THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDONESIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 114
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 31, 1998
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: May 1, 1955
• Content Type: REPORT

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A survey of the or,. r x!a, or r Isis. ory of
25X1-A8a
?rs, (PKI)
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THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDONESIA
PROBLEM
To analyze the structure of the Communist Party of
Indonesia (Partai Komunis Indonesia - PKI), its components
and its affiliated organizations, and to depict briefly the
PKI's position in Indonesian affairs and its relations with
other Communist parties.
SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS
Although much of the information on the PKI is available
in open source materials, intelligence gaps remain on low
echelon units of the PKI, front organizations of the PKI and
relations of the PKI with other Communist parties. Available
covert source materials only partially fill these gaps.
No attempt has been made to assess the PKI's position in
the international Communist movement, nor to compare its
development and doctrines with those of parties in other
countries.
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THE COMMUNIST PARTY Of INDONESIA (PKI)
S UMMA R-Y
The Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), the only Communist
party in Southeast Asia actively supporting a non-Communist
government, has grown rapidly in recent years and is now working
to increase its parliamentary position in the republic's first
national elections, to be held in September 1955. While not
threatening the present Indonesia (Yovernment, the PKI is a strong
nucleus in the Communist attempt to capture control of Southeast
Asia.
The government of Premier. All Sastroamidioio is non-Communist,
but it is leftist and at present willingly accepts the support of
the Communists. Without support from the PKI's 17 votes the
government coalition would barely control Parliament. Estimates
are that the PKI may increase its present 7.2 per cent of the
Parliament seats to 20-3555 per cent in the September elections.
However, the Masjumi (Indonesian Moslem Council) is expected to
increase its 18.3 per cent to 40-60 per cent, while the PNI
(Indonesian Nationalist Party), present leader of the government
coalition may take only 15-25 per cent. The PNI holds 18.3 per
cent of the seats in the present provisional Parliament.
The PKI dates its history from 1920. It has had periods of
successes and depression, including two unsuccessful attempts at
rebellion, in 1926 and 1.948. Tt is now on the upswing. In the
past two years membership claims (considered substantially correct)
have risen from 126,000 to about 500,000. In addition,more than
1,000,000 members belong to PKI-affiliated front organizations,
the largest of which is SOBST, the principal labor federation in
Indonesia. In preparation for the parliamentary elections, the
PKI is endeavoring to persuade all front organization members to
join the party.
The party program follows the traditional Communist lines,
emphasizing the elimination of colonialism, imperialism and
feudalism, while advocating the formation of a "people's
democracy" and eventually a socialist state. The usual pronounce-
ments against foreign capital, for nationalization of certain
enterprises and for land reform also are frequent.
The PKI has undergone several changes recently, both in
structure and in leadership. The party organization below the
national level has been revised to parallel the subnational
organization of the Indonesian Republic, in preparation for the
national elections. A long leadership struggle has been resolved
and the party is firmly in the hands of D. N. Aidit and his
followers. Aidit is believed to be favored by Moscow above
Alimin, his predecessor and a disciple of Mao, although little
is known of PKI relations with other Communist parties.
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THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDONESIA
CONTENTS
I. History of the Party
A. The Pre-Independence Period, 1914-1945
1. Formation of the Party
2. Decline of the PKI Position
a. Party Split
b. Abortive Revolution, November 1926
3. PKI Activity in Exile
4. Underground PKI and World War II
B. Postwar Period to Madiur Affair, 1945-1948
1. The Postwar PKI
2. Common Front Against the Dutch
3. The Sajap Kiri
4. The People's Democratic Front
5. Musso's "New Road for Indonesia"
6. Madiun Affair, September 1948
C. The Post-Madiun Period, 1949-1953
1. Party Difficulties
2. National Program
3. Cooperation with the PNI
D. October 1953 to the Present
1. Central Committee Meeting, October 1953
Membership Changes
b. General Report and Draft Program
2. March 1954 Congress
12
12
13
13
17
3, Preparation for 1955 National Elections 17
__ v
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Ii. Organization of the Party page 19
A. Central Organization
1. National Party Congress
2. Central Committee, Politburo and
Secretariat
20
20
20
a. Organization and Functions 20
b. Recent Membership Changes 21
3. The Pleno 25
-. Clandestine Party Organization 27
5. Representation in Parliament 27
B. Subnational Organization 29
:1. The Province 31
2. The Section 32
3. The Subsection 32
4. The Resort and Great Resort 33
C. Membership 34
1. Numerical Strength 34
2. Membership Rules and Procedures 35
a. Admission to Membership or Candidacy 35
b. Expulsion or Termination of 37
Membership
c. Oath of Membership 37
D. Finances 38
1. Party Dues 38
2. Financial Problems 38
3. Party Salaries 40
E. Training 40
F. Press 42
III. Front Organizations
A. Central Organization of Trade Unions for
All Indonesia (Sentral Or )
anisasi Buruh
Seluruh Indonesia - SOBSI
W&W
45
45
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C.
Union of Former Armed Combatants of
Indonesia (Persatuan Bekas Pedjuang
Bersendjata Seluruh Indonesia - PERBEPBSI)
Indonesian Farmers Union (Barisan Tani
page 47
48
D.
Indonesia - BTI)
People's Youth (Pemuda Rakjat)
49
E.
Indonesian Women's Movement (Gerakan Wanita
49
F.
Indonesia - GERWANI)
People's Cultural League (Lembaga Kebudajaan
50
G.
Rakjat - LEKRA)
Committee for World Peace (Komite Perdamaian
51
H.
Dunia)
Indonesian Citizenship Conference Organization
52
(Badan Permusjawaratan Kewarganegaraan
Indonesia - BAPERKI)
IV. Relations with Other Communist, Groups 53
A. The USSR 53
1. Contact through the Australian Communist 54
Party
2. Contact through the Soviet Embassy in 54
Bangkok
3. Contact through the Chinese Communist 54
Embassy in Djakarta
4. Contact through a TASK Correspondent 55
B. Communist Party of China and Indonesian 55
Chinese
C. Philippine Communist Party (PKP) 55
D. Malayan Communist Party (LVICP) 56
E. Other Foreign Communist Parties 56
F. Partai Murba 56
V. Appendices
A. Constitution of the Communist Party of Indonesia A-1
B. Partial List of Provcoms, Secoms and B-1
Subsecoms of the Indonesian Communist
Party
C. Alphabetical List of PKI Units C-1
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D.
Charts: Organization of the PKI
page D-1
1.
The Communist Party of Indonesia
D-1
2.
Central PKI Units
D-2
3.
A PKI Subnational Unit
D-3
4.
PKI-Front Relationship (North Surlatra,
D-4
25X6F
October 1953)
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THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDONESIA
I. HISTORY OF THE PARTY 1/
Two Communist parties are active in Indonesia, the
4ationalist Proletarian Party (Partai Murba) and the Communist
Party of Indonesia (Partai Komunis Indonesia - PKI). The
PKI is far stronger and more important than the Proletarian
Party, which split from the original movement in its early
years. The PKI was organized in 1920, although Communism in
Indonesia antedates the PKI by six years.
The Pre-Independence Period, 1914-45
1. Formation of the Party
The Communist Party of Indonesia, which carried several
other names before becoming the Partai Komunis Indonesia, is
one of the oldest Communist parties in the world. Its roots
go back to 1914, when H. J. F. M. Sneevliet, a Dutch engineer,
founded the Social Democratic Association of the Indies
(Indische Sociaal-Democratische Vereniging - ISDV), a Communist-
controlled organization. Sneevliet had broken away from the
Dutch Democratic Labor Party (SDAP) with the radical "Tribunist"
group in 1909. This group was to become the Communist Party of
the Netherlands.
In its early days the ISDV was almost entirely Dutch. It
was composed of orthodox Socialists, Marxists and revisionists.
Since the primary purpose of the movement was to gain a foothold
in Indonesia and win Indonesian support, doctrinary differences
were overlooked by the early members of the ISDV.
As was the Viet Minh movement in Indochina, Communism in
Indonesia was implanted on the basis of nationalism. The
Communists had three major talking points: (1) Indonesia was
still a colony with little or no self-government; (2) big busi-
ness in the islands was in the hands of European traders; and (3)
the middle class of Indonesia was composed primarily of Chinese
merchants, The Indonesians, at the bottom of the economic totem
pole, proved willing supporters of a movement which appeared to
be aimed at building their economic position and bolstering their
national ego. The ISDV formed a mass organization called the
Sarekat Islam (Islamic Union) to broaden the nationalist base of
the Communist movement. By 1919 the Union had a membership of
2,500,000. One early Indonesian leader, Mangunkusumo, said of
the Communist movement at that time::
Communist as well as nationalist feels that the
present direction of the state. whereby matters
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of state are decided and acted on beyond, over,
and yet without us, must be changed. We are
oriented towards revolution. And it is on this
platform that nationalist and communist find one
another. We can perhaps differ in the choice of
means by which to win the sovereignty of the
people, but we do not yet quarrel with each other
on that account; we can stand sympathetically in
regard to one another.
In 1918 Sneevliet attempted to establish Russian-style
soviets in the Army and Navy and among merchant seamen. This
action resulted in his expulsion from the country in late 1918.
He settled in China, where in 1920 he was put In charge of the
Communist International's Far Eastern Bureau, established upon
his proposal at the Second Comintern Congress. At that congress
Sneevliet represented the Indonesian Communist movement, which
in May 1920 had changed its name from the ISDV to Perserikatan
Komunis d:L Indonesia (Indonesia Communist Union). Although the
name is s:Lightly different, the PKI dates its history from this
group. While Sneevliet was in China, Semaun became the leading
spokesman for the movement within Indonesia.
Communist influence was centered largely In the growing
trade union movement, which had its headquarters in Semarang. In
1923 the more conservative religious-nationalist elements of the
Sarekat Islam, fearing Communist domination of the movement,
brought about a split in the organization. The Sarekat Islam
was too weak to carry the nationalist movement on its own and
shortly thereafter disbanded. This left the Perserikatan
Komunis di Indonesia as the remaining nationalist movement in
the country. It was still very weak in 1923, when the last
remaining Dutch elements left the party. The Communist party
of the Netherlands was having its own difficulties at the time
and was unable to give any support to the weak colonial party.
The next few years saw the almost complete disintegration of
the Indonesian Communist movement. In 1925 the premature out-
break of a general strike in East Java failed and led to strong
repressive measures by the colonial government. Communist
leaders were given the choice of going to prison or leaving the
country; most of them choosing to leave.
a. Party Split
The strike followed a period of shifting Communist policy
on the resective roles of the peasant and proletariat classes
in the pec leis revolution. Indonesian Communists had shifted
to a policy of proletarian revolution in 1924, only to receive
instructions from the Comintern to again include the peasants in
their plans.
Additional friction arose over the role of "bourgeois
nationalist movements." Tan Malaka, the Comintern representa-
tive for Southeast Asia, favored their use while other
Indonesian Communist leaders opposed them. This dispute led
to an eventual split in the party (1928) that has never been
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healed and is currently manifested .n the existence of two
Communist parties--the late Tan Malaka's Partai Mu.rba
(Proletarian Party) and the orthodox Marxist party, the PKI,
b. Abortive Revolution, November 1926
In November 1926 the Communists launched an abortive
revolution. The major outbreak was in Bantam (now Banten)
Residency at the western end of Java. Additional outbreaks
occurred in Priangan Residency in southwestern Java, but these
were quickly squashed. The Bantam outbreaks lasted for several
weeks, before order was restored. In January 1927 there were
additional incidents in the Minangkabau region of Sumatra's west
coast. Like the Bantam affair they were quieted only after
several weeks and with military support to local police units.
Many Communists believed the revolution had no hope of
success, However, Semaun stated, "We believe that it would be
better to die fighting than to die without fighting." / Waves
of arrests followed the abortive revolts; the PKI was outlawed
and its effectiveness virtually destroyed. It was not a reality
in the nationalist movement for the remainder of the colonial
period. At the Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 exiled PKI
leaders were instructed to take all measures to bring about the
party's return to legal status. This was an impossible task in
the face of Dutch opposition and strength.
It was at this congress that the break between Tan Malaka
and the PKI became complete. Tan MaLaka was labeled a Trotskyite
and blamed for the failure of the 1926-27 revolution.
3. PKI Activity in Exile
In the late 1920's and earl~y 19;J0's the chief' base of
Indonesian Communism was in the Netherlands. Two major Indonesian
groups were active there: some of the exiled Communist leaders
and a group of students banded together in a movement of
Marxists and nationalists called the Indonesian Association
(Perhimpunan Indonesia - Pli), Bolstered by statements of the
Dutch Communist Party advocating Indonesian independence, the
PKI and the PI joined forces in an accord in December 1926
signed by Semaun of the PKI and Hatta (now Indonesian vice-
president) of the PI, This accord recognized the leadership of
the PI in the movement for independence.
In the following years the Ell maintained direct contact with
the Comintern through Semaun and indirect contact through the
League Against Imperialism. The League was founded as an inter-
national organization in 1926 by Willy Munzenberg of the German
Communist Party, and Hatta became a member of its executive
organization. PI affiliation with the League lasted until 1929,
when a split between the League and the Comintern became
permanent.
The Indonesian Communists received a strong impetus when
the Dutch Communists succeeded in electing an Indonesian Communist
living in the Netherlands, Rustam Effendi, to the Dutch Parliament
in 1933.
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The tide turned however, in 1935, with tie Comintern
announcement of the Popular Front doctrine. The Dutch Communist
Party interpreted this to mean that they should no longer demand
immediate independence for Indonesia. They thus denied
Indonesian nationalists and Communists their chief source of
support. A reversal of this policy with the implementation of
the Nazi-Soviet pact in 1939 increased Indonesian disillusion-
ment with what they saw as an opportunistic approach to
Indonesian independence by the Comintern.
4. Underground PKI and World War II
In 1935 Musso, an Indonesian member of the Comintern's
Executive Committee, was sent back to Indonesia, where he organ-
ized an underground PKI movement under the leadership of Pamudju,
Djokosudjono and Achmadsumadi, the last two now members of the
PKI Central Committee. Musso stayed in Indonesia less than a
year and returned to Europe; the underground movement remained
quiet while building strength. Probably in accordance with the
Popular Front policy, some of the members of the illegal PKI
joined a "bourgeois nationalist movement" in the anti-Fascist front
Gerindo (Gerakan Indonesia, Indonesian Movement), a left-wing
nationalist movement of the 1930's. PKI influence in this group
was noticeable.
With the Japanese invasion of Indonesia in 1941 most
nationalists saw the possibility of converting resistance to
the Japanese into an independence movement. Under the Japanese
occupation many of the PKI members joined underground movements,
notably one led by Amir Sjarifuddin, and the Communists did make
inroads into the youth movement during the war. In general, the
Communists cooperated with the Dutch but remained weak during
World War II,
B. Postwar Period to Madiun Affair, 1945-46
1. The Postwar PKI
Adherence to the "popular front doctrine" in the later war
years and the first months of the postwar period proved to be a
major tactical error for the PKI. Obeying that doctrine, most of
the PKI leaders had joined other nationalist parties. The only
well organized party in August 1945.zwhen Indonesia proclaimed it-
self an independent republic, was under the command of Subardjo,
a follower of Tan Malaka. By 21 October 1945, when the PKI was
re-formed, the "bourgeois nationalist parties" were already well
in control of the country. It has been speculated that had
there been an organized PKI during the war, Indonesia might have
followed the path of Vietnam.
The new PKI of 1945 was not led by members of the wartime
underground, but by Mohammed Jussuf, head of the wartime
Djojobojo Party. His inefficient leadership and his non-associa-
tion with the underground weakened the movement and led many to
join other parties.
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The party suffered a blow when, on the heels of Dutch
announcements that Hatta and Sukarno, Indonesian nationalists
who helped in formation of and led the new republic, were
Japanese collaborators, the Russian, Dutch and exiled Indonesian
leaders denounced the new republic as a fascist state. This
feeling persisted for several months. Australian Communists were
the first to favor the new republic; by the end of the year the
exiled leaders also took a stand in favor of the revolutionaries.
Because of wartime cooperation between these leaders and the
Dutch Government, the government flew them back to Indonesia with-
out cost. To the chagrin of The Hague, however, they ceased
cooperating with the Netherlands as soon as they returned to
Indonesia.
About this time the Soviet Union changed its attitude
towards the new republic and supported it in the United Nations.
This action probably was taken as a part of the effort to offset
western influence in Asia.
2. Common Front Against the Duch
By the spring of 1946 many of the exiled PKI leaders had
returned to Indonesia. Disagreeing with Jussuf, who they felt
was deviating from the PKI line, the;; denounced him at a meeting
in March and purged him from the party. In late April a party
conference set up a new executive committee under Sardjono, who
had just arrived from Australia. The party issued a manifesto
supporting the Indonesian Republic and opposing the Dutch, which
ended with the following statement: "As the first step in
achieving this goal he formation of a socialist society9 the
PKI joins in the defense of the Republic of Indonesia, while at
the same time it wishes to strengthen the Republic through the
propagation of a national front to resist fascist-reactionary
colonial attempts." / This stand against colonialism indicated
the complete shift to an anti-Dutch position from the PKI's war-
time collaboration with the Netherlands.
Shortly after this action the PKI joined with then Defense
Minister Amir Sjarifuddin in a common front against the Dutch,
omitting the nationalist Communist organization of Tan Malaka.
Sardjono, a leftist leader, became the head of the new coalition.
On 12 October 1946 Alimin, a former PKI leader who fled in
1926 to avoid arrest, returned to Indonesia and assumed joint
leadership of the party with Sardjono. Alimin had spent 10 years
of his exile in China with Mao Tse-tung and was the only PKI
leader to have had extensive contact with Chinese Communists.
In November 1946 the Indonesian Government consented to the
Linggadjati Agreement with the Dutch, temporarily ending
hostilities. At the time, the agreement was strongly opposed by
the rightists elements and leftist-nationalists who were joined
in the formation of the Benteng Republik (Republican Fortress).
The PKI, however, supported the government on the basis that it
would give the republic a "breathing space" during which to
consolidate itself. This decision apparently was made with the
approval of Moscow,
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3. The Sajap Kiri
With the Partai Sosialis (Socialist Party) and the Partai
Buruh Indonesia (Labor Party of Indonesia) tae PKI formed the
Sajap Kiri (Left-wing), an alliance supporting republican govern-
ment. Part of the Socialist Party and Labor Party since have
merged with the PKI, President Sukarno, to assure passage of the
Linggadjati Agreement in Parliament and to make the composition
of that provisional parliament (the KNIP) more nearly
representative, increased KNIP membership to give the Sajap Kiri
and the Benteng Republik each 105 seats. Previously the Sajap
Kiri held 43 seats to 80 for the Benteng Republik bloc. The
representation of the PKI itself was raised from 1 seat to 35
seats. The Working Committee of the KNIP, which assumed most of
the powers of the larger body, was reorganized to give a strong
ma jorit;fir to the Sajap Kiri.
In the following period the PKI concent:^ated on building its
parliamentary strength and made no effort to secure power in the
executive branch of the government. Outside the government the
party centered its strength in the Central O:^ganization of Trade
Unions :"or All Indonesia (Sentral Organisasi Buruh Seluruh
Indonesia - SOBSI), the largest labor federation in the country.
Throughout this period the PKI maintained a policy of supporting
the government. At the January 1947 party conference it kept
the nationalist line and called for cooperation of "all anti-
coloniaL and anti-semicolonial foreign groups and states." 1
Also ca:Lled for were democratic freedoms, land for poor and
middle income peasants, collective bargaining and anti-trust laws.
The main drawback to PKI policy was its compete support of the
government, even on unpopular measures, which left it extremely
vulnerable when changes occurred in the administration.
Although offered cabinet positions on several occasions, the
PKI refused, giving as its reason:
As followers of Marxism-Leninism..,we are conscious
of the fact that Indonesia is constantly threatened by
the cannons of the great capitalist states (England and
America). On the one side America in principle does not
approve of Netherlands colonial rule, as that would be
detrimental to America; but on the other hand America
would also not be in accord with a 100% independent
Indonesian republic, if in it there were a tendency which
would be considered by America as a "cell of Moscow." It
is thus clear that participation by the PKI in the cabinet
would not be tactful and would have as its consequence
that our republic would be weakened. We shall support
the government but not run behind it. It is now the duty
of the PKI to exercise control on the political leader-
ship of the government. 1
The, major break in Sajap Kiri ranks came in June 1947 during
the third Sjahrir government, when Sajap Kiri shifted to attack of
that government's policy. That month Sjahrir- made several
important concessions to the Dutch to stave off an offensive
planned by the Dutch, who accused Indonesia cf violating the truce
agreements. These concessions were attacked by the Sajap Kiri
and the Sjahrir Government fell. Efforts to persuade Sjahrir
to reorganize a new cabinet failed and Sjarifuddin became the new
premier, heading a cabinet-further to the left than any of the
other Sajap Kiri governments.
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4. The People's Democratic Front
During this period Zhdanov of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union announced the two-camps doctrine and declared
Indonesia part of the democratic camp. Acceptance of this two-camps
doctrine placed the Communists in a difficult situation when the
SJarifuddin government fell on 31 January 1948, because the PKI's
position was definitely committed. The reason most often given
for the fall of this government was its support for acceptance of
the Renville Agreement with the Dutch. It is believed, however,
that many groups feared SJarifuddin's growing power and brought
about the collapse of the government, a belief supported by the
acceptance of the agreement by the succeeding rightist government
of Premier Hatta.
When Sukarno appointed Hatta he made the new cabinet
directly responsible to himself, rendering leftist strength in
the parliament useless. Demands of the Sajap Kiri for a role in
the new government were refused and they joined the opposition.
At this the less radical SJahrir faction split from the Socialist
Party and formed the Indonesian Socialist Party (Partai Sosialis
Indonisa - PSI). The PSI took with it many of the Socialist
members of the parliament; and its Working Committee.
These efforts brought a need for a revision of the leftists'
position. In February 1948 the parties of the Sajap Kiri re-
organized into the Peoples Democratic Front (Front Demokrasi
Rakjat - FDR). The program of the new group called for a repudia-
tion of the Renville and Linggadjati agreements, the cessation of
all negotiations with the Dutch as long as their forces were
present in Indonesia and the nationalization without compensation
of foreign-owned properties. Although this program was aimed
primarily at the "imperialist enemies," it was also in opposition
to the program of the Hatta government, further deepening the
breach between the left and the right.
During the next few months two major events took place to
further strain relations. On 22 May the Hatta government rejected
a Soviet offer to exchange ambassadors. The PKI interpreted this
to mean that Hatta was a servant of the Americans. On the heels
of this the FDR adopted a "National Program" designed to fit the
aims of all Indonesian political parties and called for a "national
government" to put it into effect. They asked for representation
in such a government. When Hatta accepted the program on 27 July
the cabinet decided that it was unnecessary to make any re-
arrangement of cabinet posts and the PKI was not offered any
position.
5> MussoTs "New Road for Indonesia"
August 1948 marked the return to Indonesia of Musso, founder
of the illegal PKI, who had spent more than a decade in Russia.
With him he brought instructions and criticisms from Moscow.
Assuming leadership of the PKI, he announced a new policy, known
as the Musso Corrections or as the DJalan Baru untuk Indonesia
(The New Road for Indonesia). 8/ T s program Is still e guide
for t!ie`PKI Among the po nts in the Musso's program were:
(1) Endorsement of the Zhdanov doctrine.
(2) Ban on negotiations with the Dutch as long as Dutch
troops remained in Indonesia.
7
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(3) Close cooperation with the Dutch Communist Party.
(4) Promotion of the Indonesian revolution as a bourgeois-
democratic revolution rather than a socialist
revolution.
(5) Preservation of controlled capital until such time as
a socialist state could be formed.
(6) "Land for those who work it"fithe pocr peasants to be
given land, the middle Mass peasants to retain theirs
and the land of the rich to be confiscated, with the
provision that they may keep some if' they supported
the revolution.
(7) Support for the revolution from the peasants, workers
and petty bourgoisie, with the leadership in the hands
of the proletariat.
(8) Attainment of democratic rights for the workers and a
voice in the control of production.
(9) Democratization of the army, removing the corrupt
elements and replacing them with members of the working
class.
Musso, under his so-called "Gottwald Plan," called for peace-
ful establishment of a national government under the National
Program, rather than overthrow of the government. Seeking a
"united :Front from above" he criticized the FDR for sponsoring
anti-government strikes and urged national unity against the Dutch.
Musso and the other left-wing parties invited the right-wing
parties to negotiate for a united front. Fearing growing left-
wing strength, the right refused, and demobilization of military
units suspected of Communist sympathies was begun. This move led
indirectly to the Madiun Affair, also referred to as an incident,
rebellion, uprising or provocation, depending on the writer and
his political inclination.
