THE PAN-THAI MOVEMENT OPERATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SUPPORT DIVISION REQUIREMENTS STAFF, Fl

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-02646R000500230001-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 29
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 17, 1997
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: August 1, 1953
• Content Type: REPORT

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THE PAN-THAI MOVEMENT
i1
O 25X1A2g
..
25X1A8a
August 1953
An assessment '_q
of the movement to reunite
Thailand and its lost territories
r"
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Security Information
1 l( 18 1953
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25X1A
MEMORANDUM FOR: Chief, FE
REFERENCES (a) Memorandum, 22 May 1953, Request for
Research Support, from Chief _ 25X1A
Attached is a report on the history and current status of the
Pan-Thai movement. The movement was a chauvinistic effort in the
early 1940's to unite under one flag all peoples racially akin to the
Thais. CIA, State and Defense Department materials were consulted
in addition to published works of leading nationalistic Thai writers of
the 1940's.
Chief,
Research Report
The Pan Thai Movement
25X1A
CO NHDENTI A L
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THE PAN-THAI MOVEMENT
An assessment
of the movement to reunite
Thailand and its lost territories
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25X1A2g
Date completed: 11 August 1953
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THE PAN-THAI MOVEMENT
PROBLEM
To assess the history and current status of the Pan-Thai
movement.
SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS
Because of the limited amount of material available, it has
been possible to trace the movement back only as far as 1939. .
M consulted CIA, State Department, Defense Department and
Library of Congress materials, particularly the writings of leading
nationalistic Thai writers of the early 1940's.
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Pan-Thaism, a movement for restoring to the Kingdom of
Thailand the territories which Pan-Thaists claim the French and
British took from Thailand by force, apparently is not dead, but
neither is it an: active movement now.
The name Thailand, adopted 14 years ago, is in itself an
expression of Pan-Thaism. The name implies, in Thai thinking, a
union of peoples racially or linguistically akin to the Siamese Thais.
The areas involved are Laos, Cambodia, part of the Shan
States area of Burma and part of Malaya, which were lost during
the period 1800-1909. Main target of Pan-Thaism, which was at
its strongest in 1940, appears to have been the French territories.
Thailand demanded that the French readjust the Thailand-Indochina
border. These demands were ultimately arbitrated with the assist-
ance of the Japanese, and negotiation of a treaty in 1941 which ceded
portions of Indochina to Thailand quieted the movement. It is not
certain if it has been revived.
The leading figures in the 1940 movement were Marshal
Phibun Songgram, then premier of Thailand, and a writer and
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government official named Wichit Wathakan, who wrote many P.an.-Thaist .
pamphlets.
The creation in early 1953 of a Thai Autonomous Region in
Southern Yunnan by the Chinese Communists occasions a re-examination
of the Pan-Thaist; movement. Phibun and Wichit are still on the scene
but they have not given any indications of Pan-Thaist thinking in the
past few years, nor has any revival of Pan-Thaist activities been
observed,
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THE PAN-THAI MOVEMENT
I. HISTORY OF THE PAN-THAI MOVEMENT
What is Pan-Thaism?
Pan-Thaism is a movement to restore to the Kingdom of Thailand
the territories which Pan-Thaists claim were forcibly taken from Thai-
land by France and England.
What are the areas involved?
The areas claimed by the Pan-Thaists as having been stolen
from Thailand are four, which were lost in seven stages: 1/
Date
Country Lost To
Area
1.
1800
Great Britain
Portion of the Kra isthmus which
Z.
1867
France
is now part of Burma and the area
around Penang, Malaya.
Eastern Cambodia and six coastal
3.
1888
France
islands
Sipsong Chuthai
4.
1893
France
Left bank of the Mekong River
5.
1904
France
Right bank of the Mekong River
6.
1907
France
opposite Luang Prabang and Pakse
Battembong, Siemrat and Srisophon
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Kelantan, Tringganu, Kedah and
Perlis and the adjacent islands
off the east coast of the Malayan
Peninsula.
