REVOLUTION IN AFRICA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-02646R000500180002-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 36
• Document Creation Date: November 17, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 4, 2000
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: June 1, 1963
• Content Type: REPORT

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Editor: Ahmad M. Kheir
Editorial Board: A. C. Adam (Ivory Coast), Mario Pinto de
Andrade (Angola), Mehdi Ben Marka (Morocco),
Demba Diallo (Mali), Bakary Djibu (Niger), Ali
Mohamed Hirave (Somali), Abdoulhaye Ly (Senegal),
Ernest Ouandie (Cameroun), Dr. Tunji Otegbeye
(Nigeria), John Motloheloa (Lesotho).
All enquiries concerning Revolution in Africa should be ad-
dressed to:
Revolution in Africa
Bulevardi Stalin
Tirana, Albania
Subscriptions:
All Africa: 16 shillings or equivalent in postal orders.
As this issue goes to the press warm assurances of collabora-
tion have been received from all but three members of the board.
It may be assumed that difficulties of correspondence have
delayed the other replies.
Glimpses of
West Africa
By Feng Chih-tan
3E?602 126 Pages Illustrated
18.5x 13 cm. Paper cover
Send your order direct to GUOZI SHUDIAN, P.O. Box 399,
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To the Militants of Africa!
Revolution in Africa believes that the revolutionary people of the continent need
to master all forms of struggle, including armed struggle, and that the militants of
Africa must have active support in their just wars of national liberation.
Revolution in Africa is your source book and guide. Your own leaders are
members of its editorial board and in their own words will sound the call for
socialist revolutions.
Revolution in Africa will be a handbook for the tacticians of revolt. Its articles
will be uncompromising and brutally frank. They will reveal the hypocrisy and in-
competence of the 'present so-called leaders of Africa and lift the paper curtain of
words and more words which is used to hide their true nature and deceive their
peoples. Our articles will give praise where praise is due-to the numerous, growing
Marxist parties, to guerrilla fighters throughout the continent and to all those in
Africa whose devotion to Marxism-Leninism is reflected in deeds.
Revolution in Africa comes into being to rescue the militants of Africa after a
vile betrayal. In May and June of 1963 a certain Verges published African Revolution
at Algiers, but because of lack of cooperation from Ben Bella moved to Paris where
the magazine was continued under the name of Revolution: Africa, Latin America,
Asia. Then one issue was seized by the reactionary French authorities because it
contained an article on the Last Overseas Territories of France. The cringing Verges
went to the authorities and assured them that he would refrain from printing any
material on French imperialism and would even destroy an article already prepared
on French Somalia.
This betrayal by Verges of the revolutionary struggle and his desertion of the
cause of Marxism-Leninism to become the servant of the colonialists and neocolonialists
aroused a storm of indignation, especially within the ranks of the militants of Africa.
To me has fallen the honour of leading the development and growth of Revolution
in Africa that. will resolutely oppose provincial nationalism and sterile revisionism,
and will support all wars of socialist liberation and all efforts to build a united
socialist Africa.
Ahmad M. Kheir
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I INtI111 NMI,
jai r IV I
Note from the Editor: Under the above heading Revolution in Africa
will provide its readers with information about the founding, activity and
progress of the militant Marxist parties in Africa. Forthcoming articles
will cover Sawaba (Niger), Parti Democratique de Guinee and the Parti
African de l'Independence (Senegal). Certain so-called Communist
parties which for the time being remain under the control of the revision-
ists, such as those of Nigeria, and South Africa, will not be included.
As is quite well known, in 1946
the CPF (France) established the
Rassemblement Democratique Af-
ricain, first on the Ivory Coast and
then in other areas of French colo-
nial West Africa. Through its will-
ingness to yield to opportunism
and its failure to train leaders and
cadres, the CPF lost control of this
promising movement. However, an
atmosphere favorable to political
activity even under repressive co-
lonial conditions was established
and resulted in such positive off-
shoots of the movement as the Parti
Democratique de Guinee, Sawaba,
and the Union Soudanaise. After
the People's Republic of China be-
gan to support liberation move-
ments in Africa, certain other par-
ties were able to benefit from such
interest and guidance. Further, the
establishment of diplomatic rela-
tions between China and France-
on the initiative of France-made
it more difficult than before for the
regime of General de Gaulle to
object to close Chinese-African col-
laboration in the former French
colonies. The party described in
the following pages emerged under
the situation noted above and today
it enjoys friendly, fraternal Chi-
nese support.
Union des Populations
du Cameroun (UPC)
The UPC first began activity in
April 1948 as the Cameroun section
of the RDA and from its founding
it has been relentlessly militant in
opposition to the colonialists and
their successors the neocolonialists.
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Ernest Ouandie - leader of the
guerrilla fighters in Cameroun
and our esteemed collaborator.
In this opposition and in support of
the socialist cause it has contrib-
uted numerous martyrs, including
those innocent souls shot down in
the demonstrations at Douala in
1955.
In August 1955 the colonial re-
gime in Cameroun declared that
the party was illegal and was dis-
solved. This order also was ap-
plied against the Union Demo-
cratique des Femmes Camerounai-
ses and the Jeunesse Democratique
du Cameroun. The party responded
by appealing directly to the peasant
masses and began an armed peas-
ant struggle in certain parts of the
Cameroun. Today this struggle
continues in full force in the re-
gions of Bamileke and Saraja. With
sorrow it must be recorded that in
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1958 Rufus Um Nyobe, Secretary
General of the UPC, gave his life
while leading an armed band whose
plans had been betrayed to the
reactionary police.
In 1959 the president of the
party, Dr. Felix Moumie, visited
Peking where he was warmly re-
ceived and given assurances that
selected party members would be
given training in guerrilla warfare
in China. Not only was the prom-
ise kept, but today graduates of
these courses are leading their
comrades on Cameroun soil. In
1960, when Dr. Moumie was visit-
ing Geneva, poison was introduced
into his food, and he too died as a
martyr to socialism. Despite pro-
tests from many parts of the world,
the Swiss government failed in its
duty of tracking down the instiga-
tors of this foul crime.
Following the death of Dr. Mou-
mie, the remaining members of the
Executive Board of the UPC as-
sembled. It was decided that Abel
Kingue, the Vice-President, should
direct party activity, leaving the
post of president vacant in honor
of the memory of Dr. Moumie.
Ernest Oudanie, a member re-
spected by all his comrades, was
assigned the vital task of penetrat-
ing into Cameroun to assume lead-
ership of the armed bands. Osende
Afana was sent to Cairo as perma-
nent representative of the UPC to
the Permanent Secretariat of the.
Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Or-
ganization. Reports indicate that he
Within Cameroun: a training camp of the U.P.C.
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has been most successful in arous-
ing general indignation against
the tyrant Ahidjo among the mem-
bers of the secretariat.
Abel Kingue went to Accra after
receiving personal assurances from
Nkrumah that he would enjoy
complete freedom of action and
have Ghanaian support in the revo-
lutionary struggle. In his enthusi-
asm Kingue may have been guilty
of some lapses of judgment and
discipline. He established an Ad-
ministrative Secretariat at Accra
and included as members several
younger Camerounis who had been
members of the CPF during their
student days in France. These new
members sought out a revisionist
embassy in Accra and were in-
structed in how to prepare a plot
that would discredit the party mili-
tants. On September 6, 1963 a
bomb was throws into a meeting
of the militant group and the vic-
tims themselves were arrested by
the Ghanaian police because they
were carrying arms. While the
militants were held in prison, the
revisionists formed a so-called Rev-
olutionary Committee which sent
delegates allegedly representing the
UPC to the Afro-Asian Peoples'
Conference at Moshi and to a later
meeting at Nicosia. This splitting
effort was praised from abroad in
an article published in a modern
revisionist periodical: the article
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was signed by a certain Njiawue
Nicanor, who also uses the name
of Aboulaye Kone, writing on be-
half of the so-called Revolutionary
Committee.