6. Madiun Affair, September 1948
In September 1948 leftist unit commanders around Madiun and
Solo refused to accept the demobilization order and raised the
red flag in rebellion. At the time most of the PKI leaders,
including Musso, were away on a speaking tour and may not have
been aware of the events taking place--many not until they were
arrested. Faced with a fait accompli the leaders could do
nothing but give full support to the "uprising, although it is
generally believed they had no prior knowledge of it. Few units
outside the immediate area joined the rebellion, and many
completely disassociated themselves from it. During the course
of the affair, which lasted a few months, several key PKI
leaders were killed, including Musso, Sjarift.ddin and Setiadiit.
The party suffered in the eyes of the people and for a short time
sank into oblivion.
Marty versions of this affair have been given. The party's
official. explanation, which appeared in the pro-Communist Sin Po,
a Chines-owned Indonesian language daily, on 10 February 'I`ll,
almost two and a half years later, is particulary interesting:
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The Madiun action was a culmination of the
provocative program of the imperialist group carried
out through the medium of the Sukarno-Hatta government.
This provocation was aimed at overthrowing an anti-
imperialist national revolution, particularly for the
destruction of its armed strength. This aim was success-
ful when a general assault was made on the people and
anti-imperialist troops. This action was beneficial to
the imperialist group as manifested by the fact that
immediately after the outbreak of the Madiun armed
clash the Dutch Government offered armed aid to the
Sukarno-Hatta Government following a negotiation made
by the Dutch Government with America.
The accusation that the coup in Madiun was aimed
at establishing another Soviet regime in Madiun was not
true, because the Mad .un affair was only:
(a) an incident between two official armed
forces which was followed by a temporary appointment of
a regional head of government in Madiun on September 18,
1948, who also recognized the Central Government of
Jogjakarta. This appointment of a head of government
was approved by military and civil authorities in Madiun.
(b) an armed resistance by the people and the
army, because they were anti-imperialist, took place
after President Sukarno made a speech on the night of
September 19, 1948, calling for a general assault,
seizures and arbitrary murders.
(c) this resistance was brought to perfection by
rallying the people's energy and by the establishment
of a "Pemerintah Front Nasional" (National Front
Government) in Madiu.n which was followed by other
territories in East; and Central Java.
It is clear that all accusations to brand the PKI
as a rebel were contrary to fact and groundless. At that
time the PKI, under the immediate leadership of Musso
as Secretary General of the Central Committee of the PKI
was engaged in the implementation of their August 1948
resolution to find a new road for the Republic of
Indonesia-
(a) a fifth PKI congress was to be held early in
October 1948;
(b) the PKI congress on September 19, 1948, in
Kediri and following it a congress of the Socialist
Party were in process;
(c) Musso and Amir Sjarifuddin, who were in
Purwodadi on September 18, 1948, intended to continue
their trip to Kedu and Banjurras;
(d) it was planned to establish a "Front Persatuan
Nasional" (Unified National Front of all branches of
the FDR (Peoples Democratic Front .
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Besides the above, considering that:
(a) the central Committee and the Eeadquarters
of the PKI were seated in Jogjakarta and. that until
its last meeting on September 17, 1948, the PKI had
never planned or decided to carry out a rebellion;
(b) the committee of the PKI section in
Jogjakarta held a meeting on September 18, 1948;
(c) a Railway Laborers Conference was held
on September 18, 1948, in Jogjakarta whose leader-
ship was largely made up of members of the FDR.
(d) the existence of FDR representatives in
the Working Committee of the KNIP who continued
their duties in Jogjakarta until September 19, 1948.
The above are clear evidences that it was entirely
impossible for the PKI or Musso and others to have
drawn up a plan and decided to excite an incident in
Madiun.
Opportunist Fault
The success of the provocative program of the
Sukarno-Hatta Government led to;
(a) the dispersion of the anti-impe:rialist
national union which was backed by the PKI based on
a national program which had been approved by all
people's parties and organizations;
'(b) the collapse of the strength of the
above anti-imperialist national revolution owing to
the murder of 36,000 men who formed the backbone in
our revolution. This occurrence permitted the Dutch
invasion for their second colonial war and the surrender
of the Sukarno-Hatta Government to the Dutch.
The provocative program of the Sukarno-Hatta
Government and opportunistic weaknesses of the PKI in
the party organization and in the political field at
this time brought the party to the lowest point of its
strength. This was corrected and improved accord-
ing to the August 1948 revolution. Because of this
party weakness the PKI was not able to surmount the
provocation of Sukarno-Hatta Government.
In September 1954 the PKI issued a pamphlet, Buku Putih
Tentang Peristiwa Madiun (White Book on the Mad.iun Incident),
w ich largely repeated the statements made in 1.951, placing the
blame on the Hatta government. The one significant difference
is that Sukarno, who in recent years has been more favorably dis-
posed towards the PKI, is not mentioned with Hatta as the villain
of the plot. 10/
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C. The Post-Madiun Period 1949--1953
1. Party Difficulties
The year after the Madiun Affair, 1949, was a black year for
the PKI. Party unity was disrupted and most of the country
labeled the party a betrayer of the Indonesian revolution against
Dutch imperialism. The year was marked, however, by one event
which was later to be an important factor in the growth of the
party--the victory of Mao Tse-tung in China
In August 1950, Wang Yen-shu, an Indonesian-born Chinese,
returned to Djakarta as the first ambassador of the Chinese
Peoples Republic (CPR). He launched a program of violent attacks
on the US and made pro-Communist speeches, many aimed at
Indonesia's 2,000,000 Chinese residents. The severity of his
program antagonized the government, which in turn staged a routd-
up of leading Communists in August 1951, using violations of a
government no-strike order as grounds for arrests. Many of the
leaders escaped to Red China, where they were given asylum. In-
cluded in this group were such leaders as Alimin, Aidit and
r,ukman. The situation became calmer the following year; rela-
tions between the CPR and Indonesia were improved and Ambassador
Wang was recalled.
Alimin returned to Indonesia and reassumed the party leader-
ship he had lost to Musso in 1948. He was a strong believer to
Maoist tactics and philosophy, launching a program not favored by
many of the younger leaders of the party such as Aidit. The
younger leaders rebuked Alimin for his policy in 1951, marking
the start of his descent, which was to end in October 1953 with
removal from the chairmanship of the party and the Politburo,
and,iin March 1954, from the Central Committee as well.
2. National Program
During these years, 1950 and 1951, the party staged a mild
comeback. Besides increasing membership it consolidated its
control over SOBSI and in peasant and youth groups. In March
1951 the party, in an attempt to establish a united front, iss,ied
a 12-point "National Program" which called for:
1. Repeal of the Round Table Agreement between the
Netherlands and Indonesia;
2. Institution of a broad democracy;
3. Setting in motion of an independent foreign policy;
4. Prohibition of the use of the atom bomb, condemnation
of American aggression, and effectuation of a
policy of peace;
5. Removal of foreign military forces from the country,,
and making effective the people's defense;
6. Nationalization of important industries and help
to national enterprises;
7. Land for those who work it;
8. Adequate wages and the guarantee of work;
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9. Heavy taxes for large, foreign-owned enterprises,
light taxes for the people;
l0. Cheap and healthful food and housing; for the people;
11. Combating of illiteracy and increased schooling;
12. Destruction of corruption and usury.
Cooperation with the PNI
In this period the Indonesian Nationalist Party (Partai
Nasional Indonesia - PNI) came under the control of its younger,
more radical faction, setting the stage for a cooperation between
the PNI and the PKI that still exists under the Indonesian
administration of Premier Ali Sastroamidjojo, The PNI had strong
support among government officials but was weak in mass organiza-
tion and discipline, two areas in which the PKI was strong. They
thus complemented each other. Their alliance was the beginning
of the kind of united front desired by the PKI.
By 1952 the party was far along the road to regaining its
lost strength, and even toward surpassing it. Party membership
increased from less than 10,000 to more than 125,000 in a period
of six months. Membership in front organizations also increased.
Even more important, however, is the political strength gained
by the party through its support of the Sastroamidjojo govern-
ment, a PNI-led coalition. While not holding any cabinet posts,
(though some cabinet members are communist sympathizers), the PKI
is an important cog in the parliamentary machinery of Indonesia.
Without the 17 PKI votes (out of 231), the government coalition
is barely in control of the parliament. The defection of a
single splinter component to the opposition could swing the balance
were it not for PKI delegation, fourth largest in Parliament,
There is still some question about the extent of control the
party exercises over the government, but a close correlation
between the government position and the PKI position on many
matters is discernible.
In October 1953 several changes took place in the party,
notably the end of nominal leadership of the party by Alimin, the
leading believer in Maoist doctrine.
D. October 1953 to the Present
1. Central Committee Meeting, October 1953
A plenary session of the PKI Central Committee (CCPKI) was
held in Djakarta, 6-8 October 1953. The chief purposes of the
meeting were to write the "Draft Program" of the party for
consideration by the entire membership at the party congress in
March 1954 and to make additional arrangements for that conference.
This meeting of the CCPKI became one of the milestones in PKI
history.
Five major events took place: (1) election of a new Central
Committee; (2) criticism of and action against Central Committee
member Tan Ling Djie; (3) reading of the General Report of the
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CCPKI; (4) pronouncei.,iert of the "Draft Program"; and, (5) comple-
tion of arrangements for the Fifth Party Congress in March 1954.
a. Membership Changes
Six men were dropped from the Central Committee: Supardan,
Tan Ling DJie, Tjugito, Djaetun, Utarjo and Mud:Lgdo, The first
two also had been on the Politburo; Sudisman replaced them.
Alimin was dropped from the Politburo, being replaced by Njoto,
but was retained i>i the Central Committee. With these changes
the Politburo was composed of the five present incumbents: Aidit,
Lukman, Njoto, Saki.rman and. Sudisman e The ney_ members of the
Central Committee were. -Pardede, Adjitorop, Djokosudjono, Zailani,
Wikana and Ba.chtarudd.L r}, Wikana and Alimin were later dropped
at the party congre.a and were replaced by Nursuhud and Supit.
In addition,to removal from the Central Committee, Tan Ling
Djie was censured, in a resolution approved at the party congress,
for actions described as "subjectivism, dogmatism and empiricism,
causing the Party to make mistakes on the right and left, with
results similar to Trotskyism" 11 Dogmatism and empiricism
were described as being two kinds of subjectivism. The report
stated:
Dogmatism and empiricism are two opposite extremes.
Both trends are equally one-sided. The dogmatist puts
everything on the basis of book-learning and several
theoretical axioms. They fail to see the living, develop-
ing, and altering process. They render the theories
inert by denying them any connection with practice and with
the masses.
On the other hand, the empiricist toils like
crazy without any knowledge as to what exactly has
necessitated the work he does. He fails to know which
way is best in which to attain ends. He puts practice
in a shadow of darkness as he proceeds unguided by
any theories. He discards theories as trivialities, 12
The report does not explain, however, how one can be both a
dogmatist and an empiricist at the same time-depending only on
theories yet discarding theory.
b, General Report and Draft Program
The General Report of the Central Committee was announced as
a report of the political situation and an explanation of' the
subjects mentioned Ai the "Draft Program," It was basically a
rehashing of party hJ_story and the events of the day,
More important was the pronouncement of the "Draft Program,"
The program called fog a united national front based on an
alliance of labor and the farmers led by the working classes.
The 3o-point program, divided into 5 categories, is still the
basic program of the PKI. A new "Peoples Democratic Government"
was asked to carry out. this program: 1
TO OBTAIN NATIONAL FREEDOM
1. Release Indonesia from the Dutch-Indonesian Union,
Send the Dutch Military Mission and the Dutch
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advisers away from Indonesia; cancel the Round
Table Conference treaty, and establish diplomatic
relations with the Netherlands based on terms
of full equality and advantageous tD both sides.
2. Seize and nationalize all factories, banks,
estates, transport-equipment, mines, business
firms, and any other enterprises that belong
to the Dutch Colonialists in Indonesia.
3. Uphold West Irian as a part of the Indonesian
Republic and send back the Dutch army and
civil employees from West Irian.
IN THE FIELD OF STRUCTURE OF THE STATE
4. Accomplish the sovereignty of the people. This
means giving all authority to the people.
The greatest authority must be in the hands
of representatives chosen by the people, who,
at any time, can be withdrawn according to a
decision of the majority of their electors.
5. All citizens who have reached the age of 18
years have the right to choose and to be chosen
for Parliament, without regard to wealth, sex,
tribe (as D awa, Sunda, Minangkabau, Minahasa,
Ambon, etc.) or religious belief. Organize a
balanced representation system in the elections.
6. Election of local democratic administrations
with broad autonomy. Abolish the system of
local aristocratic government.
7. Guarantee the invulnerability of person and
residence, guarantee the freedom of religious
choice, freedom to have one's belie:', to
speak, of the press, to assemble, to demonstrate,
the right to strike and to organize trade
unions, the freedom of movement and to choose
employment, guarantee the right of all
nationalities to obtain an equal salary for
the same work.
8. To separate the state from all religious or-
ganizations. The state is a temporal organ-
ization.
9. To establish progressive income taxes and light
tax for workers, peasants and craftsmen.
10. The right for all tribes to use theLr own
local language in school, courts of justice,
and everywhere besides using the Indonesian
language as a language of unity and as a
national language.
11. Free compulsary education for all children,
boys as well as girls, up to the age of
twelve years.
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12. To organize a wide people's health system
with extensive polyclinics and hospitals.
To take steps to combat and to clear up all
sources malaria, cholera, dysentary sources
and other infectious diseases.
IN THE FIELDS OF AGRARIAN RELATIONS AND AGRICULTURE
13. The seizure without compensation of all
lands owned by foreign landlords (private
landlords and owners of estates, etc.) and
all the Indonesian landed aristocrats, etc.
l4. Division and free gift of the lands to
farmers, especially to the landless and poor
peasants; organize a system of peasant land
ownership, that means the individual owner-
ship of the I_ar_d. The foreign and the
Indonesian landlords' lands which have been
seized, as well as the uncultivated lands,
should be divided among farmers except those
which are not meant to be divided as, for
instance, plantations employing modern
techniques. These lands and forest-lands
should be controlled by the government.
Lands should be given to each member of the
peasants' family.
15. Lands and other properties of rich peasants
are not seized; lands and other properties
of middle-peasants wil_ be protected by the
government.
16. Abolish corvee, pologoro, and other feudal
slavery. Cancel ail peasants', fishermen's
and craftsmen's debts to the usurers.
17. Give long term, simple and cheap credit to
peasants, so that they can have agricultural
tools, seedlings, and manure. This kind of
credit is given to fishermen and craftsmen
too.
18. Help farmers in improving the old irrigation
system and in building new ones.
19. To carry out with the force and instruments
of the government the resettlement of a part
of the population of Java, bit by bit, to
other islands; remembering that in Java the
lands are insufficient whereas in other
islands are located vast pieces of good
cultivatable land which is not yet open.
*Pologoro is another form of corvee, or forced unpaid labor,
originated by the Spaniards in the Philippines. It is also called
polo.
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Enough lands are given to them as personal
property; also the necessary equipment for
their homes, for looking after their health,
sufficient credit and tools to work.
20. Protect national industry against the com-
petition of foreign goods, to establish a
protective duties system. Develop national
industry and set up all the conditions to
industrialize the country using all the
forces and resources of the state.
21. To decide the minimum wages for the industrial
and estate workers, and also the minimum
salary for the governmental employees and
private office employees.
22. To establish a 6-hour workday for mining
below the surface of the earth and other
industries that endanger health. To allow
a yearly holiday of at least 14+ days with
full salary.
23. To establish a social protection system at
the expense of the government and the
capitalists in all matters of disablement
and employment.
24. To forbid women, children and youths to work
in industries that endanger their health.
25. To abolish the semi-feudal sucking of work,
for instance, summoning all laborers to do
objectionable jobs, the system of employing
workers as helping hands only, and tr.e system
of a contract labor, etc.
26. To protect the free development of trade
unions and the right to make collective
agreements.
27. To establish severe controls on the prices
of commodities.
IN TEE FIELD OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
28. To execute conscientiously peace and coop-
eration with all countries who love peace
with the aim of maintaining peace; forbid
war propaganda.
29. To execute a policy of economic cooperation
with all countries on the basis of fully
equal terms profitable to both sides.
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L)
30. To cancel all treaties and agreements made
between Indonesia and other countries that
damage freedom and the peaceful atmosphere
of Indonesia.
The program was one that would appeal to most Indonesians.
The only group that would suffer from its implementation would
be the Dutch and other foreign businessmen, wealthy landlords and
the money-lenders (mostly the Chinese in the rural areas); few
Indonesians could take exception with the demands listed. Thus
it fulfills the chief aim of the party, presenting a program that
appeals to the broad base of the population. One of the demands
is no longer a main issue since the Dutch-Indonesian Union is in
the process of dissolving by mutual agreement.
The program is reminiscent of the "people's democracies,"
with modified socialism as the first step toward realization of a
Communist state, an announced aim of the PKI.
2. March 195+ Congress
The program was approved at the March 195)4 Congress of the
PKI. Other actions taken at that meeting included the dropping
of Alimin and Wikana from the Central Committee and approval of
the report on Tan Ling Djie. In addition the congress approved
several changes in the party's constitution (the text is given in
Appendix A). For the most part the congress was a rubber stamp
of the Central Committee decisions of October 1953.
3.
Preparation for 1955 National Elections
The major party activity in 1955 has been preparation for
the national elections, which, after several re-schedulings, are
now slated for 29 September 1955. The party has organized
election action committees to carry out propaganda objectives.
It is seeking a place on all regional election committees and
has protested the organization of any on which it is not
represented. The PKI succeeded in obtaining approval of the
party symbol, the hammer and sickle, not only for themselves but
for non-party candidates as well, but the action was success-
fully opposed by other parties and rescinded.
To date no national elections have been held in the Indonesian
Republic. The few municipal elections which have been held have
not been true tests of party strength because party platforms were
not primary issues. Forecasts of the 1955 election results by
Indonesian political figures have varied widely according to,.the
affialition of the forecaster. A concensus of opinion of foreign
observers--based on such factors as registration in rural and
urban areas, extent of campaigning in specific areas, traditional
Moslem conservatism in the rural sections, varying popularity of
party leaders and scattered samplings of opinion by individual
reporters--estimates the probable composition of the future
Parliament as follows.,
Masjumi (Indonesian Moslem Council): 40-60 per cent
(now holds 43 seats, 18.3 per cent)
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PKI (Communist Party of Indonesia): 20-35 per cent
(now holds 17 seats, 7.2 per cent)
PNI (Indonesian Nationalist Party): 15-25 per cent
(now holds 42 seats, 18.2 per cent)
PIR (Greater Indonesian Union): 10-15 per cent
(now holds 22 seats, 9.3 per cent)
PSI (Indonesian Socialist Party): 5-10 per cent
(now holds 15 seats, 6.4 per cent)
Other parties: scattered seats
(now hold 96 seats, 40.6 per cent)
The number of seats in Parliament, based on the population, will
be increased from 235 to 266.
The Constituent Assembly's 532 seats are to be filled by
elections in December 1955.
Reports have circulated that the two top men in the party,
Aidit and Lukman, would be candidates for president and vice-
president of the Republic. 14/ Although it seems unlikely that
their strength will be sufficTent to form the post-election
government;, it is likely that in the event of EL coalition led by
the PNI the Communists will be represented in the cabinet.
Despite close rapport between the PNI and PKI, a recent
occurrence shows that the PKI's ability to flout Indonesian law
is limited. In late 1954 Aidit made a speech '_n which he
attacked Vice-president Hatta. He was brought to trial and
sentenced in late March 1955 to three months in prison for in-
sulting the vice-president.
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II. ORGANIZATION OF THE PARTY
The 1954 constitution of the PKI outlines a complete party
structure ranging from the central party machinery to the
smallest cell. In accordance with traditional Communist Party
organization, it is based on the doctrine of "democratic
centralism" spelled out in Article 18 of the PKI Constitution:
The structural organization of the Party is
based on the principle of democratic centralism,
that is, centralism based on democracy and democracy
under centralized leadership.
a. All leading Party bodies from the lowest
to the highest must be elected,
b. All leading Party bodies must at designated
times report to the Party organization which elected
them.
c. Each Party member must obey the decisions
of the Party organization to which he belongs; the
minority must obey the majority; the lower Party
organizations must obey the higher, and all parts
of the Party organization must obey the Central
Committee.
The purpose of this principle is twofold: first, to give
all party members ostensible participation in the party,
permitting them to vote for officers and to review their work, and,
second, to solidify party discipline by spelling out the chain
of command. The control, however, is from above, the higher
echelons ordering the results by stating who may be elected.
Following the regional structure of the Indonesian Republic
almost exactly, the Constitution designates, in Article 20, the
level of party organization that is to exist in each area. Within
each such party unit the general meeting of the group (the
National Party Congress at the central level; the Party Conference
at province, section, subsection and large resort** levels; and
the General Membership Meeting at the smaller resort level) is the
supreme authority of the unit. Since a full membership meeting
of all but the very smallest units would be too unwieldy to
carry on the functions of the unit, each group elects a govern-
ing body to carry out these duties, with a periodic review by the
full membership in accordance with the basic principle
* Organization charts are given in Appendix D.
** Resort is the Indonesian term for the local units which are
equivalent to cells in most Communist parties. The distinction
between the large resort and the resort is discussed later.
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of demacratic centralism. These governing bodies are the resort
committee (recom) or great-re's'ort committee (recom besar), sub-
section committee (subsecom), section committee (secom), provin-
cial committee (provcom) and the PKI Central Committee (CC),
increasing in rank in the order named. The party units are known
by their committee names. While these committees are responsible
for the over-all affairs of their respective units, they also
select, from within their group, a still smaller unit to direct
the affairs of the party component. At the national level this
group is called the Politburo; at other levels the Daily
Council (Dewan Harlan). The secretariats of these bodies are
the chief functioning authorities of the party units, charged
with the operation of day-to-day affairs of the unit. The
enlarged meeting of the Central Committee, including front
organization representatives, is called the Pleno. Similar units
exist at the lower levels.
A. Central organization
1, National Party Congress
The Constitution of the Party (Article 32) provides for the
convening of the National Party Congress every four years,
subject to advancement or delay by a decision of the Central
Committee. A legal quorum for the Congress is representation of
more than half the party membership. If party units representing
more than half the party members request the convening of the
Congress, the Central Committee must comply? The Fifth National
Party Congress was held in March 1954.
The responsibilities and powers of the Congress (Article 33)
include the election of members and candidate members of the
Central. Committee, formation of policy and program, review of
the constitution and amendment and validation of reports of the
Central Committee and other party organizat'_ons. Between party
congresses the seat of authority rests with the Central Committee.
2,. Central Committee, Politburo and Secretariat
a.. Organization and Functions
The Constitution sets no specific figure for the size of the
Central. Committee, but the number for the past few years, despite
several. changes in membership, has remained constant at 13.
Three candidate members provide replacements for Central
Committee members who die, resign or are removed by the National
Party Conference--a body, smaller than the National Party Congress,
which may be convened between Party Congresses, by the Central
Committee, to discuss important questions. This conference may
not, however, elect at one time members and candidates exceeding
one-fifth of the total number of candidates and members. Under
the current set-up with a total of 16, the Conference would be
limited. to three changes of personnel. The Party Congress may
select any PKI member to fill a vacancy in the Central Committee.
Recent changes in the make-up of the members-hip of the Central
Committee and the Politburo will be discussed in Section b below.)
The Central Committee selects from its numbers the Politburo
(currently numbering five) to conduct the day-to-day business of
the party. It also elects the secretary-g.erLeral of the party and
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two deputies, who comprise the secretariat of the party and
concurrently serve as the secretariat of the Central Committee
and the chairrnan and vice-chairmen of the Politburo. The
Constitution (Article 37) provides for the establishment by the
Central Committee of such departments as are required for proper
functioning of the party. Suggested departments include:
organization, agit-prop, labor, farming, youth, women, represen-
tation; science and culture and economy (see Section 3., below,
for a further analysis). These departments function under the
leadership and supervision of the Politburo. Another article
of the Constitution (Article 35) charges the Central Committee
with the responsibilities of dealing with other political parties
and of alloting party personnel and finances.
In intra-party affairs it is noteworthy that, despite the
well-planned chain of command through subsecom-secom-provcom, it
is not uncommon for the Central Committee to contact a secom or
subsecom directly and vice versa. Information copies of the
correspondence in question is usually sent to the intervening
levels of command.
Two of the most important departments under the jurisdiction
of the Central Committee are the Agit-Prop Department and the
Organization Department. These departments, as do almost all of
the Central Committee's departments, have counterpart divisions
at the lower echelons. The Agit-Prop Department has two chief
responsibilities, propaganda dissemination outside the party and
the maintenance of the "correct line" within the party. So
important is this body that it has been headed by a Politburo
member in recent years. A report of October 1953 listed Sakirman
as head of this department, but an early 1954 report lists D.N.
