THE AFRO-ASIAN PEOPLES SOLIDARITY ORGANIZATION FROM APRIL 1960 - APRIL 1961
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CIA-RDP78-00915R001300050007-5
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S
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Document Creation Date:
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Document Release Date:
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Publication Date:
June 15, 1961
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THE AFRO-ASIAN PEOPLES
SOLIDARITY ORGANIZATION
FROM APRIL 1960-APRIL 1961
py
O h"U iL ~dO E FROM FILE
15 June 1961
pprov a
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THE AFRO-ASIAN PEOPLES SOLIDARITY ORGANIZATION
PRcM.APRILi 1960 APRIL i196]..:.r
Note: The :uarne.s in this paper 1ollow1 the
spelling used by the Afro-Asian organization and may
vwry from the correct spelling.
15 ,:Jun.., 1.961
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Introduction and Conclusions
1. This paper describes the activities and developments of
the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organization from April 1960
to April 1961. From those activities and developments it is
possible to draw the following conclusionso
a. The AAPSO has moved far towards becoming a
.conventional international Communist front, as the following
evidence shows. The Communist eleamaent has gained control
of the organization at the expense of the UAIi.. The policy.
making and administration procedures have been tightened to
prevent individual control and influence. The AAPSO is now
emphasizing political agitation at the national level in ruppoirt
of .Soviet bloc policies on the international issues of anti-
.ir4perialistn and anti -colonialism.
b. The, .capacity of the AAPSO as a pro-Communist and
ari ?anti-Western instrument has increased greatly since mid-
1960, anal its use has been sharply increased.
c. The AAPSO Activities in Africa and its propaganda
policies on African questions are being coordinated with those
of the All African Peoples Conference through individuals
holding .official positions in both organizations and through
consultaations, on a regular basis, between the two permanent
organizations. These regular consultations, proposed by the
Soviet AAPSO delegation at Bandung, provide a channel for
exerting Sino-Soviet bloc influence, within the AAPC, from which
organization the Sino-Soviet bloc is necessarily excludeds
d. The proposed enlarging of the AAPSO field of
operations to encompass Latin America may, if successfully
carried through, result in the AAPSO?s changing into a world-
wide anti-imperialist, anti-colonial front organization of the
international Communist movement, in which the peace struggle
ixi the underdeveloped world can be centered.
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IT. Background
2. The Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organization, initially
an offshoot o4 the Communist World Peace Movement, held its
first meeting in Cairo in December 197 and was then ostensibly
dedicated to, ogordinating the efforts of African and Asian peoples
for cultural and economic development and for the struggle against
colonialism. In its early stages the AAPSO activities were. dis-
rupted by conflicts between Communist and anti-Communist
members and also by conflicts among the Communists themselves.
These conflicts were exacerbated by Nasser's anti-Communist
campaign of early 1959 and by the $ino-Indian border dispute in
late 1959. Accordingly the work of the AAPSO was slowed down
and until mid-1960 the effectiveness of the organization was
seriously in doubt. At this time the -atmosphere changed abruptly
and, with strong Communist support, the AAPSQ started. to n ove
forward with new strength.
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3. Structure of the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organization
gn April 1961).
AAPSO, meets biennually
(estimated at 50 plus).
Composition: 1. National Solidarity Committees
(33 exist)
2. Other affiliated national organizations
AAPSO Council, meets annually
Composition: 1 member from each national member
organization
AAPSO Executive Committ , meets semi-annuAUy*
Composition: 27 members from specific countries
designated by the council
Fund Committee, meets
4 times'a year
Compo stion:. ,7 executive
committee members from
specific countries designated
by executive committee
(in permanent session)
(Financial) Control Committee,
meets semi-anzry
Composition: 3 executive
committee members from
specific countries designated
by executive committee
AAPSO Permanent Secretariats
Secretary general and 11 national nacre
tariee selected ,by national cpmmittees
from specific countries designated by
executive committee
(47 employees)
'or membership see Appendix.
3
b?a~e.~+..w
Women's Section:
members representing
Algeria, Indone aii,
UAR, Japan, North
Vietnam, Guinea.
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4. The Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organization (AAPSO)
has become increasingly active since the calling of the executive
committee meeting in Beirut in November 1960. Differences
among the three leading factions on the secretariat, i. e. , Soviets,
Chinese, and UAR representatives, have been soft-pedalled and
the thi ee groups are working in apparent harmony, although
with increasing dominance of the Communists, in support of radical
liberation movements and against neo-colonialism in the newly
independent nations.