Although references are often made to people of the Tai race*
living in Yunnan Province, one must go back to 1253 A. D. to find a
Thai state in Yunnan other than the recently created Thai Autonomous
Region of the Peking government. 2/ The area of Sipsong Chuthai,
however, borders on Yunnan, and is actually an extension of the Yunnan
area where once stood an ancient Thai kingdom.
The chief complication and the questionable point in Pan-Thai
reasoning, is that at the time Cambodian and Laotian territories were
lost to the French, those two areas were independent and had their
own sovereigns, who yielded to French demands. Thereafter, the
Thais were forced by the French to sign treaties recognizing French
protectorates over those areas.
The Movement Itself
Research discloses no formal Pan-Thai movement prior to
1939, although the idea undoubtedly had been present in the minds of
Note the two different words Thai and Tai. The former is used to
refer to the kingdom as now constituted and to its people, as well
as to the movement to reunite lost areas to the country. The latter
term refers tq the, ethnological entity which covers the Thais and
all peoples akin to them; e. g., Laotians, Shans, etc
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many Siamese for many years prior to that date. It was at this point
that change of name from Siam to Thailand was first. proclaimed. The
significance of this change is that, though the name Siam refers to the
kingdom as it stood at that time, the name Thailand ("Muang Thai" in
Siamese) meaning "land of the Thais" or "land of the free men, " i
plies a state for all Tai peoples throughout Southeast Asia.
The movement, as developed in 1939-1940, had definite official
sanction at all levels. The policy of Pan-Thaism was expressed by
many high officials and in official government publications. The latter
were mostly prepared by the Thailand government's Department of
Publicity. One notable publication produced by this group was How
Thailand Lost Her Territories to France, which included a series of
maps showing a Thailand with borders including all territories now
under French control, and the piecemeal loss of them. This same
work reappeared as part of a larger document written by Wichit
Wathakan (also spelled Vichitr Vadakarn), a holder of many high posi-
tions in the Thai government and Thai eductional circles. The latter
work was called Thailand's Case. Both works bitterly denounced
"French agression" and. French violation of Thai soil.
These works by Wathakan, together with leaflets and books by
other Thai writers of that period, dwell to a great extent on the sub-
ject of the Tai race and its components. All state, without question,
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that the Siamese (Thais), Shans, Laotians and several smaller tribes
in Northern Laos are Tais. Their writings reveal a conviction that
contradiction of that enunciation is impossible.
They are far more cautious in talking about the Cambodians.
Because of the widespread use of the term Khmer, denoting a dif-
ferent and ancient race, in referring to the Cambodians, as in the
current Khmer Issarak movement in Cambodia, Thai writers have
had to go to great length to justify their claims that the Cambodians
are Tais. The following are a few examples of statements along
these lines. From Wathakan's book Thai-Khmer Racial Relations:
"We Thais in Thailand have never tried to delete the name 'Cambodia,'
but we affirm that the Cambodians and Thais belong to the same race.
The Cambodians of today are not ancient Khmers, because Thai
blood has insinuated into their veins. " In Wathakans's book Thai.-
land's Case he cites from Dodd's book, The Tai Race - Elder Brother
of the Chinese, that Tai blood started to mix with Khmer blood in about
the fifth century. He further asserts that the name Khmer is obsolete,
since present-day Cambodians have at least ninety per cent Tai blood.
He also dwells a bit on the derivation of the name Cambodia, which
comes from a word "cambudja" meaning "born in the Gold Peninsula, "
the latter being an ancient literary term for the Indo-China Peninsula.
Others have made similar statements.
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Wathakan cites the following statement of the Thai race from
Aymonier's book Le Cambodge, in his work, Thailand's Case. "The
great ethnical family of the Tai or Thai, the name meaning, wrongly
or rightly, the Free, Freeman,' contains numerous branches which
are closely related., chiefly from the linguistic point of view. The
principal branches of this family are the Shan, the Lao or Laotians,
the Lu, the Phuthai and. the Siamese. Long before our era this family
was to swarm the highlands of Yunnan or Eastern Tibet, follow the
slope of the waterpaths, occupy several valleys of Southern China and
pour out to the South in powerful influx covering almost all the plains
of Indo-China. Driving back into the forest and upon. the mountains
the weak. aborigine people, the That only Left but little coasts and
large deltas to the civilized. nations whom we know by the name of
Annamite, Cham, Cambodian, Malay, Peguan and Burman."