Aidit, the secretary-general of the party, as being in charge of
Agit-Prop activities, with Bachtaruddin, another Central Committee
member, as his assistant. 15
The functions of the Organization Department include
responsibility for personnel and membership, document security
and general administration. Sudisman, a member of the Politburo,
has been reported to be the chief of this department. 16 The
Organization Department also has been likened to the con rot
commissions, the disciplinary organization of other Communist
parties, despite the designation of a Central Control Commission
in Chapter Eight of the Party Constitution (same chapter in both
the 1951 and 1954 constitution). No reports mentioning the
existence of a control commission have been received. The 1953
report that mentioned Sud.isman as head of the Organization
Department also stated that there was no control commission in
the PKI and that the Organization Department performed this
function. 17 No other confirmation has been received, however.
b. Recent Membership Changes
Information of May 1952 and May 1953 lists a Politburo of
six members; since October 1953 the number has been five. The
Party Constitution does not stipulate any number of members. The
following lists indicate the changes in Politburo membership
in the past two years.
IT
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May 1952 l8
May 1953 19
October 1953 20/
1955 21
Alimin
Alimin
Aidit
Aidit
Aidit
Aidit
Lukman
Lukman
Lukman
Lukman
Njoto
Njoto
Njoto
Sakirman
Sakirman
Sakirman
Sakirman
Supardan
Sudisman
Sudisman
Sudisman
Tan Ling Djie
During the period of the first two Politmburgs listed AJJ.mi.n
was its head; during the last two Aidit has been secretary-general,,
and Lukman and Njoto his deputies, ranking in the order named.
The removal of Alimin, Tan Ling Due and Supardan from the Politburo
in 1953 was the culmination of a factional dispute that had existed
for some time. While Tan and Supardan were dropped from the
Central Committee in October, also, Alimin, probably out of
deference to his past leadership, was not removed from'the com-
mittee until the Congress of March 1954, although he was dropped
from the Politburo. The points of contention between the two
factions are believed to be the campaign against the Darul Islam
(DI), the dissident militant Moslem group in Indonesia, and
support of the Ali Sastroamidjojo cabinet, which is still in
power. A report of late 1953 summarized their positions as
follows:
Anti-Darul Islam Campaign--The Alimin position
was that the PKI should not wage a campaign against
the DI lest it alienate the Moslem masses. He felt
that a possible resurgence of counter-revolutionary
strength could force the PKI to retreat to the
mountains where it would vitally need local support.
Aidit agreed that the PKI needed strength among the
masses, but claimed that since the DI was terrorizing
the people, PKI opposition to the DI put the PKI on
the same side as the masses of people.
On support of the Cabinet--Alimin interpreted PKI
support of the Sastroamidjojo Cabinet as a tactical
move; Aidit contended that the PKI's support was sincere. 22
In September 1953 Aidit issued a directive explaining how
support of the cabinet, a policy opposed by Alimin, fitted into
PKI tactics and strategy. The changes in the Politburo are
considered by some to orient the PKI more directly towards Moscow
than towards Peiping.
Support of Aidit's views by the rest of the Central Committee
forced the removal of Alimin and his two chief supporters, Tan and
Supardan, from the Politburo. None were removed from the party
and Supardan still represents the PKI in Parliament. Tan was
removed from the Central Committee for other reasons, as well.
At the March Congress a long report was issued on the crime of
Tan Lind; Djie-ism; described as "subjectivism, dogmatism and
empiricism, causing the party to make-mistakes on the right and
left, with results similar to Trotskyism." 2=f This action was
merely a rubber-stamping of the line pursuee at the Central
Committee meeting in October 1953, which tool: action against
Alimin and Supardan as well. Though not,s-pecifioally'stat6d it is
believed that some of the criticism directed against Tan was also
intended for Alimin, 2
22
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The new hierarchy of the party definitely is a swing towards
youth. The three top men, Aidit, Lukman and Njoto are 32, 35 and
30, respectively. 25 They represent a new core that rose in the
party after the Madiun Affair of 1948. They also represent
leading supporters of the Leninist-Stalinist wing of the party.
In November 1952 Aidit and Njoto went to Prague to WFTU head-
quarters. They remained in Europe until May 1953 and attended
the funerals of both Stalin and Gottwald. They have since
pledged support to Malenkov. 2/
Changes in the Central Committee have been more numerous.
The Central Committee, for the past; few years, has consisted of
13 men. For the past year or so a certain pattern in the
functional breakdown of the Central Committee appears to have
been developing. Each member of a three man secretariat has an
additional departmental function under his jurisdiction. Four
other men have a solely departmental function and six men super-
vise party activities in a given area of Indonesia. The candidate
members also fit into the functional pattern. One of them,
Anwar Kadir, assists committee member Nursuhud in party activi-
t.es in Central Sumatra. 27 (The Anwar Kadir who is a leading
-1-gure in the Celebes/Moluccas Provincial Committee, is another
man.) The other two candidate members, A.Z. Anwar and
Siswojo are in charge of the Provincial Committees in West and
Central Java respectively, which are under the general super-
vision of Sakirman. 22/
The following lists show the composition of the Central
Committee for the past few years, indicating the rise and decline
of certain leaders in the party;
August 1 2 12/ May 195 11// October 1953 3z 1955
Aidit Aidit Aidit -
LAidit
ukman Lukman
Njoto I~ul~nan - Lukman
Njoto Njoto - Njoto
Sakirman Sakirman LSakirman. Sakirman
Pardede - Alimin f'ardede - Pardede
Alimin Supardan A, limin Sudism4n
Supardan Tan Ling Djie Adjitorop Achmadhumadi
Tan Ling Due Tjugito Ejokosudjono Adjitorop
T~ugito Djaetun Zailani
Djokosudjono
ono
Wikana Zailani
Utarjo Zailani
-Utarjo Mrs. Mudigdo -Fachtaruddin _.Bachtaruddin
-Mrs. Mudigdo Sudisman, Sudisman -Nursuhud
Sudisman* Achmadsumadi Achmadsumadi Supit
Anwar*
The lists show two major periods of change. In October 1953
six members were changed in a reorganization of the Central Com-
mittee, as a result of the Aidit faction's gaining control. In
March 1954, at the Party Congress, two more changes were made in
the committee. Alimin was dropped because of the open factional
dispute with Aidit, and a strong supporter, Wikana, suffered the
same fate. The current functional breakdown of the Central Com-
mittee is as follows:
*Sudisman was known to be a member of the Central Committee and
Politburo at this time. Anwar might have been only a candidate
member.
23
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Aidit
Secretary-general and chief of Agit-
Prop.
First deputy secretary. Also in charge
of liaison with government officials
and offices.
Njo'o Second deputy secretary. Also in
charge of Foreign Section.
Achrnadsumadi Action command chief.
Djokosudiono In charge of labor and peasant affairs.
Sudisman Treasurer. Also in charge of liaison
with Chinese Communist Embassy, Communist
Chinese, Communist Organizations and
Communist diplomatic installations.
Zailani Assistant-to Sudisman.
Adjitorop Supervisor of North Sumatra.
Si:>iO DSO
//~attarudd Supervisor of South Sumatra.
Nursuhud Supervisor of Central Sumatra.
Sakirman Supervisor for West, Middle and East
Java.
Pardede Supervisor for Djakarta Raja (Greater
Djakarta).
Supit Supervisor for Eat3t Indonesia and
Borneo (Recent reports show him as
head of activitiel3 in the Celebes and
the Moluccas. No information has been
received to show whether he still
directs affairs in Borneo.) 35
The apparent designation of a fixed number, (six) of the
Central Committee members as area supervisors appears to be
confirmed by the changes that took place when the two new members
were elected in March 1954. Both new men, Supit and Nursuhud,
were made area supervisors. One replaced Wikana, who was an area
supervisor. To make room for the other one among the area super-
visors, Zailani was moved up to assist Sudisman. Except for
Sakirman and Perdede the area supervisors were all among the most
recent additions to the Central Committee. There are precedents
for this promoting of members from the area supervisor status.
Aidit was, in August 1952, supervisor for Sumatra, then became
first secretary of the party and later secretary-general. to
Njotd was supervisor for East Java in August; 1952, moved up 3
head the Action Committee in May 1953 and took his present posi-
tion in October 1953. 37 If the Action Committee is a stepping
stone Into the Politburo, then Achmadsumadi may be expected to
be the next member of the Politburo.
Although one Central Committee member is given responsibility
for labor and peasant affairs, representatives of these elements
of Indonesian society also exist in the PKI Central Committee Pleno.
24
SEC
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3. The Pleno
Pleno, as used in Indonesian Communist Party, means the
plenary or enlarged central committee, consisting of the members
of the Central Committee and representatives from the front
organizations, or, at lower echelons of the party down to the
subsecom level, full meetings of those party units.
Some confusion has existed over the use of the term. The
word pleno in the Indonesian language means "plenary." It is
used frequently in the Party Constitution to refer to meetings
of both the Central Committee and lower echelons. For example:
Article 36. A Pleno of the Central Committee
shall be held at least every half year. However, the
Politburo may extend or shorten this time depending on
conditions. Candidates for membership on the Central
Committee may attend the Pleno of the Central Committee
and may express their ideas, but they do not have the
right of decisive vote.
One report from Surabaya referred to a unit of this kind as the
"Executive Committee for Front Organizations." 38/ Another
Surabaya report used the term Plero for this kind of unit and
added parenthetically, as if the Indonesian equivalent, Badan
Pelaksana, which means "executive body." This is the only time
this as term has been used in available materials. 39/
Although these bodies do not appear to have been given a
legal status in the Constitution, there is little doubt that they
do exist and that they do play an important role in PKI affairs.
The pleno is the only place in the party structure providing for
front organization representation as such,* and apparently the
party policy relevant to these fronts is put forth and in-
structions to these groups is issued in the Central Committee
Pleno. The membership of the Pleno is as follows; 4
Name
Aff i_liation
Responsibility in Pleno
Aidit
Central.. Committee
Agit-Prop Department
Lukman
Central Committee
Government liaison
Njoto
Central Committee
Foreign Department;
Peace Committee
Sakirman
Central Committee
Parliamentary Represen-
tation; area super-
visor; veterans affairs
Sudisman
Central Committee
Organization Depart-
ment; Finance Depart-
ment
Adj itorop
Central Committee
Area supervisor
*Front organizations are discussed in Chapter III.-
25
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Name Affiliation
DJokosudjono Central Committee
Achmadsumadi Central Committee
Pardede Central Committee
Zailani Central Committee
Baehtaruddin Central Committee
Nureuhud Central Committee
Supit Central Committee
NJ ono
Sec-gen. SOBSI
(central labor union)
Asst. sec-gen, SOBSI
Setiadi Sec-gen, Pemuda Rakjat
(youth group)
Suwarti
Tiugito
Sec-gen, GERWANI
(women's group)
Sec-gen, SBG
(Sugar workers union)
Sardjono Sec-gen, BTI
(farmers group)
Djaetun
Olena (or
Olean)
Hardjo Head of SOBSI
Cultural Bureau
Werdojo SOBSI representative
in Parliament and a
SOBSI Central Bureau
member
26
Responsibility in Pleno
Labor Department; Farmers
Department
Action Command
Parliamentary Repre-
sentation Department;
area supervisor
Finance Department
Agit-Prop Department;
area Supervisor
Organization Department;
area supervisor
Area supervisor
Labor Department
Labor Department
Youth Department; Chair-
man, Central Peace
Committee
Women's Department
Parliamentary Repre-
sentation Department
Farmers Department
Editor of Bintang Merah
(Red Star), monthly PKI
periodical
Reported editor of a ian
Rak at (Peoples Daily ,
PKI newspaper. In
December 1954 the paper's
masthead did not list
him. I/
Formerly a PKI member of
Parliament
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Name Affiliation
Hutapea
Responsibility in Pleno
Formerly head of East
Java PKI; reported moved
to Djakarta because he
is an outstanding
theoretician
Whether the three candidate members of the Central Committee
have any functions on the Pleno is qot known. Of the Pleno
membership, 12 are representatives in the Indonesian Parliament.
One, Sumardi, was in Parliament until recently replaced by
Lukman. Of the 12 representatives, 9 are PKI representatives,
Aidit, Lukman, Njoto, Sakirman, Achmadsumadi, Pardede, Djaetun,
Suwarti and Tjugito; 2 are SOBSI representatives, D okosudjono
and Werdojo; and Sardjono is a BTI representative. '42/
The one major front organization that is not directly
represented on the Pleno is PERBEPBSI, the Communist veterans
organization and militia. It conceivably could fall under
Achmadsumadi's Action Command although they are reported to be
under the jurisdiction of Sakirman. 43/ The Party Constitution
in Article 30 suggests the formation of a Culture Department.
Its existence has not been reported, however.
4. Clandestine Party Organization
No information is available or the existence or nature of an
underground party, a structure found in other Communist parties.
One small clue may exist in a reference to Kasim Werdojo as a
secret member of the PKI Central Committee. )+9/ He formally
joined the party, according to reports, in laTe 1954. Werdojo
is a high official of SOBSI and. one of its representatives in the
Indonesian Parliament. SOBSI would be a logical cover organiza-
tion for the parallel underground structure, but there is no
other evidence that it serves such a purpose.
5. Representation in Parliament
As of May 1955 no election for Parliament had been had in
the Republic of Indonesia. The present body of 231 members
consists of original appointees, provisionally named by the
nationalist leaders after expulsion of the Dutch, or replace-
ments because of death, :resignation or transfer of party alle-
giance. The PKI fraction of 17 is the fourth largest group in
Parliament. Two PKI affiliates, BTI and SOBSI, also are repre-
sented in that body. Originally each had three representatives
but, because of switchs in party allegiance the representation
of each is currently two.
The first elections are scheduled for September 1955, after
postponments. All parties are eagerly preparing for them. The
PKI is gradually placing all members of its Central Committee in
the present Parliament, before the October 1953 reorganization of
the Central Committee most of the committee members held
Parliament seats. The recent appointments to Parliament take
the Central Committee changes into account, giving the following
delegation:
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Ir. Sakirman, chairman of PKI delegation,
Politburo member, lst vice-
chairman of Parliament Economic
Affairs Committee
Perlis Pardede, vice-chairman, Central
Committee member
Hutomo Supardan, chairman of Parliament
Finance Committee
S. Utarjo Purwosugito
Achmadsumadi, Central Committee member
M.H. Lukman, Politburo member
Tjugito, member of Central Committee Pleno
Mrs. Suwarti, member of Central Committee
Pleno
Musirin Sosrosubroto
Sunardi Adiwirjono
Mrs. Mudigdo (also reported as Mudikdio),
2nd vice-chairman of Parliament
Justice and Security Committee
Wardi Kusnatalistra
Sarwono S. Sutardjo, 2nd vice-chairman of
Parliament Defense Committee
Sutan Said Ali
D.N. Aidit, Politburo member
Njoto, Politburo member
Bachtaruddin, Central Committee member
Thus, of the PKI delegation, four are members of the PKI
Politburo and three others are Central Committee members.
Central Committee members who do not hold seats in the PKI
parliamentary delegation are Sudisman (the only Politburo man
not in Parliament), Zailani, Supit, Adjitorop, Nurusuhud and
DJokosudJono, although Djokosudjono heads the SOBSI delegation
in Parliament.
SOBSI and the BTI, both represented in the PKI Central
Committee Pleno, also have representation in Parliament:
Djokosudjono, chairman of SOBSI dele~ation,
PKI Central Committee member
K. Werdojo, member of SOBSI delegation,
Pleno member
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S. Sardjono, chairman of BTI delegation,
Pleno member
Djadididiro Subroto (aka R. Djadi Wirosubroto),
who replaced Dr. A. Tjokonegoro,
recently resigned
Mohamad Tauchid, who was expelled from the BTI, now
represents the rival Gerakan Tani Indonesia (GTI) in Parliament.
Sumardi and Djaetun of the Pleno were recently replaced in
the PKI delegation by Lukman and Bachtaruddin. Other recent
changes included Aidit for Ngadiman and Njoto for Abdullah
Aidit, a non-party man who voted with the party and was
considered a replacement for Tengku Jusuf Mudadalam, who switched
.to the PNI.
Of the other members of the PKI fraction, Supardan,
Utarjo, Tjugito, Mudigdo and the recently replaced Djaetun were
formerly members of the Central Committee.
Four PKI members hold chairmanships or vice-chairmanships
in Parliament: Supardan is chairman of the Finance Committee;
Sakirman, lst vice-chairman of the Economic Affairs Committee;
Sutardjo, 2nd vice-chairman of the Defense Committee; and Mrs.
Mudigdo, 2nd vice-chairman of the Justice and Security
Committee. 41/
The cabinet crisis of October-November 1954 brought a PKI
request that Njoto be made minister of internal affairs and
Sakirman minister of communications or of public works in the
new cabinet. Although not expecting these appointments, the PKI
has used this method to inform the premier that he needs PKI
support and that rewards for such support are expected. 45
Zmd
B. Subnational Organization
Below the national level the PKI organization closely
resembles the regional organization of the Republic. Article 20
of the Party Constitution defines the level of party organization
in each area from the province and city down to the factory and
school.
The highest subnational organization is the provincial
party with its provincial party conference and provincial
committee (Provcom). A recent reorganization by the National
Parliament dividing Kalimantan (Borneo) into three provinces
was shortly followed by a similar reorganization in the PKI
provincial structure. The Republic's provincial breakdown is as
follows: Sumatera Utara (North Sumatra), Sumatera Tengah (Central
Sumatra), Sumatera Selatan (South Sumatra) Djakarta Raja
(Greater Djakarta), Djawa Barat (Wes; Javaj, Djawa Tengah (Middle
Java), Djawa Timur (East Java), Sulawesi (Celebes), Maluku
luccas), Kalimantan Barat (West Borneo), Kalimantan Timur
Nast EBorneo) and Kalimantan Selatan (South Borneo) and the Nusa
Tenggara (Southeast Islands), formerly called the Sunda Ketjil
or Lesser Sundas, There is also an area with a special status--
Daerah Istimewa Jogjakarta (Special area of Jogjakarta).
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The party conforms to these provincial divisions with the
exception of a single provincial party's serving both Sulawesi
and Maluku and Nusa Tenggara's partition between Djawa Timur
and Sulawesi/Maluku. On the basis of the current trend, the unit
may be expected to split to conform as soon as it is large enough.
Conformation is not out of patriotism but in preparation for
the 1955 general elections. Jogjakarta, while not given a status
equivalent to a province, which it has in the national structure,
is given a somewhat different treatment within Djawa Tengah, in
that Jogjakarta City and all regencies are secoms under Djawa
Tengah :Provcom.
Below the provincial level the 1954 Amended Party Constitu-
tion made many changes. Article 20 provides for a section
party, a section party conference and a section committee (Secom)
in regencies(kabupaten) and large cities (kota besar). Prior to
the change a regency was scheduled for only a subsection party,
etc., the next lower level. The newer system had not been fully
adhered to, and investigation indicates that it was planned as
an intermediary step to the present organization. The interme-
diary steps are worth examining as the process of converting to
the new organization is slow and not all changes have been
reported as yet. Between the province and.the regency in
Indonesia is a level called a residency. As of late 1953 and
early 1954 Sumatra's three provinces and Middle Java had a Secom
for each residency, with a subsecom for each regency. Scattered
areas in East Java followed this pattern. Recent reports show
the breaking up of these units into secoms for each regency with,
on occasions, a corresponding increase in stature of sub-organiza-
tions. The party units in Borneo, which was only recently
divided. into three provinces, also are beginning to make similar
adjustments. So marked is the party's pattern of conforming to
its constitution that one may estimate the status of areas for
which information has not been received. Appendix B is a list of
reported data on the provcom, secom and sub-secom structure of
the PKI.
Next in rank below the secom, as mentioned, is the subsecom.
Paragraph e of Article 20 provides for subsecoms for subdistricts
(ketjamatan) and small cities (kota ketjil).. The subsecom is
further subdivided into resorts (the equivalent of a cell).
Paragraph f of the same article provides for resort parties,
resort meetings and resort committees (Recorns) in factories, mines,
villages, businesses, offices and schools. There are two kinds
of recoms, the recom and the recom besar (G:^eat recom), the
difference being one of size not status. The recom is considered
the basic unit of party structure. A recom may, however, be sub-
divided into grup, or a recom besar into a ~3ub-resort committee
(subsecom).
The terminology used to describe the various levels of
organization were changed at a meeting of the Central Committee
in October 1953. A comparative list of old and new terminology
follows:
Provcom . was formerly Komissaris Central Comite
(KCC)
Secom Seksi Comite (SC)
Subsecom Onder-Seksi Comite (OSC)
Recom Resort Comite (RC)
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f
Recom Besar was formerly (not previously
existent)
The highest level of authority at the province, section,
subsection or large resort level is the respective party
conference. At the resort level the equivalent is the resort
meeting. Based on the principle of "democratic centralism,"
each echelon is under the jurisdiction and control of the next
higher echelon.
The highest authority of the party province (Provinsi
Partai) is the party provincial conference (Konferensi Provinsi
Partai . The Constitution requires that it meet every six months.
The period of time between conferences may, however, be
shortened or extended by a decision of the provincial committee
(provcom). The party provincial conference elects the provcom,
daily council (Dewan Harian) and secretariat of the provincial
,arty for a period of two years. The daily council and secre-
tariat of the party province are equivalent to the Central
Committee's Politburo and Secretariat, with the provcom the
provincial counterpart of the Central Committee. The full
provcom is required to meet every three months. Corresponding
to the departments at Central Committee level, the provcom has
divisions (Bagian) for labor, agit-prop, etc. These are
represented in the provcom pleno. L7/
The provcom is the direct lirk in the chain of command
between the national party organization and the lower-echelons
under its jurisdiction. Through the party provincial conference
it hears, discusses and validates reports of lower echelon units
and directs their activities. !8/ Although the secoms and other
lower groups are directly under the province, they often deal
directly with the Central Committee. The provcom also is
charged with the supervision of party fractions in non-party
organizations.
Fees, dues and other financial support received by subor-
dinate units are channeled through the provcom en route to the
Central Committee. The provcom retains 90 per cent and passes
the remaining 10 per cent on to the Central Committee. The
provcom then determines its financial needs and those of the
sections, subsections and resorts under its jurisdiction and
distributes the money accordingly. )49/
The provcom also is permitted, under special conditions, to
accept new party members after the usual period of candidacy. 50/
The importance of the provcoTp is emphasized by the fact
that some provcom leaders are on the Central Committee--
Adjitorop, Bachtaruddin, Nursuhud, Perdede and Supit--and the
provcom (or its predecessor set-up, the KCC) has proved a
stepping-stone to the Central Committee for others. The change
in October 1953 from KCC to provcoms was made to provide more on-
the-spot supervision of areas than was possible under the old
organization.
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The secretaries of the Provcoms are: 51/
East Java - Ruslan
Central Java - Siswojo
West Java - A.Z. Anwar
Djakarta Raya - Pardede
North Sumatra - Adjitorop
Central Sumatra - Nursuhud
South Sumatra - Zailani
Celebes/Moluccas - Supit
West Borneo - Setio
Southeast Borneo - Pradigdo
East Borneo - Effendi
2. The Section
In addition to the section organizations for every regency
and large city, called for by the Constitution, there is a
section committee (rather than subsection) for each subdistrict
(ketjamatan) of Greater Djakarta, which has a status in both
party and national framework equivalent to that of a province,
The organization of the party section (Seksi Partai), party
section conference (Konferensi Seksi Partai) and section
committee (Secom) is similar to the provincial organization. The
period between meetings of the party section conference is
prescribed as four months subject to changes by the secom. Their
responsibilities and functions are the same on a lower level, as
their provincial counterparts. The secom, daily council and
secretariat are elected for two years. Secom meetings are re-
quired every two months. 52
Although the chain of command below the secom is the sub-
secom and recom (or recom besar), the subsecom has no juris-
diction over several matters, giving the secom direct control of
certain resort activities. Approval of the formation of new
recom and recom besar must be given by the secom, rather than the
subsecom. 53 The secom also has the responsibility for vali-
dating can date members' advancement to full party membership,
and expulsion of members from the party needs secom approval. 5~+
The secom and higher echelons may accept members into the party
without a period of candidacy.
To assist the secom in its work are a series of divisions
similar to those of the provcom. Some of these division heads
and secom leaders have moved on to higher positions, another
indication of the road to top party posts.
3. The Subsection
Article 20 of the Part Constitution provides for a party
subsection (Subseksi Partai , party subsection conference
(Konferensi Subseksi Partai and subsection committee (subsecom)
for each subdistrict (ketiamatan) and small city (kota ketjil).
Progress toward this goal is slow but steady.
The party subsection conference meets every two months,
subject to changes by the subsecom. The conference elects the
committee to serve for one year. The daily council and
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secretariat also are elected and serve in the same capacities
as their counterparts at higher levels. The subsecom is assisted
by divisions, following the pattern at higher levels. 55/
The subsecom is responsible for and supervises the activi-
ties of all recom, recom besar and party fractions in non-party
organizations within its ;jurisdiction. On certain activities,
however, the subsecom cannot rule, as outlined in the previous
section.