5.. This renewed.vigor has manifested itself in an enlarged-
permanent secretariat, increasing financial support of the
secretariat, resumption of publication activity after a lapse of
about six months, and the adoption of a full program of projected
meetings and propaganda releases. These efforts are being
strongly supported by the work of the Soviet, Chinese, Japanese,
and, Indian national solidarity committees.
III. Major International Events
A. The Conakry Conference
6. The lowest ebb of the organization since its founding
In December 1957 was reached just before the Conakry conference
of April 1960. Members of the permanent secretariat were in
repeated conflict: the Indian secretary Malaviya, till then the
sparkplug of the Secretariat, had made several gestures of
resignation; the Chinese were both blocking decisions and
strengthening their hand in the secretariat (while the Chinese
secretary had absented himself from Cairo for long periods
of time, the first Japanese secretary arrived in Cairo with
Chinese aid in late March); and complaints from the Communist
element concerning the UAR secretary general and the political
climate of Cairo were frequent. Preparations for the Conakry
conference were made amidst much wrangling. Indeed, for
a time it was uncertain whether a meeting would take place at
all and even. whether the organization in its present form would
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continue. The conference finally convened on 11 April 1960, owing
probably to. the reluctance of any one faction to take the onus of
breaking it up.
7. The results of the conference underlined the areas
of compatibility and the areas of conflict. All the delegates
easily agreed on a spate of anti-imperialist, anti-western reso-
lutions including promises of specific support for individual
liberation movements. The validity of the original constitution
of the organization was reaffirmed but difficulties arose in
dealing with other organizational problems, the major bone of
contention being the composition and location of the permanent
secretariat. Designations of countries to be represented on
the permanent secretariat, caused dissension but a decision
was finally reached with the choice of the following: UAR,
(the secretary general), Algeria, Cameroons, China, Congo
(Belgian) Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iraq, Japan, Uganda, .: .
and USSR. The LIAR, however, was adamant in insisting
t4 at it retain both the office of secretary, general and the seat
oft .e secretariat. The Communists, particularly the Chinese,
were eager to diminish the influence of Nasr. After considerable
discussion, a compromise was reached. Cairo wag to be
retained as headquarters and the UAR.secretary general remained
in offic.e, _ but an executive committee of 27 members elected,~ay .:;
the council; and scheduled to meet semi-annually or whenever
necessary was set up to direct the work of the secretariat, which
had hitherto been virtually autonorx ous.
8. During the period that followed, the fate of the
movement hung in the balance. The Soviet and Chinese national
sec:*tarie * returned home. No payments were forwarded to
Cairo for the use of. the permanent secretariat and, consequently,
National secretaries are synonomons with national repre-
sentatives on the permanent secretariat.
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work of the organization slowed down to a bare minimum.
9. In August a decision apparently was reached by the
Communists to continue their support of the AAPSO. At this
time the USSR's Abd-al-Ghaffar Rashidov returned to his post
in Cairo and late in the same month the Soviet semi-annual
contribution to the AAPSO of LE 5000, delinquent. since May,
was paid. A partial Chinese payment (LE 3000 of the LE 5000)
due since May was received in Cairo on 10 September.
10. Beginning also at this period, new national
secretaries started to report for duty in Cairo. Ibrahim Issa,
a member of the PKI, came from Indonesia, Ahmed Zimmerlin,
described by a well placed source as a Communist who always
associates with Rashidov, Chu, and Issa, arrived to represent
Algeria; and Antoine Awassi, a member of the Mouvement
Nationale Congolais, Lumumba faction, filled the post assigned
to the Congo. More recently Camara Bengaly of the Guinean
Par.tr Democratique, Paul Sekasi, a pro-Communist member
of the Uganda National Congress, and M. Kallimulla, a
member of the Indian Communist Party, filled the secretariat
;seats allotted to their countries.
Li. In early October invitations were sent out for a
Meeting of the new executive committee to be held in Beirut
on LO November 1960.
B. Beirut Executive Committee Meeting
12. This meeting convened in Unesco Hall, Beirut,
with delegates from 20 bi the 27 designated countries present.
From the start the Soviet and Chinese delegations were active
and set the tone for the sessions and for the final directives
and resolutions.
13. Important organizational and procedural changes
were made which furthered the trend started at Conakry to
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enhance the position of the Communist group at the expense of
the UAR. These changes included the transfer of certain
functions from the secretariat and, within the secretariat,
the strengthening of the position of the Communist and pro-
Communist national secretaries relative to that of the secretary
general. Two special committees were set up to handle the
finances of the AAPSO.
14. A fund committee, to be composed of representatives
from China, Guinea, Indonesia, Cameroons, Morocco, UAR,
and USSR was authorized to ascertain the material needs of
affiliated organizations in their struggle against imperialism
and to find the means "to satisfy these needs and sustain the
fund." This committee was directed to elect itw own president
and two vice presidents and to meet regularly, - at least three
times a year. All decisions of the committee were to be
by majority vote, four members constituting a quorum.