After the damage to the party
had been done the militants were
released from prison. It cannot be
denied that the Ghanaians acted in
an arbitrary manner, and that the
attachment of Nkrumah to the
cause of Marxist-Leninism in Cam-
eroun was brought into question.
Discussions between Kingue. and
Nkrumah continue with the UPC
demanding certain, definite prom-
ises before it will agree to keep its
base of external operations in
Accra. The militants of Africa
eagerly await the outcome of these
discussions, hoping that Nkrumah
will not choose to turn his back on
the great cause of militant social-
ism.
Meanwhile Revolution in Africa
has received word from our col-
laborator Ernest Oudanie that the
armed struggle within Cameroun
will not cease. While additional
arms from Ghana will be most
welcome, the aroused peasants are
perfecting their guerrilla tactics
and are capable of maintaining
their present hold over large areas,
as well as preparing to broaden
the base of the war against the
tyrannical regime.
Long live the militants of, the
UPC!
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FRICAN SOCIALISM:
A Bourgeois illusion
Certain servants of neocoloni-
alism who deny the reality of the
class struggle in Africa and who
secretly serve the foreign capital-
ists in their relentless exploitation
of the continent, attempt to dupe
the masses by advocating some-
thing called African socialism.
Such individuals include Julius
Nyerere, Leopold Senghor, Ken-
neth Kaunda, Mamadou Dia, Habib
Bourguiba, Jacques Rabemanan-
jara, Maurice Adoum, David Dacko,
Chabi Mama, and Jean-Marie Sa-
waddogo. Thus, the supporters of
a bourgeois illusion have succeeded,
for the time being, in mudding the
atmosphere in Tanzania, Tunisia,
Senegal, Zambia, Malagasy, Chad,
Central African Republic, Dahomey
and Upper Volta, and, unfortu-
nately, this list does not include
all the countries where this folk-
myth is being propagated.
Clearly the time has arrived to
condemn so-called African social-
ism and to expose its false dogma.
All African political activists should
be aware of the statements made
by the true Marxists of Africa.
Modibo Keita, admired winner of
the Lenin Peace Prize, has given
his view that there are two kinds
of socialism, scientific socialism and
democratic socialism and that the
latter is to be equated with African
socialism. He states that the ad-
vocates of African socialism include
certain leaders who are unable to
meet the wishes of the people and
adds, "the people's passivity is not
permanent. That is why I think
the African revolution will have to
be violent to permit the creation
of democratic states without an ex-
ploited class." In a similar vein
Kwame Nkrumah emphasizes that
Ghana has taken the road of sci-
entific socialism, while his position
is developed by the Ghana weekly
The Spark which writes of "the
false theory of an `African' or
`Pan-African' socialism," adding
that, "the ideas of scientific social-
ism will win the hearts and minds
of millions of Africans," and con-
cluding that there is need for un-
relenting war against the view (of
the advocates of African socialism)
that there are no classes in Africa.
It is very heartening to learn
that the militant political parties of
Africa are in the vanguard of the
struggle against the bourgeois Af-
rican socialism illusion. Thus, the
Parti Africain de 1'Independence
(PAI) has stated: ". . . The pro-
tagonists of African socialism think
they can use their theory to in-
toxicate the African working class
and the working masses, to retard
their realization of class-conscious-
ness and thus slow down the de-
velopment of the only authentic
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socialism, Marxist-Leninist social-
ism." Very similar Marxist views
are also expressed by the Union des
Populations du Cameroun (UPC),
the Ivory Coast Liberation Com-
mittee, the Malagasy Popular
Front, the Sawaba Party in Niger,
and a number of other groups.
However, it is now time to ex-
amine the false dogma attached to
this African so-called socialism.
First, as noted above, this dogma
denies the. existence of the class
struggle in Africa by the naive ex-
pedient of denying that classes
exist. 'Thus, Senghor has stated,
"There are no classes in our so-
ciety," while Houphouet-Boigny
wrote, "The, class struggle, which
lies at the base of Communism, has
no meaning in a classless society."
Even Sekou Toure, who usually
follows a correct Marxist-Leninist
line, parrots a similar line when he
writes about the so-called "com-
munaucratique" society of Guinea.
As would be expected, Nyerere
spouts similar nonsense, clothing
his words with mythical references
to "Ujamaa," or "familyhood," al-
legedly the closely knit association
of the families of like clans and
tribes. Nyerere, Toure and others
shy away from the word "Commu-
nism" and seek vainly to try to find
something indigenous to the primi-
tive societies of Africa which is
better than Communism. They have
even discovered something called
"negritude" which is alleged to be
the cementing force of the classless
society but which is nothing more
than a clumsy attempt to ration-
alize the primitive mumbo-jumbo
of a backward Africa that still
dances to the colonialist tune.
No one but a fool-and there are
too many fools in posts of leader-
ship in Africa-would deny that
such features of class society as
self-centered family structures,
serfs, castes, chiefs and princes
abound throughout the continent.
Thus, it is pure illusion and decep-
tion to state that primitive collec-
tive traditions and groupings can
form the base for the development
of a modern socialist structure.
Until the organisms of family, clan
and tribe are ruthlessly broken up,
efforts to develop socialism will be
useless and ridiculous to a pathetic
degree. This effort must be ac-
companied by a wiping out of the
Special Notice.
As this issue went to press word reached the editor that Algeria and the
U.A.R. have decided to use the modern revisionists as their intermediary in
sending arms and equipment to the freedom fighters of the Congo. We
deplore this decision which, in effect, pits self-seeking intruders against the
real Africans, the original inhabitants of the continent, and their real friends
of the new China.
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parasitical bureaucracy. Nor can
any faith be placed in the opportun-
ist industrial proletariat. The class
struggle must find its focal point in
the militant, revolutionary devel-
opment of the countless people of
the countryside. Fortunately, it is
the Marxist parties, including those
named earlier, who operate within
the peasant milieu to arouse a class
consciousness.
The second feature of this false
dogma is the pretense that African
socialism is the equal of scientific
socialism. It should be known to
anyone who even speaks the word
socialism that the only peoples to
achieve socialism are those who
went about it in a scientific manner
on the basis of Marxism-Leninism.
Suggestions that the peoples of Af-
rica can achieve socialism by means
other than Marxism-Leninism or
that the content of what they
achieve will be a different so-
cialism from Marxism-Leninism is
nonsense. In the final analysis
Marxism-Leninism consists in the
means of production being the com-
mon property of all without refer-
ence to the primitive tribe or to an
outdated family, system. This is a
fact and a truth which no single
African leader has been willing-to
admit, and it is this denial which
will bring on their downfall. As
a very specific example, African
leaders should take a firm stand
against capitalistic monopolism by
barring foreign entrepreneurs from
their countries, but none of them-
even such men as Nkrumah, Keita,
and Toure-has done so.
It is axiomatic that the masses of
Africa must carry on an intensive
ideological struggle to open the way
of their emancipation. This strug-
gle surely deserves the support of
all Marxists and it is most startling
to find that the modern revisionists
are actually hampering a correct
ideological development. A certain
Professor I. Potekhin, who is iden-
tified as the Director of the African
Institute of the Academy of Sci-
ences of the U.S.S.R. published an
article called "African Socialism"
in the first issue of 1963 of Inter-
national Affairs. This article is
very difficult to understand for the
poor professor was trying to carry
water on both shoulders, trying to
explain the truth and deny it at
the same time, writing for Marxists
in one paragraph and in the next
paragraph attemping to deceive the
Africans. He finally concluded with
the statement that with regard to
the need to abolish the exploitation
of man there may be no open con-
flicts between the advocates of sci-
entific and "African'( socialism.