4. The Resort and Great Resort
The 1954 Amended Constitution provided for the first time
for two kinds of party resort units: the resort committee (recom)
for the party resort, and the great resort committee (recom
besar) for the party great resort (resort besar). The two units
are equal in rank in the party organization, the difference
being chiefly in size. A recom besar is formed when the number
of members or candidates exceeds 100. The recom besar may be
s'abdivided into subresort committees (subrecoms), while the resort
may be divided into grup (groups). The full membership meeting
of the great resort is called a conference; of the resort, a
meeting. These are the only differences between the two organiza-
tions.
Article 20 of the Constitution provides;
f. For a factory, mine, village, enterprise,
office or school there shall be a Party Resort, a
Resort Meeting and a Resort Committee (Recom) or Party
Great Resort, Party Great Resort Conference and a
Great Resort Committee (Recom Besar). The resort is
divided into Groups, which consist of, at the most, 7
(seven) persons who work and live close by.
On occasion the abbreviations RP and RL are used. An RP is
a resort pabrik, or factory resort; an RL is a resort lokal, or
village resort. Either is correctly called a resort, and its
committee a recom.
Party resorts may be formed with less than seven members,
but such resorts do not form a recom, merely electing a chief
and deputy chief. The recom and recom besar are elected by a
plenary meeting of their organizations and serve for six months.
The size of the recom may vary from three to seven members.
Unlike units of higher echelons, the resort does not elect a
daily council or secretariat, the recom itself being small enough
to direct day-to-day activities. 56/
The Constitution, in Chapter VI, refers to the resort as
the "basic unit" of the party. In the parlance of other
Communist parties this would be a cell or club. As the basic
unit and the one in closest contact with the masses, the resort
is charged with a great share of the responsibility for indoctri-
nating the people, winning converts and maintaining the party line
before the public. Every party member, regardless of rank,
belongs to a resort. This requirement is largely to assist the
party in disciplinary action. Article 49 lists the following
responsibilities:
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The Party Resort must endeavor to create close
unity between the Party and the masses of people.
Responsibilities of the Party Resort are as follows:
a. Conduct propaganda and organizational
activities among the masses to clarify the ideas of
the party and the decisions of higher party organiza-
tions.
b. Study the feelings and aims of the masses
and report such immediately to higher party organiza-
tions; study the economic, political anc: cultural
lives of the people; and organize the masses to solve
their problems themselves.
c. Recruit new members, collect party dues,
supervise and examine the reports of party members
and: see that party discipline is maintained by
members.
d. Educate Party members and organize in-
struction for them.
Although the resort is directly under t1..e subsection in
party organization, some of its functions, including the forma-
tion of new resorts, are supervised by the section (see II.,B,2).
C. Membership
1. Numerical Strength
Estimates of the size of the PKI membership place it between
100,000 and 500,000. The lower number is close to the figure
given by D.N. Aidit, the party secretary-general, at the March
195+ Party Congress. His figure was 126,671 members and candi-
dates. He did not give a date for this figure, but it is
believed to be as of early 1953. 51/ Other reports state that
the party gave 126,000 as its mem ership figure in 1952. 58
Still others have placed the membership at 1CO,000 exclud ng
candidate members. A party membership of 10C,000 members and
26,000 candidates would be a ratio of one car..didate for every
four members, a ratio that may or may not continue. Indirect
confirmation of the figure of 100,000 members is to be found in
a January 1953 Central Committee directive or.. party finances.
The report states, "In order to buy ourselves a publishing firm,
at least 1,500,000 rupiahs about $130,00 would be required,
which would mean an average of 15 rupiahs from every member,"
indicating 100,000 members. 59
A more recent statement in November 1954, attributed to
Perlis Pardede of the Politburo, claimed 500,000 members. This
figure may be indicative of recent party growth. 60 A report
of September 195+ spoke of recent rapid strides to en in the
expansion of party membership. It stated: "During the past
year, the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) has increased its
membership throughout Indonesia by 125 percent. Prior to the
Ali Cabinet, each full member of the PKI was required to have
under his supervision only two candidate members; now each member
must have six candidates." 61 (Note the ratio of four candi-
dates per member above.) Language difficulties and party
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double-talk have often confused statements of membership
increase, and it is not certain whether the intended figure was
125,000 or 225,000. With the formula of six candidates to one
member the party has a potential strength of 875,000 if the
membership figure of 125,000 is used, or 1,575,000 if 225,000 is
taken as the base. Whichever membership figure is used, the
required increase in number of candidates per member would make
large membership gains, even by November 1954, a possibility,
lending some credence to Pardede's claims.
Other reports have spoken of party growth in various parts
of the country, but they cannot be properly evaluated without
more statistics. It is known that the party has been strength-
ened in the Djakarta area and some of the remoter portions of
Java and Sumatra. It is also developing in areas where there was
little or no activity before--Celebes, Borneo, Nusa Tenggara and
the Moluccas.
In addition to party members and candidates, many others,
numbering in perhaps the millions, are sympathetic to and support
the party. They include many front organizations, such as the
labor organization SOBSI, which claims a membership of more than
2,000,000. It is therefore conceivable that the assets of the
PKI could reach potentially a strength of 2,000,000 or more. 62
2. Membership Rules and Procedures
There are two classes of membership in the PKI members,
(anggota) and candidate-members (tjalon-anggota). These candi-
dates should not be confused with the three Central Committee
candidates, who are highly-ranked, full members of the party.)
Provisions relating to admission to candidacy or to full member-
ship, as well as rules for expulsion and the rights and responsi-
bilities of members are discussed in Chapter II of the 1954
Party Constitution. Two major changes were made from previous
rules on membership, one requiring new members to be Indonesian
citizens the other, minor changes in expulsion procedures.
a. Admission to Membership or Candidacy
Article 5 of the Constitution states:
Anyone can become a member who is a citizen and
has attained the age of 18 who agrees to the Program
and Constitution of the Party, joins and actively
participates in a Party organization, obeys Party
decisions, pays initiation fees and Party dues,
attends meetings and classes of the Party, and reads
Party literature.
Candidates for party membership must be nominated by a
party member who is required to furnish accurate biographical
information and accurate information on the candidate's ideology
and character. Before presenting the nomination the member must
have furnished the prospective candidate information on the
Party Constitution and policies. Prior to confirmation of a
candidacy the responsible party committee appoints a group of
officials to interview and exchange views with the prospective
candidate. 63/
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The length of candidacy varies with the social status of
the applicant and his ability to comply with the provisions for
membership. The following rules, relevant to the period of
candidacy and membership eligibility, are given in Article 8 of
the Party Constitution:
Party members are admitted only on an individual
basis in accordance with the provisions for member-
ship as stipulated below:
a. Workers, farm workers, poor farmers, poor
city dwellers or soldiers can only be accepted for
membership upon the recommendation of two Party members,
and after a decision of a general meeting of the
Group and the Resort with validation by the Secom
and after a period of candidacy of 6 months.
b. Middle class farmers, officials, intellec-
tuals and independent workers (doctors, lawyers, etc.),
can become Party members upon the recommendation of
two Party members, one of whom must have been a
member for more than one year continuously, and after
a decision of a general meeting of the croup and
Resort which has been approved by the Secom, and after
having been a candidate for one year.
c. A person belonging to any social circle
other than those stipulated in "a" and "b" above can
become a member of the Party only upon the recommenda-
tion of two Party members, one of whom rust have
been a Party member for more than three years
continuously, and after a general meeting of the
Group and Resort and approval of the Secom, and after
having been a candidate for two years.
d. Ordinary members of other political parties
who have left those parties and desire to enter our
Party, can become members only upon the recommenda-
tion of two members of the Party, one of whom has been
a member for over three years continuously, and after
the decision of general meetings of the Group and
Resort which has been approved by the Secom.
Members of other political parties who have been
local (daerah) officials, but who have left their
parties and desire to enter our Party, must be
recommended by two members, one of whom must have
been a Party member for more than five years
continuously. The nomination of such persons must
be accepted by the Group and Resort and approved by
the Provcom.
Officials of other parties who have occupied
high national positions but who have left their
parties and desire to enter our Party must be
approved by the Central Committee. For all the
above groups, a candidacy period of two years is
required.
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Because of the closer ties of' the bourgeois elements
(paragraph b) to the capitalist world, the party requires a
longer period of candidacy and indoctrination for them than
for the proletarian and agrarian classes (paragraph a)--
following the principles established by Lenin for the gradual
integration of all persons into a Communist society. The
grouping of the proletariat with the agrarian class follows
the practice in the people's democracies of China and the
satellites. Because the strength of the movement in these
countries is predominantly agrarian, the Communists have set
aside temporarily the principle of "dictatorship of the
proletariat" and have substituted a united front of proletarian
and agrarian classes led by the proletariat.
A candidate member has the same rights and responsi-
bilities as a member except that he is not permitted to vote
for officers or on policy matters. The time of candidacy is
calculated from the date of confirmation of application for
candidacy, and the length may be shortened or extended by the
appropriate party committee, depending on the candidate's
fulfillment of the provisions for membership. Candidacy also
rcxay be revoked before full membership is granted if these pro-
visions are not fulfilled. Candidates, as well as members who
change their place of residence, may become candidates or
members of the new place by presenting a letter of information
from the party committee of his former place of residence. 6U/
b. Expulsion or Termination of Membership
Voluntary termination of membership or candidacy may be
achieved only after reasons are submitted to the head of the
group who in turn passes it on to the recom. At a meeting of the
recom the member's or candidate's name is stricken from the rolls
and the action is reported to the subsecom.
A member may be automatically dropped from the party
register if, for a period of six months:
he has not taken Fart in party life;
he has not undertaken any party work;
he has failed to pay dues without a valid reason.
He is dropped at a meeting of the group, then a meetino/f
the resort which sends it on to the Subsecom for approval. 5/
At the resort meeting the member or candidate in question must be
present and must be given an opportunity to defend himself.
Secom approval is necessary for expulsion even though, under
special conditions, the subsecom may take preliminary action.
The vote to expel a member must be by a two-thirds majority of
those entitled to vote and must be at a full committee meeting. 66
c. Oath of Membership
The oath of the party is taken by every member-
I ... declare my agreement with the program
and Constitution of the Party, and hereby declare
my readiness to become a full/or candidate member
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of the PKI. I swear to fulfill all my Party responsi-
bilities, to guard the unity of the Party; to carry
out the decisions of the Party to become an example
to others in the struggle for our nation and people;
to strengthen the relation between the Party and
the masses; to strive to deepen my awareness of and
to master the principles of Marx-Leninism; to be
strai.ghtfoward and honest towards the Party; to
observe Party discipline and to keep watch on the
Party's safety. This is my declaration and oath to
the Communist Party of Indonesia, the Party that I
look to with respect and love.
The oath is taken twice by a party member, once when he
becomes a candidate member and again when he becomes a full
member, as prescribed in Article 4 of the Constitution.
1. Party Dues
Party dues, on a sliding scale based on a member's monthly
income, are prescribed in Chapter IX of the Party Constitution.
Dues range from half a rupiah (less than five cents) for those
earning less than 150 rupiahs per month (about $13), to one and a
half per cent of gross monthly income for those earning more
than 650 rupiahs (a little less than $60). In addition, a member
is required to pay such other assessments and dues as the party
may prescribe.
Another source of party revenue discussed in the Constitu-
tion is in Article 60:
A. party member who receives a position of profit
in the name of the party is responsible to turn over
to the party all profits therefrom and he shall re-
ceive an honorarium according to arrangements estab-
lished by the Party.
Whether this provision applies to salaries of elected or ap-
pointed officials, such as members of Parliament or regional
officials, is not known.
Article 61 of the Party Constitution provides that the
provcom retains 90 per cent of all dues and other income, and
that it turns over the remaining 10 per cent to the Central
Committee. The Provcom allots the nine-tenths it retains to
cover its own financial needs and those of the secoms, subsecoms
and recoms.
2. Financial Problems
Numerous party appeals for additional funds and many reports
of financial difficulties, indicate that dues, fees and income
from special sales (of postcards, etc.) are insufficient to meet
the financial needs of the PKI. The cry for more revenue extends
from the Central Committee down to the recom. The usual
complaint f:^om above is that the recoms are not collecting all
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they are supposed to collect. Occasional statements also have
accused units of withholding part of their funds.
Reports of the financial difficulties of various party
organs, notably Harian Rakjat, are frequent. 67/ Every special
function--from party congress to a trip by a member of the
Central Committee has necessitated collection of additional
funds, from contributions, sale of pictures and assessments. 68/
Instructions stress the need for obtaining capital from
non-party members. The purpose is two-fold: to win new members
and to supplement the limited resources of party members, which
the party feels it can assess at almost any time.
No known statute prescribes the contributions from affil-
iated front organizations. From time to time specific contribu-
tions for special purposes have been reported from these groups,
but no evidence of any regular transmittal of funds, although
probably such an arrangement existE. Some examples of previous
financial support, including that of front groups, are as
follows:
1. In connection with a visit to Njoto of the Politburo
to Sumatra in April 1954 a report said:
On 31 March 19;4 the Seksi Comite
(SC) of the Partai Komunis Indonesia East
Coast Sumatra called a meeting to discuss
funds for the expenses of the forth-
coming visit of Njoto, member of the PKI
Politburo. Jusuf Adjitorop, of the North
Sumatra Provincial Committee, announced
that anticipated expenses of the visit
would be R15,000, of which Sentral
Organisasi Buruh Selu.ruh Indonesia (SOBSI)
/The labor federation affiliated with the
PKI7 would be held responsible for raising
R17,000, and such groups as farmer
organizations, the World Peace Committee,
and Pemuda Rakjat /the Communist youth
group7 the balance. As of 3 April only
R4,000 had been contributed, and letters
were sent to each resort committee in
East Coast Sumatra ordering a contribution
of R100 each. 69/
2. In November 1953, R200,000 was obtained for the
erection of a new headquarters building. Half of
this came from the Chung Hlia Ch'iao T'uan Tsung
Hui, the leading pro-Communist federation of
Chinese societies. Another R50,000 came from
SOBSI and the rest from private donations. 70/
In addition to these sources, it also has been suggested that
the PKI receives funds from the Chinese Communist Embassy, either
directly or through such organizations as the Chung Hua Ch'iao
T'uan Tsung Hui and others. 71/ Funds from the USSR and other
places also have been rumored These have not been confirmed.
Nevertheless, the PKI faces a chronic financial problem. This
is one of the motives behind the ceaseless drive for many new
members, a drive which has been criticized as drawing too many
insecure members into the party.
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3. Party Salaries
Few party personnel receive salaries from the PKI. At the
Central Committee and Provincial Committee level (and probably in
some of the lower echelons) a few, called "fulltimers," receive a
regular stipend from the party. In the Central Committee offices
16 such recipients are listed as receiving from R300 to R950.
The period covered was not specified, but is believed to be a
year. Those known to have received such remuneration include
Pak A?.mu, Olohan Hutapea (the former head of the East Java
Provcom, brought to Djakarta because of his strong theoretical.
knowledge; a member of the CCPKI Pleno), D.N. Aidit (the part
secretary-general), Hadi, Sudisman (a member of the Politburo),
Rachmad, Zain and Achmadsumadi (a member of' the Central Committee).
Eight typists and couriers also receive a regular salary.
Members receiving a salary through some other party means, such
as representing the party in Parliament, turn over that salary
to the party or relinquish their fulltimers salary. 72/
E, Training
Party training is a continuous process, starting with the
first application for membership and ending only when one either
leaves the party or reaches the highest party positions.
Training is carried on at all party levels and in party-affil-
iated front organizations. It may consist of general training in
party doctrine, affairs and discipline or of special training,
such as in agitation and propaganda. Special training is also
given for special events as the forthcoming general elections.
Typical of instructions for the new applicant was a booklet
prepared by the Central Committee in 1952 which was given to
each new applicant for retention. The booklet was called
Konstitusi Partai Komunis Indonesia (Constitution of the
Communist Party of Indonesia) and consisted of 43 pages divided
into six sections:
1. Pendjelasan tentang Kedudukan Konstitusi
(Explanation of the Constitutional Position)
2. Program Umum PKI (General Program of the PKI)
3. Konstitusi PKI (Constitution of the PKI)
he 1951 Constitutio7
4. Pendjelasan Penglaksanaan Fasal 4 Konstitusi
(Explanation of the Realization of Article 4
of the Constitution)
5. Program PKI untuk Pemerintah Nasional Koalisi
(PKI Program for the National Coalition Government)
6. Sembojan Perdjuangan (Slogans for the Struggle) 73
The Article 4 of the 1951 Constitution is virtually the same as
Article 8 in the new Party Constitution (see Appendix A), dealing
with the membership requirements for the various elements of the
nation, such as farmers, workers and small businessmen. A new
booklet has probably been issued based on the 1954 Constitution.
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The applicant is required to study the booklet and be able
to discuss it and answer questions about it. It is the minimum
of information that every party member is expected to know.
Training on these aspects does not end at this point. Even
members of several years are expected to attend lectures and
discussion groups on these subjects and to reinforce their
knowledge by reading other standard Communist literature. High
on the list are the works of Marx, Engels, Stalin, Lenin, Mao
Tse-tung, Liu Shao-chi and Musso's Djalan Baru (New Road). Other
books mentioned specifically in the Draft Program of the PKI,
adopted at the Central Committee meeting of 6-8 October 1953,
included the following? 74/
Lenin's Left-Wing Communism, an Infantile Disease
Stalin's History of the soviet Communist Party and
Socialist Economic Questions in the USSR
Malenkov's Report to the 19th Congress on the
Activities of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Mao Tse-tung's On Contradiction
Members also are required to have a fair knowledge of world
history and some knowledge of political science. A list of 163
questions on these subjects was given party members in North
Sumatra well in advance of the actual examination time. A
leader of the North Sumatra PKI stated that "the questions were
not just a test of facts, but also of the 'revolutionary spirit'"
and would enable him "to tell who the true Communists in his
organization were." Few were expected to achieve satisfactory
grades in the examination, even with the advance preparation; low
grades would emphasize the need for additional training. The
questions are so pinpointed that probably few Western scholars
other than history or political science specialists could
achieve a high grade without extensive research. 75/
As part of their training all members and candidates are
required to read the three major party organs, the daily Harian
ak at (Peoples Daily), the monthly Bintang Merah (Red Star) and
the PKI Bulletin. Members are supposed to hold discussions on
items appearing in these publications. 76/
Because of the rapid growth of the party and the shortage
of trained leaders, much emphasis is placed on the training of
party cadres. Typical of this training is a program under way
in Djakarta Raja Provcom. Training courses are held in each
secom and subsecom and at provcom level. To the provcom classes
are sent representatives of each sub-unit, usually two or three
of the key personnel, to receive instruction from high officials
of the provcom. Classes are held from three to six hours a week
and last for several months. The personnel attending these
classes are then expected to conduct classes at their own
echelons to pass on the teachings of the leaders to the member-
ship at large. 77
The party leaders are continually stating that more training
is required or that training is behind schedule. They urge con-
tinued study and intensive training of cadres for the formation
of new units. Currently training for the scheduled elections is
high on the agenda.
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F. Press
The PKI uses the printed word extensively -;o retain and gain
support. Besides the many leaflets on individual subjects and
the translations of works of the past and present leaders of
international Communist thinking, the party publishes newspapers
and periodicals to aid its cause. As mentioned, some of these,
notably Harian Rak at and Bintang Merah, are required reading.
The party has other publications, some national and some local.
Production of the key publications, including translations of
foreign writers, is controlled by the Ja asan Pembaruan (Modern
Institute) in Djakarta, established in September 1952, Djaetun,
the institute's managing director, 78/ is editor of Bintanz
Merah, its representative on the CCPYI Pleno and a former member
of both the Central Committee and the PKI fraction in Parliament.
The staff of directors also includes Aidit, Lukman and Njoto of
the Politburo and Pardede of the Central Committee. The
Institute reportedly is housed in the headquarters building of
the Central Committee. 79/
Below are 11 publications attributable to the PKI or PKI-
sponsored front organizations. The list is not complete. The
publications are given in alphabetical order rather than in order
of importance.
1. Analisa (Analysis). A November 1953 report referred to
Analisa as a new pro-Communist weekly in Djakarta. The editor
is Daniel Abdullah, a Communist and formerly chief editor of the
Menara Buruh on the island of Bangka. 80/
2. Bebas (Be Liberated). Reports of a publication by this
name were made as early as September 1952, when it was reported
to be suffering financial difficulties and that subscriptions
and advertisements were not sufficient to meet; publishing costs. 81
Two weeks later R2,000 reportedly were needed in three days to
purchase issue number six from the printers. E/ A report of
December 1952 mentioned that issue number nine was not published
because of lack of funds and that the PKI owed the printer
R7,000. E/ In February 1954 a report noted that the PKI of
North Su7matra would start publishing Bebas about mid-March.
Whether this is to be a continuation of the previous publication
or an entirely new one of the same name is not clear. 84/
3. Bendera Buruh (Labor's Flag). Published in Djakarta on
an irregular basis by SOBSI, Bendera Buruh is sold primarily to
PKI members. A July 1953 report stated that of 6,000 copies
printed at that time, about half remained unsold. The editor of
the publication is Sugiri, duputy secretary of the SOBSI
Information Bureau. 85/
4. Bintang Merah (Red Star). Supposedly a monthly,
although often two issues are combined, Bintang,Merah is one of
the leading PKI publications and is required reading for all
members. In it appear articles by key PKI men as well as
pronouncements of the party line and policies. The March-April
1954 issue carried the proceedings of the Party Congress and a
full text of the revised Party Constitution. Djaetun is the
editor. A July 1953 report lists 8,000 copies sold of a total
printing of 11,000 on prior issues. In the spring of 1953 the
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periodical received R25,000 for the publication of New China,
a publication for the Chinese minority in Indonesia.-$6/
5. Harian Berita Indonesia (Indonesia News Daily). The
PKI reportedly bought this paper in the name of Tachsin, the
chief editor. 8/
6. Harlan Rak at (People's Daily). Although a Communist
paper for several years, it was reportedly purchased by the
Communists on 1 October 1953. The corporate shares were taken
by the PKI, Ja asan Pembaruan, the Estate Workers Federation of
the Republic of Indonesia Sarikat Buruh Perkebunan Republik
Indonesia - SARBUPRI) and the Railway Workers Union (Sarikat
Buruh Kereta Api - SBK4). The paper also has been reported as
owned by the weekly Sunday Courier. The last two are important
Communist labor organizations in Indonesia. 88/ Although re-
quired reading for all PKI members as the lea in party organ,
its paid circulation is reportedly only between 6,000 and 12,000,
and the paper is almost constantly in financial difficulties.
Only the support of Siauw Giok-tjoan, a wealthy Indonesian Chinese
and former editor of the paper, and contributions such as funds
reported from the Chinese Communist Embassy in Djakarta and the
Soviet Embassy in Bangkok, keep the paper from folding. L q/ The
estimated monthly deficit is about R5,000. Siauw, who resigned
to take active part in Communist affairs affecting the Chinese
community, reportedly is scheduled to become the editor of a
Chinese language edition of the paper. An April 1955 edition of
the paper lists Njoto, Supeno and Naiboho as editors and Niaboho
as the "responsible" editor. H. Olena was the paper's repre-
sentative in the CCPKI Pleno in 1953. 90
7. Lukisan (Art). Published monthly in Medan, Lukisan
covers such fields as drama, films, art and sports. Its first
issue of 10,000 was non-political. Its staff is largely made
up of PKI members and members of Communist front groups. The
editor-in-chief is B. Siagian; editors are B. Harahap and Tamas
Anwar. All three are PKT members. 91/
8. Pendorong (Stimulus). First published in Medan in
September 1952, this paper has fluctuated through several stages
of control between Abdul Xarim MS and the accepted leader of
the North Sumatra PKI, Adjitorop. Its estimated circulation is
3,000. 92 Recent financial support has come from SARBUPRI, and
it is possible that SARBUPRI may take over publication. 93/
9. PKI Bulletin. Three tho.-isand copies of the Bulletin are
sold to PKI units as required reading for all PKI members. No
definite publication schedule has been reported. 94/
10. Sunday Courier. This weekly is published and sold in
West Java. A July 1953 estimate put the circulation at 5,500 of
7,000 (copies sold). The paper has been reported the owner of
liar Ian Rak at. 95
11. Zaman Baru (New Season). Zaman Baru is published as a
weekly in Surabaya by the Peoples Cultural League (Lembaga
Kebudajaan Rekjat - LEKRA), a communist front organization. The
weekly is available in Java and Sumatra and in July 1953 its
circulation was reported as 5,000. 96/
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III, FRONT ORGANIZATIONS*
The PKI, in its endeavor to win converts and support from
all sectors of the population, has organized special groups to
appeal to these sectors. The front organizations are affiliated
with the PKI and most have representatives on the plenos of the
party at all levels, which coordinate party and front group
activities. In addition PKT party fractions in all major front
groups at both the national and local level ensure control and
direction from above. In preparation for the forthcoming
elections members of the front organizations are being encour-
aged to join the PKI itself.