Requests and offers with regard to the fund were to be made
either through the permanent secretariat or dj,rectly to the
committee. The fund committee was made responsible to the
executive committee, to whom it was directed to submit an
activity report at each meeting of the executive committee;
however, the fund, committee between meetings of the executiv;C
committee is virtually autonomous. The first meeting of
the fund committee was scheduled to be held in Conakry under
the patronage of the Democratic Party of Guinea.
15. Further to remove financial authority from the
permanent secretariat, a control commission subordinate to the
executive. committee was formed to examine the accounts of
the permanent secretariat on the eve of each meeting of the
executive committee, to which it will submit a report on the
financial situation of the organization. Representatives of
the. following countries were chosen to serve on the control
commission: Kenya, Morocco, North Vietnam.
16. In order, apparently, to emphasize executive committee
control over the permanent secretariat a document entitled
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Internal Regulations of the Permanent Secretariat was drawn up
which described the secretariat as i4i llint_ethatibnal :boA.3tidntltled
to implement the decisions and resolutions adopted by the executive
committee to whom the secretariat is collectively responsible."
The regulations then listed the specific functions delegated to the
secretariat by the executive committee. The emphasis on
"collective responsibility" further weakened the authority of the
secretary general.
17. In addition to these organizational decisions the
executive committee, despite some reported opposltion,paa sod
35 resolutions, all violently anti-imperialist, anti-American,
and anti-neo-colonialist. Heavy stress was laid on the theme
of imperialist economic penetration and the importance tad,'
imperialists "of colonized and semi-colonized countries.., since
imperialism depends upon them for raw materials for the sale
of its industrial products and for the investment of its capital. "
18. The resolutions for specific countries. recommended
increased political pressure by the people on their governments
to liberate themselves from U.S. imperialism, edg., "The.
executive committee strongly supports the struggle of the Japanese
people to destroy the U. S. -Japan military pact, to liberate itself
from USA imperialism to liquidate the U. S. military bases and
to liberate Okinawa and.restore it to Japanese sovereignty."
190' Furthermore, national political opposition was
supported even where a government had moved far toward
neutrality. This is shown in the.following statements: "The
executive committee salutes the National Union of Popular
Forces in Morocco for expressing its denunciation for the
agreement signed on 1 September 1960 between the government
of Morocco and the president of the French government in'
coiiihection with military bases in the form of military schools;sr,
The committee supports the Moroccan people in their struggle
for complete independence in order to eradicate the remnants
of the imperialist and feudalist system in Morocco."
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20. The regulations also outlined in detail the, functions
of the secretary general and the national secretaries, 'bringing
out the equal importance of the national secretaries and the
secretary general, They underlined repeatedly the collective
responsibility of the secretariat. For example Article III,
Section 2, of the regulations state that "the responsibility
/of the permanent secretariat/ is collective. in all its activities.,,"
Article III, Section 6, says that "all statements and-documents
to be published should be issued by the secretary general 'in
the name of the secretariat After the agreement of the board
of secretaries."
21. The freedom of action of individual national
secretaries is assured in Article III, Section 8, which states:
"Any member of the board of secretaries, if necessary, i., e. ,
interviews, meetings, etc., may express his opinion in his
capacity as a member of the secretariat and inconformity
with the aims and objectives of the organization.
'22. Finally, the regulations require a board ,of
'treasury to prepare the secretariat budget for submission
to the executive committee. The members of the board consist
of "the secretary general and two secretaries acting collectivelly,"
thus,enhancing the chances for budget control by the pro-Cam riuni-sit
element rather than by the Egyptian secretary general-.*
.23. Although there were reports of ideological "differences
between the Soviet delegation, which allegedly wanted th.-e therrxe
of the conference to be "peaceful coexistence and ending the
cold war"_and the Chinese, who preferred "liquidation of irnperialifrn, ri
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a Sino-Soviet compromise was apparently reached and both slogans
were incorporated, side by side, into the final resolutions.
24. There was, in--fact, no inherent contradiction
between the two views. For example, Resolution 7 emphasizes
the Chinese line: "The executive committee reaffirms its be-
lief that the struggle of peoples against colonialism and its
remnants is one of the main elements in establishing the principlec
of independence and permanent peace." Resolutton 8, following
the general Khrushchev line, says t'the committee calls upon all
independent countries of the world to cooperate among themselves
in the spirit of the five principles of peaceful coexistence which
means that different political, social, and economic systems
can peacefully coexist. It means at the same time that they
will direct their efforts towards putting an end to the cold. fwar. it
The obvious difference in emphasis--a serious problem in the
World Peace Council--poses no problem for the basically anti-
imperialist AAPSO.