Let us be frank and forthright,
once and for all time, to refute the
ridiculous efforts of both the mod-
ern revisionists and the tribal
minded "thinkers" in Africa: the
path to socialism in Africa can be
achieved only by the elimination
of the bourgeois puppets who now
masquerade as nationalist leaders.
The African proletariat can and in-
evitably will seek out and destroy
all those false leaders in a great
revolutionary uprising. This will
take time, but time is on the side
of the Marxists-Leninists of the
world who will assist and guide the
African revolution.
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A Tribute to Pierre Mulele
No moment in the long history of Africa and its modern awakening could be
more suitable than the present to pay tribute to Pierre Mulele, martyred leader of
the struggle for the freedom of the Congo, by bringing our readers the first authentic
account of his years of sacrifice and service.
I was privileged to meet Pierre Mulele in 1963 soon after his return to Europe
from Peking. Not long before he had completed a two months training course
at the Academie Militaire on the outskirts of the city of Peking and he was bub-
bling over with enthusiasm about his experiences. He pointed out that Mao's study
of the military art formed the solid base for the training which he and other Africans
had received in the strategy and tactics of guerrilla warfare, as well as for the
ideological aspects of such warfare. He said: "Every morning I was awakened before
dawn and driven to the Academie where the group of which I was a member worked
until well into the evening. The first month of training was devoted to the nature
of various kinds of explosives and the use of bombs and grenades in sabotage opera-
tions. The second month included training. in the use of arms in guerrilla warfare,
including those of Chinese and Russian makes, and to the conduct of this warfare."
Mulele was especially eager to tell me how eminently suitable the Chinese
method of guerrilla warfare, as developed by Moo, was to the situation in the Congo.
He pointed out that it was based on the encirclement of the towns by the country-
side, since it is in the towns that the reactionary elements maintain their garrisons.
In this warfare the principle of the annihilation of the enemy must be carried out
even in the smallest fight. The enemy must be lured into the countryside where he
is vulnerable: many means are available for this purpose, such as violating his
women on the outskirts of the towns and blocking roads and trails. Through these
methods the enemy loses all sense of discipline and caution and the morale of the
soldiers is greatly impaired.
Mulele quoted for me the Chinese proverb, "Obstacles are the mother of success,"
and pointed out that the development of a revolutionary movement depends on fight,
defeat, fight, defeat, and fight until the. final victory is won. As he applied this
theory to the situation then prevailing in the Congo, he said that once operations
began they would require a rapid development and expansion, since local areas of
guerrilla warfare would have to be transformed into revolutionary bases which could
be held against hostile incursions. We can see how prophetic these words have been.
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Finally, he said that the establishment of revolutionary bases leads to the formation
of the People's Army, directed by the Communist Party, and capable of taking
power through accelerating violence against the reactionary regime.
When I asked Mulele about his background he replied that it must be approached
after an understanding of his present position as the leader in the struggle against
the servants of imperialism in the Congo and as the standard bearer for the cause
of socialism. In his awn words, "Those who know me well have always heard me
say, that freedom is never given to a person or to a country, but must be fought for
and won." Mulele went on to remark that he had fitted himself to be the rightful
and sole successor of the martyred Lumumba, pointing out that all others, such as
Gizenga, Diaka and many more, who claimed to be faithful to the ideals and aims
of Lumumba had desecrated his memory, some through sheer inability and others
through their willingness to please the usurpers of authority. "These some traitors are
now spreading slanders against me in order to try to cast doubt on my right to
.leadership in the struggle for freedom, and it is for this reason that I welcome an
opportunity to tell my story."
Pierre Mulele was born in Orientale Province in 1929 and had his earliest school-
ing at Kikwit and Totsi. Then he went to the Little Seminary of Gizanbi and to the
Intermediate School at Leverville before going on to higher studies at the Advanced
Agricultural School at Yiseka in Equateur. After two years of military service, in
1952 he entered the colonial service and rose to be Commis adjoint principal aux
Batements Civils at Leopoldville. In these years he suffered many humiliations at
the hands of the "white masters," but did not bear them with resignation. As he
remarked, "I looked about me for supporters of the blacks and found my first friend
in the person of the consul of Czechoslovakia at Leopoldville. He told me how
members of the socialist camp had fought for freedom and gave me books on revolu-
tionary methods."
Mulele's activity and strong personality had attracted a wide following and in
August 1959 he was chosen as Secretary General of the Bureau of the Parti de la
Solidaire Africain. Before the end of the year he left Leopoldville with funds pro-
vided by the Czech consul to visit Cameroun, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Senegal, Mali, and
Guinea. This first trip out of the Congo lasted for four months. The greater part
of this time was spent in Guinea following a special course for Africans in Marxism-
Leninism, and as a reward for his outstanding study he was awarded a quick trip
to Moscow in company with Gizenga. Of this trip he said only, "We were both
quite naive at that time and made a silly show of wearing Russian fur hats,
acquired for the Moscow winter, in the heat of the Congo."
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j
A few months after Mulele's return to Leopoldville he went to Bruxelles as a
representative of the PSA to the Conference Belgo-Congolaise sur les problemes
economiques, financiers et sociaux, but left in May before the conference ended to
engage in the electoral campaign and was chosen as a national deputy from Kwilu.
In June 1960 he was named Minister of Education and Arts in the cabinet of Lumumba,
The value of his services in that post are well-known.
Mulele emphasized the point that he was the sole person to assume leadership
in trying to halt the tragic course of events which followed the illegal dismissal of
Lumumba as head of government. In his words, "My urgent appeal for support
against the imperialists brought me funds from Dr. Ghaleb Muhammad Morab,
ambassador of the U.A.R. at Leopoldville which I turned over to Maurice Mpolo to
use in supplying his armed bands and by way of equipment I obtained a large
quantity of arms from the Czech representative in Leopoldville. Unfortunately these
efforts went for nothing as that fool Mpolo spent the few critical days in strolling
about in a general's uniform instead of in fighting."
Mulele went on to say that one event of these sad weeks caused a radical shift
in his thinking. This was the result of a letter Gizenga had written to the People's
Republic of China demanding personnel, arms, funds, and food. In reply Chan
Hian-Kong, the Chinese ambassador at Cairo, sent a long letter full of feelings of
friendship and brotherhood. Sortly after this letter came Mulele went to Stanleyville
with Gizenga to set up the Free Republic of the Congo, and held the post of Minister
of Education in this government. However, Pierre Mulele soon came to realize that
Gizenga was incapable of establishing a government surrounded by loyal forces
and capable of withstanding the onslaughts of the neocolonial forces. The time had
come for a tactical retreat in order to establish a separate base for revolutionary
action. What was Mulele to do? He told me, "I thought first of Ghana but in his
correspondence with Lumumba Nkrumah had proved to be all talk and no deeds.
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I thought of the Soviets but our experience had demonstrated that they were not
solidly grounded in the realities of the Congo. Indeed, it was after N. S. Khrushchev
had said, 'Bas les mains devant le Congo' that I realized that the Soviet Union would
do nothing to promote our war of liberation. Thus, it seemed clear that it was the
Chinese, free from any traces of white racism, who offered the best hope."