The composition of the party fraction in the organizations,
or the extent of its influence, is not always known to members
of the host organization, particularly if the organization is
not under party control or is not usually associated with the PKI.
The most important of the front groups are in the fields of
labor, agriculture, veterans affairs, youth, culture and peace.
A. Central Organization of Trade Unions for all Indonesia
fSentral Organisasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia - SOBSI)
SOBSI is the largest and most powerful of the PKI front
organizations. It is the largest labor federation in Indonesia
and is composed of 37 vertical unions and 139 local unions
directly affiliated with the central organization. 97/ Member-
ship estimates and claims range from 800,000 to more than 2,500,000.
The most commonly accepted figure is slightly less than 1,000,000.
SOBSI is a member of the Communist-controlled World Federation
of Trade Unions (WFTU) and is usually represented at WFTU con-
ferences. 98
Among the most important components of SOBSI are:
SARBUPRI (Sarikat Buruh Perkebunan Republik
Indonesia, Union of Estate Workers
of the Republic of Indonesia)
SBKA (Sarikat Buruh Kereta Api, Railroad
Workers Union)
SBPP (Sarikat Buruh Pelabuhan dan Pelajaran,
Dockworkers and Sailors Union)
SBKI (Sarikat Buruh Kendaaran Indonesia,,
Transport Workers of Indonesia)
PERBUM (Persatuan Buruh Minjak, Oil Workers
Union)
*See also chart 4 in Appendix D, illustrating PKI-front
relationship..
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Wei WrT000
Of these SARBUPRI is by far the largest and strongest with
a membership of approximately 300,000. 99/
The leadership of SOBSI is vested in the Sentral Biro
(Central Bureau), with Secretary-General Njono and Deputy
Secretary-General Munir as the key figures. 100 Both are
members of the CCPKI Pleno. Djokosudjono an erdojo, the SOBSI
representatives in Parliament, also are members of the CCPKI
Pleno, 101/ and Djokosudjono is a member of the CCPKI as well. 102
SOBSI was formed at a preparatory conference in November
1946 and formalized at the first SOBSI congress, Malang, May
1947. 103 Although the organization originally contained ele-
ments of-most political sentiments, SOBSI is now completely under
Communist control. Its history is one of an active tool of the
Communists. Because of its strength in key fields of the
Indonesian economy, SOBSI has been able to effectively disrupt
that economy through strikes. The union played a minor role in
the Madiun Affair in 1948 and in the early 1950's engaged in a
series of strikes in violation of a government ban. It was the
1951 series of strikes that caused several Commurist leaders to
be arrested and others, such as Aidit and Lukman, to flee. 104
Since goverrments more friendly to the Communists have been In
power there have been very few SOBSI strikes--a situation likely
to be reversed if the anti-Communists win the next election.
Although SOBSI itself has not always been in good financial
condition, it has been an important source of funds for the
PKI. 105 To this end it collects funds from its own members
and mem er crganizations and also from such other front groups
as the Indonesian Women's Movement. 106 In the past SOBSI has
received in addition financial assistance from pro-Communist
Chinese organizations. 107 Expenses of the second SOBSI
congress, held in January 1955, made special appE!als for funds
necessary. The devices used by the PKI, the selling of cards
and pictures of party and national figures also are used by
SOBSI. 108/
The second congress of SOBSI was held in Djakarta 9-23
January 1955. At the congress it was stated that SOBSI itself
would not put up candidates in the 1955 elections but would
support the candidates of the PKI, some of whom may be SOBSI
officials. To bolster election strength all SOBSI members were
urged to join the PKI. In addition to the usual Communist
resolutions condemning capitalism in general and the West in
particular, SOBSI asked for wage increases and restoration of
cute in the government workers' traditional Moslem New Year
bonuses. ldSf The following seven decisions, not publically
announced;,Arere reported also reached at the January meeting:
1. SOBSI will endeavor to avoid strikes and violence
during the tenure in office of the Ali-Arifin
cabinet.
2. In its propaganda to SOBSI members and the
public concerning the general elections, SOBSI
will support PKI candidates and attempt to dis-
credit candidates of opposition parties.
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3. SOBSI will instruct all branches that SOBSI
members should follow the teachings of local PKI
cadre courses.
4. If after the coming elections the PKI is
unable to secure a part in the government, SOBSI
branches will hold as many strikes and present
as many claims as possible against industries
and firms.
5. SOBSI will follow the policies of the WFTU
and obey its decisions.
6. SOBSI will be more active on behalf of the
peace movement.
7. In the event of war between the Communists
and the Capitalists, SCBSI wi11 call strikes in
all foreign-owned enterprises. 110/
The role of SOBSI in Indonesian Communism is second only
to that of the PKI. With increasing PKI fractions in SOBSI
unions, and increased co-membership in SOBSI and PKI by both
leaders and members, it may soon be difficult to draw a clear
line of demarcation between the two units.
B. Union of Former Armed Combatants of Indonesia (Persatuan
Bekas Pedjuang Bersendjata Seluruh Indonesia - PERBEPBSI)
A PKI front organization rapidly growing in size and
importance, the Union of Former Armed Combatants of Indonesia
(PERBEPBSI) reportedly had a membership of 205,000 in November
1954. 111 The organization, according to its revised by-laws
of 195T,-is composed of "157 former combatant organizations
throughout Indonesia and was formed between 23 and 30 December
1951 with the charter of the organization." 112 It is directed
by the Dewan Pimpinan Pusat (Central Governing council), which
is headed by General Chairman Supardi, First Deputy Chairman
K. Utomo and Second Deputy Chairman S. Mustaman. 113
PERBEPBSI is composed mostly of veterans of the anti-Dutch
wars. General Sudirman, late chief' of staff of the Indonesian
Army and national hero of these wars, is considered to be the
organization's hero and in honor of him the group refers to
itself as "Sons of Sudirman." 114/ There have been many reports
that the organization is an ac ve armed force. One' report of
late October 1954 states that it has cached materiel for 50,000
men and that Iwa Kusumasumantri, the pro-Communist minister of
defense, has promised additional materiel support. 115/.
In its early days PERBEPBSI posed as an organization of
veterans seeking economic and other aid for veterans. Working
through a government bureau similar to the Veterans Administration
in the United States, PERBEPBSI was able to secure funds to set
up many of its members in businesses which served the double
purpose of earning money for the individuals and the organization,
and acting as subsidiary overt organs of PERBEPBSI. 116/ Some
financial assistance also has been received from pro-75mmunist
Chinese groups. 117/
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Finances have been a source of internal struggle, and many
leaders have been accused of embezzling organization funds for
personal use. 118 Strict disciplinary procedures, however, have
quelled most oe internal friction.
In its activities the organization supports the PKI. It
advocates the PKI "line." Supporting PKI demands for action
against the Darul Islam, PERBEPBSI has offered military aid to
the Indonesian government for such action. It also has offered
to keep order during the forthcoming elections. 119
PKI control of PERBEPBSI is maintained through a PKI
fraction directly under the supervision of Sakirman of the PKI
Politburo. Members of this element include PERBEPBSI General
Chairman Supardi, First Deputy Chairman Utomo, S. Utarjo,
Mohammed Amin and Mohammed Said. 120 Individual sub-units of
PERBEPBSI also are controlled by fractions under the secoms
and provcoms. 121
C. Indonesian Farmers Union (Barisan Tani Indonesia - BTI)
The chief PKI front organization for work among the peasant
classes of Indonesia is the Barisan Tani Indonesia (BTI), formed
shortly after World War II as a non-partisan organization, it has
undergone many changes--groups breaking away and other joining.
In September 1953 another large peasant organization, the
Indonesian Peasants Foundation (Rukun Tani Indonesia - RTI)
merged with the BTI to form a single large Communist front group.
At the "fusion congress," as the September 1953; conference was
called, some non-Communist elements were expelled. 122
The leading figures in the BTI--which has made membership
claims varying from 150,000 to 350,000--are Sardiono, the
secretary--general; Hartojo and Subroto, deputy secretaries-
general; and S.M. Tarigan, who holds a post in the Indonesian
Ministry of Agrarian Affairs. 123 Sardjono a--so represents
the BTI on the CCPKI Pleno. 2
The organization's principal aim is to win peasant support
for PKI agrarian policies. For this purpose the BTI is organ-
izing units throughout the country, giving special attention to
such predominantly agricultural areas as North Sumatra, East Java
and Borneo. So extensive is the organization of the BTI that it
has a representation in the Indonesian Parliament--currently
Sardjono and Subroto. Tauchid, who was expelled at the time of
the RTI-BTI merger, formerly represented the BTI, giving it
three seats. After his expulsion he kept his seat but switched
his affiliation to the Gerakan Tani Indonesia, a rival group. 125
The ]3TI is actively preparing for the forthcoming elections.
Many BTI officials were originally listed under the hammer-and-
sickle emblem, which at first designated PKI and non-party
candidates but later was limited to the PKI. PKI fractions
within the BTI have been active in recent months in attempting
to persuade all BTI members to join the PKI as well. 126
Because of the importance of the agrarian population, the
BTI has become one of the most important front groups of the PKI.
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D. People's Youth (Pemuda Rakjat)
Shortly after the end of World War II a leftist youth
group was formed under the name of Socialist Youth of Indonesia
(Pemuda Sosialis Indonesia - PESINDO). At its third conference
in November 1950 the name was changed to People's Youth (Pemuda
Rakjat). This organization is the link representing Indonesian
youth in the chain of Communist front organizations. Its rules
limit membership to youth of both sexes between the ages of
14 and 30. 127/
The Pemuda Rakjat states its aims in the same terms as
do Communist youth groups throughout the world--peace, anti-
fascism, anti-colonialism, promotion of the rights of youth. It
is a member of the World .Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY),
having taken over the membership of the Badan Kongres Pemuda
(Organization of Youth Congresses) in 1951. 128/ Since then
Pemuda Rakjat has had representatives at all mi portant con-
ferences of the WFDY and the International Union of Students
'IUS). 129 In December 1953 Sukatno, secretary-general of
Pemuda a jat, was named a member of the Executive Council of
the WFDY and Baharuddir, assistant secretary-general, was named
to the WFDY General Council. 130/ Hamzah Surjono is the
permanent Pemuda Rakjat delege#e to the WFDY Secretariat in
Budapest. 131/
In all its activities the Pemuda Rakjat works closely with
the PKI and other Communist front groups, such as SOBSI and the
BTI, In late 1953 Setiadi, then secretary-general, reportedly
represented Pemuda Rakjat on the 1CPKI Pleno. Possibly Sukatno,
current secretary-general, is now sitting on the Pleno in his
place. 132/
There is no accurate information on membership of the Pemuda
Rakjat. Estimates have ranged from 15,000 to 150,000. 133 Most
reliable estimates are closer to the lower figure. Branc es are
spread throughout the country, and in the past the organization
has acted for the PKI in areas where no organized PKI unit
existed. It is among the most important PKI front organizations.
E. Indonesian Women's Movement (Gerakan Wanita Indonesia -
GERWANI)
The leading pro-Communist women's organization in Indonesia
was formed in 1950 as the Public-Spirited Indonesian Women's
Movement (Gerakan Wanita Indonesia Serban - GERWIS). It dropped
the words "Public-Spirited" at a March 1954 congress of the
organization. 134/ Although at its start its membership was
only about 2,0D or 3,000, estimates place current strength at
more than 25,000. 135/
The organization is directed by its Central Executive
Council (Dewan Pimpinan Pusat - DPP). Mrs. S.K. Trimurti was
listed as general chairman in May of 1954, and Mrs. Umi Sardjono
as chairman. 136/ Both women have been active and prominent in
the movement s nce its inception. Other prominent figures
include Mrs. Suharti and Mrs. Mudigdo. Mrs. Mudigdo is a member
of the PKI fraction in the Indonesian Parliament, a former
member of the PKI Central Committee and is the mother of Mrs.
D.N. Aidit, wife of the PKI secretary-general.
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GERWANI is affiliated with the international Communist
front organization for women's groups, the Women's International
Democratic Federation (WIDF). 137/ In association with this
membership GERWANI has invited-3e-legates from other" member
organizaticns to its congress in Indonesia and has in turn been
invited to send representatives abroad to other national
congresses as well as to WIDF functions. 138/
GERWANI participates in all PKI activities. It runs a
cadre course for PKI women and contributes to the party
coffers. 1=; Its financial situation, however, has not always
been satis'3actory. In September 1953 GERWANI failed to contri-
bute her usual monthly sum of R25,000 to the SOBSI treasury for
eventual turnover to the PKI and asked for financial assistance
from the General Association of Overseas Chinese Groups (Chung
Hua Ch'iao T'uan Tsung Hui - CHCTTH), the leading pro-Communist
Chinese federation in the country and often financial rescuer
of the PKI and its affiliated groups. 140/ The only subsequent
report on' GERWANI finances was in Marc1 ?954, i'; discussed the
necessity of raising funds for the congress held at the end of
the month because of GERWANI financial difficulties.
Current activities include support of the PKI in all its
activities and running candidates for both the Indonesian
Parliament and the Constituent Assembly under tie PKI symbol. 141/
F. People's Cultural League (Lembaga Kebudajaan Rakjat - LEKRA)
Available reports on the People's Cultural League do not
show a date of formation, but it is known to have existed before
February 1951. LEKRA is the cultural front organization of the
PKI devoted ostensibly to the propagation and preservation of
the culture of the nation, but in fact primarily to art, litera-
ture and culture of a leftist nature. Among the media used for
the dissemination of LEKRA material are the Zam.an Baru and the
Harian Rak'~at, for which LEKRA composes a cultural page once a
week. 172/
LEKRA is active in other Communist front activities also.
It sent a nine-member delegation to Bucharest in July 1953 for
the Third World Youth Congress. 1431 In August 1954 it joined
with Communist front groups in Medan to form a Committee for the
Protection of the Rights of Youth. The founding meeting was
held inpERBEPBSI headquarters in Medan. 144/
Officials of LEKRA reported in mid-1952 were: 145
Chairman - Hardjito
Secretary - M. Hamid
Treasurer - Sobron Aidit
(brother of D.N. Aidit,
PKI secretary-general)
A June 1953 report listed the following councillors of the
organization, probably supplementing to the above list rather
than replacing it:. 146
Raden Sud.jonodiputro
Raden Djojosubroto
Raden Mas Sudirman
Dr. I.A. Mochtar
Henk Ngantung
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This report stated that the councillors of the organization have
direct access to LIANG Shang-yuan, cultural attache of the
Chinese Communist Embassy in Djakarta, who would provide an
excellent channel for Chinese Communist propaganda to the
Indonesian people.
Although LEKRA is one of the smaller front groups and
perhaps less known than most of the other fronts, it is an
important cog in the PKI machinery.
G. Committee for World Peace (Komite Perdamaian Dunia)
The Indonesian Committee for World Peace, an affiliate of
the World Peace Council (WPC), is also known by such other names
as the Indonesian Peace Council and the Komite Pembela Perdamaian
Dunia untuk Indonesia (Indonesian Committee for the Defense of
World Peace). It was established F July 1950 as an outgrowth of
several smaller local peace groups in the country, 147/ which it
now serves as headquarters. Its earliest office was-That of a
SOBSI-affiliated union and its meetings were held in the SOBSI
headquarters building in Djakarta. The first officers of the
group were Islan and Mrs. Kartowijono. 148/
The Committee for World Peace is one of the many PKI front
groups. In the Central Committee Pleno it is represented by
Njoto, a member of the Politburo. 149/ The Djakarta branch is
headed by Aidit and Sudisman, also--Politburo members, an indica-
tion of the i ortance the PKI gives to this phase of front
activity. 1507
The committee is severely handicapped by a shortage of
funds. In an effort to broaden the base of support it was re-
organized with several non-Communists in key positions, in-
cluding members of the cabinet, members of Parliament and other
leading officials such as the mayor of Djakarta. 151
In January 1954 the committee held its first national con-
ference in Djakarta, inviting members of the World Peace
Council. 152/ It sent delegates to the meeting of Asian-Pacific
secretary-generals of the World Peace Council in Peiping in April
1954 and to the WPC executive session in Vienna in January
1955. 153 The 1955 session launched a campaign to obtain sig-
natures on petitions to outlaw atomic war preparations. A dele-
gation headed by the committee's chairman, Purbodiningrat, was
to attend the Helsinki meeting of the World Peace Council in June
1955.
The current leadership of the Committee for World Peace is
as follows: 154/
Chairman
Deputy Chairman
it ft
Secretary-General
Purbodiningrat
Prijono
Setiadi
Hadji Siradjudin Abbas (member of
Parliament)
Mrs. Arudji Kartawinata
Oei Liong Thay
.Astra Winata
Mrs. Salawati Daud (member of
Parliament)
Suroso
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Chairman Purbodiningrat is a university crofessor and,
before the hammer-and-sickle was dropped as a symbol for non-
party candidates, appeared on the candidate raster for PKI and
non-party candidates. 155
The Committee for World Peace is one of the smaller and
more poorly organized front groups of the PKI, but nevertheless
an important front.
H. Indonesian Citizenship Conference Organization (Badan
Permusjawaratan Kewarganegaraan Indonesia - BAPERKI)
The organization meeting of BAPERKI took place on 13 March
195+ in the Hsin Ming Hui Building in Djakarta. Under the
temporary chairmanship of Thio Thiam Tjong of the Chinese
Democratic Party of Indonesia (Partai Demokra'; Tionghoa
Indonesia - PDTI), the meeting was called to :?orm an organization
to carry out work that the PDTI had been unable to do in its six
years of existence. The BAPERKI Constitution described its aims:
1. To promote a nation-wide campaign for
Indonesian Chinese to become legal Indonesian citizens.
2. To promote the principles of democracy and
the rights of man.
3. To promote the feeling of equality and equal
opportunity among citizens regardless of extraction,
cultural background, customs and religion. 156/
The organization was declared open to all, but was primarily
aimed at the more than 2,500,000 Chinese residents of Indonesia.
Despite the tone of its stated goals, the organization is but a
tool of the PKI. Evidence of Communist control can be found in
the affiliations of many of the officers, notably of Chairman
Siauw Giok-tjhan and Treasurer Ang Jan-goan. 157/ Siauw was
formerly the editor of the Harian Rakjat, theWI daily, and its
leading financial backer. Ang is affiliated with the leading
pro-Communist Chinese organizations in Djakarta. 158
BAPERKI announced that it would enter candidates for the
1955 parliamentary elections in an effort to obtain full citizen-
ship for Indonesian Chinese. In preparation, as well as to
propagate its aims, BAPERKI is establishing branches through-
out Indonesia. 159/
Six months after the organization of BAPERKI an official of
the Indonesian Ministry of Interior reported--y stated that the
organization was losing strength and was no :.onger a significant
political force. The validity of this statement has not been
confirmed. 160
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IV. RELATIONS WITH OTHER COMMUNIST GROUPS
Since the PKI's early relations with Dutch Communist groups
(see Part I), the Indonesian party has had contact with other
Communist parties throughout the world and with international
Communist organizations. The previous chapter has discussed
to some extent PKI front organizations' membership in world-wide
Communist counterparts.
While there is no doubt that contact exists between the
PKI and other parties, reports of the immediate channel for the
PKI's directions from the world Communist hierarchy and of its
paths of communication vary widely.
A. The USSR
Two recent statements by PKI leaders portray opposite views
on relations between the PKI and Russia. On 21 February 1955,
in an article in Harian Rak at, PKI Deputy Secretary-General
Njoto.stated, "We will remain in allegiance to the Soviet
Union.... Socialism without proletarian dictatorship is just
nonsense." 161 Four days later in Keng Po PKI Secretary-
General Aid stated, "The Indonesian Communist Party does not
follow in Moscow's steps. It follows a nationalist policy....the
Communist Party agrees with the Parliamentary system." He also
said that he could not see any possibility of war between
Indonesia and the Soviet Union. 162/ While it would appear that
there is considerable disagreement-between the two statements,
some background information serves to clear the air. At the
time Aidit was still on trial for insulting Vice-President Hatta,
a charge on which he was convicted. Moreover, Njoto's statement
had caused some furor in the local anti-Communist and neutralist
press. Aidit's statement appears, therefore, to have been made
(a) to calm the furor caused by Njoto's statement and (b) to
give Aidit the appearance of being a nationalist first and a
Communist second. In actuality there seems to be little doubt
of PKI allegiance to Moscow.
PKI contact with-Russian and international Communism has
a long history. When some of the early PKI leaders were forced
to flee Indonesia in the 1920's, several went to Moscow. One
of them, Semaun, is still there as an employee of Radio
Moscow. 163 Musso was also in Moscow for many years, serving
for a period as a member of one of the Comintern's executive
bodies. When he returned to Indonesia in 1948 he came from
Moscow, with a new program for the PKI as well as instructions
and criticisms from above. Significantly, he arrived one month
before the Madiun Affair. 164
Until 1954 there was no Soviet Embassy in Indonesia. Since
Indonesian leaders did not travel much in Europe (although many
minor officials attended various front meetings and Aidit and
Njoto were in Europe for a short time in 1953, other channels
of communication were necessary. Four major channels have been
suggested and possibly all were in use at one time or another:
(1) the Australian Communist Party; (2) the Soviet Embassy in
Bangkok; (3) the Chinese Communist Embassy in Djakarta and (4)
George Afrin, TASS correspondent. In the past such international
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front organizations as WFTU and the World Peace Council have
served as instruction channels and may also serve the same
function for the PKI.
The Soviet Embassy in Bangkok and George Afrin seem to be
the most probable points of contact. There is little to support
the Australian channel. The Chinese Communist Embassy's role
would depend on any Sino-Soviet agreement on a sphere of influ-
ence in Indonesia or the entire Far East. The Peiping Embassy
undoubtedly has a green light from Moscow in dealing with the
overseas Chinese in Indonesia. Its jurisdiction over the PKI,
however, is doubtful. Conjectures were made when Aidit took
control of the PKI from Alimin that it was the result of a
struggle between Moscow and Peiping oriented groups, the Peiping
faction losing.
Since 1 September 1954 an official Soviet diplomatic mission
has been in Indonesia.
1. Contact through the Australian Communist Party
Reportedly there has been long contact between the
Australian and Indonesian Communist Parties, although little
tangible evidence is available. Laurie Aarcns, the second
highest figure man in the Australian Communist Party, was an
honored guest and speaker at the PKI Congress of March 1954 and
mentioned the long friendship of the two parties. 165 In
response M.H. Lukman, who holds the same position n the PKI,
attended the Australian party congress in October 1954. 166
Other evidence of close contact between the two parties I's scanty
except for occasional travelers, and no evidence that the
Australian party was being used to pass instructions to the PKI
from Moscow exists. Analysts who believe that it was the link
usually speculate that it was used to prevent the Chinese
Communists from seizing direct control of the PKI.
2. Contact through the Soviet Embassy in Bangkok
The Soviet Embassy in Bangkok appears to be one of the most
logical channels for the PKI before the opening of the Russian
Embassy in Djakarta; it was the nearest official Russian instal-
lation to Djakarta, and entry into and exit from Thailand are not
difficult. In May 1954 Soffian Nur, a PKI leader and active
organizer of PERBEPBSI, was reported traveling to Bangkok to
contact the Soviet Embassy there. He also was described as a
means of PKI contact with the Malayan Communist Party and as an
alleged member of that party. He is reported to have used the
name of Lubis in Singapore and to have been an unofficial TASS
representative in Indonesia. 167 The latter statement is
significant in view of specula on that George Arifin, TASS
correspondent, was also an official contact man.
Contact through the Chinese Communist Embassy
in Djakarta
Conjectures on the use of the Chinese Communist Embassy in
Djakarta as a channel of communication are based on four points:
(1) Alirlin, former head of the PKI, spent several years in
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Peiping and was an admirer of Mao and of Chinese Communist
methods; 2 Aidit and Lukman fled to Peiping to avoid arrest
in 1951; (3) Formal contact between the PKI and the Chinese
Embassy has been carried on at Politburo level; and (4) funds
to aid the PKI and its various front groups have come from pro-
Communist Chinese organizations in ")Jakarta and, reportedly,
directly or indirectly from the embassy.
These points show a close relationship between the PKI
and the Chinese Communists, although they do not necessarily
indicate a channel of communications or a chain of command.