25, The Beirut conference ended on a note of
unanimity, with the delegates determined to push. forward more
vigorously the struggles against the imperialists. New members
were taken in, notably the Malta Labour Party and the Committee
of African Organizations in London, both of which groups are
heavily Communist infiltrated. Increased efforts were asked
of both the permanent secretariat and the national committees,
and, finally, a decision was made to hold the next AAPSOi
council and executive committee meeting in Bandung in April 1961.
26. The period between the Beirut and Bandung
meetings was an active one . AAPSO headquarters released
propaganda in quantity. These included the monthly Afro
Asian Bulletin, which reappeared after a lapse of about sic
months and a succession of inflammatory mimeographed
.statements denouncing neo-colonialism, imperialism, and.
stooges of the, west. All these were published in three
languages, Arabic, English, and French. Initially of low
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calibre, the propaganda output has improved in qua ty in relent
months. Solidarity days were declared (e..g., C.an;o day, Goa
day, and Laos day); the Fortnight Against Military Pacts and
Bases was held from 25 November to 10 December and Quit
Africa Day was celebrated on 1 December.
27. Three Afro-Asian Conferences were held in
.January, namely the Afro-Asian Writers' Bureau meeting in
Colombo, the Afro-Asian Women?s Conference in Cairo, and
the emergency session of the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity
Council also in Cairo. These meetings, although ostensibly
called for specific and different purposes, actually were
replicas of each other and of the earlier Beirut executive com9'
mittee sessions in the subjects discussed, in their general tone,
and in the proof they provide of increased Communist influence
in the Afro-Asian movement. They all stressed-their support
for radical national liberation movements and were violently
anti-west, anti-imperialist, and anti-neocolonialist.
C. Afro-Asian Writers Bureau
28. The Afro-Asian Writers Bureau met in Colombo
on 3 January 1961. The meeting, was, from the first, according
to a reliable observer, dominated by the Communists and
resulted in the following.
a. Organizational directives, e.g. 0 the setting
up of the permanent bureau of Afro-Asian Writers in Ceylon,
the decision to publish a monthly bulletin, and the appoint-
ment of an international preparatory committee with repre-.
sentative s from Algeria, Guinea, Nigeria, Somalia, ? Angola,
Kenya, North Korea, Iraq, Pakistan, and North Vietnam,
to make arrangements for the 2nd Afro-Asian Writers
Conference to be held in Cairo in late 1961.
b. A group of anti-colonialist resolutions on
the Congo; Algeria, West Irian, Laos, and the Japan-U.S.
Security Treaty.
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D. Afro-Asian. Womens Conference
.29. On 15 January the long delayed Afro-Asian Women's
Conference convened in Cairo. Preparations for the meeting
had been underway since February 1959, when Yusuf al-Sibai,
secretary general of the AAPSO permanent secretariat, on the
authority of the council called a UAR preparatory committee
for the Afro-Asian Women's Conference. Miss Bahia Karam,
then UAR member on the secretariat and head of the secretariat's
Women and Child Section (sic;,, was appointed to head the
preparatory committee. Inasmuch as the differences between
the Communists and the UAR on the secretariat were reaching
their peak at this time, it seems probable that Yusuf al-Sibai
was attempting, through manipulation of arrangements for the
woments conference, to enhance UAR organizational control
of the secretariat. Instead, however, as later events proved,
control of the woments conference was successfully taken
over by the Communist group.
30. The UAR preparatory committee met in June 1959
and resolved the following.
a. An international preparatory committee should
be convened, only three weeks before the conference,
b. Only one delegate should be invited from each
country and Miss Karam should be largely responsible for
selecting the persons.
c. The agenda should be limited to problems of
women and children and political matters should be excluded.
31. In July 1.959 Miss Karam started on a tour of
Afro-Asian countries to discuss the forthcoming women's
conference. She was warmly received by the Communist groups,
particularly in Japan and India, but was cold-shouldered by
anti-Communist woments organizations in Indonesia and Ceylon.
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On her return she announced that the conference would be held
in April. 1960 and that an international preparatory committee
representing- 19 nations would convene in.Cairo 1.. March 1960.