So it was that on December 16, 1960 Mulele left Stanleyville and traveled to
Cairo by way of Khartoum, arriving in Egypt before the end of the year. He was
given a warm welcome by Chan Hian-Kang who assured him that the People's Republic
of China would recognize him as the diplomatic representative to the U.A.R. of the
Free Republic of the Congo, once he had persuaded key figures in the U.A.R. to
extend such recognition. For some months Mulele lived with his family in a very
small apartment until, at the insistence of the Chinese ambassador, a larger and
more convenient one was assigned to him. At this point in his story Pierre Mulele
said that he was obliged to refute accounts that had circulated about his extravagant
living in Egypt and that he spent freely from seven and a half tons of gold that he
had taken from Stanleyville to Cairo. "How could any sensible man dream," he
said, "that such a weight could be transported through the Sudan. Indeed, had
any such sum been in my possession guerrilla warfare would have been initiated in
the Congo long before it was."
At Cairo Mulele established good relations with members of the socialist camp
of peace-loving nations, especially with Richard Gyptner of the East German People's
Republic. However, the attitude of the authorities of the U.A.R. was discouraging
as they declined to supply adequate funds for a cause which they so warmly
praised. Finally, he asked Chan Hian-Kang for his advice and was told that the
so-called friends of the Congo would help him only if they saw some advantages
for themselves and that Mulele must realize once and for all that it was only the
People's Republic of China that actively supported wars of national liberation. The
ambassador added that Mulele should accept some of the invitations extended to
him by the Communist parties and make his own judgment.
So it was that Mulele went to Moscow again in March 1961, and again was well
received but met only with excuses when he asked for aid for the Stanleyville govern-
ment.
By the end of 1961 it appeared certain that Mulele could do nothing for the
cause of the freedom of the Congo in Cairo so he stored his files at the Chinese
Embassy and left the country in January 1962. His first stop was in Paris where he
talked with leaders of the French Communist Party about aid in the preparation of
pamphlets and in preparing for an uprising. Returning briefly to Cairo to replenish his
funds, in March he set off for Prague where he asked for aid in organizing sabotage,
assassinations and terrorism in the Congo. To convince the Czechs of the seriousness
12
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of his purpose he asked for training in the use of explosives. He then went on to
Moscow and found the Russians as gracious as ever. As he said, "They even put
me on a plane to Baghdad so that the Arabs of Iraq could have a first-hand look
at an African socialist. Unfortunately since that time the Iraqi Arabs, just as volatile,
emotional and unreliable as their brothers in Egypt, have turned against socialism."
At Moscow the Chinese representatives asked if he had reached a decision and
he replied that he was, ready to go to Peking and to. take every advantage of this
,opportunity.
Returning to the lessons of his stay in China, Mulele went on td say, "Perhaps
it is only the Chinese who know the secret of hard work and it is one which every
leader of a national movement of liberation must learn. Our Congo, quite in con-
trast to much of China, has abundant natural resources, but the greatest enemy of
material progress is the lethargy of its people which stems from the ancient tribal
society. In many ways this society is more evil than colonialism itself. China shows
ithe world how a socialist country must be founded on a new order of society,. a
society in which` family and tribal ties have no place. Communal living and com-
munal work must take priority over selfish personal ambitions. It follows from this
that the Congo can never be truly free as long as it is split into provinces whose only
reason for existence is the presence of certain tribes. It is well-known that all are
brothers under socialism, but brothers in work and achievement and not because of
ties of family and tribe. I am fully committed to creating disorder in 'the Congo,
because it is only by means of destroying the authority of the so-called provinces
and the power of the tribal leaders that the ground can be swept clean for build-
ing national unity. To those who might question the possibility of achieving this
goal, let me point to the People's Republic of China where ethnic rivalries no longer
.exist and where ancestor worship has been wiped out. I would not deny that this
goal has been won' at a considerable cost of human lives-and that this process will
be repeated in the Congo-but after all human life is almost too abundant,and what
may be the loss of one generation will be the gain of the next."
Mulele's eyes shone as he emphasized that his great mission as the successor of
Lumumba was to build socialism in the Congo. He added that his mission was to
inform the people of the Congo of the main themes of scientific socialism: popular
leadership exerted through the communist party, equal rewards for equal work, state
ownership of the means of production and distribution, etc. In addition, scientific
socialism demands the destruction of the outmoded social order of the Congo and the
.neutralization of chiefs, politicians, entrepreneurs, members of the so-called traditional
elites and all others whose attachment to the reactionary ways of life and thought
brand them as enemies of the new order. "Once more I say that this is the reason
for the fighting which now rages and which will continue, spreading through the
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bush like an inextinguishable flame, until the present social order and its lackeys have
been wiped out."
Sending his greetings to those now active in the struggle Mulele pointed out
that this period will be a time of testing for many of them. "The bravest warriors
in this battle will receive the greatest rewards: they will be among the founding
members of the Communist Party of the Congo and will receive high positions in the
People's Army and in the administration of the socialist government."
Somewhat inspired by Mulele's own optimism and enthusiasm, I asked what vision
he had of a larger role of the future Congo in the African scene and his reply was
most revealing. "Just as socialism has nothing to do with tribal boundaries, so it
condemns the boundaries of states that were drawn in an arbitrary fashion by the
colonial powers and shamefully accepted by corrupt politicians. It is clearly apparent
that the People's Republic of the Congo will ignore such boundaries and liberate the
Bantus and others wherever they may be found. The Congolese socialists will take
over the task of liberating the Angola and attaching it to our republic along with
Brazzaville and certain parts of the Sudan and of Rhodesia. Looking, toward an even
larger scene, we have heard much of Pan-Africanism, but can have little faith in such
a vision if it continues to be directed by a so-called emperor. If Pan-Africanism is
to have any reality it must be in terms of close collaboration among the Communist
parties of Africa which will more and more draw their inspiration and guidance and
material support from the great People's Republic of China."
As I thanked Pierre Mulele for his clear and convincing outline of the future of the
Congo, he, as a true socialist, thanked me. As we parted he said, "Who can say
when we shall meet again? As a leader I should not risk a life which is of such
value to my people, but when I hear of their noble deeds I am determined to share
in their sacrifices and their victories."
As is well known, in the summer of 1963 Mulele went to Congo (B) to provide
inspiration and give instruction to elements of the National Liberation Army then in
training to the north of Brazzaville. He then boldly made his way into Leopoldville
itself and then on to Kwilu province where scores of militants flocked to join him.
Villages and even towns fell before their advance and Leopoldville itself was
threatened. Then tragedy struck, swift and relentless. While intervening in a petty
dispute of the division of spoils, Pierre Mulele was accidentally killed by his own
followers.
The loss of Lumumba seemed irreparable, the loss of Mulele seems irreparable,
and yet their places must be taken by men who will never weaken in the face of
danger and never flee from any enemy.
Long live the memory of Pierre Mulele!
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 o show their hatred of the
C
air
of
The people American imperialists and the intervention in
burning the Kennedy Library,
the Congo by
DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST IMPERIALIST INTERVENTIONS AND FAVORING CHINA'S
FREEDOM BOMB
?s lend their African friends in
the demonstranon " ? I 15
os the revisionists were unable to object
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.L Malawi
Malawi, known as Nyasaland be-
fore gaining independence on July
6, 1964, is some 520 miles "in length
and varies in width from 50 to 100
miles. The land area is approxi-
mately 37,000 square miles. Malawi
is landlocked, the southern tip of
the country being 130 miles from
the sea. It is bordered by Mozam-
bique on the south, Tanzania on
the northeast, and by Zambia on
the northwest. Malawi's elevation
varies between 2,500 and 7,000 feet
above sea level. Because of this,
and in spite of the fact that the
country lies within the tropics,
Malawi has an equable climate dur-
ing most of the year. Rainfall is
seasonal and occurs in the summer
months, from November to March.