The above statement is typical. of those made or cited by
leading chauvinistic writers of the early forties. The trend of all
these writings, which were officially sanctioned, is very much the
same. The key theme was the recovery of the "territories lost to
France. " Some extremists called for the cession of all Laos and
Cambodia. Other, more conservative elements asked merely for
rectification of boundaries along the deep channel or thalweg of the
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Mekong River and cession of several smaller regions. Few, if any,
dared make claims on the Shan or Malay areas. The reason was clear.
Britain was then undergoing the blitz, but was still strong; France was
a divided and defeated nation, led by the puppet of Vichy, Marshal Petain.
Since Japan, an Axis partner, had supported Thailand's claims, to di-
vide the Thais and the French, the Thais reasoned that Germany would
bring pressure upon Vichy to yield. 3/ This proved to be the case.
Some have claimed that the idea of making claims on France originated
with the Japanese, who later acted as mediator in negotiation of the
treaty ceding portions of Indo-China to Thailand, and that the Japanese
incited riots and demonstrations for achieving this objective.
Key leaders and key organizations in the Pan-Thai movement
during the early 1940's were top-level and government-sponsored. Both
behind the scenes and in the open, the key figure was Marshal. Luang
Phibun Songgram, then, and now again, premier. He was leader and
spokesman for the movement.
Wichit Wathakan was considered the leading writer in the move-
ment. Among the positions he held prior to 1941 were minister of
state, director-general of the Department of Fine Arts, secretary-
general of the Royal Institute, chairman of the Broadcasting Committee
of Thailand, and lecturer of political history at the University of Moral
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and Political Sciences. 4/ Wichit later became the leader of the
Thammathipat Party (Right is Might Party), a strongly nationalistic
party and firm supporter of Phibun Songgram. 5/ Wichit became
minister of finance in 1951, 6/ but was dropped from the Cabinet in
1952 because of a scandal involving rice shipments. 7/ In July 1952
he was appointed ambassador to India. 8/ He is still very much on
the scene, and may be as Pan-Thaist as ever.
M. Siviram, who wrote Mekong Clash and Far East Crisis
in 1941, in the same vein as Wichit's book, has produced several
other works on this subject. He is believed to be in India at present.
Direck Chayanam, who often lectured on Pan-Thaism in 1940,
was then deputy minister of foreign affairs to Phibun. He has since
served as ambassador to London (in 1947) 9/ and as delegate to the
General Assembly of the United Nations. 10/ In 1948 he was
the leader of an abortive attempt by the Thai Navy to seize the reins
of government, but this charge has not been proven. 11 / In 1950 he
contributed to a liberal magazine with a definite pro-Communist
slant, using the pen name Dajne. 12/ of 1952 lists
him among the leaders of the Free Thai group headed by ex-Premier
Pridi. 13/ In March 1953 it was reported that he was going to the
United States for an eight-month lecture tour on Buddhism and on
\
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Thai-US relations. 14/ How large a part he is playing in curren Pan-
Thai moves is not known.
Major General Prayun Phamonmontri, deputy minister of
finance, was, and still is, a close friend and strong supporter of
Phibun. From 1940 until its abolition at the end of the war, Prayun
was head of the Yuvachon, 15/ a pro Pan-Thaist youth group patterned
after the Hitler Jugend movement in Germany. 16/ He is still quite
active on the Thai political scene and in 1952 came to the US to negoti-
ate a loan from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment. 17/
As stated above, the Yuvachon, and its girls' branch, the
Yuvanari, were abolished after the war. For lack of sufficient sup-
port, an attempted revival failed in 1948. Many former members of
this group are believed to be in the army now. 18/
Another prominent group supporting claims against France in
1940 was the Lu'at Thai (Thai Blood Group), an ultra-nationalist group
that advocated retaking Laos and Cambodia by force. 19/ The group
was inactive during the war but reappeared in 1946. 20/ Nothing is
known of its current activities, if indeed it is still in existence.