4. Contact through a TASS Correspondent
George Afrin has been the leading TASS correspondent in
Indonesia almost continuously since the end of World War II. He
has made trips home to Russia but he has always returned. He
has kept in close contact with PKI and front group leaders, and
his profession has facilitated his traveling throughout Indonesia
and the Far East. Observers of Indonesian affairs have strongly
suspected that he was the main channel of communications before
the opening of the Soviet Embassy. 168/ One American correspond-
ent who spent many years in Indonesia said that most newsmen in
Indonesia considered Afrin to be the channel. 169
B, Communist Party of China and Indonesian Chinese
Official contact between the PKI and the Chinese Communist
Embassy and pro-Communist Chinese organizations in Indonesia
is carried on by Sudisman, a member of the PKI Politburo. 170
Significantly, Sudisman is also the treasurer of the PKI a_nCT_
these Chinese organizations are an important source of revenue
for the party. 171
Since the Communist victory in China much of the propaganda
material arriving in Indonesia has come from Peiping, not only
for the use of the overseas Chinese but for Indonesians as well.
In the field of mass organizations, Peiping is the Far East
headquarters for some of the world-wide Communist organizations,
such as WFTU and the World Peace Committee.
Through all these channels, and through PKI leaders who
visited China, Peiping has been endeavoring to influence the PKI.
It is not clear, as yet, whether the ouster of Alimin will
greatly affect relations between the PKI and Peiping. Nor is
it clear how the opening of the Soviet Embassy in Djakarta may
affect relations. Relations between Peiping and the overseas
Chinese are still close and probably will remain so. Through
such organizations as BAPERKI Peiping may be able to enter and
influence the PKI via the back door.
C. Philippine Communist Party (PKP)
There have been reports that the PKI maintained contact
with Luis Taruc, the recently convicted leader of the Philippine
Communist Party (PKP). One report stated that this contact was
maintained through Zailani of the PKI Central Committee. 172/
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Others have stated that contact is made through the open mails
via Medan or via courier through Borneo. Although Indonesian
mail is censored, a PKI man in the post office is believed to be
intercepting PKI mail before censorship. 17/ The PKI is not
believed to be giving any directions to tfie PKP, although it may
have served as a courier for someone else.
D. Malayan Communist Party (MCP)
Several different versions of the method used to maintain
contact between the PKI and the Malayan Communist Party (MCP)
have been reported. One late 1954 report was that the only
contact is through Sarwono S. Sutardjo, a PKI member of the
Indonesian Parliament. His chief point of contact was said to
be a Malay named Mustafa who was given a position in the
Indonesian attorney general's office through the intercession of
SutardJo. 174
Most of the other reported mail and courier contacts between
the PKI and MCP pass through Medan, including the same mail
channels mentioned for the PKP. 175 Chinese and Malayan
couriers reportedly operate between Medan and Malaya. LL 6/
Nur, of PERBEPBSI, has been reported to be one courier
and a member of the MCP, allegedly under the alias of Lubis. 177
PERBEPBSI also has been reported working closely with the Malayan
Races Liberation Army (MRLA), the Communist army of Malaya. 178
E. Other Foreign Communist Parties
The usual Communist amenities are exchanged between the PKI
and other foreign Communist groups. On the occasion of
congresses, liberation days, birthdays or deaths of leaders, the
traditional messages of greetings or condolences are sent. The
issue of Bintang Merah for the March 1954 party congress con-
tained several pages of greetings from Communist parties in the
free world and behind the Iron Curtain. Delegates also have been
exchanged for such affairs in the past. In general, friendly
relationships are maintained with every party meeting the approval
of the Cominform.
F. Partai Murba
T:me Partai Murba (Proletarian Party), often called a
Trotskyite or a national Communist party, which grew out of a
split between Tan Malaka and the PKI, is one of the few Communist
parties in the world not on friendly terms with the PKI.
Although many attempts have been made to heal the rift, partic-
ularly since the death of Tan Malaka, these have not been suc-
cessful.
The bitterness and rivalry between the two parties has led
to exchange of many strong propaganda attacks. The two most
common charges are that (1) the other party is sabotaging the
revolution and (2) that the other party is pro-Dutch--the two
severest charges that one Indonesian Communist can levy against
anothe:fw. In April 1954 the Partai Murba, led by Kobarsih, a
Partai Murba member of Parliament, made the following criticism
of the PKI:
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1. The PKI is not opposing fascism, imperi-
alism and capitalism since it has joined the Partai
Nasional Indonesia (PNI) in supporting the present
government.
2. Since the PKI has thus compromised with
capitalism and imperialism, it has disqualified
itself as the true representative of the proletarian
masses.
3. The PKI is playing politics for its own
interest to the detriment of the proletarian move-
ment.
4. The PKI is anti-religious.
5. Partai Murba asks why the PKI does not
include patriotism and liberty in its united front
slogan of communism, socialism and nationalism. 179/
Kobarsih also attacked the PKI as "genuine imperialists
utilizing Communist slogans to brink back Dutch imperial powers
to Indonesia." 180 The Murba charge opened with the statement:
In connection with the efforts of certain parties
to equate the Murba Party with the PKI, presently
led by Aidit, and to protect the good name of the
Murba Party, it is stated that: the Murba Party's
policy is a policy which is consistently revo-
lutionary and that continuously and fully opposes
every policy of opportunism s-ich as Linggadjati,
Renville, RTC* and any other policy which compro-
mises with imperialism-capitalism. 181/
These attacks and the attitudes of the current leaders make
it unlikely that the two parties will resolve their differences
for some time. Partai Murba is by far the weaker party and any
merger would be an absorption of Murba by the PKI.
*The Linggadjati, Renville and Round Table Conference agreements
were three agreements between the Netherlands and Indonesia to
end hostilities and establish the Dutch-Indonesian Union.
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CONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST
PARTY OF INDONESIA (PKI)
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APPENDIX A
CONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDONESIA (PKI) 182
The Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) is the best organized
front line and highest form of class organization of the Indo-
nesian proletariat. The PKI represents the interests of the
Indonesian nation and People. In its present stage, it fights
for the establishment of a People's Democracy system in Indonesia,
while its further aim is the realization of a Socialist society
as the first step toward a Communist Society in Indonesia.
The entire work of PKI is based upon the theories of Marx,
Engels, Lenin, Stalin and the Thoughts of Mao Tse-tung and the
Great Corrections of Musso. The PKI fights against every thought
that is not critical, and opposes dogmatism and empiricism.
Based on dialectical materialism and Marx's historical material-
ism, the PKI critically accepts the teachings of Indonesian
history as well as foreign history and opposes the views of world
idealism or mechanical materialism.
Since Indonesia is a semi-colony and semi-feudal; since the
generating forces of the Indonesian Revolution are the laboring
class, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie and other democratic
elements which suffer under imperialism; since there is already
a Communist Party in Indonesia, which has become increasingly
stronger and more influential; and because of the present
international conditions; all these determine that the Indo-
nesian Revolution, in its present stage, is a new type bourgeois-
democratic revolution or a bourgeois-democratic revolution in
a period of imperialism and of world proletarian revolution.
The Indonesian Revolution in its present stage is a People''s
Democracy revolution, that is, the revolution of the masses of
the people, under the leadership of the proletariat, and is
directed against imperialism, feudalism and the bourgeois
comprador class. The Indonesian Revolution has many allies
within the country and abroad. Therefore, the duties of the
PKI at the present stage are: at home--to organize and unite
labor, the peasantry, the intellectuals, small traders, national
entrepeneurs, citizens of foreign descent, all national clans
(tribes) and all anti-imperialist and anti-feudal elements;
externally--to be united with the international proletariat,
with all oppressed nations, subject nations, and nations, which
consider us their equals, which love national freedom, democracy
and world peace. All these are for the advancement of Indonesia
from a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country to a free country,
that is, democratic prosperous and progressive, to replace the
government of feudal lords and compradors with a people's
government, a People's Democracy government. A People's
Democracy government is a government which bases itself on the
masses, a united national front government that is formed on
the basis of the alliance between labor and the peasantry
under the leadership of the laboring class. In view of the
backwardness of our country, this People'"s Democracy govern-
ment will not be a dictatorship of the proletariat, but a
dictatorship of the people. It will not carry out socialist
changes, but will carry out democratic changes. A People's
Democracy government is a government which is able to unite
all anti-feudal and anti-imperialist forces, and which is able
to give lands at no cost to the peasantry, to guarantee demo-
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cratic rights and freedom of religion to the people; it is a
government, which is able to defend national industries and
commerce against foreign competition, and able to raise the
material living standard of labor and abolish unemployment.
In short, a People's Democracy government is a People's govern-
ment that is able to guarantee national freedom and development
through democracy and progress.
Further, when the Indonesian Revolution which is charac-
teristically national and democratic has already fully achieved
its victory, PKI's duty will then be to take the necessary
steps to realize the system of socialism as the first step
towards a Communist order in Indonesia, in ac,lordance with the
needs of social and economic developments in Indonesia and in
accordance with the wishes of the Indoneisan People.
Semi-colonial and semi-feudal Indonesia is a vast group
of islands with an unequally distributed large population,
which consists of several clans with different stages of
social progress. On one hand, the masses of Indonesian People,
especially the laboring class and the peasantry, have a heroic
revolutionary tradition; on the other, there are very great
obstacles that hamper revolutionary progress. These factors
determine the uneven developments of the Indonesian Revolution,
cause the revolution to take a longer period of time and cause
it to have strange characteristics.
The herioc struggle of the Indonesian People has been
demonstrated in their resistance against Dutch rule in the
Bantam War, Timor War, Tondano War, Diponegoro War, Ambon War,
Buginese War, Bondjol War, Palembang War, Bandjar War, Achin
War, Batak War, Lombok War and others, the people's uprising
of 1926, the "Seven Provinces" revolt, the reoistance against
Japanese fascism, among others in Blitar and Singaparna and
the resi:3tance against the Madiun provocation. The August
1945 Revolution and the fights against the Dutch colonial wars
are the pinnacle of a heroic struggle which established a very
extensive and intensive revolutionary tradition upon the entire
People of Indonesia. But the August 1945 Revolution was a
failure, primarily because the mass of the'millions of peasants
had not been awakened and drawn into the revolution, and also
due to the betrayal by the comprador bourgeoisie. The laboring
class at that time was not conscious enough of its role as
leader of the revolution -- the Communist Par-;y of Indonesia
as a proletarian class party had already lost its freedom in
the fields of politics:, ideology and organiza,;ion. The PKI at
that time did not sufficiently understand the particular
character of the Indonesian Revolution and did not sufficiently
understand the facts of the united national front.
The work of the Party is now hard and unique. The problems
that we directly and at once come face to face with are the
the problem of fostering a united national front based on an
alliance of labor and the peasantry and the problem of building
up the Party. Therefore, work among laborers and peasants is
the most important and basic form of activity of the Party.
Party members must lead actions which directly concern the
interest of the masses, continuously, untiringly and system-
atically give explanations to the public (laborers, peasants,
soldiers, intellectuals, small businessmen, national entrepeneurs
and other democratic groups) so that they can be separated from
the comprador bourgeoisie and landlords, which are closely
connected with the imperialist powers. The Party wounds
resulting from past Party mistakes and from the Madiun provoca-
tion must; be quickly healed, so that the Party may be able to
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continue to keep its independence in the fields of politics,
ideology and organization, order that it may realize the lead-
ing role of the labor class in the united national front, and
to be able to strengthen the united national front in general.
Keeping in mind the particular characteristics of the Indonesian
Revolution, the PKI, in the long course of the revolution, must
possess sufficient courage, toughness, experience and skill in
the mobilization and organization of the millions of people,
must be able to overcome all difficulties and obstacles and
keep itself away from possible trouble so that it can advance
towards its aims, and, at the same time, it must relentlessly
steel its own ranks.
In the revolutionary struggle, the PKI must endeavor to
become the hub of all revolutionary mass organizations. The
PKI must also carry out a fight which knows no mercy against
activities inside and outside the Party, that are aimed at
destroying the revolution by dividing the unity of the working
class and the alliance between the revolutionary classes.
For the growth of the Party and the strength of the In-
donesian Revolution, the PKI must carry out a merciless fight
inside and outside the Party against"leftist opportunism" and
"rightist opportunism". A struggle that consumes a long period
of time can generate the danger that the theoretically weak
and characterless members may resort to politics of capitula-
tion and adventurism. Experiences in the Indonesian Revolution
show that the diseases of opportunism, capitulation and
adventurism are dangerous enemies of the revolution. In order
that it may stay stable and strong, the PKI must carry out a
positive struggle that knows no mercy toward these dangerous
elements, and those who do not want to correct their mistakes
must be expelled from the Party.
The PKI may not conceal mistakes and shortcomings in its
work. It must continuously check on its mistakes and short-
comings by the exercise of strict; criticism and self-criticism,
in which manner it can make timely corrections and can educate
its members and cadres. The PKI opposes arrogance, self-
rightiousness toward mistakes and fear of criticism and self-
criticism.
The Indonesian Communists must sacrifice all their
energies and thoughts to serve the People. They must establish
extensive contacts with the masses of labor and peasantry and
all the other revolutionary people and devote continuous atten-
tion to strengthen and spread out these contacts. Every Party
member must understand that the interests of the Party are the
same as those of the People, and that responsibility to the
Party is the same as responsibility to the People. Every Party
member must pay the closest attention to the voice of the People,
understand their urgent needs and help them organize themselves
to fight for their needs. Every Party member must constantly
be prepared to learn from the masses of the People, and at the
same time be tirelessly and constantly prepared to educate the
People in the revolutionary spirit to awaken and advance their
consciousness. The PKI must be convinced that it is dangerous
to be separated from the People. It must constantly watch,
prevent and overcome the existence of tailism, commandoism,
closed door olitics, politics of isolationism, "Bapakism"
(paternalism), individualsim, liberalism, bureaucracy, intrigue,
cliquism and militarism; all of which alienate the Party from
the masses.
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The PKI is organized on the basis of democratic central-
ism as a united and militant organization, steeled with disci-
pline that is based on consciousness, which applies to all its
members
The strength of the PKI lies in its strong solidarity,
its unity of will and its unity of action. No action can be
tolerated which deviates from the Constitution and the Program
of the Party, the tampering with Party discipline, and allows
for autonomyism, factionalism or hypocrisy. The PKI must
constantly guarantee that any member who undermines the Party
Constitution, the Party's Program and discipline is at once
expelled from the Party.
The PKI hopes that every member works actively and is
prepared to sacrifice militantly for the realization of the
program and decisions of the Party to achieve freedom and
prosperity for the Indonesian nation and People.
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TRANSLATION OF THE AMENDED PKI CONSTITUTION OF 1954
Chapter I. Flag, Badge, Anthem and Oath of the Party
Article 1
The flag of the party is colored red, with a length to
width ratio of 3:2, with a yellow hammer and sickle in the
upper left sixth of the flag.
The badge of the party wil-i, be as follows: The 5-pointed
red star with the hammer and sickle in the center; the national
ZT-ndonesian
7 red and white flag on top; rice and cotton on the
right and left; and the name PK--. and the official abbreviation
of the PKI fraction below.
Article 3
The anthem of the Party will be the Internationale.
Article 4
The oath of the Party will be as follows:
I declare my agreement. with the program and Constitu-
tion of the Party, and hereby declare my readiness to become
a full/or candidate member of the PKI. I swear to fulfill
all my Party responsibi_liti.es, to guard the unity of the
Party; to carry out the decisions of the Party to become
an example to others in the struggle for our nation and
people; to strengthen the relation between the Party and
the masses; to strive to deepen my awareness of and to
master the principles of Marx-Leninism; to be straight-
forward and honest towards the Party; to observe Party
discipline and to keep watch on the Party's safety. This
is my declaration and oath to the Communist Party of In-
donesia, the Party that I look to with respect and love.
This oath is taken at the time an individual enters as a
candidate for Party membership and at the time an individual
is approved as a Party member.
Chapter U. Membership
Article 5
Anyone can become a member who is a citizen and has
attained the age of 18, who agrees to the Program and Consti-
tution of the Party, joins and actively participates in a
Party organization, obeys Party decisions, pays initiation
fees and Party dues, attends meetings and classes of the Party,
and reads Party literature,
Article 6
The responsibilities of a party member are as follows:
a. Seek to lighten his consciousness and deepen his under-
standing of the principles of the theories of Marx, Engels,
Lenin, Stalin and the Ideas of Mao Tse-tung, with the Great
Corrections of Musso;
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b. Follow completely Party discipline, take an active part
in internal Party political life and in the revolutionary move-
ment in Indonesia; carry out completely the policies and decisions
of the Party and oppose everything, both within and without the
Party which endangers the interests of the Party, develop self-
criticism and criticism from below; put forward shortcomings
and raise them in meetings; oppose superfluous contentment and
arrogance for obtaining results for workers;
c. Serve the masses of the people, consolidate and relation-
ships between the Party and them, study and report at the appro-
priate time their wishes with respect to the Party, and explain
Party policies to them;
d. Be a model in carrying out the discipline of revolution-
ary organizations; cooperate with the line and be an example in
various fields of revolutionary endeavor.
Article 7
The rights of a Party member are as follows:
a. Take part in free discussions of questicns of deter-
mining Party policies in Party meetings and in Farty publications.
b. Vote and be elected within the Party.
c. Make proposals and give information to any Party organi-
zations, including the Central Committee.
d. Criticize any Party worker in Party meetings.
Article 8
Party members are admitted only on an individual basis in
accordance with the provision for membership as stipulated below.
a. Workers, farm workers, poor farmers, poor city dwellers
or soldiers only can be accepted for membership upon the recom-
mendation cf two Party members, and after a decision of a general
meeting of the Group and the Resort with validation by the CC and
after a period of candidate of 6 months.
b. Middle class farmers, officials, intellectuals and
independent workers (doctors, lawyers, etc.), can become Party
members upon the recommendation of two Party members, one of
whom must have been a member for more than 1 year continuously,
after a decision of a general meeting of the Group and Resort
which has been approved by the SC and after having been a
candidate for 1 year.
c. A person belonging to any social circle other than those
stipulated in "a" and "b" above can become a member of the Party
only upon recommendation of two Party members, one of whom must
have been Party member for more than 3 years continuously, and
after a general meeting of the GC and RC and approval of the
section committee and after having been a candidate for 2 years.
d. Ordinary members of other political parties who have left
those parties and desire to enter our Party, can become members
only upon the recommendation of two members of the Party, one of
whom has been a member for over years continuously, and after
the decision of a general meeting of the GC and RC which has been
approved by the section committee.
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Members of other' politica__ parties who have been local
(daerah) officials, but who have left their parties and desire
to enter our Party, must be recommended by two members, one of
whom has been a Party member for more than 5 years continuously.
The nomination of such persons must be accepted in a general
meeting of the GC and RC and approved by the Provcom.
Officials of other parties who have occupied high
national positions but who have left their parties and desire
to enter our Party, must be approved by the Central Committee.
For all the above groups, a candidacy period of 2 years is!
required.
Article 9
Any Party member who nominates a candidate for Party member-
ship must give the Party accurate information on the ideology,
character, and biography of the candidate nominated and, before
nomination, must give the candidate information on the constitution,
program, and policies of the Party. Anyone who desires to enter
the Party must submit a request containing the information stipu-
lated by the Party.
Before a decision is made or approved concerning a request
for membership, the responsible Party committee shall designate
Party officials to exchange ideas with the candidate, so that
investigation and understanding rna~r be obtained in a careful
manner.
Article 10
Under special conditions, the Secom and the Party Committees
which are higher can directly accept new members.
The purpose of the candidacy period is to give the candidate
initial instructions regarding the Party and to enable the Party
to give due consideration. to the candidate's political quality.
The responsibilities and rights of candidates are the same as
those of members except that they Co not have the right to vote
/ror officer7, to be elected, or to have a voice in asking
decisions.
Article 12
After the completion of a. cancidacy period the request for
membership shall be confirmed by a general meeting of the Group
and Resort and approved by the Section Committee. It is also
possible for the responsible Party committee to lengthen or
shorten the period of candidacy, depending on whether the candi-
date has or has not fulfilled the provisions of Party membership.
The status of candidacy can be revoked if it becomes clear
during the period of candidacy that the provisions for Party
membership have not been fulfilled.
Article 13
The Party standing of a candidate member shall be calculated
from the date of confirmation of request of a candidate to become
a member of the Party.
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Article 14
If a member or a candidate changes his place of residence,
he must become a candidate or member of the Party organization
in the new place of residence by presenting a letter of informa-
tion from the Party committee of a former place of residence.
Article 15
Permission to terminate membership or candidacy must be
submitted with reasons and officially to the head of the Group
and by the head of the Group to the Recom which, at a meeting
of the Resort, will delete the 'person's name from the Party
register, and will report this to the next higher Party com-
mittee for recording.
Article 16
A member or candidate, who for a period of 6 months, who
has not taken part in Party life, has undertaken_ no work for
the Party or paid his dues without valid reason, shall auto-
maticallypbe considered to be outside the Party, and the decision
to erase his name fron the Party register will be made at the
Group-meeting and afterwards at the Resort meeting who will
report it to the next higher Party committee for approval.
Article 17
The expulsion of a member or candidate mast be discussed
and decided upon in a Group meeting and afterwards at a Resort
meeting ;fit which the member in question is present and given
an opportunity to defend himself; the decision can be carried
out only after Secom approval. Under special conditions, the
Party Conrunittee above the Resort can take steps for dismissal
of a member or candidate, but steps of this sort must be vali-
dated by agreement from the next higher Party Committee.
Dismissal from a Party Committee or expulsion of a Party
member mast be decided by ameeting of the Plano of the Party
committee concerned by a 2/3 majority of those entitled to
vote.
Chapter III. Structural Organization of the Party
Article 18
The structural organization of the Party is based on the
principle of democratic centralism, that is, -entralism based
on democracy-and democracy under centralized leadership.
a. All leading Party bodies from the lowest to the
highest must be elected.
b. All leading Party bodies must at designated times
report to the Party organization which elected them.
c. Each Party member must obey the decisions of the Party
organization which he belongs; the minority-must obey the
majority; the lower Party organizations must obey the higher,
and all parts of the Party organization must obey the Central
Committee.
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Article 19
Organizations will be established on the basis of geo-
graphical divisions or branches of production: a Party organi-
zation serving a given area is higher than any Party organization
serving part of that area; a Party organization serving a branch
of production is higher than any Party organization serving part
of that branch of production.
Article 20
The Party's organization is as follows:
a. For all Indonesia there ic> a National Party Congress,
a Central Committee, and a National Party Conference.
b. For each Province there is Provincial Party, Provincial
Party Conference and a Provcom.
c. For the capital of the Republic of Indonesia (Greater
Djakarta) there is a Greater Djakarta Party, Greater Djakarta
Party Conference and a Committee for Greater Djakarta with a
status equivalent to a Provcom.
d. For regencies and large cities there is a Party Section,
Party Section Conference and Secom,
e. For subsections (ketjamatans) and small cities (Kota
Ketjil) there are Party Subsection. Party Subsection Conferences,
and Subsection Committees.
f. For a factory, mine, village (desa, kelurahan), enter-
prise, office or school there shall be a Party Resort, a Resort
Meeting and a Resort Committee, or a Party Great Resort, a Party
Great Resort Conference, and a Great Resort Committee. The Resort is
divisible into groups, which consist of, at the most, 7 (seven)
persons who work and live close by.
The highest authority of the Party Resort is the Resort
meeting. The highest authority of the Great Resort Subsection,
Section and Province is the conference of the respective group.
The highest authority of the entire Party is the National Party
Congress.
Between two meetings of the Resort Meeting, two Party
Conferences and between the National Party Congress, the Party
Committee elected by the group shall exercise the supreme
authority over those Party organizations within each respective
echelon.
Article 22
All leading groups of the Party must be elected:
a. The Central Committee is elected by the National Party
Conference.
b. The Provcom, Secom and Subsecom are elected by the
Party Conference of the respective area.
c. The Recom is elected by the Resort Meeting, and the
Great Recom is elected by the Great Resort Conference.
When conditions do not permit an election, the next higher
leading Party group may appoint the leaders of the Party division
concerned.
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Article 23
The election of Party committees can be by written and secret
ballot or by the open method of a list of candidates with the
assurance that the electors have the right to criticize each
candidate and make changes in the list.
Article 24+
To transmit or discuss important decision of higher Party
organizations and to review or to plan its work each Party organi-
zation s:zall hold various meetings with cadres or active members.
Article 25
Every Party member is allowed tar-enter in discussion in
the Party meetings, freely and without limit, and is allowed to
express his ideas toward Party policies and with regard to various
issues before decisions are made. But once a decision has been
made this decision must be obeyed and carried out unequivocally.
Article 26
Groups of leaders of Party organizations of all echelons
must carry out their work in accordance with the principle of
internal Party democracy. Only thus will it be possible to
stimulate the revolutionary initiative and the creative strength
of the Party members, to strengthen Party discipline, which must
be conscious and not mechanical; assure that there will be a real
Party leadership; and consolidate Democratic centralism. However,
in so doing, all Party leaders of all echelon;; must avoid all
activities which could weaken the internal Party centralism; and
they must; not create a misunderstanding of internal Party democracy,
which is in accord with the useful of centralized action by tending
toward anarchism (acts of autonomy and ultra-democracy).