The fall varies from 120 inches in
the mountains to 15 inches in the
low lying areas. The lush foliage,
high peaks, and large lakes make
this nation one of the most beauti-
ful in all Africa.
The population of Malawi is esti-
mated at about four millions, in-
cluding approximately 11,000
Asians and 9,000 Europeans. The
inhabitants of Malawi are called
Malawians. The name of the na-
tion is taken from that of the
Malawi people, who in the 17th
century inhabited much of the ter-
ritory that is today Malawi. Other
tribes which migrated to present
day Malawi were the Yao from the
west and the Angoni from the
south.
Zomba is the capital of the coun-
try. It is located at the foot of
6,842 foot high Zomba Mountain
and covers an area of approxi-
mately two and one half square
miles. It has a population of ap-
proximately 6,500 persons. The
history of Malawi from the time of
the arrival of the first European
imperialists in the nineteenth cen-
tury has been closely connected
with the attempts of powerful for-
eign individuals and companies to
establish the form of government,
which would give them the most
effective control of, and greatest
opportunity for, ruthless exploita-
tion of both the human and natural
resources of Nyasaland. Until 1953
all administrative systems imposed
on the Nyasaland peoples by the
white minority were merely de-
vices to protect and foster the
growth of the foreign based, capi-
NEW NATIONS I AFRICA
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 2-2
talistic monopolies. So it was that
in 1953 the. imperialist exploiters
adopted the idea of a federation of
the territories of Southern and
Northern Rhodesia with Nyasa-
land as a means of entrenching im-
perialist control by a white minor-
ity, denying the brave Malawian
people free access to their land,
maintaining a vast pool of cheap,
exploitable, enslaved African labor,
and delaying the drive of the
stalwart Malawian peoples for self-
determination and independence.
But, the revolution could not be
stopped and the Federation col-
lapsed in 1963, another instance of
the decline of colonialism and im-
perialism in post World War II Af-
rica. The nationalistic drive which
.ended the Federation and the bru-
tal domination of Malawi by a
white minority is merely another
example of the inspiration given to
African nationalists by the glorious
example of the socialist countries.
Malawi: view of the countryside from the air.
The drive for self-determination
and independence ended on July
6, 1964 when the rule of the British
imperialists ended and Dr. Hastings
Banda became the first Prime Min-
ister of independent Malawi. Un-
fortunately, the Malawian peoples
have been betrayed by one of their
own, for Dr. Banda has proven to
be a stooge for the imperialists, cap-
italists, and neocolonialists. Even
on the very day of the independ-
ence celebrations, the South Afri-
can and Portuguese imperialists
were invited and occupied posi-
tions of honor. Dr. Banda has in-
sisted on remaining on friendly
terms with these white supremacist
governments, even though they are
the very enemy which true Afri-
can nationalism has vowed to de-
stroy utterly. He has even spoken
well of the brutal oppressor of the
Southern Rhodesian nationalists,
his personal friend, Mr. Field, and
stated that they would undoubtedly
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Malawi: foreign countries continue to exploit the natural re-
sources as in the operation of this iron mine.
do much business together. Con-
trary to the resolutions of the
O.A.U., Dr. Banda has seen fit to
appoint a Portuguese security agent
as Malawian Consul in Mozam-
bique. This cruel betrayal of the
people shows that he is merely a
tool and puppet of the Portuguese
imperialists and their reactionary
Western supporters. Dr. Banda re-
tains his position of power only
by terrorizing the people with his
private gang of Western-armed
thugs. The true friends of the peo-
ple, former cabinet ministers of the
government, have been forced into
cruel exile. When these patriots
voiced to Dr. Banda the desires
of the Malawian people to have
friendly relations with their social-
ist comrades, the enemies of im-
perialism, the People's Republic of
China, he labeled them plotters and
falsely accused them of accepting
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bribes from the People's Republic
of China for opening the door for
friendly, fraternal relations. The
use of bribes is a tactic of the West-
ern imperialists, not of national,
fraternal socialism.
Dr. Banda has allowed the coun-
try to remain economically de-
pendent on foreign controlled capi-
talist monopolies, and has even
been seeking additional imperialist
investment capital abroad, mainly
in the United States, where he has
recently spent considerable time.
He has proposed several completely
absurd schemes, among them the
construction of a useless road along
the lakes and the transfer of the
capital to another location. Even
Dr. Banda's most abject Western
apologists find it next to impossible
to rationalize his actions unless
rumours circulating in Malawi are
true that the so-called "Kamuzu"
suffers from a softening of the
brain caused by past sexual ex-
cesses and attendant diseases. How
else could one explain the actions
of this "Saviour," as he has hypo-
critically caused himself to be
called, in turning away the hand
of friendship' from the socialist
camp? How else can one justify his
paranoid dismissal of his nation's
most devoted servants and his si-
multaneous lavishing of money,
land and graft on a few sycophant
lickspittles, including his degen-
erate mistress?
This cruel oppression and betrayal
of the people cannot and will not
last for long. As the people threw
off the imperialist chains with
which the British reactionaries
bound them in slavery for one
hundred years, so will they end the
betrayal of their new independence
by Dr. Banda. The examples of
other African nations and the Peo-
ple's Republic of China point out
to them the way to deal with this
betrayal and advance to true so-
cialism.
Malawi: should Dr. Banda expect to use Malawians
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Colonial Boundaries and the
Principle of Self-Determination.
Until the present time the O.A.U., dominated by power seekers, has
refused to take up one of the most basic problems of Africa-the revision
of colonial boundaries. Piously mouthing the praises of a still-born
movement called Pan-Africanism, these politicians, kings and opportun-
ists seek to keep their grasp on areas to which they have no just claims.
Throughout Africa national liberation can be achieved only if population
elements are inspired by sentiments of nationalism and it follows that each
distinctive major ethnic group must be privileged to exert its right of
self-determination with regard to political and administrative units.
The many colonial boundaries which have become sources of conten-
tion resulted from the rapacity and greed of the imperialists. Some
boundaries mark areas conquered and held by the force of arms, some
are the results of temporary treaty agreements between competing foreign
powers, while other follow minor topographical features in a most arbi-
trary and haphazard manner. Still striving to maintain their exploiting
interests, these same powers strenuously oppose any local, just revision
of these so-called boundaries. Yet, radical surgery is required if the
future development of Africa is to follow true nationalist channels. To
the objection, voiced primarily by these same imperialists, that the exten-
sive redrawing of national boundaries would result in the fragmentation
of Africa, we assert that the goal of socialist union and unity throughout
the continent can be attained only through the federation of popular
units which can preserve their own dignity and identity within a larger
framework.
The space here placed at my disposal does not allow for an exhaustive
discussion of the subject and I will limit myself to a few specific ex-
amples. These include the areas of Somalia, the Sudan and Congo (L).
Somalia, through no fault of its own, suffers grievously from the
hostility of all its neighbors. The chief offender is Kenya which refuses
to recognize the fact that the former Northern Frontier District is totally
inhabited by Somali tribes: these 300,000 people are not Negroes and they
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are Somalis. The hostile attitude of Jumo Kenyatta is well reflected in
his statement: "They can pack up their camels and go back to the Somali
Republic if they don't wish to remain within Kenya." It should be pointed
out that Kenyatta is stubbornly determined to repress the right of self-
determination of not only the Somalis, but of the Masai who want to join
Tanzania and the Teso who properly belong within Uganda. Ethiopia
has also refused to realign the common frontier so as to award Somali
occupied areas to our nation. Finally, the continued existence of so-called
French Somalia remains a festering sore where our brothers suffer under
colonial oppression. Somalia and its people will not rest until all its
territories are wrested from the usurpers.