There may well be other groups which either were or now
are engaged in Pan-Thai activities, but those mentioned above are
the only ones research disclosed.
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II. INDICATIONS -OVTfl CURRENT EXISTENCE OF A
PAN-THAI MOVEMENT
No evidence of the existence of a Pan-Thai Movement as such
appears at present. However, the former leaders of the movement,
which was at its strongest in 1940, are still on the scene. They are
still prominent, some even more powerful than before, and there is
no indication that they have changed their views. Phibun Songgram,
premier, and leader of the movement in 1940, once more. heads the
government. He and his cohorts have been variously described as
ultra-nationalistic, chauvinistic or opportunistic. Two tests of any
possible revival of this movement are now looming on the horizon --
Viet Minh activity in Laos and Cambodia, and the creation of a Thai
Autonomous Region in southern Yunnan province by the Chinese Com-
munist Government.
Recent reports also indicate the possibility of an independent
Shan States movement which could be connected with the Pan-Thaist
movement. However, it seems unlikely that there is any connection
between the two. Shan independence movements seem to be three-
pronged, with plans for such a move being laid to the Chinese
Nationalists, to the Chinese Communists or to the Shan leaders
themselves.
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As stated above, there is no known connection between this move-
ment and the work of the Pan-Thaists, though such action would be ex-
pected to be a step towards the goal of Pan-Thaists seeking to reunite
the Shan States with Thailand.
A recent Embassy report from Rangoon makes this comment
in relation to the Shan States problem: "Current Chinese Communist
organization of a Thai linguistic state in Yunnan augurs ill for the
Shan States, which are racially and linguistically identical with the
Northern Thai, Laotian, and Yunnan 'Thai' peoples. " Z5/ What ef-
fect this may have on the Fan-Thaist movement is not certain.
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Several items from recent Thai publications give the following
versions of the situation created by establishment of the new state in
From the Weekly Press Summary of the Thai Press 22-28 February
1953:
"A New Thai State, " editorial
February 26 Sayamrat Weekly (Neutral)
From the New China News Agency comes the news
that a Thai Autonomous State has been created in Yunnan,
Southern China. There are forty-seven nationalities in
this new state, but the largest national group is the Thais,
who number about two hundred thousand. For this reason
the new state is called a Thai state to conform with the
racial name of the majority of the population. The Capital
City of the new state is the town of Cheli, and the first
prime minister of this state is a person name that is Thai
as Plack Phibunsongkram.
The main policy of the government of this state is
to get rid of American and Chinese Nationalist influences
within the state's own territories. The policy is both
natural and logical, since the policy of a newly created
red government must naturally be identical with that of
its red creator, and an "autonomous" state which is only
a small part of the Communist Empire cannot but reflect
the will of the dictator party. The creation of a new state
is in fact mere routine work behind the iron or bamboo
curtain. It can have no significance other than propaganda.
To give significance to Mao's new plaything is tanta-
mount to giving importance where importance is not due.
The word Thai is after all a racial name, and the Thai
people in Yunnan or elsewhere have as much right to it
as we have. Our racial pride should make us glad that
a new Thai state has come into being, if only we could
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force ourselves to give credence to the word "autonomous''
which is laconically attached to the state name. For us
to be otherwise agitated by the birth of this new state is
to admit our own defeat by the communist propaganda wea-
pon. As China is a country that comprises many racial
groups, scattered over her vast regions, we may expect
in the future many more formation of new states under
different racial names. The time for us to be really
excited would be when Red China creates a new autonomous
state called America.
It is at a time like this that we look back upon the
name "Siam" with a sense of nostalgia. For this is indeed
a name that the communists cannot tamper with. The change,
however, has already been made, and the name of Thailand
has at last endeared itself to us through the process of con-
stant contact and acquired taste. We sincerely hope that
the government of Thailand will not follow the precedent of
changing the name of the "Peace Villa, " to avoid the repug-
nant Communist Peace Movement, and change the name. of
the country back again to Siam. For that would indeed be
another mark added to the communist score board in this
deep-freeze war between opposite ideologies.