Article 27
To assure that internal Party democracy shall follow a line
profitable to the Party struggle and not weaken the aim or
solidarity of the struggle in extraordinary situations, so that
such situations may not be used by possible saboteurs and anti-
Party elements or factions to weaken or destrcy the Party, and
so that they may not be used by small groups seeking advantages
for themselves in view of the still weak iedology of the majority
of the Party, the following conditions must be complied with
whenever there is intent to review or discuss, broadly and over
a large area, the policies of the Party concerning national or
local questions:
a. The occasion shall be proper, that is, the objective
situation shall be disadvantageous.
b. Permission must be granted by the Central Committee of
the Party or by the area committee.
c. The question shall be examined by a majority of the
lower organizations or by the next higher Party organizations.
Article 28
Party organizations of all levels must supervise the news-
papers and periodicals under their authority tD popularize the
decisions and policies of the higher Party organizations and.
the publications of the Central Committee. Area publications
must be approved by the Central Committee.
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Article 29
Until the Central Committee has made explanations or given
a decision neither the divisions, lower Party organizations, nor
responsible individuals shall be allowed, arbitrarily, to make
explanations or elucidate opinions on the questions of national
scope, although individuals can discuss and present proposals
to the Central Committee. On local questions, local Party organi-
zations can make decisions provided they are not contrary to
decisions of the higher Party organizations or the Central Com-
mittee.
Article 30
New established Party organizations must have the author-
ization of the responsible higher Party organization..
Article 31
In order that there may be a practical division of labor,
the Party committees from the Subsecom through the Provcom shall
create divisions while the Central Committee shall create depart-
ments, in accordance with conditions to arrange for all types
of Party work. For example, there shall be divisions of organi-
zation, agit-prop, labor, farming, youth, women, representation,
culture, etc. Also, Party committees shall form commissions as
needed on publications,verification, and controls, etc. Each
department or division shall be led by a division. or department
head, and one man may concurrently hold two or more positions
according to the need and strength. The division of labor
between the department or division must be discussed by the
responsible Party committee. The responsibility of the depart-
ment or division will be assigned by the secretariat of the
Party committee concerned.
Chapter IV, Central O,ganization of the Party
Article 32
The National Party Congress shall be decided upon and
convened by the Central Committee. Ordinarily it will be held
once every four years. Under extraordinary conditions the time
may be accelerated or postponed according to a decision of the
Central Committee. If Party organizations representing more
than half of the total Party membership request that a National
Party Congress be held then the Central Committee must comply.
A National Party Congress shall be considered legal only when
attended by delegates representing more than half of all the
Party members. The number of delegates for the National Party
Congress and the method of selecting them must be determined
by the Central Committee. Notification of the'holding of the
Congress must be made at least one month prior.
Article 33
Responsibilities and powetcs of the National Party Congress
are as follows:
a. to hear and accept, discuss and declare valid the
reports made by the Central Committee and other central bodies.
b. to review and amend the program and constitution of
the Party.
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c. to determine the basic orientation and policies of the
Party.
e. to elect candidates for membership in the Central
Committee.
The highest power of the Party, in carrying out the work,
policies and organization between National Party Congresses, is
vested in the Central Committee.
Article 34
The number of members of the Central Committee shall be
decided by the National Party Congress and members of the Central
Committee must be elected by the National Party Congress. In
case a vacancy occurs in the Central Committee, this vacancy shall
be filled by the Central Committee from candidates for membership.
Article 35
The Central Committee shall represent the whole Party in
relations with other political parties, shall set up party
groups and direct their activities, and is responsible for deter:
mining the allotment of Party personnel and finances.
Article 36
A P:leno of the Central Committee shall be held at least
every ha--,f year. However, the Politburo may extend or shorten
this time depending on conditions. Candidates for membership
on the Central Committee may attend the plenary meeting of the
committee and may express their ideas but they do not have the
right of decisive vote.
Article 37
The Central Committee in plenary session shall elect the
Politburo, the secretary of the Central Committee and the
secretary-general of the Party and two deputies. The Poliburo
is the central leading body of the Party and :;hall conduct all
Party activities between two meetings of the Central Commmittee.
The secretary of the Central Committee shall perform the daily
work of that committee, in accordance with decisions of the
Politburo. The secretary-general of the Party and his deputies
concurrently are chairman and vice-chairmen of the Politburo
and the secretariat of the Central Committee. In accordance
with the requirements of its activities, the Central Committee
will form departments, as for example, department of organization,
agit-prop, labor, farming, youth, women, representation, science
and culture, economy, etc. and will form othe:^ bodies for carry-
ing out responsibility in various fields under the leadership
and supervision of the Politburo: the secretariat of the Central
Committee, the secretary-general of the Party, and his deputies.
Article :;8
Between two national party congresses, the Central Committee
shall convene various national party conferences to discuss and
reach decisions on questions of Party policies and current
situations.
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Article 39
Delegates to the National Party Conference shall be elected
by the Pleno of the Provcom. The number of delegates will be des-
ignated by the Central Committee. The National Party Conference
must be attended by delegates representing more than half of the
total of number of Provcoms.
Article 40
The National Party Conference has the right to remove any
member or candidate for membership of the Central Committee who
does not perform his duty; and it has the right to elect in an
emergency election, a part of the candidates for membership
provided the total number of members and candidates dismissed,
or the total number of candidates elected at any one conference
does not exceed one fifth the total of both members and candidates.
Article 41
Decisions made by a National Party Conference and the expul-
sion and election of members and candidates for membership of
the Central Committee by a conference are effective only after
validation by the Central. Committee. All decisions of National
Party Conferences which have been validated by the Central Com-
mittee must be followed by all Party organizations.
Chapter V. Organization of the Provinces, Sections
and Sub-sections of the Party
Article 42
The conferences of the provinces, sections and Sub-sections
of the Party will be convened by their committees respectively,
six months for the province, four months for the section, every
two months for the sub-section. Under extraordinary conditions
the conference may be postponed or advanced according to the
Party committee concerned. The Provcom, Secom and Subsecom must
convene the province conference section or subsection conference
upon the request of more than half of the member organizations
of the Party beneath it or upon motion of the Party organization
immediately above. Delegates to the conference of the province,
subsection or section must be elected by the Pleno committees
of units below.
Article 43
The province, section and subsection conferences shall
hear and accept, discuss and delcare valid the reports made by
the Party committee and other Party groups of the Party committee
concerned; shall discuss and make decisions on questions and
activities of the area concerned. Province, section and sub-
section conferences will elect its Pleno committee. Pleno of
the Provcom and the Pleno of the Secom are elected for two
years and the Pleno of the Subsecom is elected for one year.
The Provcom, in a meeting of the Pleno, will elect a daily
council, secretary and deputies and members of the secretariat.
The daily council of the Provcom will appoint division and
select division heads. Secoms and Subsecoms in their respective
Plenos will each select daily councils, secretaries and deputies.
The daily council of the Secom and Subsecom will set up divisions
and select division heads who will constitute the secretariat
of the respective committee. The secretary and his deputies
will concurrently be chairman, and vice-chairman of the daily
council and secretariat of the respective committees. Daily
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councils of the Provcom, Secom and Subsecom must be approved by
the Party committee immediately above. Anyone elected secretary
or deputy-secretary of a Provcom, Secom or Subsecom must be a
Party member who has truly proven his readiness to work for the
Party and is devoted to the people's struggle.
Article 44
The Provcom, Secom and Subsecom must carry out the decision
of its Party Conference and the decisions of the Party organi-
zations above it; must establish various Party organizations,
must organize personnel and finance divisions and must direct
the fractions in non-Party organizations within the area.
Article 45
The Provcom must hold a Plenary meeting every three months,
Secom every two months, Subsecom every month.
Article 46
The decisions of the conference of the province, section
or subsection are effective upon validation by the next higher
Party organization.
Chapter VI. Basic Organization of the Party
Article 47
The basic organization of the Party is the Party,Resort
which is created according to place of residence or place of
work. In-a factory, mine, village, town, workshop, plantation,
office or school three or more members of the Party may organize
a Resort Party. If there are less than 3 members, the members
must join a nearby Resort organization. Party'.Resorts'must'
be validated by the Secom.
Article 48
In Party Resorts'' where there are many members they can,
organize Groups consisting at the most of seven people, accord-
ing to knowledge, place of residence, or place of work. Each
group will select a group chief and if necessary a deputy chief.
If in-one area of residence or place of work or school the
number of candidates or members of the Party exceeds 100 then
a Party Great Resort is formed. Below the Party Great Resort
is the ,.ubresort Party which is organized in the environs of
a place of residence or a place of work or of a class of school.
The Party Great Resort occupies the same position as the Resort
within the Party.
Article 49
The Party Resort must endeavor to create close unity
between the Party and the masses of people. Responsibilities
of the Party Resort are as follows:
a. Conduct propaganda and organization activities among
the mas:les to clarify the ideas of the Party and the decisions
of the higher Party organizations.
b. Study the feelings and aims of the passes and report
such imr.lediately to higher Party organizations; study the
economic, political and cultural lives of the people; and
organize the masses to solve their problems themselves.
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c. Recruit new members, collect party dues, supervise
and examine the reports of Party members and see that Party
discipline is maintained by members.
d. Educate Party members and organize instruction for
Article 50
The meeting of the members of the Resort can be divided
into meetings of groups. For the Resort meeting there will
be, representatives duly elected by each group. Resort meetings
will elect the Recom in order to carry the daily work. The
Recom is elected for from six months to one year. The Great
Recom is elected by the conference of the Great Recom which
is represented by members of the Subrecom for a period of
six months to one year. The number of members of the Recom
shall be determined in accordance with the size of the'Party
Resort. A minimum of three, a maximum of seven members.
The Recom shall elect a secretary and if necessary a deputy-
secretary. The division of activities among the other members
shall be according to need. The Party Resort with less than
seven members should designate a secretary and a deputy-
secretary but not form a. Recom.
Chapter VII, Party Fractions in Non-Party Organizations
Article 51
A Party fraction shall be formed among leading groups of
government office workers, leading groups of labor unions,
farmers unions, cooperative leagues or other mass organizations
in which.there are three or more Party members holding important
positions. The responsibility of a Party fraction is to lead
Party members in leading groups of such organizations, to
strengthen the influence of the Party and to carry out Party
policies.
Party members will form Party fractions within all
national and local representative bodies.
Article 52
A Party fraction shall have a secretary. Party fractions
which have more than ten members shall form a working committee
(pengurur se-hari-hari -- daily administration) to carry out
daily activities. The secretary and other members of the
working committee shall be elected to a general meeting of the
fraction and this election must be validated by the Party Com-
mittee of the next higher organization.
Article 53
Party fractions in non-Party organizations are under the
leadership of the next higher Party committee and shall carry
out that committee's decisions. Party committees of all levels
should invite responsible members of Party fractions to attend
committee meetings.
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Chapter VIII. Party Control Group--Investigation and Supervision
Article 5)4
The (;-entral Committee shall form aCentra-. Control commissionsmwhenion
(Komisi Kontrol Pusat) and other lower control
necessary.
Article 55
The Central Control commission shall be organized by a
Plenary s sssion~ of the Central Committee. The control commission
of lower ;Party echelons shall be formed by a Plenary session
of the committee of the lower Party echelon with the approval
of the next higher Party organization.
Article 56
The duties and powers of the Central Control commission
and lower control commission are to apply or withdraw disciplinary
measures against Patty members and to conduct denunciations
against Party members.
Article 5-7
The control commission of all levels shall carry on their
work undE!r the leadership of the corresponding Party committees.
Chapter IX. Party Funds
Article f;8
The Party shall be financed by membership fees and dues,
by productive activities, and by other economic activities under-
taken by the Party and by assistance from non._ Party individuals
and groups.
Article 59
A person desiring to join the Party must pay a membership
fee equivalent to membership dues. Membership dues shall be
paid at the beginning of each month in amounts as established
below:
Gross Receipts
Total Dues
(rupiah)
rupiah
0 to 150
0.50
151 to 250
l.CO
251 to 350
2.C0
351 to 450
3.00
451 to 550
4.00
551 to 650
5.00
From 651. rupiah upward, at least 12 percent of gross receipts,
rounded off to the highest 0.50 rupiah. A member must pay his
dues and all payments for the Party for which he is. responsible to
the member of the Party committee who is designated to receive
them.
Article 60
A Party member who receives a position of profit in the name
of the Party is responsible
therefrom, and he shall receive an honorarium according to arrange-
ments established by the Party.
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Article 61
The Provcom shall retain 90 percent of the receipts of
fees, dues and support each month for the treasury needs of the
Provcom, Secom, Subsecom, and Recom. The financial needs of
the Secom, Subsecom and Recom will be decided by the Provcom.
The remaining 10 percent is to be turned over to the Central
Committee by the Provcom.
Chapter X. Honors and Discipline
Article 62
Each member or organization with the Party should receive
honors for displaying unbounded readiness for serving at the
interest of the Party and the people in practical deeds, for
becoming an example of obedience to the discipline of the
Party and other revolutionary organizations, for showing
unusual initiative in carrying out Party policies and program,
the decisions of higher Party organizations and the decisions
of the Central Committee and for unusual results in carrying
out Party duties and for getting Party assistance from the
masses.
Article 63
Party organizations of all levels should take disciplinary
measures against those who do not carry out the decisions of a
higher Party organization or the Central Committee, or who
violate the constitution or Party discipline, according to the
actual circumstances.
a. Disciplinary measures which can be applied to a Party
organization are: rebuke, partial reorganization of the body
of leaders, dissolution of the body of leaders and designating
another body of leaders pro tempore, or complete dissolution of
the entire organization and a reassignment of its members.
b. Disciplinary steps which can be taken against a Party
member are: personal reminder or rebuke at a general meeting
of members, reassignment; to other work, assignment to duty on
a trial basis, or expulsion from Farty.
Article 64
A Party organization or member who receives disciplinary
action is to be informed of the reason for the action. A
member or organization which considers that such disciplinary
action is not just, can state his disagreement to the decision
and may present a request that the question be reconsidered,
or he can request justice from the next higher Party organi-
zation. The Party committee concerned must without fail present
such requests. Refusing or suppressing such requests is
forbidden.
Article 65
Expulsion from the Party is the supreme disciplinary
measure within the Party. Every Party organization must
exercise the greatest care in making or verifying such a
decision, must listen carefully to the requests of members
subject to disciplinary action ano must thoroughly analyze the
circumstances of the infractions.
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Article 66
The positive aim of the Party in giving honor or in
disciplinary action is to instruct the Party member and the
masses and not for the purposes of stirring up personal vanity
or of passing personal judgement. The honoring by the Party
of a Party member who has given unusual service is for the
purpose of establishing a criterion of work within the Party
and for the purpose of establishing a general model for Party
members. Criticism and disciplinary measures against Party
members who have made errors are for the purpose of warning
other members, assisting them in overcoming their weaknesses,
and putting them at ease.
Chapter XI. Party Organization Under Extraordinary Circumstances
Article 67
Where the Party cannot be established and function in the
unusual manner, the form of the organization and the method of
conducting Party activities shall be determined by the Central
Committee in accordance with the Party constitution. The form
of orgaanization and the method of activities as stipulated in
the constitution, but which are not in accord with extra-
ordinary circumstances, may be revised.
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APPENDIX B
PARTIAL LIST OF PROVCOMS, SECOMS AND SUBSECOMS
OF THE INDONESIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
SEC
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APPENDIX B
PARTIAL LIST OF PR VCO , SECOMS AND SUBSECOMS
OF THE INDONESIAN COMMUNISTPARTY
SC = Secom
SSC Subsecom
PROVCOM DJAWA TIMUR
(East Java Provincial Committee)
including responsibility for Madura and western Nusa Tenggara
East Java Proper
1. Banjuwangi SC
2. Blitar SC
3. Bodjonegoro SC
Kapas SSC
4+. Bondowoso SC
Besuki SSC
5. Djember SC
a. Kalisat SSC
b. Tempuredjo SSC
c. Ambulu SSC
d. Wuluhan SSC
e. Balung SSC
f. Kentjong SSC
g. Umbulsari SSC
h. Sumberbaru SSC
i. Tanggul SSC
J. Djember Selatan SSC
6.
Djember Kotabesar SC
7.
Djombang SC
8.
Kediri SC
a.
b.
c.
d.
Plosoklaten SSC
Wates SSC
Pare SSC
Plemahan SSC
9.
Kediri Kotabesar SC
10.
Lamongan SC
a.
b.
Duduksampejan SSC
Babat SSC
11.
Lumadjang SC
a. Senduro SSC
b. Klapah SSC
c. Djokiroto SSC
-d. Gutapalit SSC
e. Pasirian SSC
f. T jandipuro SSC
g. Tempeh SSC
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12. Madiun SC
a. Dagengon SSC
b. Kebon Serih SSC
13. Madiun Kotabesar SC
14. Magetan SC
15. Malang SC
Pagak SSC
16. Malang Kotabesar SC
17. Modjokerto SC
Kedurus SSC
18. Ngandjuk SC
Porong SSC
19. Ngawi SC
20. Pasuruan SC
21. Patjitan SC
22. Ponorogo SC
23. Probolinggo SC
Kraksaan SSC
24. Sidoardjo SC
25. Situbondo SC (in Panarukan Regency)
26. Surabaja SC
a. Greski SSC
b. Tjerme SSC
27. Surabaja Kotabesar SC
a. Wonakromo SSC
b. Kranggan SSC
c. Ketahang SSC
d. Krembangan SSC
e. Kapasan SSC
f. Wonosari SSC
g. Pandaan SSC
28. Trer.ggalek SC
29. Tuba.n SC
30. Tu1L:ngagung SC
Madura
31. Bangkalan SC
32. Pamekasan SC
33. Sampang SC
34. SumEenep SC
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Western Nusa Tenggara
35.
Ampenan (Lombok) SC;
36.
Den
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
Pasar (Bali) SC
Badung SSC
Tabanan SSC
Buleleng SSC
Djembrana SSC
Bangli SSC
Karangaum SSC
37. Sumbawa Besar Sc
38. Singaradja SC
a. Giranjar SSC
b. Klungkung SSC
B-,3
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PROVCOM DJAWA TENGAH
(Middle Java)
1. Ambarawa SC
a. Ambarawa SSC
b. Sumowono SSC
c. Ungaran SSC
d. Bandungan SSC
2. Bandjarnegara Sc
Ban jinnas SC
Purwakerto SSC
4. Bantul SC
5. Blora SC
a. ]31ora Kota SSC
b. Djeprnm SSC
c. Kunduran SSC
d. ]{upas-Pads SSC
e. Ngawen SSC
f. Pandublatung SSC
6. Bo jo:Lali SC
a. Ngamplek SSC
b. Karanggede SSC
c. Sambi SSC
d. 'rjepogo SSC
7. Brebes SC
8. Dema:-c SC
a. '-ITenuk/Karanganjar SSC
b. :Dempet SSC
9. Djepara SC
Mlonggo SSC
10. Gunungkidul SC
a. Semanu SSC
b. Wonosari SSC
11. Jogjakarta SC
a. Kotagede SSC
b. Godean SSC
c. Pakem SSC
d. Tawan Siswa SSC
12. Karanganjar SC
13. Kebumen SC
14. Kendal SC
a. Kaliwungu SSC
b. Ngadiredjo SSC
c. Djumopolo SSC
d. Tretep SSC
e. Tjandiroto SSC
B-4
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
15. Klaten SC
16. Kudus SC
17. Kulonprogo SC
a. Karangsari SSC
b. Wates SSC
18. Ma.gelang SC
Tegalredjo SSC
19. Pati SC
a. Sukolilo SSC
b. Taju 3SC
20. Pekalongan SC
21. Pemalang SC
22. Purbolinggo SC
23. Purwodadi SC
24. Purworedjo SC
25. Rembang SC
26. Salatiga SC
27. Semarang SC
28. Semarang Kotabesar SC
29. Sleman SC
Sleman Timur SSC
30. Solo (Surakarta) SC
a. Bekbnan SSC
b. Lawejan SSC
c. Metasih SSC
d. Tjolomadju SSC
31. Sragen SC
32. SukohardJo SC
a. Kartosuro SSC
b. Tawangsari SSC
33. Tegal SC
34. Temanggung SC
35. Tjepu SC
36. Tjilatjap SC
37. Wonogiri SC
38. Wonosobo SC
B-5
Aw"foooo
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
- JA.TiLSmmmmw~
PROVCOM DJAWA BARAT
(West Java)
1. Bandung SC
a. Karees SSC
b. Tegallega SSC
c. Bodjonaga SSC
d. Tjimahi SSC
e. Priangan SSC
f. Padalarang SSC
g. Undjungberung SSC
h. Tjisaruah SSC
2. Bandung Kotabesar SC
3. Bekasi SC
a. Tjikarang SSC
b. Depok SSC
14 Bogor SC
Tjibubur SSC
5. Garut SC
6. Indramaju SC
7. Krawang SC
8. Kuningan SC
9. Madjalengka SC
10. Pandeglang SC
Labuan SSC
11. Rangkasbitung SC
12. Serang SC
Banten SSC
13. Sukabumi SC
Boros SSC
14. Sumedang SC
a. Karumbi SSC
b. Balaradja SSC
15. Tanggerang SC
a. Tjisalok SSC
b. Serpong SSC
16. Tasikmalaja SC
Indihiang SSC
17. Tjiamis SC
a. Warungdjasak SSC
b. Bandjar SSC
18. Tjiandjur SC
Patjet SSC
B-6
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
19. Tjikampek SC (Purwakarta)
20. Tjirebon SC
a. West Cheribon SSC
b. Karangsembung SSC
21. T,jirebon Kotabesar SC
B-7
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
PROVCOM DJAKARTA RAYA
(Greater Djakarta)
1. Gambir SC
a. Gambir SSC
b. Menteng SSC
2. Kampong Melaju SC
a. Bukit Duri SSC
b. Kampong Melaju SSC
c. Legok SSC
d. Matraman SSC
3. Kebajoran Baru SC
Kebajoran Baru SSC
4. Kebajoran Lama SC
a. Kebajoran Lama SSC
b. Pala-Petogogan SSC
5. Kebon Djeruk SC
a. Kampong Baru SSC
b. Kebon Djeruk SSC
6. Krukut SC
a. Angke Duri SSC
b. Krukut SSC
7. Mampang Prapatan SC
a. Mampang Prapatan SSC
b. Mampang Tegalparang SSC
c. Kuningan SSC
8. Mangga Dua SC
a. Kebajoran Djeruk SSC
b. Mangga Dua SSC
9. Matraman SC
a. Hutan Kaju SSC
b. Matraman Raya SSC
c. Pal-Merian/Djalan Solitude SSC
d. Pisangan SSC
e. Rawamangun SSC
f. Solitude SSC
g. Tjipinang SSC
10. Pasar Minggu SC
Pasar Minggu SSC
11. Pasar Rebo SC
a. Djatirawa Mangun SSC
b. Kampong Gaga SSC
c. Kampong Makassar SSC
d. Kawikawi SSC
e. Kramat Djati SSC
f. Pasar Rebo SSC
g. Tjipinang Melaju SSC
B-8
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 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
12.
Pendjaringan SC
a.
b.
c.
d.
Pedjagalan SSC
Pendjaringan SSC
Berok SSC
Bladongan-Klenteng SSC
13.
Petamburan SC
a.
b.
c.
d.
Djati SSC
Palmerah SSC
Petodjo SSC
Slipi SSC
14.
Pulo
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
Gadung SC
Bali-Mester SSC
Djatinegara SSC
Kiapa Dua Wetan SSC
Klender SSC
Pulo Gadung SSC
Tjawang SSC
T jirat jas SSC
15. Pulo Seribu SC
16. Salemba SC
a. Kramat SSC
b. Rawasari SSC
c. Salemba SSC
d. Tanah Tinggi SSC
17. Sawah Besar SC
a. Kampong Bunder SSC
b. Kebajoran Kiapa SSC
18. Seven SC
a.
b.
c.
Kwitang Kebon Sajur SSC
Senen SSC
Sunter Baru SSC
19.
Tanah Abang SC
a.
b.
c.
d.
Tanah Abang I SSC
Tanah Abang II SSC
Karet I SSC
Karet II SSC
20.
Tandjung Priok SC
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
Djembatan Tinggi SSC
Semper SSC
Tandjung Priok SSC
Tjilintjing SSC
Sumter SSC
21.
Tjengkareng SC
B-9
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
PROVCOM SUMATERA UTARA
(North Sumatra)
i .
Aaahan SC
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
J.
Aek Loba SSC
Aek Manopan SSC
Pulau Marrdi SSC
Kisaran SSC
Tandjung Balai SSC
Simpang Kawat SSC
Negeri Lama SSC
Labuhan Bilik SSC
Kwala Ledang SSC
Air Batu SSC
3.
Dairi SC
4.