In the case of the Sudan, although we are Moslems ourselves we
cannot be silent about the treatment accorded the tribes of the southern
Sudan by the series of ruling cliques at Khartoum. The action of the
faceless regime in Khartoum in throwing thousands of southern Sudanese
long resident there into concentration camps cannot be too severely con-
demned. However, just as serious in its implications for freedom in
Africa has been the recent action of the Communist Party of Sudan.
This party claimed earlier to advocate equal rights for the southern
Sudanese as well as partition between north and south according to the
principle of self-determination. Now it has reversed its position fol-
lowing instructions from the modern revisionists. Its masters who seek
to use the countries on the northern fringe of Africa as tools for its pene-
tration of the sub-Saharan regions, have made the claim that dictatorial
control over the southern Sudan by the Khartoum regime will make
easier the shipment and delivery of arms to the Congolese and other
freedom fighters.
The problem of the Congo (L) is one which concerns all Africa.
Tshombe and his masters, the white mercenaries, supplied with weapons
of mass destruction by the colonial powers, will never succeed in crush-
ing the desire of the Congolese for freedom. On the other hand, it must
be recognized that unity in the Congo (L), even under a people's govern-
ment, is impossible because the region is presently enclosed within artificial
boundaries which serve only to separate vast communities from their
blood brothers in adjacent countries. The Congo (L) must be reduced
in size and number of components and this could be done after the areas
involved had expressed their wishes according to the principle of self-
determination.
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 02646R000500180002-2
The victorious UMMA forces patrol the streets of Zanzibar.
Militant supporters of Pierre Mulele
at the height of his victorious prog-
ress in Kwilu province.
President Gbenye is carried in triumph through the
streets of Stanleyville. Photo by Hsinhua N.A.
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 Approved For Release 2000/
MNEEPMW2-2
victory parade at Stanleyville.
Photo by Hsinhua N.A.
Simbas of Gbenye's forces cross
the frontier from Burundi and
enter the eastern Congo (L).
Members of the Youth of the Union
of the Angola Populations ready to go into battle.
Apprr 2-2
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The Application to Africa of
Mao's Precepts on Popular
Revolution
The People's Republic of China still
recognizes the importance of wars of
national liberation even though it has
developed its own atomic bomb and
is no longer subject to nuclear black-
mail. In its role as vanguard fighter
in wars of national liberation, China
acknowledges its obligation to lead the
revolutionary movements throughout Af-
rica against the feudal rulers and the
neocolonialists who finance these lackeys.
With the objective of leading the popu-
lar revolts, China has provided training
facilities, weapons, cadres, and guidance
in the tactics and strategy of people's
wars.
New China has always supported revo-
lution in Africa from whatever the source
or political grouping-socialists in Al-
geria, monarchists in Morocco, militarists
in the U.A.R. To wait for the gradual
evolution of a proletariat in impover-
ished, backward feudal states when, in
the words of Chou En-lai, "prospects for
revolution are excellent all over Africa,"
is to turn one's back on the course of
history.
Because the imperialists and their
stooges will not voluntarily give up their
control of a country, the only means by
which they can be destroyed is revolution.
Two approaches to revolution may be
distinguished. One is the revolt by
workers in towns. This approach, em-
ployed in capitalistic countries, will not
work in African countries, most of which
do not have a significant working class.
A second approach, which has been suc-
cessfully employed by the Chinese, is
based on the peasants. The revolu-
tionaries penetrate behind the enemy
lines, win over the peasants, and encircle
the towns. Lines of communication are
cut, the individual towns are isolated,
and the enemy loses effective control of
the nation. This approach has been
followed by the Chinese in their guidance
to local African revolutionary movements.
The first step in transforming a bour-
geois-national uprising into a true Marx-
ist-Leninist people's revolution lies in the
formation of a strong Communist Party.
Experience in China, North Korea, and
Vietnam has revealed, in the absence of
a proletariat, the value of the peasantry
.as a sturdy foundation on which to build
a party. Because the peasants cannot
produce the competent early leaders
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usually found among the industrial pro-
letariat, however, these leaders must be
sought among the intellectuals and par-
ticularly among the students, who can
provide the requisite zeal as well as in-
telligence. Many of these future party
leaders will be found among the thou-
sands of African students being given
general academic and technical training
in the.People's Republic of China.
The Communist Party is an elite party,
made up of individuals with revolutionary
courage, disinterest in personal gain, no
fear of criticism, and a willingness to
confess to the party all their innermost
thoughts. Such a party, by its rigid
standards, must be a minority party.
Consequently, it will be necessary for the
party to rally around its lead a united
front of anti-imperialist allies, including
even bourgeoisie, feudal classes, mon-
archists, and militarists.
During the revolutionary period the
party's platform must contain something
that appeals to each ally and nothing
that may be objectionable to any of
them. The political objectives must ap-
pear to coincide with the aspirations of
the people even if they do not while
the real intentions of the party must be
secret from the allies. Control over the
allies is attained by confronting them
with the party's superiority in organiza-
tion, discipline, doctrine, policy, and
leadership. The party alone must lead;
forceful leaders among the allies must
be eliminated. The party alone must ex-
pand; the allied parties may be permitted
only to stagnate. As soon. as the allies
are no longer needed, the party will ex-
pose their true exploitative nature, will
reject them one by one, and will use the
remaining allies to help crush those al-
ready singled out for liquidation.
In addition to the formation of a
united front under its direction and coon-
trol, the party must obtain the active
participation in the revolution of the
population at large. Moo colorfully de-
scribed the relationship of the revolu-
tionary activist under conditions of war
to the population by linking the revolu-
tionary to fish and b friendly population
to the sea in which the fish makes its
home. The sympathy of the population
is not enough; what is needed is the
complicity of the people in the revolution.
Persuasion can win over a minority of the
population; force and selective terror will
insure the support of the rest. The ap-
plication of violence serves a twofold
purpose: first, to eliminate any elements
of the population deemed actually or
potentially hostile and, second, to set up
the liquidation of these reactionaries as
an example of what will happen to
other deviationists.
It may seem possible to seize power
by means short of war. However, such
attainment of power is a hollow victory
which subsequently will be diluted and
lost through concessions and compromise.
The true victory can only be won by force
through armed struggle. Mao Tse-tung
has wisely said, "Every Communist must
grasp the truth: 'political power grows
out of the barrel of a gun."' When
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power is gained after an armed strug-
gle, victory is complete, authority is ab-
solute. Combat has polarized the popu-
lation, revealing friends, disclosing en-
emies. As a result of armed struggle, the
party has been enabled to strengthen
its position. A natural process of selec-
tion has culled out the weak and purified
the leadership. With a firm political
base and a reliable military establish-
ment, the party is now ready to sustain
the newly seized power. Finally, be-
cause a local war of national liberation
is part of the continuing worldwide fight
against imperialism and colonialism, every
local defeat of the imperialists weakens
their will and contributes to their ulti-
mate over-all defeat. Mao summed up
the true nature of armed struggle with
these thoughts:. . . "the main form of
struggle is war, the main form of organi-
zation is the army . . . without armed
struggle there would be no place for the
proletariat, there will be no place for the
people, there will be no place for the
Communist Party, and there will be no
victory in revolution."
In the application to Africa of the
theoretical principles underlying wars of
national liberation, many problems have
arisen. That these problems have been
faced, overcome, and even turned to ad-
vantage is a tribute to the correct Marx-
ist-Leninist thinking of the representatives
of the People's Republic of China on the
scene in Africa and to the thorough
training and preparation of local party
cadres.