"Column for Reflection, " by "Thoert Tham"
February 28 Khao Phap Rai Wan
(police controlled)
We should be interested in the news reports of the
establishment of the "Free Thai State" in Yunnan, China.
We should study this move carefully. The establishment
of the Free Thai State has features along the lines of the
Soviet administration. China today has an administrative
regime along the same lines as the Soviet pattern and is
one of the patterns of the federation states. The adminis-
trative regime of many countries, such as the United
States and Switzerland, is like the pattern of the federated
states, but the Soviet Federation differs from the federa-
tion of the United States and Switzerland. Besides "federal
republics, " there are also "autonomous republics, "
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"autonomous regions" and "national territories. " All
these autonomous republics, regions and territories are
represented in the Soviet Government in the same way
that federal governments are represented in the national
or central government.
Hence, the establishment of this Free Thai State
may mean the establishment of the "Autonomous Repub-
lic of the Thai Nationality" in Yunnan. The administration
of this autonomous Thai republic must be under the con-
trol of the federal republic as well as the republic of the
Chinese people.
In "Today's Column" -- "White Thai, Red Thai, " by "X-ray"
February 28
Kiattisak (nationalist)
On the establishment of the Free Thai State and
the formation of the Government of Chao Khun Sin, who
is Prime Minister, Field Marshal Phibun Songkram fore-
casted that political refugees from Thailand may join the
administration of this country. The Field Marshal's fore-
cast would be the same as the general forecast.. This is
very important for us to predict that when political refugees
from Thailand cooperate with the Free Thai Government,
the policy of the Free Thai Government can be antagonistic
also to the Government of Thailand, especially when this
state and this government are established and. supported
by Mao Tze Tung. The Field Marshal stated. that he has
referred this matter to the National Defense Council for
study and that steps must be taken to prepare for the ag-
gression of the Free Thai.
The Field Marshal further stated that this move
affects Thailand. because our Constitution provides for
only one country. This causes the Field Marshal much
anxiety over whether future political developments would
take the path of North Indochina and South Indochina; North
Burma and South Burma; North India and South India or not
depend on the role of the Government of Chao Khun Sin.
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One thing which cannot be avoided is that the world
may, instead of calling us simply "Thai, " may call us
"White Thai" and "Red Thai" as China is called "Red China"
and "White China" or in the case of Korea, the Red and
White Koreas, (Summary)
"The Free Thai Government, " editorial
February 28 Nangsu Phim Chao
(police controlled)
There are news reports that a Free Thai Government
has been established in Sipsong Chuthai or in the province
which is under the sovereignty of China and under the sup-
port of Communist China. It can be considered the comedy
of the Communists because the country which has sovereignty
(Red China) over the minority group has established this
minority group into an independent country to create political
unrest in foreign countries. This move cannot but be called
an aggressive measure because it is not known that the
minority group (Free Thai) has resorted to arms to drive
the Chinese away in order to establish itself as an independent
state. If the Constitution of Red China provides for the minority
group to be an independent state, then the free state ought to
thank Red China and this measure would, have no bearing on
Thailand.
Geographically the establishment of this Free Thai
State may be a disadvantage to Thailand because the boun-
daries are not adjoining one another. But if the Free Thai
State installed by the Reds want to join Thailand, then prior
consent must be sought through the National Assembly accord-
ing to the Constitution. According to the present Constitution
Thailand is one and indivisible. The present Thailand which
is recognized by international law is a genuine Thailand. No
one (by whatever means) can separate the administration of
Thailand into two or three states, and no country can divide
Thailand into two or three states. If such a step is taken,
whether by an individual, or country, it means that the per-
son or country responsible must be definitely suppressed,
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Suppose the mentioned fake Thai state turns a corn -
munist satellite and is given arms support by the commu-
nists to aggress against the Kingdom of Thailand, then a
foreign army is aggressing against the sovereignty of Thai-
land, and every Thai citizen should fight to suppress this
attack.
