
1953, fifth in Warsaw 1955, sixth in Moscow 1957, seventh in Vienna 1959.
1959-1960, rumours about the festival from various sources.
September 1960: President of the IUS Jiri Pelikan inquires Finnish student leaders
on their way home from Klosters via Prague about their opinion about holding the
VIII Festival in Finland.
October let 1960: SYL writes a letter to WFDY and IUD announcing that should
Helsinki be chosen to the site of the VIIIth Festival, SYL will not cooperate.
October 4-5 1960: Meeting of the initiating group of the Festival in Stockholm.
SYL sends this meeting a letter informing the meeting about its negative attitude
towards the Festival.
October 10th 1960: a delegation authorized by the Stockholm meeting arrives in
Helsinki to study possibilities of organizing the Festival in Finland.
October 14th 1960: The Prime Minister of Finland, Dr. V.J. Sukselainen gives the
delegation an audience informing that the Festival is not a business of the Govern-
ment, but of youth organizations. There would be no governmental restrictions
against any youth event in Finland.
October 14th 1960: Some members of the delegation discuss with representatives
of SYL and are again informed about SYL's negative stand towards playing host to the
Festival.
October 17th 1960: Discussions with the representatives of SYL continue. The neg-
ative attitude is reaffirmed.
October 17th 1960: Some members of the delegation meet representatives of the
presidium of the Council of Finnish Youth Organizations. The delegation is informer
of the doubts raised among several Finnish youth organizations.
November 8th 1960: The Executive of the Council of Finnish Youth Organizations
decides that the Council will not participate in the preparations of the Festival
nor in the Festival itself.
November 26th 1960: The delegation of SYL, representing proportionally all local
student unions in Finland, approves unanimously the attitude of SYL Executive in
the Festival issue. - 2 -
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