In many African countries, the absence
of an aroused proletariat, a militant
peasantry, and a progressive student
group has made difficult the preparation
of a proper ideological base on which
to construct a Communist Party. Yet in
Zanzibar, a small cadre of Chinese-
trained activists led by Mohamed Babu
was able to organize and control a pop-
ular nationalist movement and to lead
this united front to a glorious victory over
the Arab forces of imperialism and reac-
tion. After two days of bloody violence
from the 11th to the 12th of January
1964, the people's revolution was suc-
cessful and the socialist states led by the
People's Republic of China quickly rec-
ognized Babu's new revolutionary regime
as the true government of Zanibar. Thus,
a score of properly indoctrinated party
activists, leading about 500-600 allies,
were able to gain control of a state with
a population of 150,000.
Whereas in Zanibar a popular Com-
munist-led revolt succeeded in spite of
the absence of a true Communist Party,
in the Congo this absence has caused
the temporary setback of a people's re-
volt. Here, a small cadre of activists,
again under the leadership of Chinese-
trained Party members, such as Gaston
Soumialot, were able to seize control of
what was initially nothing more than
a continuation of ancient native ethnic
and tribal rivalries. With the MNC-Lu-
mumba (National Congolese Movement-
Lumumba), a somewhat inadequate in-
digenous substitute for the Communist
Party, as a base, first a Committee of
National Liberation and then a People's
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Republic of the Congo were set up at The Congo fiasco is another example of
Stanleyville under the titular leadership what can happen when Communists do
of Christophe Gbenye. In spite of initial not control the revolutionary united front.
success, Stanleyville had to be evacuated On the other hand, Zanzibar, as noted
under the bombs of the imperialists. earlier, stands out as a shining example
The lack of true party discipline was of how quickly and satisfactorily a revo-
revealed in an atavistic appeal by the lution can develop and mature when
leaders to primitive native fetishisms, in well-trained Communists control the un-
the misconceived use by advisors of drugs disciplined united front rabble.
to provide so-called "immunity" for sol- Babu and his enlightened cadres are
diers of the People's Army of National now poised to capture control of the
Liberation, and in the murder of thou- united front in Tanzania just as they did
sands of people by the undisciplined in Zanzibar. Then the revolution will
camp followers, or "jeunesse." Once spread to Kenya and Uganda. Na-
having tasted blood, they not only per- tionalist reactionaries such as Nyerere,
formed the necessary liquidation of ad- Kenyatta, and Obote, who try to speak
ministrators, school teachers, and bour- out of both sides of their mouths at the
geois pseudointellectuals, but they elim- same time, will suffer the fate of Jamshid,
inated workers, peasants, and even party former Sultan of Zanzibar, and his stooge
members with whom they disagreed. Al- Shamte/Muhsin Government. It is im-
though it is true that in the construction perative that Marxist-Leninists, to achieve
of a new Marxist order there is no room victory in all of East Africa, first gain
for the squeamish, the assassination of control of the united fronts as Mao has
some of the few reliable trained party taught. We are too few alone. Then
members was a contemptible betrayal of when we have the upper hand, we will
the Congolese revolution. A purging of know how to deal with the deceivers of
these antiparty elements must be under- the people, the imperialist tools Nyerere,
taken before further progress tqward Kenyatta, and Obote. Their personal
freedom can be made in the Congo. aggrandizement will not be soon for-
United fronts could have served as gotten. Their oppression of the people
useful tools in the Portuguese colonies will be avenged.
of Guinea, Angola, and Mozambique. Babu, at the present time a State Min-
Because of a lack of firm party leader- ister of the United Republic of Tanzania,
ship, however, the lackey rightists, Holden has written on the necessity for armed
Roberto and Eduard Mondlane, have struggle in Africa: "only armed struggle
been able to capture temporary control can succeed and this cannot stop with
of the popular revolts in Angola and half-way measures." Thus far, armed
Mozambique with the inevitable stagna- struggle has taken two forms in the Af-
tion and setback to these movements. rican revolution: short, intense, and suc-
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cessful in Zanzibar; prolonged and in-
decisive in the Portuguese colonies and
in the Congo.
As the people's revolution comes to
each African country in its turn, which of
the two forms will it take? In East Af-
rica, if the voice of the people were
heeded, the armed struggle could be
quick and decisive in the Zanzibar tradi-
tion. But these countries are far too rich
in resources for the imperialists to give
them up without a bloody and protracted
struggle. One has but to recall the
British intervention of January 1964 to
realize that the neocolonialists stand
ready to plunge East Africa into a Congo-
like blood bath before they will respond
to the just demands of an oppressed
population. Consequently, when the
popular forces strike for freedom in
Ethiopia, Tanzania, Kenya, and Uganda,
they can expect no mercy and will show
no mercy.
Party theoreticians have argued that
the local Communist Party must achieve
control of its country through native
efforts. The attainment of power by for-
eign intervention, it is further argued,
will only result in weakening the local
party and leaving it incapable of resolv-
ing future threats without continuing ex-
ternal support.
No one can fault this argument when
it is applied to countries with a well-
established party. Inasmuch as much of
Africa does not yet have strong indige-
nous Communist parties, it is only through
external assistance that popular African
revolutions can be established and sus-
tained. The record of the People's Re-
public of China with regard to assistance
to African activists glows brightly in con-
trast to the efforts of all others. In fact,
China has provided help to all pro-
gressivist parties throughout Africa. Thus,
recipients of comradely Chinese aid have
been the UPC in Cameroun, the MPLA in
Angola, the MNC-Lumumba in the Con-
go, the UMMA in Zanzibar, and numerous
others. No progressive party is so small
or mean that it cannot qualify for friendly
support. For example, the Free Eritrean
Movement, dedicated to the overthrow
of the arch-reactionary, Haile Selassie,
and to the establishment of a People's
Republic of Eritrea, is small, with fewer
than 10,000 members, and weak, operat-
ing out of exile. It is not too small or
weak for its able leaders, Idris Muham-
mad Adum and Woldeab Woldemariam,
to receive Chinese training and financial
assistance. And some day this party
may be the spearhead of an Ethiopian
revolution.
Just as Communist Parties must deal
with bourgeois nationalists and even
feudalists in the organization and oper-
ation of a united front which the party
can dominate initially and take over
eventually, so must Communist nations
form united fronts with nationalistic and
even reactionary states for the ultimate
objectives of the international. Thus,
China has supported monarchists in Bu-
rundi, nationalists in Eritrea, and irre-
dentists in Somalia. Through these coun-
tries, China can help the downtrodden
masses in the Ivory Coast, the Congo,
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Rwanda, Ethiopia, and Kenya. For ex-
ample, Chinese military assistance to the
Greater Somalia drive first will pave the
way for people's revolutions in Ethiopia
and Kenya and then will permit an ad-
vanced base for penetration of Somalia.
Of course, there are always obstacles
encountered in the use of nations in
united fronts. Many African leaders
speak loudly but do little. Thus, Ben
Bella of Algeria announced, "We will
send arms and volunteers to our Congo
brothers, as we have already done."
In fact, although he had plenty of Chi-
nese weapons and although the People's
Republic of China offered to replace
in his inventory any weapons that he
sent to the Congo, at the time of great-
est need he only made a single small
shipment and even that not accompanied
by volunteers. Those African leaders
who fail to support national wars of
liberation may one day find that their
own people will turn on them, accusing
them as accomplices in the murder of
their brothers.