It is more of a joke if it is referred, to as a govern-
ment without a country, because persons who organized
this fake government were not driven from Thailand when
they legally assumed power, but were driven out because
they were defeated by the force of a coup d'etat. The con-
dition of this government is not the same as the governments
without a country during World War II established in England
because their countries were at war with the enemy and they
had to retreat. Hence, the Free State in Red China has no
meaning to Thailand. (Condensed)
From the Weekly Press Summary of the Thai Press 1-7 March 1953:
"Another Thailand for Choice, " by Kukrit Pramote
Sayamrat (neutral)
There is a rather exciting piece of news at the moment,
and because of it, if you should ask a strange question: 'Are
there two Thailands ? - the correct answer you would get
is "Right."
For there-is this Thailand that we know as our coun-
try and there is the Thai Autonomous State just created in
Yunnan by the Chinese Government at Peking. Exciting, isn't
it? But let's not jump to conclusions and interpret the occur-
rence as something to our disadvantage. From the available
information concerning this new Thai land, I gather that it is
not unlike the situation in Chiengrai where, according to a
book written by an MP, the Thai live among scores of other
peoples. The same goes for China, but among those "other
peoples" in China, it seems the Thai, evidently descendants
of those who did not join our own forbears in their flight
from Chu Kad Ling, are the largest group.
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To set up a new state, calling it "autonomous" while
granting it no real freedom, is a most common form of
government practiced by the Soviet Union. The Peking
government, for all we know, is trying their best to sovi-
etize their country according to the Russian pattern. There
are many "autonomous" states in Russia, named after the
peoples who live there, theoretically free to choose their
own ways of life, but actually are under complete control
of the Kremlin or of Stalin himself. That Mao T se Tung
has established a new state within China can hardly be called
a surprising move.
Actually, the Thai State is the second one to emerge
behind the Bamboo Curtain, the first being Tibet. Mao
Tse Tung's reason for naming the state after us probably
lies in his desire to please the Thai people in south China,
rather than to plan an aggression against this "State of
Strange Autonomy" which is our home. The Thai people,
in whichever country they happen to find themselves, usually
have a way of holding on to the name Thai as something
greater than any doctrine. China has been trying for many
centuries to transform the Thai people into good Chinamen,
sometimes by persuasion, but the stubborn Thai have managed
to remain themselves and even continue to speak the language,
which can be easily understood by their brothers in this penin-
sula. To this day, they still call the Chinese their "guest"
who has come for a visit only to stay for good; they never
regard the Chinese as the owner of the land. Continental
China is not the only place where the Thai people may be
found. On the Island of Hainan, homes belonging to the Thai
occupy the middle part of the island, while the Hainan Chinese
live near the shore. We Thai in This Thailand are always im-
pressed by the fact that the Hainan Chinese can say "dee"
and not turning (it) into "lee" like other Chinese, and like
to think that the Thai in Hainan has had something to do with
this linguistic achievement, however minor it is.
Take for another example the case of the Thai people
living in Indochina. There is a region to the north of Hanoi,
a real "Huang Thai" it is, for the lot of Thai people living
there have made it so. Now, take Ho Chi Minh, no matter
what you say, the fact remains that he has won the respect
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of a large number of the Annamites. But one of the peoples
in Indochina who refuse to cooperate with him is the Thai.
In fact, they are quite actively helping the French fight
him and his Viet-Minh troops. This does not mean they
like being a French colony, but they do it because they do
not wish to be ruled by the Annamites. The Peking govern-
ment in Yunnan may have occasion to find this Thai trait
a serious stumbling block to their plans. An average Thai
anywhere will believe it when told he is "free" or "demo -
cratic, " but try to tell him he is a "communist" and you'll
run into trouble. He'll deny it with all his might, even
taking pains to have his denial recorded and broadcast.