Deli
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
ger=dang SC
Tandjung Morawa
Tambong SSC
Pertjut SSC
Deli Tua SSC
Labuhan Deli SSC
Lubuk Pakam SSC
Perbaungan SSC
Galang SSC
Serberlawan SSC
Tebingtinggi SSC
Dolok Masihul SSC
Labuahan Batu SC
a. Marbau SSC
b. Rantau Prapat SSC
c. Kota Pinang SSC
Kota Radja SC (Atjeh Besar)
Matang Glumpang II SSC
Langkat SC
a. Bindjei SSC
b. Kwala SSC
c. Besitang SSC
d. Pangkalan Brandan SSC
e. Pangkalan Susu SSC
f. Tandjung Pura SSC
8. Lang;sa SC
Kuala Simpang SSC
Lho Seumawe SC
a. Idi SSC
b. Lho Sukon SSC
c. Bireun SSC
d. Simpang Olim SSC
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
12.
Nias SC (In Gunung Sitoli)
13.
Pandang Bedagai SC
14.
Pandang Sidempuan SC
a.
b.
Batang Toru SSC
Samkas Aek Habil SSC
15.
Sigli SC
a.
b.
Meurendu SSC
Samalanga SSC
16.
Simalungan SC
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.
Siantar SSC
Nagaradja SSC
Serang Padang SSC
Tiga Belata SSC
Tiga Dolok SSC
Kampong Pon SSC
Pematang Bandar SSC
Merek Raja SSC
Kampong Beringin SSC
Nagodjor SSC
Tanah Djawa SSC
1.
M.
Pane Tonga SSC
Perdagangan SSC
17.
Simpang Gambir SC
Sibolga SSC
18.
Takengon SC
19.
Tanah Karo (Karoland)SC
a.
Pajung SSC
b.
Brastagi SSC
c.
Pantju Batu SSC
d.
Kota
Tjane SSC
e.
Tiga
Nderket SSC
f.
Tiga
Binaga SSC
g.
Kabandjahl SSC
h.
Kutabuluh SSC
i.
Seribu Dolok SSC
20.
Tapaktuan SC
a.
b.
c.
Sidikalang SSC
Singkil SSC
Alas SSC
21.
Tarutung SC (Tapanuli Utara)
L3 j;".LVMi.L
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
PROVCOM SUMATERA TENGP:H
(Central. Sumatra)
1.
Again SC (in Bukittinggi)
Agam SSC
2.
Bukittinggi SC
3.
D jan:bi SC (Batanghari Regency)
4.
Indragiri SC
5.
Kampar/$engkalis SC
a. Pakanbaru SSC
b. Siak Hulu SSC
6.
Maringin SC
7.
Padang SC
8.
Padang Pandjang SC
9.
Pajakumbuh SC (Limapuluh Kota Regency)
Limapuluh SSC
10.
Rengat SC
11.
Riau S C .
Bagan Siapiapi SSC
12.
Sawah Lunto SC
Kumanis SSC
13.
So1ok SC
14.
Sungei Penuh SC
(Pasisir Selantan-Kerintji Regency)
Kerintji-Indrapura SSC
15.
Talu,/Pas'aman SC
16.
Tanah Datar SC
B-12
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
PROVCOM SUMATERA SELATAN
(South Sumatra)
1.
Bangka SC
2.
Batu Radja SC
(in Ogan dan Komering Ulu Regency)
3.
Belitung SC
4.
Bengkulu SC
(Bengkulu Utara Regency)
Kepahjang SSC
5.
Kaju Agung SC (in Ogan dan Komering Ilir Regency)
Sirah Pulau SSC
6.
Lahat SC
7?
Lampung SC (in Lampung Utara Regency)
Lampung Selatan SC
Teluk Piandang SSC
9.
Lampung Tengah SC
(in Metro)
10.
Lubuk Linggau SC
(in Musi Rawas Regency)
11.
Muara Enim SC
a. Pandan Enim SSC
b. Matas SSC
12.
Palembang SC
13.
Redjang Lebong SC
a. Redjang Lebong SSC
b. Tjurup SSC
c. Lebong Utara SSC
B-13
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
PROVCOM KALIMANTAN TIMUR
(East Borneo)
1. Balikpapan SC
Tarakan SSC
2. Samarinda SC
PROVCOM KALIMANTAN SELATAN
(South Borneo)
1. Bandjermasin SC
a. Kuala Kapuas SSC
b. Sampit SSC
2. Barito Timur SC
3. Special Section for the Borneo Interior
PROVCOM KALIMANTAN BARAT
(West Borneo)
1. Pontianak SC
Siantan SSC
2. Singkawang SC
3. Sambas SC
B-14+
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
PROVCOM SULAWESI/MALUKU
(Celebes and Moluccas)
including responsibility for eastern Nusa Tenggara
Sulawesi
1.
Gorontalo SC
2.
Makassar SC
Amurang SSC
3.
Mangondow SC
Inandi SSC
4.
Menado SC
a. Sonder SSC
b. Tondano SSC
5.
Minahasa SC
Tomohon SSC
6.
Palopo SC
(Luwu Regency in Celebes)
7.
Pare-Pare SC
8.
Poso SC
9.
Toradja
(Special Committee)
Maluku
10.
Maluku Selatan SC
11.
Maluku Utara SC
(in Ternate, Halmahera)
12.
Maluku Tengah SC
(in Amboina, Ambon,),
13.
Special Section for Irian
Eastern Nusu Tenggara
14. Ende SC (Flores Island )
15. Kupang SC (Indonesian Timor)
B-15
,
woo
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
-00
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF PKI UNITS
(Given by provinces in Appendix B)
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
APPENDIX C
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF PKI UNITS
(Given by provinces in Appendix B)
Aek Kanopan SSC -- North Sumatra
Aek Loba SSC -- North Sumatra
Agam SC -- Central Sumatra
Agam SSC -- Central Sumatra
Air Batu SSC --'North Sumatra
Alas SSC -- North Sumatra
Ambarawa SSC -- Middle Java
Ambarawa SC -- Middle Java
Ambulu SSC -- East Java
Ampenan (Lombok) SC -- East Java
Amurang SSC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Angke Duri SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Asahan SC -- North Sumatra
Babat SSC -- EastJava
BadungSSC -- East'.Java.
Bagan..Siapiapi'SSC-- Central Sumatra
Balaradja SSC - West Java
Balikpapan SC -- East Borneo
Bali-Mester SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Balung SSC -- East Java
Bandjar SSC -- West Java
Bandjarnegara SC - Middle Java
Bandjermasin SC - South Borneo
Bandung SC -- West Java
Bandung Kotabesar SC -- West Java
Bandungan SSC -- Middle Java
Bangka SC -- South Sumatra
Bangkalan SC -- East Java
Bangli SSC - East Java
Banjumas SC -- Middle Java
Banjuwangi SC -- East Java
Banten SSC -- West Java
Bantul SC -- Middle Java
Barito Timur SC -- South Borneo
Batang Toru SSC -- North Sumatra
Batu Radja SC - South Sumatra
Bekasi SC -- West Java
Bekonan SSC -- Middle Java
Belawan SC -- North Sumatra
Belitung SC -- South Sumatra
Bengkulu SC -- South Sumatra
Berok SSC - Greater Djakarta
Besitang SSC - North Sumatra
Besuki SSC - East Java
Bindjei SSC -- North Sumatra
Bireun SSC -- North Sumatra
Blandongen-Klenteng SSC - Greater Djakarta
Blitar SC -- East Java
Blora SC -- Middle Java
Blora Kota SSC -- Middle Java
Bodjonaga SSC -- West Java
Bodjonegoro SC -- East Java
Bogor SC -- West Java
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
Bojolali SC -- Middle Java
Bondowoso SC -- East Java
Borneo Interior, Special Section -- South Borneo
Boros SSC -- West'-Java,,
Brastagi SSC -- North Sumatra
Brebes SC -- Middle Java
Bukit Duri SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Bukittinggi SC -- Central Sumatra
Bulelang SSC -- East Java
Dagengon SSC -- East Java
Dairi SC -- North Sumatra
Deli Serdang SC -- North Sumatra
Deli Tua SSC -- North Sumatra
Demak SC -- Middle Java
Dempet SSC -- Middle Java
Den Fasar (Bali) SC -- East Java
Depok SSC -- West Java
Djambi SC -- Central Sumatra
Djati SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Djatinegara SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Djatirawa Mangun SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Djembatan Tinggi SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Djember SC -- East Java
Djember Kotabesar SC -- East Java
Djember Selatan SSC -- East Java
Djembrtna SSC -- East Java
Djepara SC -- Middle Java
Djepon SSC -- Middle Java
Djokiroto SSC -- East Java
Djombong SC -- East Java
Djumcpolo SSC -- Central Java
Dolok Masihul SSC -- North Sumatra
Dudksampejan SSC -- East Java
Ende (Flores)SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Galan.g SSC -- North Sumatra
Gambir SC -- Greater Djakarta
Gambir SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Garut SC -- West Java
Genuk/Karanganjar SSC - Central Java
Giranjar SSC -- East Java
Godean SSC -- Middle Java
Gorontalo SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Gresik (Grissee) SSC -- East Java
Gunungkidul SC -- Middle Java
Gutacalit SSC -- East Java
Hutar.. Kaju SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Idi SSC -- North Sumatra
Inandi SSC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Indir.iang SSC -- West Java
Indragiri SC -- Central Sumatra
Indramaju SC -- West Java
Irian, Special Section -- Celebes and Moluccas
Jogjakarta SC -- Middle Java
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
Kabandjahl SSC -- North Sumatra
Kaju Agung SC -- South Sumatra
Kalisat SSC -- East Java
Kaliwungu SC -- Middle Java
Kampar/Bengkalis SC -- Central Sumatra
Kampong Baru SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kampong Beringin SSC -- North Sumatra
Kampong Bunder SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kampong Gaga SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kampong Makasar SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kampong Melaju SC -- Greater Djakarta
Kampong Melaju SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kampong Pon SSC -- North Sumatra
Kapas SSC -- East Java
Kapasan SSC -- East Java
Karagsari SSC -- Middle Java
Karanganjar SC -- Middle Java
Karangasem SSC -- East Java
Karanggede SSC -- Middle Java
Karangsembung SSC -- West Java
Karees SSC -- West Java
Karet I SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Karet II SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kartosuro SSC -- Middle Java
Karumbi SSC -- West Java
Kawikawi SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kebajoran Baru SC -- Greater Djakarta
Kebajoran Baru SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kebajoran Djeruk SC -- Greater Djakarta
Kebajoran Klapa SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kebajoran Lama SC -- Greater Djakarta
Kebajoran Lama SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kebon Djeruk SC -- Greater Djakarta
Kebon Serih SSC -- East Java
Kebumen SC -- Middle Java
Kediri SC -- East Java
Kediri Kotabesar SC -- East Java
Kedurus SSC -- East Java
Kendal SC -- Middle Java
Kentjong SSC -- East Java
Kepahjang SSC - South Sumatra
Kerintji-Indrapura SSC -- Central Sumatra
Ketahang SSC -- East Java
Kisaran SSC -- North Sumatra
Klapah SSC -- East Java
Klapa Dua Wetan SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Klaten SC -- Middle Java
Klender SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Klungkung SSC -- East Java
Kotagede SSC -- Middle Java
Kota Pinang SSC -- North Sumatra
Kota Radja SC -- North Sumatra
Kota Tjane SSC -- North Sumatra
Kraksaan SSC -- East Java
Kramat SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kramat Djati SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Kranggan SSC -- East Java
Krawang SC -- West Java
Krembangan SSC -- East Java
Krukut SC -- Greater Djakarta
Krukut SSC -- Greater Djakarta
C-3
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
Kuala Simpang SSC -- North Sumatra
Kuala Kapuas SSC -- South Borneo
Kudus SC -- Middle Java
Kulonprogo SC -- Middle Java
Kumanis SSC -- Central Sumatra
Kunduran SSC -- Middle Java
Kuningan SC -- West Java
Kuningan 3SC Greater Djakarta
Kupang (Timor) SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Kupas-Padi SSC -- Middle Java
Kutabuluh SSC -- North Sumatra
Kwala SSC -- North Sumatra
Kwala Ledang SSC -- North Sumatra
Kwitang Kebon Sajur SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Labuan SSC -- West Java
Labuhan Bilik SSC -- North Sumatra
Labuhan Batu SC -- North Sumatra
Labuhan Deli SSC -- North Sumatra
Lahat SC -- South Sumatra
Lamongan 3C - East Java
Lampung SC -- South Sumatra
Lampung Selatan SC -- South Sumatra
Lampung Tengah SC -- South Sumatra
Langkat SC -- North Sumatra
Langsa SC -- North Sumatra
Lawejan SSC -- Middle Java
Lebong Utara SSC -- South Sumatra
Legok SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Lho Seumawe SC -- North Sumatra
Lho Sukon SSC -- North Sumatra
Limapuluh SSC -- Central"'Sumatra
Lubuk Linggau SC -- South Sumatra
Lubuk Dakam SSC -- North Sumatra
Lumadjang SC -- East Java
Madiun Kotabesar SC -- East Java
Madiun SC -- East Java
Madjalenglca SC -- West Java
Magelang SC -- Middle Java
Magetan SC -- East Java
Makassar SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Malang Kotabesar SC -- East Java
Malang SC -- East Java
Maluku Se=_atan SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Maluku Tengah SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Maluku Utara SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Mampang Prapatan SC -- Greater Djakarta
Man pang Prapatan SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Mampang Tegalparang SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Mangga DUEL SC -- Greater Djakarta
Mangga Dua SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Mangondow SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Marbau SSC -- North Sumatra
Maringin SC -- Central Sumatra
Matang Glumpang II SSC -- North Sumatra
Matas SSC -- South Sumatra
Matraman :;C -- Greater Djakarta
Matraman L~,SC -- Greater Djakarta
Matraman Raya SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Medan Kota. Besar SC -- North Sumatra
Menado SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
C-4
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300.150001-8
Menteng SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Merek Raja SSC -- North Sumatra
Metahsih SSC -- Middle Java
Meulaboh SC -- North Sumatra
Meurendu SSC -- North Sumatra
Minahasa SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Mlonggo SSC -- Middle Java
Modjokerto SC -- East Java
Muara Enim SC -- South Sumatra
Nagaradja SSC -- North Sumatra
Nagodjor SSC -- North Sumatra
Negeri Lama SSC -- North Sumatra
Ngadiredjo SSC -- Central Java
Ngamplek SSC - Middle Java
Ngandjuk SC -- East Java
Ngawen SSC -- Middle Java
Ngawi SC -- East Java
Nias SC -- North Sumatra
Padalarang SSC -- West Java
Padang SC -- Central Sumatra
Pandang Bedagai SC -- North Sumatra
Padang Pandjang SC -- Central Sumatra
Padang Sidempuan SC -- North Sumatra
Pagak SSC -- East Java
Pajakumbuh SC-- Central Sumatra
Panjung SSC -- North Sumatra
Pakanba-ru SSC -- Central Sumatra
Pakem SSC -- Middle Java
Pala-Petogogan SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Palembang SC -- South Sumatra
Palmerah SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Pal-Meriam/Djalan Solitude SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Palopo SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Pamekasan SC -- East Java
Pandaan SSC -- East Java
Pandan Enim SSC -- South Sumatra
Pandegland SC -- West Java
Pane Tonga SSC -- North Sumatra
Pangkalan Brandan SSC -- North Sumatra
Pangkalan Susu SSC -- North Sumatra
Pantju Batu SSC -- North Sumatra
Pare SSC -- East Java
Pare-Pare SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Pasar Minggu SC -- Greater Djakarta
Pasar Minggu SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Pasar Rebo SC -- Greater Djakarta
Pasar Rebo SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Pasirian SSC -- East Java
Pasuruan SC -- East Java
Pati SC -- Middle Java
Patjet SC -- West Java
Patjitan SC -- East Java
Pedjagalan SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Pekalongan SC -- Middle Java
Pemalang SC -- Middle Java
Pematang Bandar SSC -- North Sumatra
Pendjaringan SC -- Greater Djakarta
Pendjaringan SSC -- Greater Djakarta
C-5
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
Perbaungan SSC -- North Sumatra
Perdagangan SSC -- North Sumatra
Pertjut SSC -- North Sumatra
Petamburan SC -- Greater Djakarta
Petodjo SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Pisangan SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Plemahan SSC -- East Java
Plosoklaten SSC -- East Java
Ponorogo SC -- East Java
Pontianak SC - West Borneo
Porong SSC -- East Java
Poso SC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Priangan SSC -- West Java
Probolinggo SC -- East Java
Pulau Mancii SSC -- North Sumatra
Pulo Gandung SC -- Greater Djakarta
Pulo Gandung SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Pulo Seribu SC -- Greater Djakarta
Purbolinggo SC -- Middle Java
Purwakerto SSC -- Middle Java
Purwodadi SC -- Middle Java
Purworedjo SC -- Middle Java
Randublatung SSC -- Middle Java
Rangkasbit;ung SC West Java
Rantau Prapat SSC -- North Sumatra
Rawamangun SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Rawasari SSC -- Greater Djakarta"
Redjang Lebong SC -- South Sumatra
Redjang Lebong SSC -- South Sumatra
Rembang SC -- Middle Java
Rengat SSC -- Central Sumatra
Riau SC --- Central Sumatra
Salatiga SC -- Middle Java
Salemba SC -- Greater Djakarta
Salemba SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Samalanga SSC -- North Sumatra
Samarinda SC -- East Borneo
Sambas SC -- West Borneo
Sambi SSC -- Middle Java
Samkas Aek Habil SSC -- North Sumatra
Sampang S" East Java
Sampit SS. -- Borneo
Sawah Besar SC -- Greater Djakarta
Sawah Lunto SC -- Central Sumatra
Semarang SC -- Middle Java
Semarang Kotabesar SC -- Middle Java
Semanu SSC -- Middle Java
Semper SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Senduro SSC -- East Java
Senen SC -- Greater Djakarta
Senen SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Serang SC -- West Java
Serang Padang SSC -- West Java
Serberlawan SSC -- North Sumatra
Seribu Dclok SSC -- North Sumatra
Serpong SSC West Java
Siak HulL. SSC -- Central Sumatra
Siantan SSC -- West-Borneo
Siantar SSC -- North Sumatra
c-6
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
Sibolga SSC -- North Sumatra
Sidikalang SSC -- North Sumatra
Sidoardjo SC -- East Java
Sigli SC -- North Sumatra
,Simalungan SSC -- North Sumatra
Simpang Gambir SC -- North Sumatra
Simpang Kawat SSC -- North Sumatra
Simpang Olim SSC -- North Sumatra
Singaradja SC -- East Java
Singkawang SC -- West Borneo
Singkil SSC -- North Sumatra
Sirah Pulau SSC -- South Sumatra
Situbondo SC -- East Java
Sleman SC -- Middle Java
Sleman Timur SSC -- Middle Java
Slipi SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Solitude SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Solo (Surakarta) SC -- Middle Java
Solok SC -- Central Sumatra
Sonder SSC -- Celebes and Moluccas
S ragen SC - Middle Java
Sukabumi SC -- West Java
Sukohardjo SC -- Middle Java
Sukolilo SSC -- Middle Java
Sumbawa Besar SC -- East; Java
Sumberbaru SSC -- East Java
Sumedang SC -- West Java
Sumenep SC -- East Java
Sumowono SC -- Middle Java
Sungei Penuh SC -- Central Sumatra
Sunter SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Sunter Baru SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Surabaja SC -- East Java
Surabaja Kotabesar SC -- East Java
Tabanan SSC -- East Java
Taju SSC -- Middle Java
Takengon SC -- North Sumatra
Talu/Pasaman SC -- Central Sumatra
Tambbng SSC -- North Sumatra
Tanah Abang SC -- Greater Djakarta
Tanah Abang I SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Tanah Abang II SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Tanah Datar SC -- Central Sumatra
Tanah Djawa SSC -- North Sumatra
Tanah Karo SC -- North Sumatra
Tanah Tinggi SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Tandjung Balai SSC -- North Sumatra
Tandjung Priok SC -- Greater Djakarta
Tandjung Priok SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Tandjung Morawa SSC -- North Sumatra
Tandjung Pura SSC -- North Sumatra
Tanggerang SC -- West Java
Tanggul SSC -- East Java
Tapaktuan SC -- North Sumatra
Tarakan SSC -- East Borneo
Tarutung SC -- North Sumatra
Tasikmalaja SC -- West Java
Tawangsari SSC -- Middle Java
Tawan Siswa SSC -- Middle Java
Tebingtinggi SSC -- North Sumatra
C-7
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
Tegal SC -- Middle Java
Tegallega SSC -- West Java
Tegalredjc SSC -- Middle Java
Teluk Piar.dang SSC -- South Sumatra
Temanggung SC -- Middle Java
Tempeh SSC -- East Java
Tempuredjc SSC -- East Java
Tiga Belata SSC -- North Sumatra
Tiga Binaga SSC -- North Sumatra
Tiga Dolok:SSC -- North Sumatra
Tiga Nderkket SSC -- North Sumatra
Tjandipurc SSC -- East Java
Tjandirotc SSC -- Central Java
Tjawang SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Tjengkaren.g SC -- Greater Djakarta
Tjepogo SSC -- Middle Java
Tjepu SC -- Middle Java
Tjerme SSC -- East Java
Tjiamis SC -- West Java
Tjiandjur SC --
West Java
Tjibubur SSC
--
West Java
Tjikampek SC
--
West Java
Tjikarang SSC
--
West Java
Tjilatjap SC
--
Middle Java
Tjilintjing SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Tjimahi SSC -- West Java
Tjipinang SC -- Greater Djakarta
Tjipinang Melaju SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Tjiratjas SSC -- Greater Djakarta
Tjirebon SC -- West Java
Tjireboh Kotabesar SC -- West Java
Tjisalok SSC -- West Java
Tjisaruah SSC -- West Java
Tjolomadju SSC -- East Java
Tjurup SSC -- South Sumatra
Tomohon SSC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Tondano SSC -- Celebes and Moluccas
Toradja, Special Committee -- Celebes and Moluccas
Trenggaleh.SC -- East Java
TrV-ep SSC -- Central Java
Tuban SC -- East Java
Tulungagun.g SC -- East Java
Umbulsari SSC -- East Java
Undjungberung SSC -- West Java
Ungaran SSC -- Middle Java
Warungdjasak SSC -- West Java
Wates SSC -- Middle Java
Wates SSC -- East Java
West Cheribon SSC -- West Java
Wonogiri SC -- Middle Java
Wonokromo SSC -- East Java
Wonosari SSC -- East Java
Wonosari SSC -- Middle Java
Wonosobo SC -- Middle Java
Wuluhan SSC -- East Java
c-8
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
CHARTS : ORGANIZATION OF THE PKI
1. The Communist Party
of Indonesia
3. A PKI Subnational Unit
4. PKI-Front Relationship
(North Sumatra, October
1953)
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
1. ORCIANTZATION OF* THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDONESIA (PKI)
MAY 1955
National Party Congress
(Kongres Nasional Partai)
Central Committee
(Central Comite)
Politburo, Pleno, Secretariat
Special
Commissions
Departments
North Sumatra PC*
(Provcom Sumatera
Utara)
Central Sumatra PC
(Provcom Sumatera
Tengah)
South Sumatra PC
(Provcom Sumatera
Selatan)
West Borneo PC
Provcom Kalimantan
Barat)
East Borneo PC
Provcom Kalimantan
Timur)
South Borneo PC
Provcom Kalimantan
Selatan)
West Java PC
(Provcom Djawa
Barat)
Middle Java PC
(Provcom Djawa
Tengah)
East Java PC
(Provcom Djawa
Timur)
Greater Djakarta (Provcom Djakarta
Raja)
Celebes/Moluccas PC
(Provcom Sulawesi/
Maluku)
Section Committees
(Secom2)
Subsection
Committees
(Subsecom2)
Resort Committees
(Recom2)
Groups (Grup2
* Provincial Committee D-1 **Not required
Approved For Release 1999/08/24 Q2646R000300150001-8
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 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
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Approved For Release 19 - 646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
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Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
4. TYPICAL ORGANIZATION OF PKI-FRONT RELATIONSHIP
(NORTH SUMATRA, OCTOBER 1953)
CENTRAL
COMMITTEE
PKI
SARBUPRI
F-7--
Labor Dept.
(sOBSIf
c9KA 11;j seee,nDA
1
ANBUPRI SHKB PPpBM1
*Te:minology now changed from KCC to Proveom; SC to Secom; OSC to Subsecom; RC to Recom.
**Different publications of the same name.
SAKTI pTi
danita
Rak'at
j- i
Publications, Newspapers
and Magazines Commission
9lnteng
e rar
Dem bikes
PcladJar
Culture
Dept.
Netlonel
Economy
Dept.
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
BIOGRAPHIC DATA ON PKI LEADERS
:1. D. N. Aidit
2. M. H. Lukman
3. Njoto
nxriwr?r,T.rtr.N : _ _
Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
 Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8
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Approved For Release 1999/08/24: CIA-RDP78-02646R000300150001-8