32. When the international preparato.r.y committee
met, it was chaired by Mrs. R. C. Nehru, wife of the
Indian ambassador in Cairo and daughter-in-law of the pro-
Communist head of the All Indian Afro-Asian Solidarity Com-;
mittee. The Soviet, Chinese, and Cameroonian delegates
dominated the conference discussions and the compromise
formulas adopted by the meeting through Mrs. Nehru's
actions opened the way in fact for a Communist take-over of
the projected conference. The following changes were made
in the original plans.
a. An item entitled the "Role of Women in the-
National Struggle for Freedom and'the Maintenance of Peace"
was added to the agenda, thus introducing the politicali element
which the' UAR had attempted to eliminate;
b. Each country was authorized to send' a.s?
many delegates as it wished at its own expense.. (The conference
would pay full expenses for one.)
c. The conference was postponed?until: S'cptember?
l?%0.to? allow more time for completing arrangements.
d. Mrs. R. C. Nehru was named chairman of
the preparatory committee.
33. When, after two more postponements,, the conference finally took place, it was strictly a political affair.
Original UARplans to concentrate on the economic,, social,
and cultural problems of women had been thwarted; these
subjects receiving sketchy treatment and no publicity. The
..final resolutions, which had been prepared by the international
preparatory committee, were indistinguishable from the usual
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anti-imperialist, anti-neo-colonialist statements issued from
international Communist meetings. The following excerpts
are examples of objectives recommended by the conference
as stated in the resolutions.
a. "The final eradication of imperialism,
colonialism, and neo-colonialism as well as the puppet govern-
ments composed of fascist and dictatorial elements."
b. "To maintain world peace, immediate total
and general disarmament and the liquidation of pacts and
military bases, cessation of nuclear experiments, and the
liquidation of arms and atomic bombs. "
co "Immediate cessation of foreign intervention
in the Congo, the, disarming of Mobutuls bands and the immediate
release of -Lumumba and his aids."
d. "Remand an ending to imperialist intervention
in Laos. h
E. Emergency AAPSO Council Meeting
34. On.21 January, in line with increasing pro-Lumumba
activity by the bloc, an emergency meeting of the AAPSO council
was called to discuss the situation in the Congo. This conference
met in Cairo and was attended by representatives of 2,9 states,
including sizeable delegations from the USSR and Chinaa In
addition to issuing a long resolution demanding that their govern-
ments give material as well as moral support to the Stanleyville
Congolese government, the council established an international
committee at AAPSO headquarters to "coordinate and centralize
aU material aid required to. support the fighters in the Congo" ?
and to,maintain contact with the Congo government in Stanleyville.
Although the Congo was, the main subject of discussion at the
emergency council meeting, other resolutions were passed.
supporting liberation movements in Algeria, Laos, Palestine,
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Yemen,- Cua, the Portuguese colonies, and Malta., At this
meeting the council also attacked specific' African overn-
rnents; the four states of the Conseil de 1'Entente (Ivory Coast)
Niger, Dahomey, Upper Volta) were denounced as instruments
of subversion and repression against the independent .African
nations. 'the council also condemned Ethiopia for the Somali
border. "massacres" and called upon her to accept a UN"
supervised referendum in the "disputed area." The violence
of these attacks was a high point of AAPSO criticisms of
1'ro-Asian governments. It is significant to note that V, G.
Korionov, long an official of the International section of the
CPSU central committee and currently believed to be its
deputy chief, attended the meeting and participated in the work.
o the Congo commission.
4APSO Fund Committee
55. The first meeting of the AAPSO fund committee,
set up in Beirut, was het.d on 21 Feb.ruary. The following
officers were elected: Ismactl Toure of Guinea, chairman; l~Ae$di
Ben Barka of Morocco and Chu Tzu-' ku. of China, vice'hc'`airmen.
The USSR was represented at the meeting by Boris G~:furov, a
member of the central Committee of the CPSU and, head of e
Institute of Asian Peoples of the USSR Academy 'of `ag ' races ~`
Q. Bandung Council Meeting,
The April 1961 meeting of the eouneil and executive
committee showed again the degree of Communist control with-
in the A.Af'SO. The arrangements for, the, sessions were in the
Stce. fund committee member @ were supposed, to be drawn'
from the'cNgcutive committee, Gafurov's participation was to the'
strict sense irregular. ut in any event, his deAgnatlon ii 'a
clear indicator of the importance placed on this committee
the Soviets.
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hands of three officers of the Indonesian committee: Sirajudin
Abbas, Bintang Suradi, and S. Munaf, Most of 'the work, how-
ever, was; done by Suradi, who, in addition to his position on
the Indonesian Afro-Asian committee, is also reportedly the
head of the international department of the Indonesian Cor=zniunist
Party. The expenses, estimated in a budget prepared by the
permanent secretariat at approximately LE 30, 000, were to
be taken care of by equal contributions from the UAR, Soviet
Union, and China, supplemented by smaller sums from Guinea,
Mongolia, North Korea, and North Vietnam. Chu Tzu-chi,
the Chinese representative on the permanent secretariat,
also offered to make up any deficit.