The premier of- this new free Thai State is Chao
Khun Sin, a true Thai name, as true as any around here
which have not been influenced by India. But let me hasten
to warn the readers not to let this name mislead them into
thinking that someone here in our midst has made good his
escape and joined the communists in establishing the new
government. Such a belief would be entirely unfounded and
would unnecessarily cause hard feelings among several
quarters.. It is very logical that there should be leaders
with Thai names in a Thai community. Such names as Chao
Khun Sin, Chao Khun Keo, Chao Wanna and a host of others
are quite common not only in north Thailand, and north
Burma, but also in China itself. And if the premier's name
is Chao Khun Sin, we could guess what the names of the cabi-
net members would sound like. The Minister of Finance,
for instance, might be someone named Chao Kampan, the
Minister of Education, Tao San Pom, the Minister of Economic
Affairs, Nan Bunkerd, and so forth. Such names as Boripan,
Phromyothi, or Worakan Banch.a, probably would not appear
at all, being definitely Indian in origin and used widely only
by the Thai in this country. Should Chao Kb.un Sin himself
ever come to take up residence here, he might after a cer-
tain period change his name to "Thanarat" or something
along the same line. But I don't think we have to worry
about that at the moment, or to fear that some Thai from
here has gone there to help in the making of the new state.
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Come to think of it, you cannot help feeling comfor-
table over the idea of having another state for the Thai
people. For there are some around here who subscribe to
the communist doctrine, some who do not like America,
some who do not like the present government, and even
some who do not like the Prime Minister Field Marshal
Phibun Songkram. Now these people should feel a sense
of relief, and exhilaration too, that there is a new Thailand
more "progressive" than the old, to which they could go if
they choose. There, one could freely become a communist
and nothing else. There the government has announced its
determination to get rid of every American influence. There
one finds an entirely new government headed by Chao Khun
Sin and not Field Marshal Plaek. As for those not quite so
"progressive, " or those who like their steps forward and
backward in the manner of doing a samba, or still those who
do not dislike anyone and are loyal fans of the Field Marshal's
like this writer, they will very likely choose to remain here
and consider themselves lucky not to have to dodge bullets
whose source and destination would be unknown to them.
And as a Thai people, we should also be glad to know
that China has thought it necessary to create a state for the
Thai within its own boundaries. Such an action is a testi-
mony to the hardiness of the Thai race, an assurance that
no one may swallow with ease. We should (offer) our con-
gratulations and our best wishes to those Thai in that other
land, and be proud of them too, for although "autonomy"
and "freedom" are now but words for them; who can tell
whether one day they might not become truly autonomous
and free. When that day comes, let us be ready to welcome
them with both arms, for they will be Thai as we are Thai.
Political doctrines may be changed - democracy today,
communism tomorrow, and vice versa, but to be Thai is
to remain Thai, as the forefathers of Chao Khun Sin and
Field Marshal Plaek have been for six thousand years, and
as their children will be for all the years to come. It can't
be changed easily like a coat or a doctrine.
With this thought in mind, I wish there would be
more of these Thai Autonomous States in Hainan, Indo-
china, north Burma, Assam and wherever there are Thai
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people living and working with the Thai spirit. Then per
haps peace will come to this part of the world, for Thai
would not fight Thai, and perhaps in this Thailand, too,
there will be less struggling and killing for the sake of
power, for then the quota of premiership and other high
positions will be so enlarged as to satisfy more yearning
souls.
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1.
Gordon, Wilhelm Friedrich, Thailand, das Neue Siam, Leipzig,
1942; and Kingdom of Thailand, Department of Publicity,
How Thailand Lost Her Territories to France, Bangkok,
1940.
2.
Thompson, Virginia, Thailand, The New Siam, New York, The
Macmillan Company, 1941. p. 16.
3.
Sivaram, M., Mekong Clash and Far East Crisis, Bangkok, 1941.
p. 60.
4.
From flyleaf of book.
5.
25X1 C8b
6.
Army R -254-51, 30 November 1951.
7.
State, Joint Weeka, Bangkok, 27 June 1952.
8.
Ibid.
25X1X6
9.
Bangkok Post, 24 April 1947.
5X1X6
25X1A2g
13.
25X1 C8b
14.
Bangkok Post, 3 March 1953.
15.
Bangkok Post, 19 December 1947.
16.
This group, and its. girls' counterpart, the Yuvanari, were cited
in several of the books examined including Gordon, op. cit.
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17. State, Joint Weeka, Bangkok, 16 October 1952.
18. Bangkok Post, 19 December 1947.
19. Thompson, op. cit. p. xxviii.
22.
-22-
25X1A2g
25X1A2g
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