CHINA and AFRICA
1. African Visitors to China
In November of this year M. Keita received a hearty fraternal wel-
come at Peking and elsewhere in the New China. A member of his party,
M. Gologo, Minister of Information and Tourism of Mali, gave an inter-
view to the Shanghai paper Wen-hui Pao which included his praise for
China's successful explosion of an atomic bomb. In his words: "China's
first nuclear explosion ... is an honour for us and makes us strong." It
is needless to add that Gologo was speaking for all Africans who regard
the growing might of the People's Republic of China as a mighty force for
peace and national liberation.
In October Theresa Kanyonga, Queen of Burundi, made her second
visit to China and was warmly welcomed by old friends, including Hsu
Kuang-ping, Vice-President of the National Women's Federation. At an
elaborate state banquet held for the Queen she spoke of the contrast
between the austerity in her own country and the rich way of life of the
leaders of China and kindly added: "The purpose of China's development
of nuclear weapons is to break the nuclear monopoly."
2. China Speaks to Africa
In a statement released by the New China News Agency on December
3, 1964 Liao Cheng-chih, Vice Chairman of the China Peace Committee
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and Chairman of the Chinese Committee for Afro-Asian Solidarity, con-
demned the act of the Senegal Government in sentencing Abdoulhaye Ly
to two years' imprisonment on the trumped up charges of inciting troops
to disobedience, spreading false news and committing acts compromising
public safety. Praising Ly, Liao Cheng-chih said: "It is the right and the
duty of militant African Marxist-Leninists to conduct violent struggles
for national liberation and China and its people view with scorn and
anger the reactionary regime in Senegal."
The remark of M. Gologo quoted above provides a welcome oppor-
tunity to clear up certain misunderstandings that have arisen relative
to the position of China and its people prior to and after the explosion
of its first nuclear bomb.
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Chairman Mao Tse-tung receiving delegates to the
4 World Conference Against Atomic and Hydrogen Bombs.
Editor Ahmad M. Kheir stands in the front row on the left
and his wife is seen just above Chairman Mao Tse-tung.
In Premier Chou En-lai's open letter of August 2, 1963 to the heads of
all governments of the world he offered a number of constructive pro-
posals, including one that all countries should "Cease all nuclear tests,
including underground nuclear tests." However, the Premier intended
this proposal to apply only to those countries which already possessed
nuclear weapons and not to the People's Republic of China itself. This
was made quite clear in a lengthy statement issued by a Chinese spokes-
man on August 15, 1963. The spokesman said: "The greater number of
socialist countries possessing them (nuclear weapons) the better. . . ."
He pointed out that China had made this realistic decision in the face of
the threat of U.S. imperialism and its lackeys, adding: "Socialist countries
do not want nuclear weapons. The Chinese Government and people
have always stood in the forefront of the fight to prohibit them."
As has now become known, as far back as June 20, 1959 the Soviet
Government refused to honour its promise to provide China with a sample
of an atomic bomb and technical data concerning its manufacture, giving
as a reason the so-called fact that if China attempted to manufacture
nuclear weapons it would result in a great strain on China's economy.
This falsehood was exposed by a statement made on September 1, 1963
by a Chinese spokesman, in these words. "Is not China very poor and
backward? Yes, it is. The Soviet leaders say, how can the Chinese be
qualified to manufacture nuclear weapons when they eat watery soup
out of a common bowl and do not even have pants to wear? ... But in
any case, even if we Chinese people are unable to produce an atom bomb
for a hundred years, we will neither crawl nor kneel before blackmail."
Comrade Mao Tse-tung made this position clear as early as November 18,
1957 in his speech at the Moscow meeting of the Communist and Workers'
Parties when he said: "If the worst came to the worst and half of man-
kind died (in an atomic war), the other half would remain while im-
perialism would be razed to the ground and the whole world would
become socialist; in a number of years there would be 2,700 million people
again." Thus, the position of the leaders and people of China has not
changed. We recognize that the victory of socialism demands sacrifice,
even the sacrifice of unestimated numbers of human lives. But imperial-
ism cannot be destroyed by any other means, as Comrade Mao Tse-tung
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 i
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has so correctly pointed out. Socialists in Africa and throughout the
world must, therefore, welcome China's ever growing nuclear strength.
It is true that the Communique of the People's Republic of China,
issued on October 16th immediately after the first nuclear explosion did
contain the statement: "The atom bomb is a paper tiger." However this
statement must be understood in its proper context, that is with reference
to the famous statement of Comrade Mao Tse-tung that "Imperialism is
a paper tiger." In the hands of the imperialists whose strength declines
with each passing day, the atom bomb is a paper tiger, but in the hands
of the Communist Party of China the same bomb is a tiger whose fearful
force can reach any corner of the world.
3. Africa Speaks to China
At a recent spontaneous demonstration held before the United States
Embassy in Congo (B) shouts of "We hate you" and "We love China"
were heard. Leading this people's protest was Alphonse Moandat-Zahoud,
member of the National Revolutionary Movement (N.R.M.), recently
returned from Peking where he had visited on the invitation of the Chi-
nese-African People's Friendship Association.
On October 20th Chairman Liu Shao-chi received the following mes-
sage from Diallo el Hadj Saifoulaye, Minister of State, Republic of Guinea.
"We have learnt with real pride the news of the great victory of the Com-
munist Party of China. China's bomb is a freedom bomb."
At Addis Ababa on October 16th Kebede Asfaw, Assistant Informa-
tion Minister of Ethiopia, congratulated Ting Po of the Chinese Shenyang
Acrobatic Troupe on the occasion of the explosion of the first atomic bomb.
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'him' ^iivGnvru'rSIin'~niLrsJi 5yiv'yFS,"nwv"En'vnF ',i?n,:uv"7. nuin'f9i'a-'F'"'+n unnl3iS"u7iiiin'tiintliru~ezvi~rr
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SELECTED
MILITARY WRITINGS
OF
MAO TSE-TUNG
English Edition
Seler(ed Mili(nry Writings of Mno Tse-rug, comprising twenty-nine articles
from Selerled WorAs of Mao Tse-tung, Volumes [ - IV, contains the author's
major military writings during the various periods of the Chinese people's
democratic revolution.
In these articles, Comrade Mao Tse-tung gives a scientific elucidation of
the three fundamental problems of he revolutionary armed struggle of the
Chinese people -- strategy and tactics for the revolutionary war, building it
people's army, and establishing armed revolutionary bases. These writings
present in detail the military line which was formulated by Comrade Mao
Tse-tung through the application of the principles of Marxism-Leninism and
which serves the political line of the Chinese people's revolution.
This book will help the reader acquire a fuller understanding of how step
by step the Chinese people, after decades of arduous struggle, won victory in
Ihcir revolution.
French edition now available, Spanish edition soon to be published
Published by: FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS, Pekin,,, China
Order from: GUOZI SIIUDIAN (China Publications Centre)
P.O. Box 399, [eking, China, or local dealer
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 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-R .. 02-2
" China's bomb is a freedom bomb."
-Diallo el Hadj Saifoulaye
January-March 1965 Vol. 1 No. 1
To the Militants of Africa!
Revolutionary Parties in Africa
1. Union des Populations du Cameroun . . . . . (with a
communication
from Ernest Ouandie)
African Socialism: A Bourgeois Illusion . . . . Demba Diallo 6
A Tribute to Pierre Mulele . . . . . . . . . . . y. j p. 9
New Nations of Africa 16
1. Malawi
Colonial Boundaries and the Principle of Self-Determination 20
-Ali Mohamed Hirave
The Application to Africa of Mao's Precepts on Popular Revolution 24
- Colonel Kan Mai
China and Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
1. African Visitors to China
2. China Speaks to Africa
3. Africa Speaks to China
i
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