37. There were delegates from 43 countries and
dependent territories and observers from the All African
Peoples Conference, the WPC Liaison Bureau for Asia and
Pacific Regions, the World Peace Council itself, and the
Instituto Cubano de Amistad a los Pueblos.
38. The proceedings and resolutions of the +
conference showed that the Communists were in fact dictating
the policy of the organization. Whereas at.Conakry concessions
were made to the neutralists, e.g., deleting specific mention
of western organizations such as SEATO, NATO, and CENTO,
the Bandung meeting centered its attacks on neo-colonialism
and singled out the United.States and the above -mentioned treaty
organizations, as well as the UN, as principal targets. The
following excerpts from specific resolutions illustrate the tone
of the meeting.
a. Resolution on the Congo. 1'The Afro-Asian
Peoples Solidarity Council, , , condemns ,the; crimes committed
by Americans, Belgians, French, British and their allies
of NATO against the Congo.., under the cover of the United
For further details on AAPSO-AAPC relfions see part
IV -4, 5, and 8.
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Nations.. , /the AAPSC_/ condemns the executive authorities of
the UNO. 11 This resolution epitomizes the intensification of
pressure on the neutralists and the dilemza. in which they find
themselves as a result of their identification with this organi-
zation.
b. Resolution on Korea. The resolution Qr
Korea also demands complete support for the militant, Chinese-
endorsed Communist line on Korea. The AAPSC "fully supports
the just struggle of the Korean people for achieving the unification
of the country by making the U. S. imperialist aggressive troops
withdraw from South Korea... In order to give an active support
to the struggle of the people of north and south Korea... decides
that the period from 25 June when the U. S. imperialists provoked
the Korean war to-1 July will be the week of joint struggle for
the withdrawal of the U. S. imperialist aggressive troops from
South Korea. "
39. Communist strength within the AAPSO was evident
in council directives to national affiliates demanding the exertion
of pressure at the governmental level. For example, the
resolution on Angola recommends "that all Afro-Asian organi-
zations exert pressure on the states of Africa and Asia that
maintain relations with the Portuguese government to sever all
relations with this colonialist country." Similarly, the resolution
on British Afro-Asian dependent states says "the Afro -Asian
member states of the British Commonwealth of Nations should
demand Britain to grant immediate independence to the British
Afro-Asian dependent states... , This failing, the Afro-Asian
member states of the British Commonwealth should withdraw
from the British Commonwealth. "
40. The Communist reason for applying these
pressures at this time cannot be determined, but it does coincide
with pressures being exerted at the present time by the Com-
munists on certain of the participating countries (e.g., UAR
and Iraq),
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41. Orgahizationally the council approved the decision
of the Beirut executive committee on the formation of the fund
committeeand hailed the results of the first fund appeal, which
showed contributions of approximately $100,,000. The largest
amount came from Communist China although sizeable contri.
butions were made by the USSR, tlxe UAR and Indonesia.
42. To solidify the partnership between the All
African Peoples Conference and the Afro-Asian Peoples
Solidarity Organization the Soviet delegate suggested that the
.two organizations should work together smoothly and that to
this end there should be regular changes of views between
representatives of each group. The proposal was accepted by
the meeting.
43. An expansion of the AAPSO to include participation
by Latin Americans was suggested by the Ceylon delegate and
was later approved by the council. A meeting of the permanent
secretariat on 20 May discussed the recommendation of the
council and decided to form a committee to make contact with
organizations in Latin America as a preliminary step towards
holding an Afro-Asian Latin American meeting.
44. Sino-Soviet differences at the conference were.
evident in the preliminary discussions. The Chinese, for
example, wanted to include a resolution stating specifically
that the UN served only the imperialists and that Haxnmarskjold
should be branded as a traitor. The Soviet delegate,. on the
other hand, preferred a resolution calling for the reorganization
of the UN. The Chinese line was followed by the delegates of
Algeria. Zanzibar, Japan, Sudan (Ahmad Mohammed .Kheir),
and Guinea while the Soviets were supported by Pakistan,
Indonesia, Iran, India and Niger., The final resolution, a
compromise written by:, Fouad..Galal, strongly criticized the
UN but called for its reorganization rather. than its liquidation.
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45. As was the case at the Afro-Asian 'Women's
Conference and at the November meeting in Beirut, the Sino-Soviet
differences at Bandung mainly involved questions of emphasis.
The compromise formulas finally adopted, while stronger than
the original Soviet language and weaker ;than that offered by the
Chinese, incorporated the essential point of each. It cannot be
excluded that in this Afro-Asian solidarity context the soft:
Soviet and hard Chinese original proposals were both consciously
put forward for tactical purposes.
H. Executive Committee Meeting
46. Members of .the executive committee met on
13 April immediately after the end of the council sessibns. They
approved the budget of the permanent secretarie.t. They also
continued to whittle-away at remnants of UAR control by
establishing a'"Section for Women's Affairs' to take the place
of the original women's group headed by, Bahia Karam, of the
UAR. The new committee will be organized with members from
the following countries: Algeria, Indonesia, UAR, Japan,
.North VietnamA an Guinea.
47. The committee then urged the revival of a youth
section which should "undertake-contacts with all youth organi-
zations in Africa and Asia through the national solidarity
movements.'' Finally a decision was reached to hold the next
executive committee meeting, scheduled for November 1961 in
Gaza.
IV , National Committee Activities
48. I addition to activity on the international level AAPSO
objectives are furthered.locally by national committees affiliated
with the AAPSO. _ These committees, within their own countries,
function similarly to the AAPSO permanent secretariat, i. e. ,
they hold conferences, issue solidarity statements, organize
rallies, and are in fact lobbies for the promotion of AAPSO
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aims.. They are also expected to send money to. AAPSO headquarters,
?'delegates to AAPSO meetings, and officials, when requested, to
fill AAPSO offices.
49. The Soviet and Chinese committees are the strongest
and,most effective of these groups and also provide approximately
two-thirds of the regular income of the AAPSO Secretariat.
'Within the free World the two most active committees during
1960-1961 were those of India and Japan. Both of these committees
are Communist controlled and give strong support to AAPSO
propaganda themes. Owing to the different conditions in India
and Japan and to the differences between the two national com-
mittees, the Indian committee has, since its emergence in
1955, tended to stress the Soviet-advocated peaceful coexistence
and disarmament line while the Japanese committee, which
emerged only in 1957, appears to prefer the Chinese line of
militant support for liberation struggles. Both the Indian and
Japanese committees are now represented on the AAPSO
permanent secretariat by members of the Communist parties.
50. The Indonesian committee, which was the host of
the Bandung AAPSO council and executive committee meeting,
though divided in membership between Communists and anti-
Communists since its creation in 1957, is also influential within
the movement and has recently been strengthened by the backing
it has received from President Sukarno and by the general
hardening of the anti-colonialist aspect of Indonesian foreign
policy.
51. The Iraq committee was most active in AAPSO
affairs before June 1959, when the Communists by a slim
margin lost their control of the group. In July 1960 Communist
influence was further reduced, and,.since that time Iraq has
given little support to the AAPSO. Iraq, however,, is represented
RSA the AAPSO executive committee and since 1957 has had a
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position assigned to it (which it has never filled) on the permanent
secretariat. The division within the Iraq committee has become
most noticeable at AAPSO conferences, which are generally
attended by both the anti-Communist Hasaann 2akaria and the
.Communist Aziz Sharif. At recent meetings Zakaria has been
accepted as the nominal delegation head, but Sharif has b,ee
much more active and, apparently, influential with the other
participants,
B. Africa
52. In Africa, the national committees are smaller
and less effective. In fact they are merely points of contact
with AAPSO headquarters; but the work ordinarily expected of
national committees is, in Africa, taken over by nationalist
parties and freedom movements. These organizations, all
anti-colonialist and most of them anti-west,. support AAPSO
measures and their members hold official, positions in the
AAPSO., For example, the Union des Populations Camer
ounaise s, the Uganda National Congress, the Front de Liberation
Nationale (Algeria), the Mouvement Nationale Congolais
Lumumba, and the Party Democratique Guineen are all
represented on the permanent secretariat.
C. R 2.ations with AAPC
53, In addition to its assocfatkon with these nationalist
groups, the AAPSO is working closely with the All African
Peoples Conference, In his report to the April 1961 Bandung
Council meeting Yusuf al Sibai, AAPSO secretary general said:
."Close ,cooperation has been a stablished between our or,g. ,ni,'zatior
For Africans represented on the AAPSO, executive
committee see Appendix.
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and the brotherly organization of the 1311 African Peoples
Conference. Exchange of membership between our directing
.bodies has ,been agreed upon."
54. At the present time 6 persons are members of
,both the AAPSO executive committee and the AAPC steering
committee. a~ Moreover at the time of their deaths, John sale
of Uganda acid Patrice Lumumba of the Congo also held dual
offices. AAPSO observers also attend all AAPC meetings and
the expenses of Abdoulaye Diallo, secretary general of the
AAPC, who was an observer at the AAPSO council meeting,
were paid by the AAPSO.
V. Summary
55. This review of the activities and developments
of the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Organization from April
.1960 to Apri1.1961 shows that the AAPSO is now controlled by
the Communists and their supporters' and has become a strong
anti-Western farce in Africa and Asia. It is able to "Supply,
a rostrum for the spread of propaganda, to effect persona..
contact tween Communists and uncommitted Afro-Aoians,
and to provide opportunities for the Communist bloc, under
neutralist cover, to influence the policies of non--committed
governments in Africa and Asia. 'The AA.PSO also plans to
extend its activities to Latin America and it is likely that in
the dear future Ae SO',activities will affect the unco rimitted
countries in both her=spilier?e s.
For names see Appendix.
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Appendix
AAPSO Executive Committee
Elected at
Attended
Attended
Conakry Meeting
Beirut Meeting
Bandung Meeting*
Algeria
Omar Fanon
Harbi Mohamed
All Lakhdari
Cameroons
Ernest Ouandie
Ernest Ouandie
China
Chu Tzu-chi
Chu TzuCchi
Liu Ning-yi
Congo
Patrice Lumumba
Jean Manpunga
Ghana
Nathaniel Welbeck
Guinea
Ismael Toure
Camara.Bengaly
Camara B eng aly
India
Rame shwari Nehru
Gyan Chand
Gyan Chand
Indonesia
Sunito
Sirajuddin Abbas
Iran
Dr. A. Etebar
Dr. A. Etebar
Mr. Hoveyda
Iraq
Aziz Sharif
Hasan Zakaria
Hasan Zakaria
Japan
Kashiro Okakura
Shigeo. Sato
Shizuma Kai
Kenya
Oginga Odinga
H. S. Gathigira
Oyangi Mbaya
Lebanon
Hashem el Houseini
Kamal Jumblatt
Aba s Michel Khalaf
Liberia
T. 0. Do sumo Johnson
T. 0. Do sumo Johnson
Mongolia
Peure jal Coumbadre
:Dondogyn Tsevegnid,
Morocco
Mehdi Ben Barka
Mehdi Ben Barka
-Mehdi Ben Barka
N. Korea
Han Sul Ya
Li T san
N. Vietnam
Xuan Thux
'Pham Jiang
Hoang Quoc Viet
Pakistan
Miraj Khaled
Miraj Khaled
Somalia
Mohammed Harbi
Abdulaziz Narhe r si
Ali Abdullahi Ibrahim
S. Rhodesia
Joshua Nkomo
T. Malan Wlez-adika.
T. Malan Silundika
Southwest
Africa
J. Kozonguizi
J. 'Kozonguizi
Tunisia
Ahmed Tlilli
Chaker Abdel Majid
Ma,bmoud Marnouri
UAR
Fouad Galal
Fouad Galas
Fouad Galas
.:USSR
Mirzo Tursun-Zade
Mirzo Tursun-Zade
Mirzo Tursun-Zade
Uganda
Joseph Kiwanuka
Joseph Kiwanuka
Joseph Kiwanuka
Yernan
Ahmed Moham&c~S.:
Ibrahim All Wazir
Ahmed,Mohame d
There is no official list of persons who attended the Bandung executive
committee meeting. ' The persons listed above are the heads of delegations,
to the Bandung council meeting and probably also represented their
countries at the committee meeting.
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II. Permanent Secretariat of the AAPSO
1. Secretary general
UAR.: Yusuf al-Sibai
2. National secretaries
Algeria: Ahmed Zimmerlin.,Wra Minwar Hasan A?dullali
Communist China: Chu Tzu-chi
Japan: Maser; Kitazawa
Cameroon: ?Osende Afana
1 Congo: Antoine Awassi
Uganda: Paul Sekasi
USSR: Abd al Ghaffar Rashidov
Indonesia: Ibrahim Issa
Guinea; Camara.Bengaly
India: (Fnu) Kalirnulla
(unfilled place designated to Iraq)
III. Dual office holders
The following persons who have represented their countries
at one or mgre meetings of -the AAPSQ.,executive committee are
also members of the steering committee of the, A-11 African Peoples
Conference.
Ismael Toure (Guinea)
T. 0. Dosurno Johnson (Liberia)
Ali Abdullahi Ibrahim (Somalia)
Chaker Abdel Majid (Tunisia)
Joshua Nkomo (Southern Rhodesia)
Fouad Galai (UAR)
Abdoulaye Diallo, secretary general of the All African Peoples
Conference regularly attends Afro-Asian.Peoples Solidarity con.
ferences as an observer.
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.AAPSO-.AA4.PC
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AVINKow
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